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PUBLIC ECONOMY OF ATHENS,

THE

PUBLIC ECONOMY OF ATHENS;

TO WHICH IS ADDED,

A DISSERTATION

THE SILVER MINES OF LAURION.

AUGUSTUS BOECKH,

PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN;
TRANSLATED BY

GEORGE CORNEWALL LEWIS, Esq., A.M.,

LATE STUDENT OF CHRIST CHURCH.

SECOND EDITION, REVISED.

^ LONDON :

JOHN W. PARKER, WEST STRAND.

M.DCCC.XLII.

LONDON :
HARBISON AND CO., PKINTKKS,

ST. martin's I-AXK.

h:5

THE TRANSLATOR'S

PREFACE.

The work, of which a translation is now offered to the
English public, was published by Professor Boeckh at
Berlin in the year 1817. The present translation is
substantially a reprint of that which was published in
1828; but I have carefully revised the whole; and more-
over, the text has been throughout compared with the
original by Dr. Leonhard Schmitz, a philologer well
skilled in both languages, from whom the public may
shortly expect a translation of the third volume of
Niebuhr's Roman History.

The author appended to the original work a collection
of inscriptions, illustrating various departments of the
public economy of the Athenian state, and accompanied
with an ample commentary. These inscriptions have,
how^ever, been all included in the Corpus Liscriptionum
GrcBcarum, subsequently published by Professor Boeckh,
where he has repeated the substance of his former com-
mentary, with such modifications as subsequent reflection
or research suggested ; and has moreover, in several
instances, followed more accurate transcripts than those
to which he had access at the time of his first publica-
tion. I have therefore omitted these inscriptions from
the present translation ; and the references to these and
other Greek inscriptions in the notes have been altered

by the insertion of tlie numbers in the author's Corpus
Inscriptiomini. In a few instances tlie author has, in the
latter work, seen reason for modifying his first opinions :
these corrections liave been inserted in the notes at
their proper places.

In connexion with the subject of inscriptions, I may
here mention that, in the course of his work, the author,
in sj)eaking of the tenure of public land in Attica, has occa-
sion to quote a proposal or advertisement of a lease, from
the original document engraved on stone and still extant*.
The inscri[)tion is given in the Appendix from a very
incorrect transcript made by Chandler, several of whose
errors are there rectified. It has since been published
in a more correct form by the author in his collection of
inscriptions ; but as the copy which he has used is in
many parts very defective, there still remained some
difficulties which he could not overcome. As the
inscription is preserved in the British ]\Iuseum, I have
made a more accurate copy of it, and taken the liberty
of arranging the version in the text, partly according to
the latest improvements of the author himself, partly
according to what appeared on the inspection of the
stone to admit of no doubt.

The Dissertation upon the Silver JVIines of Laurion,
of which a translation is given in this volume, was
published separately by Professor Boeckh, in the
Memoirs of the Berlin Academy. It is frequently
referred to in the notes to his chief work ; and, notwith-
standing the abridgment given in the third bookf, may
be considered as an interesting, if not necessary, addition
to it.

Book iii. cli. 2. Compare the note, p. 4(57. t Cli. :h.

Vll

In addition to his Collection of Greek Inscriptions,
the author has, since the appearance of the present
work, published two treatises closely connected with
some of the subjects which it comprehends.

The first of these is entitled, " Metrological Enquiries
concerning the Weights, Coins, and ^Measures of Anti-
quity*." It includes a full investigation of the subjects
which are more summarily discussed in the first chapters
of the first book of the Economy of Athens.

The second contains a series of Inscriptions, re-
cently copied by JNIr. Ludwig Ross, a professor at the
University of Athens, which relate to the maritime
administration of the Athenian state. The inscriptions
are illustrated with a detailed commentary, and some
elaborate dissertations are prefixed, in which the prin-
cipal subjects of the inscriptions are fully explained ;
and in particular, the additional information on the
trierarchy, to be derived from the new inscriptions, is
collected and examined, with reference to the explana-
tion of that branch of the Athenian administration
which had been given in his previous workf .

The subsequent discoveries of Attic inscriptions, and
the great activity of the recent German writers in the
field of ancient Greek literature and history, have,
however, served generally to confirm the results of the
author's work, and have only suggested the development
of subordinate parts, or the rectification of unimportant
errors.

* " Metrologisclie Untersuchungen
iiber Gewichte, Miinzfiisse und ]Masse
des Alterthums in ihrem Zusaminen-
hauge." Berlin, 1838; 1 vol. 8vo.
pp. 481 .

t See b. iv. ch. 11 — 15. The work

is entitled, " Urkunden (iber das
Seewesen des Attischen Staates, her-
gestellt und erlautert von August
Bockh." Berlin, 1840 ; 1 vol. 8vo.
pp. 579.

Vlll THE TRANSLATOR S PREFACE.

Even if it were the province of a translator to pass
any judgment on the work which he translates, it would
be superfluous for nie to commend a book of which the
reputation is firmly established amongst the students of
Greek antiquity. I will only, in conclusion, express my
regret that no person should hitherto have attempted to
write a work, of similar comprehension and research,
upon the interesting subject of the Public Economy of
the Roman 8tate.

London, May^ 1842.

CONTENTS.

BOOK I.

ON THE PRICES OF COMMODITIES, WAGES OF LABOUR, RENT

OF LAND AND HOUSES, AND PROFITS OF STOCK,

IN ATTICA.

I.
IL

III.

IV.

VI.

VII.

VIII.

IX.

XI.

XII.

XIII.

XIV.

XV.

XVI.

XVII.

XVIII.
XIX.

XX.

XXL
XXII.

XXIII.
XXIV.

Introduction ......

Subject of the First Book stated. Gold and Silver the

Standard of Prices .....

Gradual increase in the quantity of the Precious Metals in

Greece .......

Of the Silver Money, and the Silver Talent in particular

Of the Gold Coins, and the Gold Talent

The Prices of Gold and other Metals compared with that

of Silver ......

Population of Attica .....

Agriculture, and Native Products of Attica

Foreign Trade of Attica .....

Cheapness of Commodities in Ancient Greece

Prices of Land and Mines in Attica ....

Prices of Houses in Attica .....

Prices of Slaves ......

Prices of Horses, Cattle, Sheep, and other animals .
Prices of Corn and Bread .....

Prices of Wine, Oil, Salt, and Wood

The Meals of the Athenians ; and the Prices of Meat,

Birds, Fish, Vegetables, Honey, and other Articles of

Food .......

The Prices of Clothing, Shoes, and Ointment

The Prices of Household Furniture, Implements, Arms,

and Ships ......

On the Sum necessary for the Support of a Family in

Attica, and its relation to the National Wealth
Wages of Labour in Attica .....
Interest of Money in Attica. Money Changers and
Bankers. Loans on Mortgage ....
Loans upon Bottomry .....
Rent of Land and Houses in Attica
Note [A]

6
14
21

27
30
40
46
60
62
64
67
73
77
98

101
104

106

109
116

123
132
140
144

CONTENTS.

BOOK II.

ON THE FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION AND EXPENDITURE
OF THE ATHENIAN STATE.

the Public Revenue and
On the Heads of Expen-

CHAPTKR

I. The Comparative Importance of the Financial Management
in Ancient and Modern States . . . .

II. Subject of the Second, Third, and Fourth Books, stated
III. Supreme Authorities for the Financial Administration ;
the People and the Senate. Subordinate Authorities .
IV. The Apodectae, or Receivers . . . .

V. The Treasurer of the Goddess, and of the other Gods
VI. The Manager of the Public Revenue, or Treasurer of the
Administration. Subordinate Collectors
VII. The Hellenotamife ; the Funds for War, and the Funds for
the Theorica ......

VIII. The Clerks and Checking-Clerks. System of Public
Accountability and Audit ....

IX, How far a regular comparison of
Expenditure was instituted,
diture .......

X. The Public Buildings .....

XI. The Police. The Scythian Bowmen
XII. Celebration of Festivals and Sacrifices

XIII. Donations to the People .....

XIV. Pay of the Members of the Public Assembly, and of the

Senate ......

XV. Pay of the Courts of Justice . . .

XVJ . On certain other Persons receiving Salaries from the Public

Revenue . .

XVIT. Relief of the Destitute .....

XVIII. Public Rewards

XIX. Arms, Ships, and Cavalry, provided by the State
XX. Approximate Estimate of the Ordinary Expenditure
the Extraordinary Expenses in general
XXI. Military Force of Athens ....
XXII. Pay and Provisioning of the Army and Navy

XXIII. Et^uipment of the Fleet. Implements for Sieges .

XXIV. Estimate of the War Expenditure of Athens

147
152

153
159
IGO

164

176

184

199
201
206
209
216

226
232

237
242
246
249

252
254
272
288
289

CONTENTS,

BOOK III.

ON THE ORDINARY REVENUES OF THE ATHENIAN STATE.

CHAPTER
I.

II.

III.

IV.

VI.

VII.

VIII.

IX.

XII.

XIII.

XIV.
XV.

XVI.

XVII.

XVIII.

XIX.

XX.

XXI.

XXII.
XXIII.

The diflPerent branches of the Public Revenue in Athens

and other Greek Republics ....
Rents accruing from Lands, Houses, and other immoveable

Property of the State and of Public Bodies
Revenue arising from the Mines of the State
The Custom Duties, and particularly the Duty of the

Fiftieth, or Two per Cent. ....

The Harbour Duties, and the Duty of a Hundredth, or One

per Cent. The Market Tolls ....
The Duty of a Twentieth part. Tithes; their different

sorts .......

Taxes upon Aliens, Taxes upon Slaves, and other Personal

Taxes ......

General Remarks upon the foregoing Taxes, particularly

upon the mode of Levying and Paying them .
Fees and Payments upon Legal Proceedings. Prytaneia,

Parastasis . . .

Fees upon Appeals. The Paracatabole and the Epobelia .
The Fines accruing to the State ....

Examples of Fines ......

The Public Debtors. Nature of the Legal Remedies against

them .......

The Confiscation of Property ....

The Tributes of the Allies. Origin of the Tributes, and of

the subjection of the Athenian Allies. Amount of the

Tributes before the Anarchy (b.c 404)
General Surve}' of the Athenian Allies before the Anarchy

(B.C. 404) ......

The Tributes and Allies of Athens after the Anarchy

(B.C. 404) ......

The Athenian Clemchiae, or Colonies

Total Annual Amount of the Public Revenue of Athens .

History of the Public Treasure ....

Of the Liturgies in general, and of the Ordinary Ones in

particular ......

The Choregia, or furnishing of a Chorus

The Gymnasiarchy, or Provision of Sacred Games; the

Hestiasis, or Feasting of the Tribes
Note [A] ,

296

302

309

313

819

325

329

334

344
360
370
375

385

392

896
402

415

424
433
441

448
454

461

467

Xli CONTENTS.

BOOK IV.

OF TUE EXTRAORDINARY REVENUES OF THE ATHENIAN

STATE.

CHAPTER PAGE

I. Subject of the Fourth Book stated. General nature of the

Property Tax in Attica . . . .47

II. The Sources of Wealth in Attica, and the Measures adopted

by the State for increasing it . . . . 473

III. Instances of the Property of Athenian Citizens, and of

the Distribution of the National Wealth among the
different Classes of the People .... 476

IV. Approximate Determination of the National Wealth of

Attica 487

V. The Valuation of Property in Attica. Early Constitution,

with reference to the Financial Administration.

Valuation of Solon, and the alterations in it up to the

Archonship of Nausinicus (B.C. 378) . . .494

VI. Public Registers in Attica. Register of Lands. General

VII. The Valuation in the Archonship of Nausinicus (b.c. 378) . 515
VIII. What proportion of the Property and the Valuation was
levied as an Extraordinary Tax, in the year of Nau-
sinicus . . o . . . . 520
IX. Symmoriae of the Property Taxes after the Archonship of
Nausinicus. The Advance of Property Taxes, and
other Regulations relating to the Payment of them . 523
X. The Property Taxes imposed upon, and the Liturgies

performed by, the resident Aliens . . . 537

XI. General Nature of the Trierarchy .... 541
XII. First Form of the Trierarchy, or the Trierarchy of a single
Person. Second Fonn of the Trierarchy, or the Trie-
rarchy in part of a single Person and in part of two
Syntrierarchs, from Olymp. 92, 1 (b.c. 412) until
Olymp. 105, 3 (b.c. 358) . . . .548

XIII. Third Fonn of the Trierarchy. Syntelise and Symmorise,

from Olymp. 105, 4 (b.c. 357) to the end of the 109th
Olympiad (b.c. 341) . . . . .558

XIV. The Fourth Form of the Trierarchy. Trierarchy according

to the Valuation, as prescribed by the Law of Demos-
thenes, after Ol^'mp. 110, 4 (b.c. 339) . . .570
XV. General Observations upon the Expense of a Trierarchy . 576
XVI. The Antidosis, or compulsory Exchange of Property . 580
XVII. Extraordinary means employed by the Greek States to
relieve pecuniary difficulties: namely, Foreign Subsi-
dies, Plunder, Captures, forced and voluntary Contri-
butions ....... 584

CONTENTS. Xm

CHAPTER FAOB

XVIII. Public Loans . . . . . .687

XIX. Alterations in the Currency, as a Financial Expedient . 591

XX. Other Financial Expedients employed by the Greek States 597

XXI. Xenophon's Proposals for Promoting the Welfare of Attica 599

XXII. General View of the Financial System of Athens . . 610

A DISSERTATION ON THE SILVER MINES OF LAURION
IN ATTICA.

SECTION P

1. Situation of the Laurian Mines, and their relation to the

neighbouring Towns

2. Period during which the Mines were worked

3. Ores and Minerals found in the Laurian Mines

4. Mining Processes used at Laurion

5. Smelting Operations at Laurion

6. Whether Laurion coined Money

7. Mode of granting the Mines .

8. Amount of the Proceeds of the Mines accruing to the State,

and the manner in which they were disposed of . 649

9. Persons entitled to acquire Mines. Value of Single Shares 654

10. Labour of Slaves in the Mines .... 657

11. Profits derived from the Working of the Mines , . 662

12. Some Legal Regulations respecting the Mines . . 664
Note ....... 677

Index . . . . . . .679

615

622
624
632
636
642
644

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.

Page 30, note 115, for end of vol. ii. read end of the volume. The same correction is to
be made in p. 50, note 208; p. 64, note 266; p. 68, note 298; p. 73, note 331.

Page 36, note 139. The passage referred to is in the Discourse on the History, Manners,
and Character of the Greeks, from the conclusion of the Peloponnesian War to the Battle of
Chferonea, p. vi., prefixed to Gillies' translation of Lysias and Isocrates (London, 1778, 4to.)

Page 51, note 224, /or note 456 read note 458.

Page 68, note 301, /o?- less amount read small amount.

Page 71, note 318, add Herod, vi. 79.

Ibid., note 320. Add According to ^Eschin. de Pais. Leg. p. 274, a talent was hardly
a ransom for a rich man.

Page 75, note 343. The Choiseul Inscription is in Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 147.

Page 86, note 391. The decree cited from Chishull's Ant. Asiat. is in Corp. Inscript.
Gr. No. 3052.

Ibid., note 393, /or note 225 read note 224.

Page 87, note 397. The inscription cited from Chandler is in Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 213.

Page 118, note 556. The inscription cited from Chandler is in Corp. Inscript. Gr.No.87.

Ibid., note 557, add Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 147.

Page 124, note 596. The inscription cited from Montfaucon is in Corp. Inscript. Gr.
No. 1845.

Page 130, note 629. The inscription cited from Muratori is in Corp. Inscript. Gr.
No. 354: compare below, book iv. note 222.

Page 134, note 653, for navKa read i/aCAa, and see Meineke, Fragm. Com. Gr. vol. iv.
p. 394, V. 20.

Page 140, note 665. The decree cited from ChishuU is in Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 3052.

Page 160, note 36. The inscription cited from Chandler is in Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 102.

Page 166, note 69. The passage of Gillies is in the Discourse above cited (addendum to
book i. note 139), p. Ixxx.

Page 172, note 97. The inscription cited Irom Chandler is in Corp. Inscript. No. 107.

Ibid., note 98. The two inscriptions cited are in Corp. Inscript. Gr. Nos. 87 and 106.

Page 186, note 156. See Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 191.

Page 187, note 159. The inscriptions cited from Chandler are in Corp. Inscript. Gr.
Nos. 190, 191, 192, 193: that cited from Spon is ibid. No. 184.

Page 197, note 200. See Corp. Inscript. Gr. vol. i. p. 176—291

Page 228, note 332. See Meineke, Fragm Com. Gr. vol. iv. p. 700.

Page 229. For the reference to Niebiolir, see Philol. Museum, vol. i. p. 259.

Page 232, note 356, /or vol. ii. p. 261 read book iv. note 113.

Page 234, note f, add Plutarch. Prov. Alex. 111.

Page 237, note 379. The inscription cited from Chishull is in Corp. Inscript. Gr. No.
3052.

Page 238, note 381. The inscription cited from Chandler is in Corp. Inscript. Gr.
No. 107.

Page 292, note 622. The inscription cited from Chishull is in Corp. Inscript. Gr. No.
106, where the author retracts his rem^u•k as to the exetastse mentioned in the inscription,
and considers them as identical with the military functionaries so called.

Page 298, note 4. Compare book iv. note 413.

Page 303, note 24. Compare book i. note 456.

Page 460, note. Compare book iv. note 405.

Page 468, note 1. Concerning the fragment of Aristophanes, -see Dindorf's edition, vol.
ii. p. 502, ed. Oxon.

Page 492, note 102. See the Discourse cited above (addendum to book i. note 139),
p. xii.

THE

PUBLIC ECONOMY OF ATHENS

BOOK I.

ON THE PRICES OF COMMODITIES, WAGES OF LABOUR, RENT

OF LAND AND HOUSES, AND PROFITS OF STOCK,

IN ATTICA.

Chapter I. — Introduction,

If the greatness and importance of a nation were to be esti-
mated only by the extent of its territory and population, the
Athenian state would rank far below the hordes of the Huns
and Mongols. But mere space and numbers are of little avail,
without the presence of that spirit by which alone the great
body of a people can be animated and combined. To the
operation of this cause must the superiority of the Athenians
be ascribed; by this power their scanty bands overthrew the
countless hosts of the barbarians at Marathon, at Salamis, and
at Platsea; and hundreds of subject states submitted to the
dominion of one small city, as large armies obey the commands
of one general. Not that Athens, while thus signalizing herself
in the field, was regardless of the more beneficial pursuits of
peace: and having conceived and executed all that was most
beautiful in art and profound in philosophy, she became the
instructress of all liberal sciences and arts; the teacher alike
of her own times and of posterity. The intellectual faculties,
however, are not of themselves sufficient : to produce external
action they require the aid of physical force, the direction and
combination of which are wholly at the disposal of money;

^ B

2 INTRODUCTION. [bK. I.

that mighty spring by which the whole machinery of human
energies is set in motion. For a state, and for a family, a
regular and settled economy are alike necessary; and as the
relations between the state and its members depend in great
measure upon the regulations of the public economy, so it
becomes impossible to obtain a correct insight into the life of
the ancients, without a knowledge of their finances ; nor of their
financial system, without an accurate knowledge of the organ-
ization of their governments.

For these reasons I have undertaken to explain, as fully as
my abilities and extent of knowledge will permit, the Public
Economy of Athens, the greatest and most noble among the
Grecian states. In the prosecution of these inquiries, truth
has been my only aim; nor shall I regret, if it be made
apparent from my labours, that the unbounded admiration for
the ancients must be limited, and that they, as well as the
moderns, were not free from stain in their pecuniary dealings.
Or are the histories of past ages to be written merely for the
inspiration of youth; and shall the historian of antiquity
conceal, that in those as well as the present days, nothing
among men was perfect? Let us confess rather, that of the
most excellent men of antiquity, many laboured under the
faihngs common to the human race; that in their more pas-
sionate natures these vices broke out so much the more power-
fully and rudely as their hearts were less awakened to piety by
the mildness and humility of a more benevolent religion ; that,
lastly, these faults (so long encouraged and cherished) under-
mined and overthrew the lordly edifice of antiquity itself.

Of the vast range of topics which here come under con-
sideration, few have hitherto been subjected to a comprehen-
sive and accurate scrutiny. General views and ingenious
speculations do not supply the place of sound investigation;
and the more scanty are our sources of information, the more
urgent becomes the obligation to use the materials faithfully,
and from them to deduce general conclusions equally removed
from flippant and vague superficiality on the one hand, and
the affectation of learning on the other, which adorns itself
with the specious tinsel of critical and grammatical display.

CH. I.] INTRODUCTION. 3

Every other method either leaves the reader (as is the custom
with most writers on ancient history) to wander among innu-
merable and almost isolated particulars, having no essential
connexion with one another; or leads him into errors, which
captivate and bias the judgment by their apparent beauty.
Thus, for example, it has been attempted to account for the
indifference of the ancients to productive labour and their
inattention to matters of finance, by the dominion of religion
over their minds ; but (not to mention that piety accords better
with a well than an ill regulated economy) the supposition itself
is false ; for neither do we find that the ancient states attached
less importance to the public income and expenditure, than is
attributed to them at the present day ; nor that individuals had
a greater disregard for worldly possessions. If the system of
finance in the Grecian states was ill regulated, the defect must
be assigned to other causes, which are to be sought for in
their civil institutions.

With regard to the science of political economy, it was, I
admit, uncultivated among the ancients ; its relations were too
simple to]^be made the subjects of a scientific analysis ; for the
ancients until the time of Aristotle (and he also in some
degree), treated the sciences under very general heads, without
allotting a particular science to each separate department of
practical life. For this reason, Aristotle in his Politics speaks
both of education and finance, but only as incidental topics :
in the (Economics, falsely attributed to this philosopher, politi-
cal economy is treated of scientifically, and in the manner of
Aristotle, but briefly and imperfectly. Plato^s work upon the
Republic contains indeed nothing of a system of finance ; for
in such ideal states as that of Plato, a well regulated economy
was no more requisite than an explicit code of laws.

The ancients, moreover, laid down the limits more strictly
between those things which are capable of scientific investi-
gation, and such as do not admit of it ; but the art of finance,
whilst it rests only on uncertain conditions, teaching us how
to provide for perpetually varying wants from a perpetually
varying revenue, and how to assign to both their due limits
and proportions, in conformity with the powers and circum-

B 2

4 INTRODUCTION. [bK. I.

stances of the state, seemed to the ancients not to admit of a
scientific examination. Rules for practice were not by any
means wanting, although they varied according to time and
place, and were brought to unequal degrees of perfection.
Sparta, with her simple form of government, was unfitted for
the adoption of a regular system of finance ; while in Athens
the expenditure and revenue were so considerable, that atten-
tion to matters of finance soon became imperatively necessary.
But it was not until the Persian war, that all the ramifications
of her financial institutions were finally developed ; and after
the time of Alexander, they necessarily lost their peculiar
character with the loss of national independence.

To the interval between these two epochs my inquiries will
therefore be confined : subjects both of earlier and later date,
as well as the constitutions of other Grecian states, I only
touch upon incidentally. In Athens, however, and within the
period just mentioned, the public economy of Greece is seen
upon its largest scale ; and all the democratic states of the
Greeks had doubtless, upon the whole, similar institutions of
finance, with such variations only as were necessarily induced
by the peculiar situation and circumstances of individual coun-
tries. For these reasons, therefore, we must the more regret,
that writings such as Aristotle's " Constitution of Athens,'^ and
the work of Philochorus, from which detailed explanations of
such peculiarities might have been looked for, have been for
ever lost ; and that others, as, for example, Xenophon's Essay
upon the Sources of Revenue {ire pi iropcov), have yielded an
amount of information so lamentably small.

en. II.] THE STANDARD OF PRICES.

Chapter II.

Subject of the First Book stated. Gold and Silver the Standard

of Prices,

The amount of money required for the public service, and how
far the income received was capable of providing for it, toge-
ther with the amount of the revenue^ and the proportion which
it bore to the means of the people, cannot be ascertained
without knowing the prices of commodities, the customary
wages of labour, and the ordinary profit and interest of stock.
Upon the last of these subjects it is unnecessary to say much
after the labours of Salmasius : and every indulgence should be
shown to any one who attempts to give an account of the
prices of commodities : for their necessary mutability, and the
uncertainty of the few sources from which information can
be derived, impede the investigation at every step ; the chief
authorities on this subject being either the incidental state-
ments of comic poets, or the assertions of orators, who mould
every fact to suit their particular purpose. Nor have my
inquiries been assisted by the labours of any previous writer',
as Barthelemy^ has allowed himself to be deterred by the
apparent difficulty of the task ; although not the Roman only,
but even the Hebrew antiquity, has been subjected to such
investigations^. It will be the object therefore of the first
book to ascertain the rates of prices, wages, and interest.

The precious metals, silver and gold, are the standard of
prices ; although it is obvious that silver or gold may be said.

^ Meursius de Fort. Att. cap. iv. 1754, 4to. KefFenbrink iibei" das Ver-
or Gillies' Observations upon tlie His- baltniss des Werths des Geldes zu
tory, ^Manners, and Character of the den Lebensmitteln seit Constantin
Greeks, from the conclusion of the dem Grossen bis zur Theilung des
Peloponnesian war until the battle of | Reichs unter Theodosius dem Gros-
Chjeronea, in the Introduction, and ' sen, und liber desselben Einfluss.
single scattered notices cannot be con- • Berlin, 1777, 8vo. Both these A^Titings
sidered as forming any exception. j received the prize. Micliaelis de Pre-

^ See Anacharsis, torn. vii. p. 286, ; tiis rerum apud Hebraeos ante exilium
4ieme ed. I Babylonicum. Comm. Soc. Reg. Sci,

^ Hamberger de Pretiis renmi apud | Getting, torn. ill. (1753,) p. 145.
veteres Romanos disputatio, Getting.

GRADUAL INCREASE IN THE

[bk. I,

with the same propriety, to be dearer or cheaper in comparison
with other commodities, as other commodities to be cheaper or
dearer in comparison with the precious metals. And in fact,
when we hear in ancient times of a smaller quantity of the
precious metals being given in exchange for other commodities,
it did not arise from the value of those commodities being less
than at present, but from the value of the metals being greater.
For the aggregate stock of all commodities requisite for the
purposes of life, exclusive of gold and silver, doubtless upon
an average maintained the same proportion to the demand as
in modern times, with the exception only of particular articles,
the use of which is not indispensably necessary for human
existence : while the quantity of the precious metals has in the
course of centuries been augmented by the continued w^orking
of mines, at the same time that their durability and value have
on most occasions preserved them from destruction.

Chapter III.

Gradual Increase in the quantity of the Precious Metals
in Greece.

The quantity of the precious metals in Greece, particularly
that portion of them which w^as in circulation as coin, although
at first it increased but slowly, afterwards experienced a more
rapid augmentation, w^hen the invasion of Xerxes had opened
the treasures of the East ; and prices rose in the same propor-
tion; so that in the time of Demosthenes the value of money
appears to have been five times less than in the age of Solon.
Both in Rome and in Greece, at an early period, the quantity
of metals, particularly of gold, was very inconsiderable : in the
time of Croesus, according to Theopompus, it was not to be
purchased in Greece, The Lacedeemonians, wishing to obtain
some gold for a sacred oflfering, tried to purchase it of Croesus,
manifestly because they could not procure it nearer home*.

* Concerning Rome, see Plin. Nat.
Hist., xxxiii. 5 sqq. C sqq. 47 sqq.
On the other points, see Theopomp.

ap. Athen. vi, p. 231 sq. cf. p. 230.
B. Herod, i. 69.

CH. III.] QUANTITY OF THE PRECIOUS METALS. 7

Alcmceon the Athenian laid the foundation of the wealth of his
family, when Croesus permitted him to take as much gold
out of his treasury as he could carry at once\ Even during
the period from the seventieth to the eightieth Olympiad
(500 — 460 B. c.) gold was still a rarity. Hiero of Syracuse,
wishing to send a statue of Victory and a tripod of pure gold
to the Delphian Apollo, was unable to procure the requisite
quantity of that metal, until his agents came to Architeles the
Corinthian, who had long bought up and collected gold in
small portions, as the same Theopompus and Phanias of
Eresos relate^ In Greece proper there were not many mines
of the precious metals. The most remarkable among these
were the Athenian silver mines of Laurion, which at first were
very productive. Thessaly contained mines of gold, Siphnos
both of silver and gold, and Epirus, which bordered upon
Greece, possessed silver mines ; the same metal was also found
in Cyprus^ But the mountains of Pangsea upon the confines
of Thrace and Macedonia contained immense riches; from
them flows the Hebrus, celebrated for its golden sands^ And
in addition to the gold and silver mines which were in the
mountains themselves, the precious metals were found on both
sides of them, to the west as far as the Strymon and Peeonia,
and to the east as far as Scapte Hyle'. Even in Pseonia, it
was said that the husbandman turned up particles of gold in
ploughing'". On the eastern side were the important gold
mines of Scapte Hyle, and the precious metals extended across
the sea as far as Thasos, where very considerable and pro-
ductive workings had been set on foot by the Phoenicians, who
had also first estabhshed mining in that region upon the main-
land, which was afterwards taken up by the Thasians, until the

5 Herod, vi. 125.

^ Athen. vi. ubi sup.

7 For more on tliis subject, see Rei-
temeier, Ueber den Bergbau der Al-
ien, p. 64 sqq. Concerning Laurion,
see book iii. c. 3.

^ Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxiii. 21, and
others.

^ Herod, vii. 112. Strab. ^d^. p.
228 (ed. 1587), and elsewhere. Xe-
noph. Hellen. v. 2, 12. Plin. Nat.
Hist. vii. 57. Athen. ii. p. 42. B.
Lucian. Icaromenip. 18, and the Scho-
liast. Clemens Alexand. &c.

'" Strab. ut sup.

GRADUAL INCREASE IX THE

[bk. I.

Athenians obtained possession of these mines' \ Upon the
western side in Macedonia the mines were so productive, that
Alexander the First, the son of Amyntas, hi the time of the
Persian war, received from them a talent of silver daily''; but
the chief places were Daton and Crenides, afterwards Philippi,
which, about the first year of the 105th Olympiad (360 b. c.)
was in the possession of the Thasians ; subsequently, however,
Philip of Macedon is said to have worked the mines with so
much success, that they yielded 1000 talents a year, although
previously they had not been very productive ; and it was in
this spot that, according to the common beUef, the gold grew
againl^ When therefore ancient historians affirm'* that Philip
had a golden chalice, which he guarded with such anxiety, that
he laid it under his pillow when he went to sleep ; and again,
that before the time of Philip a silver vessel was a rarity; it
does not by any means follow that the quantity of precious
metal extracted from the earth was inconsiderable, for exten-
sive mines had long been worked both in Greece and the
neighbouring regions, and much gold and silver had been
brought over from the East ; we can only infer from these
statements, that little gold had been wrought for private use,
and that luxury had not yet attained its greatest height.

Asia and Africa furnished by far the larger proportion of
the precious metals; some also was supplied from places which
remained for a time in the possession of the Greeks ; thus, for
instance, there were gold mines at Astyra, near Abydos, which
were still worked in the time of Xenophon'', but subsequently
became exhausted'^. Not to dwell upon Egypt and the rest of
Africa, or many single spots where the precious metals occurred,
I shall only notice some prominent points : Colchis, Lydia, and
Phrygia, were celebrated as countries rich in gold : from the
gold washings at Colchis arose the fable of the golden fleece'^;

" See book iii. c. 3.

'^ Ilerod. V. 17.

'^ Strab. ut sup. Diod. xvi. 3, 8.
Appian. Bell. Civ. iv. lOfi. Plin.
Nat. Hist, xxxvii. 15. Pseud- A list.
Mirab. Aus. cap. 42.

^^ Ap. Athen. vi. ut sup.
^^ Xenoph. Hellen. iv. 8, 37,
^° Strab. xiii. p. 407.
^7 Strab. i. p. 31 ; xi. p. 343, and
the Commentators. Plin. Nat. Ilist,

CH. III.] QUANTITY OF THE PRECIOUS METALS,

and who has not heard of the riches of Midas, of Gyges, and of
Croesus; the gold mines of Tmolus and Sipylus, and the golden
sands of the Pactolus? Pythes, or Pythius, the Lydian, the
prince of Celsence near the sources of the Meeander, the richest
and most unfortunate man of his time, possessed, according to
report, from his mines and gold washings, 2000 talents of
silver, and 3,993,000 golden darics, which Xerxes increased to
4,000,000^ \ If we only take the third part of this amount as
the true sum, what enormous riches are these for a petty
prince ! Upon the whole there were immense sums of money
accumulated in Persia, which prove the abundance of the
precious metals, although not in circulation. Cyrus, according
to the account of Pliny'^, acquired 34,000 lbs. of gold by the
conquest of Asia, besides wrought gold and other vessels ; and
of silver, which is difficult to believe, 500,000 talents, i. e. pro-
bably Egyptian talents of eighty Roman pounds. Deducting
"whatever sums might be consumed by the satraps for their
personal expenses, or for those of the government of their pro-
vince, in the time of Darius the son of Hystaspes, there flowed
yearly into the royal treasury 7600 Babylonian talents of
silver ^% each of which, according to Herodotus^^, is equal to 70
Euboic minas, altogether 8866f Euboic talents. In the text of
Herodotus, however, the whole amount is reckoned at 9540,
and only one M.S. gives 8800, an error which it is now im-
possible to rectify. Besides this, the Indians paid an annual
tribute of 360 Euboic talents of fine gold, which, reckoning
the ratio of gold to silver as 13 to 1, amounts to 4680 talents of
silver; so that, according to the text of the historian, the
revenue of the king of Persia amounted to 14,560, or (if we
only reckon what is stated in Herodotus according to the pre-
sent reading) to 13,546 Euboic talents. From the productive
mines of India, and from its rivers, of which the sand contained
particles of gold (among which in particular the Ganges may be
mentioned), arose the fable of the ants which dug up gold^^

^^ Herod, vii. 28, and the Com-
mentators.
^^ xxxiii. 15.
■'" Herod, iii. 95.

21 Herod, iii. 89.

'^2 Herod, iii. 102 sqq. Plin. Nat.
Hist, xxxiii. 21, and Strabo, in the
loth book in several places.

10 GRADUAL INCREASE IN THE [bK. I.

From these annual receipts the treasure of the king was accu-
mulated, and an immense mass of the precious metals was thus
kept out of circulation : it was obviously their principle to coin
only just so much gold and silver as was necessary for com-
merce and the expenses of the state". Even in Greece large
sums remained out of circulation, accumulated in the treasuries.
9700 talents of coined silver were kept in the AcropoUs of
Athens, besides the gold and silver vessels. The Delphian
Apollo had an immense collection of the most precious treasures.
Gyges sent many gold and silver offerings to Delphi ; among
these were six golden bowls, 30 talents in weight, which were
deposited there in the Corinthian treasury^*. Passing over
the numberless gifts of others, I shall only make mention of
the pious munificence of Croesus ^^; in addition to the pre-
sents which he made to other temples, he offered up a large
quantity of silver at Delphi, a bowl of this metal containing
6000 amphorae, four silver casks, a gold and a silver cauldron,
round silver paterae, a golden statue, three cubits high, 117 half
ingots of gold, weighing altogether, according to Herodotus,
232i talents, of which 4^ talents were of pure gold, and the
rest alloyed (Diodorus reckons inaccurately 120, each at two
talents); a golden lion, weighing 10 talents, from which, at the
burning of the temple during the reign of Pisistratus, 3^ talents
of pure gold were melted away; a golden bowl, 8 talents and
42 minas in weight; and also, according to Diodorus, 360
golden cups, each of 2 minas; besides many other valuable
gifts. The cups, the lion, and the female statue, three ells
in height, Diodorus reckons at 30 talents, so that 8 talents
remain for the weight of the latter. If the several items are
added together, the sacred offerings of Croesus, without counting
many other precious ornaments, amounted in gold alone to more
than 271 talents, exclusive of the gifts of which the weight is
not mentioned. If we add the rest of the gold, the account of
Diodorus, that subsequently gold coins were struck from it

^ Strab. XV. p. 505. i To examine what Wesseling says upon

^* Herod, i. 14. | the latter passage would lead me too

" Herod, i. 50 sqq. Diod. xvi. 56. ' far.

CH. III.] QUANTITY OF THE PRECIOUS METALS.

equal in value to 4000 talents of silver, does not appear exagge-
rated. These accumulated masses of the precious metals were
however gradually dispersed, and chiefly by the effects of
war. When the king of Persia took with him into the field
money and valuables sufficient to load 1200 camels *% the mis-
fortunes of his army enriched the Greeks in a corresponding
proportion ; and history has recorded many instances of per-
sons who in this manner laid the foundation of their prosperity.
The great king and his satraps were soon compelled to pay
large sums of gold to the Grecian mercenaries, and to deal out
subsidies, presents, and bribes. Sparta alone received more
than 5000 talents from the Persians, for the purposes of war^^
All the treasures that Athens had collected were dispersed into
many hands by the numerous buildings undertaken by Peri-
cles, together with the expenses of which he was author, for
works of statuary, for theatrical spectacles, and military expe-
ditions. The sacrilegious Phocians coined 10,000 talents in
gold and silver from the treasures of Delphi, which were all
dissipated by the war°°; and, lastly, Philip of Macedon carried
on his campaigns as much by the power of gold as of arms.
Thus an immense quantity of gold came into circulation
between the time of the Persian war and the age of Demosthe-
nes ; and the precious metals must necessarily have fallen in
value, as they did subsequently, when Constantine the Great
caused money to be coined from the treasures of the heathen
temples^®. How great however must have been the mass of
the precious metals which was carried into the West by Alex-
ander's conquest of Asia ! admitting that the accounts of his
historians are exaggerated, the chief point still remains unques-
tionable. Besides what was found in the camp and in Babylon,
the treasures of Susa and Persis are reckoned at 40,000, or
according to others, at 50,000 talents^". The treasure of Pasar-
gadge is stated at 6000, of Persepolis at 120,000 talents; and

^^ Demosth. de SjTiimorj p. 185.
*7 Isocr. avfjL^ax. 32.
2« Diod. ut sup. Athen. vi. p. 231, D.
^® Monitio ad Theodos. Aug. de in-
hibenda largitate, Thes. Ant. Rom.

vol. xi. p. 1415j according to Taylor's
explanation ad Marra. Sandwic. p. 38.
^^ Strab. XV. p. 502. Arrian, iii.
3. Justin, xi. 14. Curt. v. 2. Plu-
tarch. Alex. 36.

12 GRADUAL INCREASE IN THE [bK. I.

upon the whole, according to the account preserved in Strabo,
180,000 talents are said to have been collected from all parts to
Ecbatana^^ : 8000, which Darius had with him, were taken by
his murderers. The generosity and profusion of Alexander are
in accordance with such enormous sums. The daily meals of*
this sovereign cost 100 minas : he gave great rewards to his
soldiers, and paid their debts, amounting to 9370 talents ; he
offered 100 talents to Phocion, and presented 2000 to the Thes-
sahans ; the funeral of Hephsestion is said to have cost 12,000
talents, and Aristotle's researches into natural history 800^*.
He levied in Asia an annual revenue of 30,000 talents, and
only left behind him a treasure of 50,000^^ The riches of his
satraps were also excessive ; Harpalus is said to have amassed
5000 talents, although at Athens he only owned to the pos-
session of 950'*. Alexander's successors not only accumulated
enormous sums, but by means of their wars set them again in
circulation. The plates of gold and silver in the palace at
Ecbatana were mostly taken away in the time of Alexander :
Antigonus and Seleucus Nicator completed the robbery ; not-
withstanding which, Antiochus the Great was able to coin
nearly 4000 talents from the few ingots of gold which remained,
those of silver being more numerous, together with the gold
obtained from the chasing of the columns of a temple^\ The
immense taxes which were raised in the Macedonian kingdoms,
and the unbounded extravagance and liberality of the kings, are
a proof that there must have been an immense mass of money
in circulation at that time. The presents made by the kings of
this time to the Rhodians, when about the 140th Olympiad
(220 B.C.) their town and island were laid waste by an earth-
quake, are almost without example^^ One festival of the
Ptolemies did not cost less than 2239 talents, 50 minas^^. The

^' Strab. ut sup. and others.

^^ Concerning the debts of the sol-
diers and of Phocion, see Plut. Alex.
70, Phoc. 18 ; the other statements are
collected by Rambach on Potter, vol.
iii. p. 18G, 187.

^^ Justin, xiii. 1, and the commen-

tators.

3" Died. xvii. 108. Lives of the
Ten Orators, p. 264, in the Tubingen
Plutarch.

3^ Polyb. X. 27.

•^« Polyb. V. 88, 89.

• ' A then. v. p. 203, B.

CH. III.] QUANTITY OF THE PRECIOUS METALS. 13

expense which they incurred for their naval force and other
public objects was extraordinary. Appian^^ states upon the
authority of official documents, that the treasury of Ptolemy
Philadelphus, the second king after Alexander, amounted to
740,000 talents, either Egyptian talents of 80 Roman pounds,
or the small Ptolemaic^^ If we take the former, which were
about equal to the Attic, it gives, in the money of the present
day, the enormous sum of 180,375,000/. ; if they were the small
talents it amounts at least to a fourth part of this number.
An account of this kind appears fabulous ; but I venture not to
call its credibility into question. Let it be remembered, that a
great part of this treasure was wrought silver and gold^*'; that
the revenues of the Ptolemies were excessive, as the countries
where their dominion extended were completely drained ; the
taxes and tributes were collected by the rapacious farmers of
the revenue, with the assistance of an armed force, consisting
rather of organized bands of robbers than of regular soldiers.
The revenues of Coelesyria, Phoenicia, and Judea, together with
Samaria, were alone let by Ptolemy Euergetes for 8000 talents ;
on one occasion a Jew purchased them at twice this amount,
and moreover agreed to pay into the royal treasury the pro-
ceeds of the confiscated goods of offenders against the state,
which usually accrued to the farmer of the public revenue" \
In short, the precious metals in the times of the Macedonian
kingdoms were spread in great abundance over the eastern
shore of the Mediterranean; and if there had not been so
much that was either wrought, or hoarded up in treasuries,
their value must have fallen far lower in comparison with other
commodities, than was actually the case.

The universal dominion of the Romans afterwards trans-
ported a part of the riches of the East to Italy, while Greece
became impoverished : thither also flowed the silver and the
gold of Western Europe. The golden stream-works and gold
mines of Italy were neglected on account of those of Gaul and

^^ Hist. Rom. procem. 10.
^^ Upon this point see the commen-
tators of PoUux, ix. 8G.

■*" Cf. e. g. Callixen. ap. Athen. v.
p. 196—203.

^' Joseph. Antiq. Jud. xii. 4, § 4, .

QUANTITY OF THE PRECIOUS METALS. [bK. I.

Spain. The Po^ and all the Alpine torrents, carried down gold :
there were extensive gold mines in the territory of the Salassi,
an Alpine nation. Not far from Aquileia, gold, nearly in a
state of purity, was found at the depth of two feet, of the size
of a bean or a lupine, of which only the eighth part went to
dross, together with other impurer metal, which was how-
ever found only to the depth of fifteen feet; as Strabo and
Polybius relate. The neighbouring countries were also pos-
sessed of gold-washings. In the reign of Nero 50 lbs. of gold
were for a considerable period extracted daily from the mines
of Dalmatia. Gaul abounded in gold ores, of which some con-
tained only a thirtieth part of silver : it had also silver mines.
The mountains and rivers of Spain, as, for example, the Tajo,
contained much precious metal, and had been worked by the
Carthaginians before they fell into the hands of the Romans.
Private individuals gained in plentiful times an Euboic talent
of silver within three days; and the silver furnaces of New
Carthage, which, together with the mines, kept 40,000 men in
employment, produced to the Roman people 25,000 denarii
per diem, or, as Polybius expresses himself, 25,000 drachmas.
Gallcecia, Lusitania, and especially Asturia, produced in many
years 20,000 lbs. of gold**. The value of the precious metals
did not, however, fall in proportion to their increase, as large
quantities, wrought for works of art, were taken out of circula-
tion.

Chapter IV,

Of the Silver Money, and the Silver Talent in particular.

Coined metal, or money, is, as well as uncoined metal, a
commodity; and it is obvious that in the ancient days of

*2 Everything tliat is here said may
be found in Strabo, in the third,
fourth, and fifth books, in Pliny in the
thirty-third, and in Diodorus in the
fifth, 'particularly in chap. 27 and 36.
Whoever wishes to obtain more pre-
cise information with regard to the
situations of the mines in ancient

times, will find a satisfactory account
in Reitemeier's treatise iiber den
Bergbau der Alten. I have only here
incidentally mentioned the subject.
Concerning the Spanish mines, Bethe,
de Hispaniae antiquoe re metaUica, ad
locum Strabonis, lib. iii., is worth re-
I ferring to.

CH. IV.] OF THE SILVER MONEY. 15

Greece, as well as in modern times, it would be an object of
trade with the money-changers. If we exclude the arbitrary
value which individual states are able to give to a particular
kind of coin for the use of their own citizens, the current value
of money is determined by the fineness of the standard : and
upon this point, in reference to the Greeks, and to Athens in
particular, I will only say as much as appears necessary to make
what follows intelligible to the reader.

In Attica, and in almost all the Grecian states, and even out
of Greece, the talent contained 60 minas, the mina 100 drachmas,
the drachma 6 oboli. At Athens the obolus was divided into
8 chalci, and the chalcus into 7 lepta. As far as the half
obolus downwards, the Athenian money was generally coined in
silver: the dichalcon, or quarter obolus, either in silver or
copper; the chalcus, and the smaller coins, only in copper.
Upon a single occasion, in the early times of the republic,
copper was coined instead of silver, probably oboli, but they
did not long remain in circulation". When in later writers,
in Lucian** for instance, we read of copper oboli, they should
not on any account be considered as ancient Athenian money.
Among the larger silver coins, the tetradrachms are the most
common, called also staters*'. The value of the Attic silver
talent has been differently determined by different writers, as
they set out upon the weight and fineness of different tetra-
drachms : for all agree that the early coins are better than the
more recent. According to the inquiries of Barthelemy''%
which seem preferable to those of Eckhel*^, the ancient tetra-
drachms, coined in the flourishing times of Athens, weigh 328
Paris grains (nearly 269 Troy grains, i. e. about 67i to a
drachma), if we add four grains, which they might have lost by
wear in the course of so many centuries. The silver is nearly

"*' See chap. 6, near the end.

** Vol. i. p. 504, ed. Reiz.

*^ According to Heron of Alex-
andria, who has been already quoted
by others. The same is evident from
Hesych. in v. ykav^, cf. in v. yXavKcs
AavpioiTiKai. Phot, in v. (rTarfjpf and

Lex. Seg. p. 253, in v. iTrirplrais,
comp. Harpocrat. in the same word,
and lastly Lex. Seg. p. 307, in v.
Terpadpaxp-ov,

^^ Anachars. torn. vii. table xiv,

■'^ D. N. vol. i. p. xlv. sqq.

16 , OF THE SILVER MONEY. [bK. I.

pure, for Athens did not, like other states, alloy it with lead or
copper, on ^yhich account this money >yas particularly valued,
and everj^'here exchanged with profit''. It appears however
probable, that the average was not so high as represented by
Barthelemy ; and that it is safer to take the Attic drachma at
nearly 65^ Troy grains : which, as the shiUing contains about
80f grains of pure silver, is nearly equal to 9^d. of English
coinage ; whence the mina amounts to 41. Is, Sd., and the talent
to 243/. Ids.^ It may be moreover observed, that as the
Romans reckoned in sesterces, so the Greeks generally reckoned
in drachmas; and where a sum is mentioned in the Attic
writers, without any specification of the unit, drachmas are
always meant ''^

Before the time of Solon, the weight of the Attic money
was greater than in the standard that was afterwards used. The
weights commonly employed in trade were also in later times
heavier than those by which the money was measured. Com-
paring these facts together, it may be assumed with the greatest
probability, that Solon intended 100 drachmas to be coined out
of 75, but that the new money proved in fact rather too much
debased, so that 100 new drachmas were only equal to 72|-| of
the old coinage; the old weights being however retained for every-
thing except money ^°. In comparison with the heavy drachma
of -^gina [hpa^M 7ra')(^eta), the Attic is called the hght drachma
{BpaxM ^eTTTT?) ; the former was equal to ten Attic oboli; so
that the ^ginetan talent weighed rather more than 10,000
Attic drachmas^ ^ The Corinthian talent was equal to the
latter in value^^; the Corinthians however had staters or deca-

^* Xenopli. de Vectig. 3; cf. Aris- See Taylor ad Marm. Sandwic. p.
toph. Ran. 730— 73C. Polyb. xxii. 29, 30.
15, 26. I 50 ggg j^otg (A) at the end of the

' In adapting this computation to book.
English money, the translator has fol- ^^ Pollux, ix. 76, 86, and the com-
lowed the weight and value assigned mentators. Hesych. in v. Xenras and
to the Attic drachma by Mr. Hussey, nax^ia dpaxf^fj.

Essay on the Ancient Weights and ^^ Gell. Noct. Att. i. 8, whether the
Money, p. 48. — Traxsl. ■ words 7) rakavTov are genuine or^inter-

*^ Thus biuKocnai, xikiai, biaxi^t^ai, polated : in the latter case they are a
&c., in the Orators and elsewhere, learned interpretation.

CH. IV.] OF THE SILVER MONEY. 17

litras of 10 ^ginetan oboli in weight"; 3600 of which were
consequently equal to the Corinthian talent. The computation
by litras was transmitted from Corinth to Syracuse : therefore
the Sicilian htra, which was struck in silver, was equal to an
-^ginetan obolus, according to the statement of Aristotle^\
Probably the Sicilian nummus was the same as the litra. The
accounts of Aristotle^^, who only estimates the nummus at li
Attic oboli, and of Festus, who, according to the same pro-
portion, reckons 12 nummi to 3 denarii (whereas the litra
was equal to If Attic oboli), are perhaps inaccurate, although
they may come near the real value of the coin, if, as is probable,
the Syracusan nummi or litras, of the same weight as the
jEginetan oboli, were struck from less fine silver than the
Attic drachmas. Twenty-four nummi of this kind, com-
posed, according to Aristotle, the old, 12 the new Syracusan or
Sicilian talent, which last Festus makes equal to 3 denarii^^
According to our supposition therefore, the former was equal
to 4, and the latter to 2 ^Eginetan drachmas, both doubtless,
like the decalitron, being coined in silver. Why so small a sum
was called a talent, I shall not attempt to decide ; remarking
only, that by a similar idiom a few golden drachmas were called
a talent^^

The ancient writers frequently reckon in Euboic talents,
which appear to have come into use in the Italian colonies of
Magna Grsecia, chiefly on account of the spreading of the
Chalcideans, and which for that reason frequently occur in the
treaties of the Romans with other nations, as well as in
Herodotus, who, as is well known, composed or altered many
parts of his History after his migration to Thurii.

In addition to these values, it would be desirable, for the

^2 Pollux iv. 175; ix. 81. I liast to Gregor. Naz., which Junger-

^^ Pollux iv. 174, 175; ix. 80, 81 ; ! maun quotes in the place of Pollux.

of. Salmas. de Modo Usur. vi. p. 242. I A small talent of this kind, probably
Ap. PoUuc. ix. 87. only of 12 nummi, is that which occurs

5^ Pollux, ix. 87. Suidas, in v.
ToKavTov,' -where, according to the cor-
rect observation of Scaliger, vov^fioiv
should be read instead of jxvcov, as well , muzza.
as in the intricate passage of the Scho- | ^- See chop, v

in the account of the Gymnasia of the
Tauromenitani in d'O'.ville's Siculis,
and in Castello the Prince of Torre-

OF THE SILVER MONEY

[bk,

sake of many statements of which we must avail ourselves, to
ascertain the amount of the Egyptian and Alexandrian talents ;
but we here meet with obscure and contradictory statements.
The chief difficulty is removed if we distinguish betw^een the
Egyptian and Alexandrian talents. According to Varro^% the
Egyptian talent was equal to 80 Roman pounds, and therefore
must have been absolutely or nearly identical with the Attic,
as the Attic mina was to the Roman pound nearly as four to
th^ee^^ This must have been totally different from the talent
mentioned by Pollux^% which is said to be equal to 1500 Attic
drachmas, but otherwise, like all talents, was divided similarly
to the Attic. This is corroborated by the statement of Hero,
who only assigns a fourth part of the value of the Attic talent
to the Ptolemaic, which appears to have been the same as the

=8 Ap. Plin. Hist. Nat. xxxiii. 15.

^^ The Roman senate reckoned the
Attic talent, or 60 minas, as equal to
80 Roman pounds. Liv. xxxviii. 38,
Polyb. xxii. 20. According to the
testimonies of the ancients in Eckliel,
D. N. vol. V. part ii. p. 6, there were
84 denarii to the Roman pound, and
not till the time of Nero, 96, (see
Eisenschmid de Pond, et Mens., p.
33,) but the old denarius of Augustus
was to the Attic drachma as 8 to 9 ;
consequently 74 §, or, in round num-
bers, 75 drachmas were equal to a
Roman pound. ^Ye sometimes read
in ancient writers, that a Roman
pound was equal in weight to 84
drachmas, which is sufficiently ac-
counted for by the inexactitude of
almost all ancient authors, who used
drachmas and denarii, on account of
their small difference (9 and 3) as con-
vertible terms. According to Rome
de r Isle's accurate researclies, founded
upon the weighing of golden denarii,
the Roman pound weighed G048 Paris
gi-ains; hence the Attic mina must
have weighed 8064, whereas, if the te-
tradrachm is taken at 328 Paris grains,
the raina contained 8200. It must

however be remembered, that it was
assumed that the tetradrachm had lost
four gi-ains by time, which Rome de
risle, in computing the weight of the
denarius, probably did not take into
account; and then it will be found,
that the difference nearly vanishes,
and Rome' de T Isle's enquiries con-
cerning the Roman pound agree tole-
rably well with the proportion of the
latter to the Attic mina as three to
four. It is besides worthy of remark,
that Ideler's accurate determination
of the Roman foot tallies remarkably
with Rome de I'lsle's determina-
tion of the pound. See Memoirs of
the Berlin Academy of Sciences for
1812 and 1813. Thus perhaps the
supposition that the tetradrachms had
lost four grains of their weight might
be modified (see p. 15.), and on the
other hand, some grains might be
added to the Roman pound over 6048.
The supposition of some writers, that
the Romans had two different pounds,
is entirely unfounded, at least as far
as money is concerned.

^^ ix. 96, where the commentators
should be consulted upon what imme-
diately follows.

CH. IV.] OF THE SILVER MONEY. 19

small Egyptian talent: the very same authority, however,
reckons the Ptolemaic mina as the fifth part of the ^ginetan ;
which again does not agree ; not to mention, that, in the con^
fusion of language which prevailed at Alexandria in later times,
the name of drachma was given to coins of the value of an
Athenian obolus. According to Festus^^, whose text is so cor-
rupt that no reliance can be placed upon his authority, the
Alexandrian talent was equal to 12,000 denarii. The safest
way, in my opinion, is to consider the Alexandrian talent as
something less than the Attic, although there were at Alex-
andria many other talents of less amount, which were used at
certain times and for certain purposes. For, according to the
assertion of Appian, the Euboic talent was equal to 7000
Alexandrian drachmas^^; but the Euboic talent, as far as I am
able to discover, was only somewhat greater than the Attic;
consequently the Alexandrian talent appears to have been to
the Attic, nearly as six to seven.

As to the Euboic talent, Herodotus^^ if the present
reading is correct, reckons that the Babylonian talent con-
tained 70 Euboic minas, Pollux, 7OOO Attic drachmas^^
Here then the Attic and Eul)oic talents are considered as
equal. According to ^lian^^, on the contrary, the Baby-
lonian talent contained 72 Attic minas, a statement which
is evidently of more weight than the uncertain account of
Pollux ; and it thence follows that the Euboic talent was some-
what greater than the Attic. At the same time this statement
may not be mathematically accurate ; for according to it the
Attic talent is to the Euboic as 72^^- to 75 (70 to ']2), agree-
ably to Herodotus^ computation of the Babylonian talent in
Euboic minas. It is probable, however, that Solon, when he
wished so to change the Attic money that 100 drachmas should
be coined from the same quantity of silver as had formerly been
made into ^5, intended to make the Attic silver talent equal to
the Euboic, which had undoubtedly been for a long time in

®^ In V. talentum, wliich passage
however appears very uncertain.
"2 Appian. Rom. Hist. v. 2.

^^ iii. 89.

«^ Pollux ix. 86.

«^ Hist. Var. i. 22.

C 2

OF THE SILVER MONEY.

[bk. I,

general circulation. According to this supposition^ the Euboic
talent would, before the time of Solon, have been to the Attic
talent in the ratio of 75 to 100. Since, however, the money of
Solon ]:)roved actually to be to the ancient Attic money in the
ratio of 72|4 to 100, strictly speaking, the new Attic silver
talent must have been to the Euboic as 72ff to 75, that is,
as 70 to 7^2^ : but as, upon an average, the new Attic was
reckoned to the old Attic talent as 73 to 100^% in the same
manner it might be assumed, that the proportion of the new
Attic to the Euboic was, in round numbers, as 73 to 'J5y
which nearly coincides with the ratio obtained from Herodotus
and ^EHan, of 72|^ to 75, or 70 to 72. This method of viewing
the subject agrees so well in all its particulars, that it relieves me
from the trouble of entering into a more minute investigation
of the confused and corrupt passage of Festus upon the Euboic
talent^^ On the other hand, the similarity of the Attic and
Euboic talents seems to be additionally confirmed by the cir-
cumstance, that in the negotiations between the Romans and
Antiochus, the calculations were at first made in Euboic, and
afterwards in Attic talents of 80 Roman pounds^^ : for it is
probable, that nearly the same standard of money was retained,
as the whole amount might have been diminished, and was in
fact diminished, by demanding a less number of talents than
before.

^^ See note (A) at the end of the
book.

^^ Enboicum talentum 7iummo Grcsco
sepfem milUum et quingentorum cistopho-
rorum est, nostro quattuor millia denari-
oricm. Both statements are absurd.
As to the cistophoii, they weigh on an
average 240 Paris grains, consequently
they were less than the jEginetan
double-drachmas, and greater than the
Corinthian stater. Nevertheless, it
seems to me probable, that tlie cisto-
phori were regulated according to one
of these two coins, a point which can-
not, however, be explicitly investigated
in this place. The weiglit of the cisto-
phori stated above is not then perhaps

sufficiently accurate. I may remark
here incidentally, that the account of
the Etymologist in v. EvjSo'iKuv vofiicrfia,
which states it to have been named
from a place in Argos, where Pheidon
first coined gold, is fabulous, for the
Euboic standard was too widely spread
to have derived its name from thence ;
and if Pheidon bad been the author of
it, the iEginetan standard could not
liave been different from it. That
Pheidon coined gold at all is also un-
questionably a fable.

^^ Compare Polyb. xxi. 14. Liv.
xxxvii. 45, with Polyb. xxii. 2C. Liv.
xxxviii. 38.

CH. v.]

OF THE GOLD COINS.

Chapter V.

Of the Gold Coins, and the Gold Talent.

The value of gold is more variable than that of silver, which
therefore may be considered as a standard of price for gold as
well as for other commodities^^ In European Greece there
were many gold coins in circulation, some of which belonged
to foreign states. Of these I will now mention the most
important.

Gold, and probably silver, was first coinecj in Lydia^";
in which country Croesus caused the stater called by his name
to be coined, at a time when Greece was extremely poor
in gold. If Pylocrates of Samos really deceived the Spar-
tans vn\h false gold coins about the 60th Olympiad, (which
Herodotus''', indeed, considered an idle tale,) the Greeks at that
time could have seen but little gold ; for even the Lacedemo-
nians would not have been deceived by so clumsy a fraud.

Soon after that period, Darius the son of Hystaspes coined
darics of the finest gold^^, which passed over into the circu-
lation of Greece. Their weight, which Philip of Macedon,
Alexander, and Lysimachus retained, was equal to 2 Attic
drachmas, both according to the testimonies of writers who make
them the same as the Attic golden stater, and the ascertained
weight of coins now extant^' ; whence their value is fixed by
the grammarians at 20 silver drachmas, and 5 are reckoned
to a mina, and 300 to a talent'^, according to the ratio of gold
to silver as 10 to 1.

That the Athenian golden stater also weighed 2 drachmas,
and was estimated at 20 silver drachmas, is proved by

^^ It is upon this notion that Xeno-
phon's encomium upon silver (de Yec-
tig. 4) is evidently founded.

70 Herod, i. 94.

7^ Herod, iii. 56.

7^ Herod, iv. 166. It may however
be observed, that there were also silver
darics. Plutarch. Cim. 10.

'^ Harpocr. in v. AapeiKor, and
thence Suidas, Schol. Aristoph. Eccle-

iaz. 598, Lex. Seg. p. 237. Comp.
Barthelemy Mem. de 1' Academic des
Inscript. vol. xlvii. p. 201, 202. Eck-
liel. D. N. vol. i. p. xli.

7* Harpocr. Schol. Aristoph. and
Lex. Seg. ut sup. Xenoph. Anab. i.
8, 14. Harpocration also states in this
passage, that the Attic chrysus was
equal to 20 drachmas.

OF THE GOLD COINS.

[bk. I.

good authorities": according to this value, 5000 staters are,
in the calculation of Conon's property in Lysias, computed
at about 100,000 drachmas '^ But as no undoubted Attic
stater has been preserved to our days", Eckhel has ques-
tioned the fact of its ever having been coined'^; not only,
however, does Pollux'^ enumerate the golden stater among coins
upon the authority of Eupolis, but we know with certainty that
gold coins were issued at Athens, and more especially in the
Archonship of Antigenes, one year before the Frogs of Aristo-
phanes, (Olymp. 93, 2, b. c. 40/0 that money was coined from
the golden statues of Victory, which Aristophanes, as they were
much debased with copper, calls wretched pieces of copper^**.

The most common golden staters, besides those of Croesus,
Attica, and Persia, were the Phocaic and Cyzicenic, which have
likewise been falsely taken for imaginary coins by writers on
ancient money. The probable reason why none are extant, is,
that the Macedonian kings supplanted all the gold coins of
the cities by melting them down, in order that, with the
exception of the darics, there should be no gold coin which
did not bear their image^\ The Phocaic stater occurs, both

"^ Polemarch. ap. Hesycli. Poll. iv.
173.

"'^ Lysias pro Aristoph. bonis, p.
639, ed. Reiske. The property of
Conon amounted, according" to tliis
passage, to about 40 talents ; and it
consisted of 5000 staters, and three
other sums of 10,000 drachmas, 3
talents, and 17 talents. If the 500
staters are reckoned at 100,000 drach-
mas, the sum is equal to 38g talents,
which agrees perfectly with the ex-
pression " about 40 talents."

''' See Barthelemy ut sup. p. 20G.

"•^ D. N. vol. i. p. xli. sqq. vol. ii. p.
206, 207.

7« Pollux ix. 58. [The following
passage of Aristophanes appears deci-
sive. It is from the Plutus (v. 816),
where Carion is describing the sudden
increase of wealth caused by the ar-
rival of the god of riches : ararripcn I

S' 01 depaTTOvres dprid^oixev -)(pvcTo1s.
Transl.]

^^ Aristoph. Ran. 731, and the scho-
liast upon tlie authority of Philochorus
and Suidas in v. x^^x^ov. Suidas in v.
y\av^ liTTaTaL and Schol. Aristoph.
Eq. 1091, state, that the Attic gold
coins had the device of the owl. This
may be very true ; but the passages
can prove nothing, as in the same
writer, as well as in Hesychius in v,
Aavpeia, the mines of Laurion are
taken for gold mines, and consequently
the owls of Laurion for gold coins,
whereas they are silver coins. See
my Dissertation upon the Silver Mines
of Laurion, at the end of vol. ii.

^' This supposition is controverted
by ;Mr. Hussey, Essay on the Ancient
Weights and Money, p. 88, note.
Transl.

CH. V.J OF THE GOLD COINS. 23

in inscriptions and in writers^ as coined money^*; nor can it
be supposed, that silver pieces are meant, as the idea of a gold
coin is inseparably associated with the name of Phocaic stater.
Its weight is unknown ; it passed however as the least valuable
gold coin°^ Also, that the Cyzicenic staters were coined
money, is proved from many passages of ancient writers. In
the oration of Demosthenes against Lacritus, 100 Cyzi-
cenic staters are expressly mentioned as coined money^^.
Lysias reckons among his ready money 400 Cyzicenic staters,
with 100 darics and 3 talents of silver; and, according to
another passage in the same orator, 30 Cyzicenic staters were
actually paid down^\ The troops in the Pontus, according to
the account given in the Anabasis of Xenophon, were sometimes
paid in Cyzicenic staters, and at other times in darics ; these
staters are also mentioned as coins in several inscriptions.
Hesychius, Suidas, and Photius, also describe the impression
of the Cyzicenic stater, which upon one side was a female
figure of the mother of the gods, who was worshipped at
Sipylus, and upon the reverse, the forepart of a lion ; and can
it be supposed, that by this any other Cyzicenic stater than
the common gold one is meant? Lastly, Demosthenes^^ re-
marks, that 120 Cyzicenic staters passed in the Bosporus for
3360 Attic drachmas, one for 28 ; probably not because their
weight was greater than 2 drachmas, but because the value
of gold was then higher in that country, being to silver in the

^* ^Tarrjp ^coKaevs Deraosth. cont.
Bceot. de dote, p. 1019, 15. ^coKatrrjs
Tliucyd. iv. 52. Two Phocaic staters
as a sacred Oflfering in In script. 150
(t. i. p. 231, ed. Boeckli.) placed to-

are meant.) Concerning the Phocaic
stater as a coin, see also Pollux ix. 93.
^* P. 935, 13. oTi eKarbv (TTaTrjpes
Kv^iKT]vo\ TrepiyevoLVTO, Koi tovto to
Xpvaiov debaveLKcos e'lrj, Sec. Xpvcriov

gether with other Phocaic coins, can ! and dpyvplov in the ancient writers
no more be unstamped or imaginaiy i always mean small, that is, coined or

coins, than the /Eginetan staters in the
same inscription, the false staters in
Inscript. 151 (ibid.), and the tetra-
drachm in Inscript. 139.

^^ Hesych. in v. ^cokols, calls this

wrought, gold or silver,

«5 C. Eratosth. p. 391, c. Diogit. p.
894 sqq. cf. p. 903.

8« C. Phorm. p. 914, 11, 6 8e Kv^i-
KTjvo; edvvaro eKel e'lKocrt koi oktco

TO KOKKXTov ;(pucrioi/, whether staters | Spaxpas^ATTiKas : and 13, tSov pev yap
or parts of staters (perhaps e/crat i eKorov kol cIkooi aTaTrjpcov yiyvovTai.
<b(0Kat8€s, as in Inscript. 150 (ut sup.) , rpis x'^^"' TpiuKoaiaL i^rjKopTa.

24 OF THE GOLD COINS. [bK. I.

ratio of 14 to 1. Each gold stater probably weighed about 2
drachmas. Lysimachus and others, however, coined double
and quadruple staters^'; and there were also half pieces of the
same coin [rj^ly^pvo-oiY^,

Scahger^^ considers the Damaretion to have been a half
stater, which Damarete, the wife of Gelon and the daughter
of Theron, according to Diodorus, caused to be coined about
the 75th Olympiad from the crown of a hundred talents,
that the Carthaginians presented to her at the conclusion
of peace, or, according to Pollux, from the ornaments
of the women, which they had surrendered to defray the
expenses of the war with the Carthaginians^". Other writers
have expressed their astonishment at this supposition; but
Scaliger's remark is perfectly accurate ; for the Damaretion was
equal in value to 10 Attic drachmas, and was thus only half
the common stater. The Sicilians called this gold coin Pente-
contalitron, from its weight"', as Diodorus asserts. Since how-
ever 50 Sicilian litras were equal to 13 drachmas 5^ oboli of
the Attic standard, it is evident that the weight in gold of the
Damaretion cannot be meant (which could only be a drachma),
but the weight of silver which in Sicily was equal in value to
the Damaretion. The Damaretion being equal to 10 Attic
drachmas according to the decuple proportion of gold to silver,
the Sicilians, among whom gold was probably higher, made it
equal to 50 silver litras, at the ratio of 13f to 1. Golden
^ginetan staters likewise occur^% but nothing is known of
their weight.

The meaning of the terms talent and mina, when applied
to gold, has been frequently a subject of enquiry. According
to Pollux^% the gold stater was equal in value to a mina ; a
statement which seems wholly inexplicable, unless, with Ram-

s' Eckhel D. N. vol. i. p. 50.

88 Pollux vi. 161 ; ix. 59.

89 De re numm. p. 13, 17-

^ 4.3. [Mr. Hussey, Essay on the
Ancient AVeiglits and Money, p. 96,
has shown that tl^e inscription referred

9" Diod. xi. 26 ; Pollux ix. 85 j to, if properly read, contains no men-

Schol. Pind. OljTnp. ii. 29.
9' 'Atto tov aradfiov.

tion of golden staters of ^ginA.-
Transl.]

^^ See Boeckh, Corp. Inscript. 150, ^•^ ix. 57.

CH. v.] OF THE GOLD COINS. 25

baches we understand gold coins of 8 or 10 drachmas in
weighty which would certainly agree with the value of a silver
mina. But Pollux is speaking with particular reference to
the common gold stater of 2 drachmas in weight ; unless then
he confuses the entire question^ according to some method or
other of computing, a weight of 2 drachmas of gold must
have been called a mina. That, however, in speaking of gold,
an entirely different language must have existed, is probable
from the circumstance that the same grammarian in two other
places^ ^ calls 3 Attic gold staters, or a chrysus, a talent of
gold. The reason which prevents me from receiving the
emendation proposed by Salmasius®^ is, that Pollux repeats
the same statement twice. I am therefore inclined to follow
the opinion of J. F. Gronovius^', that a weight of 6 drachmas
of gold was called a talent, according to an idiom customary
upon certain occasions, perhaps, as it has been conjectured,
because this was the value of a talent of copper, the ratio of
gold to copper being as 1000 to 1. This small gold talent
could only have contained 3 minas, each 2 drachmas in
weight. This supposition is completely established by the fact
of the talent of Thyateira being equal to 3 gold staters^^;
and Eustathius even calls 2 chrysus, and Hero of Alexandria
1 chrysus, a talent. Probably the goldsmiths reckoned by
these small talents ; and when we read of golden crowns of
many talents in weight, this smaller kind is doubtless intended.
Who can believe that the Carthaginians presented to Damarete
a crown of 100 talents of gold^% if a talent of gold were the
usual weight of the silver talent, or even only a portion of
gold equal in weight to the value of a silver talent ? Are we
to suppose, that the inhabitants of the Chersonese would have
given a crown of 60 talents to the senate and people of the

^^ On Potter, vol. iii. p. 169.

»5 iv. 173; ix. 53,54.

^^ Instead of rpels xP^^^^oOs (r') he
writes TpiaKoaiovi or T', as 300 chry-
sus, according to the decuple propor-
tion of gold to silver. If the text is to ; ^^ Lex. Seg. p. 306.
bealtered,rpt(j;(tX('ovf might be written I ^^ Diod. xi. 26.

for rpels, from which the compendium
of the former word is not very dif-
ferent ; 3000 gold staters ai'e equal in
weight to a talent.
^7 De Pec. Yet. iii. 7.

OF THE GOLD COINS.

[bk. I.

Athenians' °% if the silver and gold talents were of the same
weight ? And even if we suppose that 100 talents of gold
were equal to 600 gold drachmas, and 60 talents of gold to 360
drachmas, these crowns still remain of considerable weight.
Excepting the crown of Jupiter at Tarracona, 15 lbs. in weight,
and that which the Carthaginians sent to the Capitoline
Jupiter in the year of the city 412, of 25 lbs. of gold (1875
Attic drachmas), and the immense one in the time of Ptolemy
Philadelphus, of 10,000 gold staters (which, at a festival in the
time of that king, was laid upon the throne of Ptolemy Soter),
together with another, 80 cubits in length, of gold and precious
stones, I find no example of such large crowns as those two
were, even if they only weighed 600 and 360 drachmas. In
the Acropolis of Athens there were golden crowns of 172- 18|,
of 20, and 25 drachmas or rather more ; also another of 26^ ;
four of which the joint weight was 135 J drachmas; one of 29,
others of 33, 59, and 85 drachmas. A crown, which the
celebrated Lysander sent as a sacred offering to the Parthenon
of Athens, weighed 66 drachmas 5 oboli. Two crowns, hono-
rary gifts to Minerva of the Acropolis, weighed, the one 245
drachmas 1^ oboli, the other 272 drachmas 3i oboli. Another
for the same goddess weighed 232 drachmas 5 oboli. A crown,
dedicated to the Delphian Apollo at the great festival which
was celebrated every fourth year, cost only 1500 drachmas of
silver; and consequently, if the workmanship is estimated
at the lowest possible rate, can hardly have weighed a hun-
dred drachmas of gold^''^ According to these facts then,
the talents in which the weight of the Carthaginian and
Chersonetan crowns is stated, must have been small talents
of 6 drachmas of gold. Yet there can be no question but
that as much gold as was equal to the value of a silver talent,
is often called a talent of gold ; as also that a quantity of gold

1"" Demosth. de Corona, p. 20C, 25.
Concerning the crown at Tarracona,
see Suetonius in the Life of Galba,
cap. 12, the gifts of the Carthaginians
to the CapitoHne Jupiter, Liv. vii. 38.
ConceiTiing the crown of Ptolemy, see

Athen. v. p. 202, b. d.

^"' Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. 150,
^ 13,141; ^S 11, and 139, 1, 20; 141,
^S 15, 20 ; 150, § 16 ; 141, ^ 10 ; 139,
1, 21, 22 ; 150, § 14, 15, 12 ; also 150,
^ 40, 10 ; 151, 1, 28, 29 ; and 145.

CH. VI.] PRICES OF GOLD AND OTHER METALS.

weighing 6000 drachmas was known by the same name ; which
therefore in this case is manifestly dependent upon its relation
to the value of silver' *'^

Chapter VI.

The Prices of Gold and other Metals compared ivith that of

Silver.

The usual price of gold can be as well determined from the
data already cited^ as from other authorities. The most
frequent proportion in ancient times appears to have been that
of 10 to 1, as follows from what has been said concerning
the stater which weighed 2 drachmas ; and although the low-
ness of this ratio does at first sight appear surprising, when
we consider the scarcity of gold in early times, it must be
remembered that the quantity of silver in circulation was
likewise very inconsiderable' °\ The price of gold however
gradually rose, partly on account of the proportionally greater
increase of silver, until it arrived at ratios similar to those
of modern Europe (from 13i to 1 to 15 to 1), although these
experienced occasional variations. When we find so late as
in Menander^"'', a talent of gold reckoned only equal to 10
talents of silver, the price of gold at Athens must either have
been depressed at that time by Alexander's campaigns in Asia,
which opened the treasures of Persia to the Greeks, or Me-
nander foUows the original proportion, which was still remem-
bered after it had ceased to be actually in force, as it afforded a
particularly easy calculation. In the dialogue upon the desire

'°2 Herod, iii. 95 ; Menand. ap. Poll,
vi. 76 ; Polyb. xxii. 15 ; the latter
concerning the mina. The confused
passage of Suidas in v. o/3oX6y, and of
Photiiis, quoted there by Ktister, can-
not be taken into consideration in
reference to the value of the gold
talent.

^•^^ Compare also, on the subject of
this proportion, J. F. Gronovius de
Pec. Vet. ii. 8 ; the same proportion is

given by Hesychius in v. Bpaxfirj
Xpvalov, according to the coiTCct emen-
dation proposed in the notes, and
Suidas in v. dpaxprj. In some regions
of the East, gold was certainly cheaper :
thus Strabo, in the 16th book, speaks
of a country near the Sabaei, where
gold had only twice the value of silver,
and three times the value of brass.
i«^ Ap. PoU. vi. 76.

PRICES OF GOLD AND OTHER METALS.

[bk,

of gain'"^ which formerly^ under the name of Hipparchus,
passed for the production of Plato, and which certainly belongs
to the age of Socrates and Plato, the value of gold is stated
at twelve times that of silver; Herodotus, however, reckons
the proportion as 13 to V°^ ; according to the former the
chrysus was equal to 24, according to the latter to 26, drachmas
of silver. To conclude from the value of the Damaretion,
the proportion of gold to silver in Sicily had, in the time of
Gelo, risen to 13f, although Diodorus, following the ancient
custom, estimates the silver value of the Damaretion at the
ratio of 10 to 1. There cannot therefore be much risk of
error in assuming that the Cyzicenic stater only weighed 2
drachmas of gold, but that at a certain period during the life of
Demosthenes, it passed in the Bosporus for 28 drachmas of
silver, the value of gold in comparison with silver having risen
to 14. The price of gold at Rome was still more variable. At
the payment of the -^tolians in the year of the city 564
(190 B.C.), when they were allowed, if they wished it, to pay a
third part in gold, the proportion between the two metals was
prescribed to them (manifestly to their great disadvantage) at 10
to l"'^ In the year of Rome 547 (207 B.C.), the ratio of gold
to silver was as 17t to 1, afterwards as 13f to 1. In the time of
Ceesar, on account of the great influx of gold out of Gaul, it
fell as low as 8^; as at a former period, according to the
account of Polybius, its price had fallen for a time in Italy a
third part, in consequence of the rapid increase in the quantity
of gold from the mines of Aquileia'''^ We also find the ratio
of 11^^ to 1 ; and in the 422nd year of the Christian era, the
ratio of gold to silver had risen to 18'*'^

The rise in the price of gold in Greece may have been
owing to several other causes besides the increase in the quan-
tity of silver in circulation. The increasing consumption of
gold for ornaments, utensils, and works of art, especially for

'"^ p. 40 of my edition.

'"^ iii. 95.

'"^ Polyb. xxii. 15; Liv. xxxviii.

11.

""° Suetou. Cass. 54 ; Polyb. xxxiv.
10.

'"^ Upon the price of gold at Rome,
see Ilamberger de preiih rerum, p. 7
sqq.

CH. VI.] PRICES OF GOLD AND OTHER METALS. 29

sacred offerings, ^yould have contributed to produce that effect.
Tlie greater activity of commerce must also have forced up
the price of gold ; for, from the want of bills of exchange, much
money was necessarily carried from one place to another, for
which purpose gold was the most convenient. The pay of the
troops was given out in gold. The military chests therefore
required a considerable store, and the demand for gold must
have been very considerable during the continual wars. Pro-
bably much coined gold passed out of circulation by being
accumulated in public and private treasuries, Sparta, during
a period of several generations, swallowed up large quantities
of the precious metals, as in ^Esop^s fable the footsteps of the
animals which went in were to be seen, but never of those
which came ouf ". The principal cause of this stagnation
probably was, that the state kept the gold and silver in store,
and only re-issued them for war and foreign enterprises'^';
although there were instances of private individuals, who
amassed treasure contrary to the law. Lysander sent home
1000, or, according to Diodorus, 1500 talents, 470 at one
time'"*. Must we not then suppose that the Spartans stored
up large quantities of gold, especially as it was generally used
for the payment of the soldiers"^?

Besides the pure silver and gold, many Grecian States had
a coinage, which in other countries was either wholly or nearly
devoid of value, and was only destined for the internal circula-
tion (vofjLcafjba eTTL'Xj^pLov), Of this description were all copper
and iron coins, the current value of which was mostly raised

^'^ Plat. Alcib. ii. p. 122 ad fin. \ Lad the Attic device. Ou the other

'" See book iv. c. 19. | hand, Corsini Fast. Att. vol. ii. p. 235

11-2

Plutarch in Nic. 28 ; Lysand. may be consulted : only Plutaich's

16 — 18 ; Diod. xiii. IOC, who however
probably exaggerates, if we are to sup-
pose that this whole sura was sent at

words are not to be altered, but his
statement is either false, or the money
which Lysander brought home had

once to Sparta after the conquest of j not been raised from Athens, but
Sestos. For the latter fact of the 470 from other states, where Athenian
talents, see Xenoph. Ilellen. iii. 2, 6. coins were in circulation. Upon the
"^ According to Plutarch, most of I whole, most of the silver wliich was m
what Lysander sent was stamped with | circulation had been probably issued
the device of an owl; he then adds as j from the Athenian miut ; and this
a conjectural reason, that most money perhaps is what Plutarch means to say.

so PRICES OF GOLD AND OTHER METALS. [bK. I.

by public ordinance far above its proper amount. In Athens,
with the exception of the smallest coins, no money of this
description was ever used, excepting that in the Archonship of
Callias (Olymp. 93. 3. 406 B.C.) a copper coinage was issued,
which was afterwards recalled^ ^'', and some other instances
occurred in the times of the Roman emperors.

Concerning the prices of copper, tin, and iron, in Greece, I
have been unable to find any definite statement. With regard
to lead, the author of the second book of the CEconomics ascribed
to Aristotle, relates that it was generally sold for 2 drachmas,
but that Pythocles counselled the State to obtain the monopoly
of this native product of the mines of Laurion, and to sell it for
6 drachmas. The weight is not mentioned, but the commercial
talent (jaXavrov i^rropiKoy) is doubtless intended. If we as-
sume that the commercial talent is the talent that was in use
before the time of Solon, it is equal in weight to 8280 drachmas
of the silver standard, about 93 lbs. troy ; which therefore com-
monly sold for nearly Is. 8d., and after the proposal of
Pythocles, if it was followed, for about 4^. lO^d. In Rome a
hundred lbs. of common lead, which were only equal to 7^00
drachmas, sold for 7 denarii''^; consequently the price was
higher than the rate demanded by the Athenian State.

Chapter VII.
Population of Attica,

Next to the quantity of money in circulation, prices depend
upon the demand in comparison with the supply ; and as the
demand is connected wath the number of the people, it will be
necessary to treat of the population. The area of Attica is not
easily determined, for only the coasts have been laid down, and
not even these with perfect accuracy. According to the map
of Barbie du Bocage, which is attached to the Travels of

^'* See book iv. ch. 19. I of this assertion is given in my Disser-

"* Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxiv. 48. I , tation upon these mines at the end of

have said that the lead of Attica came ; vol. ii.

from the mines of Laurion ; the proof \

CH. VII.] POPULATION OF ATTICA. 31

Anacharsis'^% Attica contains 3644^, Salamis l^^, Helena -^
German geographical square miles, i. e. respectively 5'J9^, 21-^,
and 5, together nearly 606, English geographical square miles.
According to the map since published by the same person, in
1811'^^, which is hitherto the most accurate, Attica contains
39^^, Salamis If, and Helena -^ square miles, or in English
miles 625, 26, and 5, amounting altogether to 656. If then we
take the EngUsh geographical mile to the statute mile as 4 to
3, the area of Attica and the two islands would upon this com-
putation be about 874 square miles*.

To ascertain how this small space was peopled, has engaged
the attention of many writers. The ancients not only assert in
general terms that Athens was the most populous of all the
Grecian cities^ '°, but they also have given definite accounts
which establish the same result. The credibility of these
statements has been indeed called into question by Montes-
quieu' '% Hume'^", and other English and French writers, but
has been not unsuccessfully defended by others. Of the latter
I will mention only Ste. Croix, who, with the assistance of his
predecessors, has treated last and the most at large of this im-
portant subject'^', and has also taken into consideration the cir-
cumstances which at certain periods produced an increase or
diminution in the population ; to these, however, in the follow-
ing inquiry I shall pay no attention, partly on account of the
want of adequate authorities, partly because the object of this
work does not admit of my inquiries going so far into details ;
nor will I animadvert upon the unimportant errors of this
learned writer, which have no influence upon the main point.

'^^ L' Altique, la Megaride, et partie
de I'Isle d'Eubee, 1785.

^''^ Carte generale de la Grece et
d'une grande partie de ses colonies
tant en Europe qu'en Asie, pour le
voyage du jeune Anaeharse, par J. D.
Barbie du Bocage, commencee en
1798, termine'e en 1809. Paris, 1811.
The calculation of the area after this
map has been made for me with great
accuracy by Mr. Kloeden, who is well
known as skilled in this point.

* See Mr. Clinton's computation
of the Area of Attica, founded on dif-
ferent data, in his Fast. Hellen. vol. ii.
p. 473, ed. 3.— Transl.

^'^ Meursius de F. A. iv. p. 24.
See Thucyd. i. 80.

''^ Esprit des Lois xxxiii. T.

^'" Essay upon the Populousness of
Ancient Nations, p. 237 sqq.

'^^ Memoires de TAcade'mie des
Inscriptions, toraexlviii.

32 POPULATION OF ATTICA. [bK. I.

I pass over all attempts to determine the population of Athens
from its military force, since the data, which in this case it
would be necessary to consider, are in a great measure too
general, without any exact distinction between the classes of the
citizens, slaves, and resident aliens, and also because in every
State the persons incapable of bearing arms form a considerable
number ; on which account the native military force can only
prove that a nation had not fewer inhabitants than this or that
definite number, but not accurately how great the whole amount
was.

Tlie whole population of Attica would be known, if we
could separately ascertain the number of the citizens, resident
aliens, and slaves, together with their wives and children. The
largest part of the accounts extant are of the number of the
citizens ; but they differ widely, according to the difference of
the periods, and the greater or less accuracy of the statements;
but that their number was considerable, may be collected from
Xenophon^^% w^ho states that the Athenians were equal in
number to all the Boeotians — that is, the citizens of the one
country to the citizens of the other. All particular statements,
with the exception of one only, w^hich belongs to the most
ancient times, vary between nearly twenty and thirty thousand.
Philochorus^^^ indeed related, that even in the reign of Cecrops,
20,000 men had been enumerated, by which the writer pro-
bably meant citizens ; this, however, is manifestly a fabulous
tradition, which was probably adapted to a later census of the
citizens. The following account of Pollux' ^^ is more worthy of
attention. He states that each of the 360 ancient houses which
were included before the time of Cleisthenes in the four
ancient tribes, contained 30 men, whence the houses were
called TpLaKdhe<^', from which it results that the number of
citizens was 10,800. If to this it is objected that a limited
number is in such a case impossible, it may be fairly answered,
that at some one period, when the constitution of the tribes was

'^^ 3Iem. Socrat. iii. 5, 2. one another, but nXrjdos (wliole niini-

^^* Ap, Scliol. Pincl. Olymp, ix. G8, b;^r of the people) is a more accurate

where the words tov tcov 'Adrjvaioiv expression.
driixov Kal TO TrXrjdos are not opposed to '^^ viii. HI.

CH. VII.] POPULATION OF ATTICA. 33

regulated, this number was taken as an average, although it did
not remain so. In the same manner that the Romans called
the captain a centurion, even if he commanded only 60 men, a
house might have been called a rpiaKas, although it contained
50 or more men. That the number of the citizens amounted to
30,000, was a customary assumption from the time of the
Persian to the end of the Peloponnesian war. Herodotus sup-
poses Aristagoras of Miletus to speak of 30,000 Athenians who
had the right of voting'*^. Aristophanes in the Ecclesiazusse'*%
which was written after the Anarchy, speaks even of more than
30,000 ; and the author of the Axiochus'*^ also states that the
assembly in which the generals were condemned after the
victory of Arginusae, was attended by a greater number than
that just mentioned : these accounts, however, are manifestly
overrated. Aristagoras, to express himself with effect, would not
fail to select the highest number ; nor need the words of a comic
poet be taken so exactly ; and the author of the Axiochus could
not have seen accurate accounts of the population, which, after
the great defeats in Sicily, and a war carried on so long with
alternate success, would doubtless have shown a very different
number. Even if we were to assume that in the above enume-
rations of citizens who voted in the assembly, many were com-
prised who had not properly any right of voting, but who
assumed that privilege unlawfully, still we should never arrive
at so high a number as 30,000, especially since all the citizens,
even on the most important affairs, never attended the assembly.
The accounts which are founded upon real enumerations are of
a very different character. On an occasion of a distribution of
com, which, like all other distributions, was made according to
the registers of the lexiarchs among the adult citizens of 18
years of age and upwards, a scrutiny was instituted in the
Archonship of Lysimachides (Olymp. 83, 4, 445 B.C.) into the
genuineness of their birth {jvtjo-lotijs). There were then
found, according to Philochorus, only 14,240 genuine Athe-
nians ; and 4760, who had assumed the rights of citizenship
unjustly, were in consequence sold as slaves. Previously,

'*" V. 97. '»7 Vs. 1124. 1" Cap. 12.

POPULATION OF ATTICA.

Qbk.

therefore, there were 19,000 persons who passed for citizens.
The amount is perhaps stated in too round a number to be con-
sidered as completely exact. Plutarch, who probably only follows
Philochorus, gives 14,040 as genuine, assuming that 5000 were
rejected'". At the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war,
besides 13,000 hoplitse appointed for service in the field, there
were also 16,000 others in Athens, who consisted of the oldest
and youngest citizens and a certain number of resident
aliens' ^°; the number of citizens must therefore at that time
have been higher. AVhatever vacancies were caused by war,
and not replaced by a fresh growth, were filled up by the occa-
sional creation of new citizens, as was the case for example
during the Archonship of Euchd (Olymp. 94, 2, 403 b.c.) Thus
in the first speech of Demosthenes against Aristogeiton'^', we
find the number of citizens reckoned as nearly 20,000. Plato,
in the Critias, assumes the same amount for the most ancient
times of Athens, in which he has, doubtless, transferred the
number that was commonly computed in his own time to the
earhest periods of the state ; and the later Grecian writers, as
Libanius, follow the same statement'^^ An occurrence of the
same period exactly coincides with the statement in the speech
of Demosthenes. When Lycurgus divided the property of
Diphilus, amounting to 160 talents, each citizen received 50

'2^ Philociiorus ap. Scliol. Aristopli.
Vesp.716. Plutarcli.Pericl.37. [The
word in Plutarch is eTrpdOrjaav, for
which ;Mr. Clinton (vol. ii. ad a.
444, and app. p. 479, ed. 3) reads
uTTTjXdSqa-av ; and in addition to the
autliorities whicli he quotes, see
Photius in v. e^eo-i?, Bekk. Anecd. p.
201, 17, and p. 439, 32. It appeai«
that each borough inquired into the
genuineness of its own members; and
that those who were rejected by the
votes of the burghers (u7ro'v//-;;^icr^eVres)
lost the rights of citizenship. If they
then appealed to the decision of a
court of justice, and were a second time
rejected, their persons were sold, and
their property confiscated. — Transl.]

130 Thucyd. ii. 13r

'^^ P. 7o5, 24. The spuriousness of
the second speech is acknowledged by
both ancienis and moderns. Dionysius
doubts whether the first was the pro-
duction of Demosthenes; audinllarpor
cration (in v. 6<;(op\s) it is quoted with a
suspicion of its authenticity. 1 leave
this point undecided, but it certainly
belongs to that period. For the usage
of ofxov in the passage referred to, see
Ilesych. Suid. Harpocr. and Phot, in

V. OflOV.

^'■^'^ See Meui-sius de F. A. iv. Ac-
cording to the interpretation of the
Scholiast, the same number of citizens
may be inferred from Aristoph, Vesp.
707 ; it is not, however, distinctly ex-
pressed in the words of Arist(5phanes.

CH. VII.] POPULATION OF ATTICA, 35

drachmas^ which gives 19,200 for their whole numbe^''^
The assertion that in the reign of Antij^ater (Olymp. 114, 2,
323 B.C.) Athens contained 21,000 citizens''^, is inadmissible,
as being taken from a later enumeration ; and Diodorus'^^ even
goes so far as to suppose that there were 31,000, reckoning
22,000 instead of 12,000 as in Plutarch, who were deprived of
the rights of citizenship, and he assumes 9000 as the surplus,
agreeing in the latter point with Plutarch. These 12,000
rejected citizens, some of whom had left the country, were
restored to their rights in Olymp. 115, 3, 318 b.c.'^^ Soon
after this an enumeration of the people occurs, which is the
very one to which the number mentioned in Plutarch of the
citizens w^ho remained and were disfranchised in the reign of
Antipater, was adapted. It was carried on by Demetrius
Phalereus when Archon in Olymp. 117, 4, 309 B.C.'", and
yielded, according to Ctesicles'^% 21,000 citizens, 10,000 resi-
dent aliens, and 400,000 slaves. From this very important
statement, the whole number of the population of Attica has
been variously determined. According to the usual rule of
statistics, the adults have been generally taken as a fourth part
of the population. This gave for the citizens 84,000, and for
the aliens 40,000. But when they came to the slaves, these
calculators fell into an embarrassment; for, according to the
same, or a somewhat lower proportion, their number came out
far above what could be deemed probable. Hume, wishing to
show that the population of ancient times has been greatly over-
rated, contends with many reasons against this number of
slaves, and ends by substituting 40,000 in the place of 400,000,
whom he considers as the adults, to which it would be then
necessary to add the women and children. But his arguments
are partly inconclusive, and partly founded upon false suppo-

^^^ Lives of the Ten Oi-ators near
the end of the Life of Lyciirgus. Tlje
addition, r) as rives fivav, does not de-
serve any attention.

^3' Plutarch. Phoc. 28.

135 xviii. 18. It appears to me that
the passage ought by no means to be

altered, as Diodorus so frequently ex-
aggerates numbers.

^36 Diod. xviii. 66.

^'7 This is the right date which Ste.
Croix has given, p. 64.

^^8 Ap. Athen. vi. p. 272, B.

D 2

36 POPULATION OF ATTICA. [bK. I.

sitions. Thus all that he says concerning the national wealth
of Attica, that it was only equal to 6000 talents, is completely
false; and, in the next place, slaves were not computed by
adults or fathers of families, which is a term wholly inappHcable
'to slaves; but they were counted, like sheep or cattle, by the
head, and were regarded in the same light with property, as
Gillies'^® has already observed, for they were in the strictest
sense a personal possession : 400,000 is therefore the sum total
of the slaves ; and the population of Attica, deducting the non-
settled aliens, would amount, on this supposition, to 524,000
souls. Wallace's computation is higher, for he makes the
whole population amount to more than 580,000 ; and Sainte
Croix goes as far as 639,500. The latter writer erroneously
adds 100,000 children to the number of slaves, and likewise 4 J
and not 4 for every male adult or father of a family, so that
the free as well as the slave population is made more numerous.
As, however, this proportion appears to be more correct for
southern countries, the citizens with their families maybe fairly
taken at 94,500, and the resident aliens at 45,000. In order,
however, not to proceed solely upon the period of Demetrius,
but upon the mean average of 20,000 citizens, I reckon only
90,000 citizens, and 45,000 resident aliens. With regard to
the total amount of slaves, it is stated too much in round
numbers for perfect accuracy; the historian doubtless added
whatever was wanting to complete the last hundred thousand,
although the correct number might not have been so great by
several thousands. It will be sufficient to reckon 365,000
slaves, together with women and children, which latter, how-
ever, were proportionally few. Adding to these 135,000 free
inhabitants, we may take, as a mean average of the population,
500,000 in round numbers, of whom the larger proportion were
men, since fewer female than male slaves were kept, and not
many slaves were married.

The ratio of the citizens to the slaves can be consequently
taken as rather more than one to four ; and the ratio of the

'3^ Essays on the History, Customs, and Character of the Greeks, p. 15 of
the German translation of Maclier.

CH. VII.]

POPULATION OF ATTICA,

free population to the slaves as nearly one to three. In some
of the American sugar islands the ratio of the slaves to the free
population was as great as six to one. This number of slaves
cannot appear too large, if the political circumstances of Attica
are taken into consideration. Even the poor citizens used to
have a slave''"' for the care of their household affairs. In every
moderate establishment many were employed for all sorts of
occupations, such as grinders, bakers, cooks, tailors, errand-
boys, or to accompany the master and mistress, who seldom
went out without an attendant. Any one who was expensive,
and wished to attract attention, took, perhaps, three attendants
with him'*^ We even hear of philosophers who kept 10
slaves'". Slaves were also let out as hired servants ; they per-
formed all the labour connected with the care of cattle and
agriculture ; they were employed in the working of the mines
and furnaces; all manual labour and the lower branches of
trade were in a great measure carried on by them ; large gangs
laboured in the numerous workshops, for which Athens was
celebrated ; and a considerable number were employed in the
merchant vessels and the fleet. Not to enumerate many in-
stances of persons who had a smaller number of slaves, Timar-
chus kept in his workshop 11 or 12^"; Demosthenes' father,
52 or 53, besides the female slaves in his house'** ; Lysias and
Polemarchus, 120'*'. Plato expressly remarks that the free
inhabitants had frequently 50 slaves, and the rich even more'*' ;
Philemonides had 300, Hipponicus 600, Nicias 1000 slaves
in the mines alone'*'. These facts prove the existence of an
immense number of slaves.

But Hume raises an objection out of Xenophon. Xenophon'*'
proposed to the state to buy public slaves for the mines, and par-
ticularly mentions how large a revenue the state would receive
from them, if it had 10,000 to begin with : at the same time, he

^^ See for example the beginning of
the Phitus of Aristophanes.

'** Demosth. pro. Phorm. p. 958,
14.

'*2 Ste. Croix, p. 172.

"' iEschin. cont. Tiniarch. p.

18.

"* Demosth. cont. Aphob. A.
816, cf. p. 828, 1.

^^^ Lysias cont. Eratosth. p. 395.
*^« De Republ. ix. p. 578, D E.
^*' Xenoph. de Vectig. 4.
'*« Ut. sup.

POPULATION OF ATTICA.

[bk. I.

adds the following remark : " that the mines are able to receive
many times this numl^er, every body will allow, who remembers
how much the slave-duty pvoduced before the occurrences at
Decelea." From this statement, Hume infers that the number
cannot have been so excessive, for that the diminution by the
war of Decelea only amounted to 20,000'^^, and the increase
of 10,000 does not stand in any considerable proportion to so
large a number as 400,000. It must, however, be considered
that after the w^ar of Decelea. the Athenians probably ceased to
keep many slaves on account of the facility of escape, and that
a still greater number than ran away may have been dismissed.
Xenophon himself says that the number had been very great
formerly ; and he means that their numbers before the war of
Decelea prove that the mines, of which alone he is speaking,
could afford employment to many times 10,000. At the same
time, I will not deny that the passage has a very strange appear-
ance, and is obscured by manifold difficulties ; but this is the very
reason why we should avoid founding any argument upon it^.

There are two other statements, equally called into ques-
tion by Hume, which are far more incomprehensible, viz. : of
Timseus, that Corinth once had possessed 460,000, and of Aris-
totle, that ^gina had contained 470,000 slaves'^". Neverthe-
less the numbers do not appear to be corrupt. That the Corin-
thians kept a very large number of slaves is proved by the
expression Chcenix-measurers [')(OLViH:oiJbeTpai) by which they
were distinguished ; nor is it possible that ^Egina before and
during the Persian w^ar, up to the time of its decline, could have
been a great commercial town, and have had an extensive naval
force, without a large population, and above all, many slaves.
Its naval dominion, and its powerful resistance against Athens,
are incompatible wdth a small population. Why, then, may we

'^» Thucyd. vii. 27.
. *» An importaut statement contained
in a fragment of Ilyperides with re-
gard to the slave-population, which has
been overlooked by the author, is
quoted by Islr. Clinton from Suidas in
V, d7r(ylrr)(f)taaTo (F. II. vol. ii. p. 400,

ed. 3), where it is mentioned that the
slaves employed in the silver mines and
in country labour were more than
150,000.— Traxsl.

'5° Athen. vi. p. 272, B. D. Schol.
Find. Olymp. viii. 30.

CH. VII.]

POPULATION OF ATTICA.

not suppose that 470,000 slaves^ lived in this small island, whose
area scarcely exceeded forty English square miles ? there still
remained sufficient space, as slaves never occupied much room,
^gina, as well as the Peloponnese^'^ and particularly Corinth,
received supplies from the countries upon the Black Sea. In
the mean time, it is hardly necessary to remark, that this large
population of Corinth and ^gina must only be understood of
the early times, before Athens had obtained possession of the
commerce of Greece and the sovereignty of the sea.

In what manner this population of 500,000 souls in Attica
was distributed, cannot be accurately determined. Athens
itself contained above 10,000 houses. In general only one
family lived in a house, and fourteen free inhabitants were at
that time a large number for one house or for one family^^^.
Lodging houses {avvoLKiat) were however inhabited by several
families, and manufactories contained many hundreds of slaves.
The district of the mines must also have been very thickly
peopled. The circumference of the city, together with the sea-
ports, was equal to 200 stadii. The mines were in a space 60
stadii in width: the other dimension is not known. If 180,000
persons are reckoned for the city and harbours, and 20,000 for
the mines, and the space for both taken at 32 square miles
English, the number assumed would not be too high. There
then remain 300,000 souls for the other 608 square miles, which
gives something less than 493^ to a square mile, which, with
the number of small towns or market-places, villages, and farms,
that were in Attica, is not to be wondered at. Now this popu-
lation necessarily required a large supply of provisions. It
should, however, be borne in mind, that slaves were badly fed,
and above all, that corn alone was requisite for their suste-
nance. How large a quantity of com was required, and how
the necessary supplies could be procured, I shall endeavour to
determine presently.

Mr. Clinton proposes, in the pas-
of Athen£eus, to reduce the
number of slaves at Corinth to 60,000,

70,000. Fast. Hell. vol. ii. p. 515, ed.
3. — Transl.

^^^ Herod, vii. 147, and thence Poly-
aenus in the Strategics.

'" Xenoph. :Mem. Soc. ii. 7, 2.

AGRICULTURE, AND

[bk. I.

Chapter VIII.

Agriculture, and Native Products of Attica,

All commodities which are necessary for the purposes of life
are procured either by the domestic production and manufac-
ture of the raw material, or by foreign commerce. Attica was
not so unsuited for agriculture as is often supposed. The soil
was indeed stony and uneven in many places; a great part
was bare rock, where nothing could be sown ; the less fertile
soil, however, produced barley^^^ and wheat, the latter indeed
with great difficulty ; and the mildness of the climate allowed
all the more valuable products of the earth to ripen the earliest,
and to go out of season the latest'^*. Every sort of plant and
animal throve, in spite of the poverty of the soiP". Art also
undoubtedly performed its share ; for the ancients in all con-
cerns of common Hfe were possessed of sound principles founded
on experience ; and at so early a period as the time of Socra-
tes, writings upon agriculture were in existence^^. Agricul-
ture was in as great estimation among the Athenians as with
the Romans, if we may judge from the high encomiums of
Xenophon and Aristotle^*^ The latter calls an agricultural
people the most just ; agriculture is represented as that species
of industry which is most just and conformable to nature : the
most just, because it does not gain from men, either according
to their wills, as in paid labour and commerce, or against their
wills, as in war ; the most agreeable to nature, because every-
thing receives nourishment from its mother, and the earth is
the mother of men. The ancients also esteemed agriculture,
because it made their bodies and minds strong and active, and

'" Thucyd. 1, 2, where the com-
mentators quote other passages upon
the sterility of the soil. See more
particularly the Introduction to Xeno-
phon's Treatise on the Revenues.

15* Xenoph. Ibid.

155 Plat. Crit. p. 110, E.

156 See my Preface to the Dialogues

of Simon the Socratic Philosopher, p.
xix.

^^^ Xenoph. (Econ. 4 sqq. Aristot.
Polit. vi. 4, and the first book of the
CEconomics attributed to Aristotle,
which at least contains the principles
of that philosopher.

CH. VIII.] NATIVE PRODUCTS OP ATTICA.

trained them for service in the field, whereas most kinds of
manufactures and commerce weakened and enervated both.
The opulent, however, only occupied themselves with the
superintendence ; and most of the manual labour fell upon the
slaves, who were servants, and frequently also stewards, and who
unquestionably lessened the expenses of cultivation, whatever
the moderns may advance against the cheapness of slave labour.
Thus the cultivator derived sufficient support from his own farm,
and in dear times the agriculturists even grew unduly rich"°.

The most considerable produce was of wine, olives, figs,
and honey; w^ine was probably better in other places; but
the oil and honey were particularly excellent'*', the latter espe-
cially in the district of the mines^*% and upon Mount Hymet-
tus. The figs hkewise were very much esteemed. Even now
the keeping of the bees is carried on to a considerable extent in
Attica. The olive-trees make regular woods, and the wine is
considered wholesome'' ^ For the protection of this branch of
industry, laws were enacted that these products should not be
diminished, and that one person should not be injured by
another in raising them ; hence the ordinances of Solon with
regard to the keeping of bees'®* ; hence no olive-tree could be
rooted up, excepting that each proprietor was allowed to destroy
two in each year for public festivals, or for his own use in the case
of a death'"'. Many of these products of the soil were exported,
although, according to Plutarch^", Solon prohibited all export
of provisions, as might be seen from the first Table of the Laws
of Solon; but, fortunately, this writer afterguards contradicts
himself, when in another place he mentions the famous prohi-
bition to export figs as no more than probable^". The export-
ation of oil alone is said to have been permitted by Solon, as
Plutarch also remarks, and in this point his testimony is con-
firmed by examples '®^ As to the prohibition of the export of

'^^ Oiat. cont. Phsenipp. p. 1045, 12.

^*» Pseud-^schin. Epist. 5.

i«° Strab. ix. p. 275.

^®' See Wheler, Chandler, and other
travellers. Concerning oil
Meursius Fort. Att. chap. x.

comp.

'«^ Petit Leg. Att. v. 1, 6.
'" Demosth. cont. Macart. p. 1074.
''* Solon. 24.
'** De Curiositate, ad fin.
i^« Plutarch Solon. 2, where Plato
is said to carry on a trade in oil ; and

42 AGRICULTURE, AND [bK. I.

figs, I am entirely convinced that it did not exist in the times
of which we have any certain knowledge. All that occurs in
ancient writers upon this subject, only serves to explain the
meaning of the word sycophant. Plutarch himself ventures to
adopt it at the most for the very early times. If, however, the
ancients had possessed any account of such a law, that could be
at all depended upon, they would not speak in so vague and
indefinite a manner concerning the origin of this appellation.
If a prohibition ever did exist, it certainly was not caused by
the reason which is jocularly mentioned by Hume'^^, that the
Athenians thought their figs too delicious for foreign palates,
although Athenaeus^^^ nearly uses the same expression; but the
object of the measure must have been to increase the quantity
of figs in the country, while they were as yet very scarce in the
most ancient times. This view of the case may be formed from
the Scholiast upon Plato'", who dates the origin of the name of
sycophant at a period when this fruit was first discovered in
Attica, and did not grow in any other country. But the
account is far more probable which states that the sacred fig-
trees were robbed of their fruit during a famine, and that the
wrath of the gods being felt in consequence of this sacrilege,
accusations were brought against the suspected^"*'. In the same
manner, persons who injured the sacred olive-trees might be
subjected to heavy penalties, of which Lysias in his defence
concerning the sacred olive-trees, affords a remarkable instance.
Here then it would be impossible to understand a prohibition
of exportation, which can only exist with regard to articles
necessary for the consumption of the community, such as corn.
The keeping of cattle unquestionably existed to a consider-

althoiigli it refers to later times, the j pliauts ad Tlieoplirast. Char. 23, of.

law of Solon luay still have been in
force in reference to such cases. Petit
Leg. Alt. V. 5, 1, absurdly limits the
permission to export oil to the cruise
filled with oil given to the victors in
the Panathenaic games.

w Ut sup. p. 81.

'^^ iii. p. 74, E. Avhere see Casaubon.
The same writer treats of tlie Syco-

Ast. ad Plat, de Repub. p. 361, ed. 2.
Petit Leg. Att. v. 5, 2, does not give
any clear account of this point. To
the passages quoted by earlier writers
Lex. Seg. p. 304, may also be added.

'^9 P. 147, Ruhnk. cf. Schol. Aris-
toph. Plut. 874.

'70 Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 31.

CH. VIII.]

NATIVE PRODUCTS OF ATTICA.

able extent : sheep and goats were the most numerous. From
the latter animal one of the four ancient tribes^ ^gicoreis, took
its name^ which^ from the time of Cleisthenes^ remained only
a borough; of the former there were many different breeds,
and particularly of the finest kinds '^^ In order to encourage
the keeping of sheep^ it was forbidden in a law of extreme
antiquity to kill them before they had lambed or been shorn' '^:
but this and similar regulations had been long abolished in the
time of Solon. Pigs were also kept, and of larger cattle, asses
and mules in tolerable quantities. Horses and horned cattle
were evidently scarce in early times. Philochorus'^^ mentions
a very ancient law which prohibited the killing of horned cattle ;
and the scarcity of horses is manifest from the early insignifi-
cance of the Athenian cavalry, which, after the establishment
of the Naucrarias, only amounted to 96 or 100 men, and was
not even in existence at the time of the battle of Marathon.
Subsequently horses and oxen were kept in sufficient quantities,
for which the pastures of Eubcea afforded great facilities.

The woodlands for the most part only supplied fire-
wood ; the ship-building was carried on with imported timber.
The fisheries were productive; the mines, in addition to
silver, yielded lead, metallic colours, coloured earths, per-
haps also copper; and the products of the Athenian foun-
dries were particularly esteemed. The quarries of Pentelus
and Hymettus furnished the most beautiful kinds of marble,
which were much exported to foreign parts'^*. Commercial
occupations were nowhere in great esteem among the an-
cient Greeks. Probably no person of ancient nobility ever
condescended to them, although conversely a manufacturer
might raise himself to the head of public affairs, such as Cleonj
Hyperbolus, and others. The early statesmen; however, encou-
raged industry, especially Solon, Themistocles, and Pericles,

^''^ Demostli. cont. Euerg. et Mne-
sib. p. 1 155, 3, or whoever is the author
of this speech, which is called in ques-
tion by the ancients (see Harpocrat. in
V. rjTTjfievTjp), Athen. xii. p. 540, D.

'''^ Audrot. ap. Athen. ix. p. 375, C,

Philochorus ibid. i. p. 9, C Other
ancient laws to the same effect have
been collected by Petit v, 3.

^73 Ap. Athen. ix. p. 375, C.

'7* Cf. Xenoph. de Vectig. 1.

AGRICULTURE, AND

[bk. I.

partly with the intention of improving the condition of the lower
classes, and partly of increasing the population of the city; as
well as advancing the cause of commerce, and of manning the
numerous fleets, by which, after the time of Themistocles, the
Athenians held the mastery of the sea'^'. And it was this cir-
cumstance that rendered the resident ahens indispensable for
Athens '% who carried on manufactures and commerce to a great
extent, and were bound to serve in the fleet. It even appears
that the useful arts were encouraged by honorary rewards^";
though even by these means they could not gain in the public
estimation : they were prizes for the common people, for which
the higher ranks did not envy them. At the same time the

^7* Proofs of this occur everywhere.
Diodorus (xi. 43) in particular ex-
presses himself very clearly with re-
gard to Themistocles.

^76 Xenophon de Rep. Ath. i. 12.
The genuineness of this Essay stands
and falls with the other Treatise on the
State of the Lacedaemonians, which
Demetrius the Magnesian (ap. Diog.
Laert. ii. 57) abjudged from Xeno-
phon. But the Essay upon the Reve-
nues of Athens is so similar to those
two in style, that it must be included
in their condemnation ; and it is cer-
tainly possible to raise doubts against
the latter writing, which however I
consider as futile. The predilection
for Sparta which predominates in the
two first writings, is very like Xeno-
phon, who, even in his history, is the
constant eulogist of the Spartans, and
frequently allows his predilections to
give a colour to real facts. A certain
irony in the tone, which occurs in the
pamphlet upon the State of Athens, is
not very much in Xenophon's manner,
but it might have been easily produced
by particular circumstances and by the
nature of his subject. It should be
observed, that contradictions may be
discovered between tiiis writing and
the other upon the Revenues j thus in
Rep. Ath. i. 10, the freedom of the

aliens is foimd fault with, whereas in
the Treatise on the Revenues ( hap.
2) he recommends favouring them,
and lightening their burdens, together
with other discrepancies of the same
kind : but the difference of the times,
objects, and circumstances must be
taken into consideration, from which
these contradictions are easily ac-
counted for, if Xenophon wrote on the
State of Athens during his exile, and
on the Revenues after his recal, a
short time, as it is asserted, before Ms
death took place at Corinth. The
arguments also learnedly brought for-
ward by Schneider concerning the date
of his writing, which tend to prove it
not to be the production of Xenophon,
are not entirely tenable, as I have
shown in book iii. chap. 6, note. At
the same time I am willing to allow
that the genuineness of this and other
short writings of Xenophon is not suf-
ficiently established, and that the
Essay on the State of Athens may
easily have been written by another
author. All I wish to assert is, that
the arguments which have as yet been
brought against their genuineness, are
not sufficient, and that a farther in-
vestigation is necessary.

^" SchoL Aristoph. Ran. 775.

CH. VIII.] NATIVE PRODUCTS OF ATTICA,

respectable citizens, who had none of the high aristocratical
notions, like Pericles, Alcibiades, or Callias the son of Hippo-
nicus, (whose pride yielded in nothing to the haughtiness of the
modern nobility,) were not ashamed of superintending extensive
manufactories worked at their own expense. The inferior
citizens were as much reduced to the necessity of manual labour
as the poor aliens and slaves. It was only in times when the
balance had been turned in favour of the aristocracy, that mea-
sures of severity were brought forward ; as for example, Dio-
phantus proposed that all artizans should be made public
slaves'". There was again another reason why no restriction
could be imposed upon the freedom of industry, viz. the little
importance that was attached to it; an alien was allowed to
carry on any trade, although he was prohibited from holding
any property in land ; with regard indeed to sales in the market,
strangers were on a less advantageous footing than natives, as
they were obliged to pay a duty for permission to expose their
goods there. The law of Solon that men should not deal in
ointments ^^' was only founded on principles of education, in
order to withdraw men from womanish labours ; subsequently
however it became a dead letter, for ^schines the philosopher
had a maniifactory of ointments.

With this entire freedom of industry, with the large num-
bers of aliens and slaves, and the possibility of an extensive
market by means of foreign commerce, and with the magnitude
of the internal demand, which was increased by the resident
foreigners, all branches of industry flourished, and Athens con-
tained many manufactories, which employed a corresponding

'7° Petit, V. 6, 1. [The passage of
Aristotle's Politics, ii. 7. ad fin. which
alludes to the measure of Diophantus,
does not give it the extent which is
assigned to it in the text. Aristotle,
criticizing Plato's plan of a perfect
commonwealth, objects to Plato's pro-
posal that all the persons who labour
for the body of citizens are to be
public slaves ; and he then adds, that,
at aU events, if this is to be so, it

should resemble the practice at Epi-
damnus, and the arrangement for-
merly made by Diophantus at Athens.
This allusion is too concise to indicate
clearly the nature of the measure of
Diophantus. Diophantus, the author
of this measure, appears to have flou-
rished during the boyhood of Aristotle.
— Transl.]

=7» Petit, v. 6, 3.

FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA.

[bk.

quantity of labourers. Athenian arms and other metallic
fabrics, implements and materials for dress and furniture, were
in great request; tanners, arm-smiths, lamp-makers, cloth-
weavers, even millers and bakers, who understood their art well,
lived in abundance^ ®°. With regard to the prices of commodi-
ties, it would be natural to suppose that they must have been
proportionally low, as all the labourers, and part even of the
overseers, were slaves ; as the rate of wages was moderate, and
there existed a complete freedom of industry; but to counter-
balance these causes there was the extensive exportation, which
together with the high rate of interest, and the proportionally
high profits, which the manufacturers and merchants obtained,
operated to force up the prices of commodities. At the same
time many articles, such as bread and clothing, were prepared
in most families at home, and not purchased from retail dealers.

Chapter IX.

Foreign Trade of Attica,

The commodities which Attica did not produce within her own
territory, were obtained by foreign commerce, and unless the
importation was prevented by some extraordinary obstacle, such
as war, there could be no danger of a scarcity, even in the case
of a failure of the crops, because it consumed the surplus pro-
duce of other countries^®\ Although not an island, yet it pos-
sessed all the advantages of insular position, that is, excellent
harbours conveniently situated, in which it received supplies
during all winds ; in addition to which it had sufficient facilities
for inland traffic : the intercourse with other countries was pro-
moted by the purity of the coin, as the merchant, not being
obliged to take a return freight, had the option of carrying out
bullion, although Athens abounded in commodities which would
meet with a ready sale'^*. For prohibitions to export money

'^•^ Only to quote one passage, see
Xeuoph. Mem. Socr. ii. 7,3 — G. "With
regard to the exportation of manufac-
tured goods, see Wolf ad Leptin. p.

252.

ii. G.

Cf. Xenoph. de Rcpub. Ath.
Xenoph. de Vectig. 1, 7, 3, 2. •

CH. IX.]

FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA.

were unknown in ancient times, and are only compatible
with the use of bills of exchange. If a stagnation in trade was
not produced by war or piracy, all the products of foreign coun-
tries came to Athens ; and articles which in other places could
hardly be obtained singly, were collected together at the
Piraeus' ^^ Besides the corn, the costly whines, iron, brass, and
other objects of commerce which came from all the regions of
the Mediterranean, they imported from the coasts of the Black
Sea, slaves, timber for ship-building, salt-fish, honey, wax, tar,
wool, rigging, leather, goat-skins, &c.; from Byzantium, Thrace,
and Macedonia, timber, slaves, and salt-fish ; also slaves from
Thessaly, whither they came from the interior ; and carpets and
fine wool from Phrygia and Miletus'^*. "All the luxiu-ies,^^
says Xenophon'^^, "of Sicily, of Italy, Cyprus, Lydia, the
Pontus, and the Peloponnese, Athens, by her empire of the sea,
is able to collect into one spot:" to this far extended inter-
course the same author even attributes a mixture of all dialects
which prevailed at Athens, and the admission of barbarous
words into the language of common life. On the other hand,
Athens conveyed to different regions the products of her own
soil and labour ; in addition to which the Athenian merchants
trafficked in commodities which they collected in other coun-
tries. Thus they took up wine from the islands and shores of
the ^gean Sea, at Peparethos, Cos, Thasos, Mende, Scione,
and elsewhere, and transported it to the Pontus^°^ The trade
in books appears alone to have made but small advances in
Greece, a branch of industry which was more widely extended
in the Roman empire after the reign of Augustus. There was,
it is true, a book market [tcl ^l/SXay^'^ at Athens, and books
were exported to the Pontus and to Thrace '^^; but there can be
no doubt that the books meant were merely blank volumes.
The trade in manuscripts was in the time of Plato so little com-

^^ Thucyd. ii. 38, Isocrat. Paneg.
p. 34, ed. Hall.

'^* Upon most of these points see
Barthelemy, Anacaars. torn. iv. chap.
65, Wolf ad Leptin. p. 252.

'" De Rep. Ath. 2, 7.

'^^ Demosth. c. Laerit. p. 935, 6.

^^^ Pollux ix. 47, and the commen-
tators.

^"^ Xenoph. Cyr. Exped. vii. 5, 14,
and the commentators.

FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA.

[bk. I,

men, that Hermodorus, who sold the books of this writer in
Sicily, gave occasion to a proverb, " Hermodorus trades in
writings' °%^^ at a subsequent period, while Zeno the Stoic was
still a youth, dealers in manuscripts are also mentioned as
having been at Athens''**'. The merchant-vessels appear to have
been of considerable size; not to quote an extraordinary
instance, we find in Demosthenes'®' a vessel of this kind,
which, besides the cargo, the slaves, and the ship's crew, carried
300 free inhabitants.

Athens had many regulations for the protection of trade,
and for the maintenance of the commercial police. Among
the officers belonging to this branch of the public service we
may mention the overseers of the harbour (eTrcfieXrjTal tov
kfiTTOplov), ten men annually appointed by lot'" ; the Agora-
nomi, five in the city and as many in the Pireeus'*^; the
Metronomi, who had the inspection of the measures, ten in
the city and five in the Piraeus''* ; and the Prometretee, pro-
bably subordinate to the latter officers, who measured com

^^» Clcer. Epist. ad Attic. xiiL 21.
Zenobius and Suidas in v. 'Koyoio-iv
*'Epfi68cc)pos f/xTTopeufrat.

^^° Diog. Laert. in Vit. Zenonis.

^9' Cont. Phorm. p. 910, 12.

1^2 Demosth. cont. Lacrit. p. 941,
15 ; Orat. cont. Theocrin. p. 1324, 10 ;
Dinarch. cont. Aristog. p. 81, 82;
Lex. Seg. p. 255; and what Sigonius
iv. 3, has upon the Constitution of
Athens.

'^^ Aristot. ap. Hai-pocrat. in v.
dyopavofiot, &c.

"■* The passage in Harpocration is
as follows : r](rav 8e tov apiBpov nevre-
KaibfKa, fls p.€V rov Ueipaia Sexa, rrevre
^ els acTTv. I read it the contrary
way, els pev tov Tleipaia nevTC, fieica S'
etff aoTv. The same correction shoiild
be made in Suidas in v. perpovopoi and
in Photius. For what Meursius and
KQster say upon the passage in Suidas
is highly absurd. In the same man-
ner there were ten Sitophylaces in the
city and five in the Piraeeus: see be-

low chap. 15. Both divisions must
necessarily have been closely con-
nected, and for this reason the simi-
larity of the number is also probable.
In addition to this, the merchants were
obliged to bring two-thirds of the corn
from the harbour into the city, which
fact agrees completely with my emen-
dation. The Lex. Seg. p. 278, cer-
tainly has in v. perpovopoi, deKa tov
apiOpov, (cv nevTe pev rjcrav iv t<o Ilfi-
paieX, irevTc S' ev acrrei, nearly as Pho-
tius in the first article. But although
it might appear more natural that
their number should agree with that
of the Agoranomi, and seem singular
that there should have been ten in the
city and five in the Piraeus, this very
circumstance makes it more credible
that my hypothesis is true, and that
the statement in the Lex. Seg. is the
arbitrary alteration of a grammarian
according to what appeared to him the
most natural. A different account is
given by Kuhn ad Poll. iv. 1(>7.

CH. IX.] FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA. 49

and other grain for hire'''\ Upon the whole, there was suffi-
cient attention paid to weights and measures ; as may in part
he seen from a valuable fragment of a decree upon this subject,
which has fortunately come down to our days^®^.

Credit was at a low ebb in Greece, although we find that there
were large firms in all the different Grecian states, which were
possessed of extensive credit, and were able to raise money on
the single security of their name'®^ Merchants belonging to par-
ticular cities, as the Phaselitans for example, were in bad repute
on account of their want of honesty'^*. The absence of credit
was supplied by security or bail ; which, according to the laws
of Athens, was in force for one year'®®. The severity of the
laws relating to debtors contributed materially to the support
of credit, for the Athenians knew well how important these
laws were to commerce and industry^"". "In the Athenian
laws,^^ says Demosthenes, " there are many excellent protections
for the creditor; for commerce proceeds not from the bor-
rower but from the lender ; without whose assistance no vessel,
no captain, no passenger can stir.^^ Even a citizen, who in the
capacity of a merchant, withdrew from a creditor a pledge for a
sum vested in bottomry, could be punished with loss of life*"'.

No less severe were the regulations against false accu-
sers of merchants and captains of vessels^"^ Their disputes
were heard before the commercial court of the Nautodicee,
where the Thesmothetse introduced the causes^""* ; in law-suits
between citizens of different nations, by virtue of particular
agreements, there existed an appeal from one state to the
other^°\ As early as in. the time of Lysias, the Nautodicee,

**' Harpocrat. in v. TrpofMeTprjToi,
Lex. Seg. p. 290, &c.

'»« See Boeckh. Corp. Inscr. No. 123.

^^ Orat. cont. Theocrin. p. 1324,
1325, cf. inf. iii. 10.
203 Pqj. ^.jjg gakg Qf brevity I refer

'^7 Demosth, cont. Polycl. p. 1224, 3. | to Sigonius R. A. iv. 3 ; Petit v. 5, 9 ;
'^» Demostli. cont. Lacrit. init. Mattliise :Misc. Pliilol. vol. i. p. 247.

^^^ Demosth. cont. Apatur. p. 901, 7.

^^ Demosth. pro Phorm. p. 958.

'^"^ Demosth. cont. Phorm. p. 922.
Dilatory debtors were also liable to
imprisonment, only however in com-

The Lex. Seg. also has an article upon
this subject, as well as Photius, p. 212.
It is worthy of remark that the ypacpi)
^evlas could also be brought before
this court.

mercial cases. See Hudtwalker vo?i i ''"* These are the diKoi ana avp-
den Diateten, p. 152 sq. Qokav.

50 FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA. [bK. J,

having been appointed to their office by lot, assembled in the
month Gamelion, in order to sit during the winter, when
navigation ceased''', that the merchants and captains of vessels
might not be impeded in the pursuit of their business. Ad-
vantageous as this regulation vras, it did not obviate all the
inconveniences to ^yhich traders were liable ; for if the cause
was not decided in the course of the winter, either the parties
were obliged to prosecute it in summer to the prejudice of
their business, or the case stood over till the following winter,
and was heard before other judges. For this reason Xenophon
proposed to establish a prize for the officer of the harbour who
should pronounce the most rapid and just decisions of com-
mercial causes^"^ ; and in fact soon afterwards, in the time of
Philip**'^, this evil was checked by the introduction of the
monthly suits {efifJLrjvot hUaL), to which all causes concerning
trade, eranus, do\mes, and mines belonged^''^ These were
heard in the six winter months, so that the merchants might
quickly obtain their rights and set saiP"^ ; and a cause could
not, as some have supposed, be protracted through this whole
time, but it was necessary that it should be decided within the
term of a month^'".

Lastly, the Greeks tolerated a species of consul in the
person of the Proxenus of each state, who was considered as
the representative of his country, and was bound to protect
the citizens who traded at the place. If, for example, an inha-
bitant of Heraclea died at any place, the Proxenus of Heraclea
was, by virtue of his office, obliged to make enquiries concerning
the property which he left behind him^'^ On one occasion,
when an inhabitant of Heraclea died at Argos, tlie Proxenus of
Heraclea received his property"' ^

^■^ Lysias Trepi Stjixcs. ddiK. p. 593.
="'6 De Vectig. 3.

^7 Vid. Orat. de Ilaloneso, p. 70,
18, sqq.

end of vol. ii.)

209 Demosth. cont. Apatur. p. 900,
3, cf p. 9fiG, 17; Petit V. 5, 9.

^'° Vid. Orat. de Haloneso : Lex.

'^•'s Pollux viii. G3, 101. Suidas in Seg. ; and Petit ut sup. ; Salmas. de
V. efifXTjuoi bUai from llarpocr. in the i M. U. xvi. p. 691.
same word, Lex. Seg. p. 237. That ^^ Demosth. cont. Callipp. p. 1237
this is true of causes relating to mines, 16.
I have shown in my Dissertation upon -'=^ Ihid. p. 128?}, 27.
the Silver ]Mines of Lauriou, (at thp

CH. IX.] FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA. 51

Among the many proposals for the advancement of com-
merce which Xenophon makes in his Treatise upon the
Revenues, there is nowhere an exhortation to restore the
freedom of trade : either this was not one of the points which
lay within the knowledge of antiquity, or it must have existed
without any limit. The latter supposition is nearly maintained
byHeeren*^^: ^^they were ignorant/^ says he, ^^ of a balance of
trade, and thus all the violent measures that flow from it naturally
remained unknown. They had custom duties as well as our-
selves ; but these were intended only to increase the revenues
of the state, and not, as in modern nations, by excluding
certain articles, to give a particular direction to the course of
industry. You will find no prohibition to export raw produce,
no encouragement of manufactures at the cost of the agricul-
tural classes. In this sense then there was a complete freedom
of industry, of commerce, and of intercourse. And this was
the general practice. At the same time, where everything was
determined by circumstances, not by any theory, persons may
find individual exceptions, perhaps discover particular cases in
which the state may for a time have assumed to itself a mono-
poly. But yet what a vade difference is there between this and
our mercantile and restrictive system.^^

I am ready to acknowledge that there is a great deal of
truth in these remarks; but the other side of the question
must also be considered. According to the principles of the
ancients, which were not merely scientific, but were recog-
nised by the whole of the people, and deeply rooted in the
nature of the Greeks, the state embraced and governed all
relations between man and man. Not in Crete and Lace-
daemon alone, two states completely closed up and unsus-
ceptible of free trade, but generally throughout^ the whole
of Greece, and even under the free government of Athens,
the poorest as well as the richest citizen was convinced
that the state had the right of claiming the whole property of
every individual. Any restriction in the transfer of this pro-

Ideen Uber die Politik, den Verkelir iind den Handel der alten Welt,
vol. iii. p. 283.

E 2

52 FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA. [bK. I.

perty, regulated according to circumstances, was looked upon
as just ; nor could it properly be considered an infringement
of justice, before the security of persons and property was held
to be the sole object of government; a light under which it
never was viewed by any of the ancients. On the contrary,
all intercourse and commerce were considered as being under
the direction of the community, inasmuch as they originally
owed their existence to the establishment of a regular political
union : and upon the same basis was founded the right of the state
to regulate trade, or even to participate in the profits of it. Any
person who dissented from these principles was not a member
of the state, and was at liberty to detach himself from it. >

It was upon the same principle that the national mono-
polies were founded, which appear to have been not unfre-
quent in Greece, although of short duration; their produc-
tiveness had been tried in the cases of private individuals
who had obtained them by engrossing particular articles^"*.
It can, however, be safely asserted, that no republic ever
demanded of its citizens that they should furnish commo-
dities to the state in specified quantities and at prices
arbitrarily fixed at a low rate, with a view to secure to itself a
monopoly; such a demand could only have been enforced in
countries under the government of a tyrant. The monopoly of
lead, which Pythocles proposed to the Athenians, injured no
proprietor of mines, provided it was exported: the producers
were to receive the same price from the state, at which they had
before sold it*^'. Equally innocent was the banking monopoly
which the Byzantians in a pecuniary embarrassment sold to
a private individual^ ^^ The proceeding of the Selymbriani in a
similar difficulty was probably less defensible, who seized the
whole stock of corn at a fixed price, with the exception of a
quantity sufficient for the yearly consumption of each indi-
vidual, and then sold it at a higher price with permission to
export, which before had not been granted ^'^ But how many
kinds of monopolies may there not have been in Greece !

^'^ Cf. Arist. Pol. i. 7. 1 nomics attributed to Aristotle, c.

^'* See above, chap. vi. ! 17.

^^^ See the second book of the (Eco- \ ^^' Ibid.

CH. IX.]

FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA.

Probably it was then a principle in politics, that states should
avail themselves of these aids when under the pressure of pecu-
niary distress^'®. In addition to this there are abundant proofs
that the exportation and importation were regulated according
to the exigencies and interests of the state ; which is by no
means consistent with perfect freedom of trade.

Aristotle *^^ lays down five principles of policy as the most
important, viz.: finance, peace, and war, the safeguard of the
country, importation and exportation, and legislation; men-
tioning at the same time that " with regard to importation and
exportation, it is necessary to know how large a supply of provi-
sions the state requires, and what proportion of them can be
produced in the country and what imported, and what imports
and exports are necessar}^ for the state, in order that commercial
treaties and agreements may be concluded wdth those of whom
the state must make use for this purpose.^^ Trade was thus
an object of national policy; whence various restrictions or
preferences must necessarily have arisen.

Solon is related by Plutarch to have laid the exportation
of all products of the soil except oil, under a malediction,
which the Archon was obliged to pronounce or to pay a fine
of a hundred drachmas ^^^: although the law was not in my
opinion so general as here stated^*', yet the main fact is
unquestionable; and, considering the liberal disposition of
Solon, is the more remarkable. The export of corn was always
prohibited in Attica^". Similar laws doubtless existed in other
states, for example the Selymbriani prohibited the exportation
of corn, if not always, at least in time of scarcity *^^ There
were also at Athens many commodities of which the exportation
was prohibited (airopprjra), such as timber, tar, wax, rigging,
and leathern bottles, articles which were particularly important
for the building and equipment of the fleet ^^*. It may indeed

2 '8 Cf. Arist. Pol. i. 11.
2'9 Rhetor, i. 4.
"« Plutarch. Sol. 24.
^^* See above, chap. viii.
222 uipian. ad Demosth. cont. Ti-
mocr. p. 822.

'^'^' Pseud-Aiistot. (Econ. ii. 17-

^^* Upon this point see Aristoph.
Ran. 365, 367, and the Scholiast,
Spanheim upon this passage, and Ca-
saubon ad Theophrast. Char. 23. Con-
cerning the leather-bottles (ao-zcco/xara)
conip. besides the Scholiast of Ari-
stophanes, the Etoraologist, Suidas,and

54 FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA. [bK. I.

be supposed that this prohibition only existed against the Pelo-
ponnesians during the continuance of war ^"; but how often did
Greece enjoy the blessings of peace ? and even in the time of
Theophrastus, the exportation of timber^ i, e, of timber for
ship-building, was still prohibited, being only allowed to parti-
cular individuals free of duty"^

It is obvious that war was necessarily attended with certain
restrictions and limitations ; for example the manufactories of
arms at Athens supplied the consumption of many nations ; it
was natural therefore that laws should be directed against those
who provided the enemy with arms; thus Timarchus decreed, that
whoever furnished Philip either with arms or tackle for ships
should be punished with death ^*''. But in addition to these
restrictions, even the importation of some commodities was occa-
sionally prohibited in time of war ; as for example of Boeotian
lamp-wicks, of which the real reason cannot be, as Casaubon con-
cluded from the jokes of Aristophanes ^^^, that the Athenians were
afraid of these lamp-wicks causing a conflagration, but that all
commodities imported from Bceotia were excluded, for the pur-
pose of harassing this country by a stoppage of all intercourse, as
indeed may be seen from another passage in the play just alluded
to^^^ In like manner Pericles, according to the Acharnians of
the same poet^^", and the testimonies of many other writers,
had excluded the Megarians from all intercourse with Attica,
in order to injure them.

Upon the whole, war was as much carried on by impe-
ding commerce as by force of arms, and by her dominion of
the sea Athens obtained the means of exercising a continual
despotism over trade. " No state,^^ observes Xenophon, ^' can

Thomas Magister in v. OvXokos. [The
passage of Theoplirastiis appears to
refer to the exportation of timber from
Macedonia, not from Attica. See
Schneider's note on the passage, cited
in Ast's edition, p. 205, and compare
below, note 450. — Transl.]

^^^ Which one slioiild also be led to
suppose from Aristophanes and his
Scholiast ut sup. and from Aristoph.
E.]. 27«.

2^« Theophiust. Char. 23.

^=^7 Demosth. de fals. Leg. p. 433, 4.
See the note to Petit's Leg. Att.
p. 517, ed. Wessel.

^^^ Aristoph. Acharn. 01 G, and the
Scholiast, Casaubon ut sup.

2^« Acharn. 860 sqq.

^^" See more particularly the argu-
ment to this Play, Thucyd, i. 130 ;
Plutaich. Pcricl. 30 ; Diod. xii. 39 sqq.

CH. IX.]

FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTlCA.

ever export anything, if it be not submissive to the masters
of the sea; upon them depends all the exportation of the
surplus produce of other nations ^^^" They laid an embargo
upon all vessels, seized, and detained or captured merchant-
vessels, even such as the state had no right to interfere with ;
and to recover by the prize courts the goods which had been
unlawfully lost, was a matter of extreme difficulty. That these
measures of the Athenians produced the greatest hatred against
them, cannot excite surprise. Even the Spartans made a
protest against the Megarian decree ; its non-repeal was the
immediate pretext of the Peloponnesian war.

These examples, although not applicable to a state of peace,
prove at least, that the Athenians did not shrink from any
restriction of commerce, so long as it appeared profitable to them ;
and from this it may be fairly concluded, that at times too when
there was a cessation from war, they provided for their real or sup-
posed interests by various regulations which w^ere inconsistent
with freedom of trade. They framed restrictive laws for the
purpose of forcing the supply of those commodities which were
necessary for the consumption of the country; or which should
be brought to the market in the port of Athens, in order to be
there sold, that by these means Athens might become a general
emporium.

Some of these regulations are extraordinarily severe. No
inhabitant, for example, was allowed to carry corn anywhere
but to the harbour of Athens; those who violated this law
were subject to a Phasis or an Eisangelia^^^ In the same
manner it was fixed what portion of the corn of each cargo

231 Xenoph. de Eep. Ath. ii. 3, 11,
12. The words npos 5e tovtois aXXocre
ayeiv ovK edaovaiv, oltivcs avriizaKoL
f}fi2v €la\i/, rj ov xPW^VTaL rfj daXaTTrj,
are extremely difficult to understand,
and certainly have not been under-
stood by the commentators; but yet
they do not appear corrupt. The sense
is, " The states, from which we re-
ceive imports, will not permit our ad-
versaries to export for their own use
the materials necessary for ship build-

ing, oj- they will lose by that means
the use of the sea." The subject to
edaovaiv and xPW^^'''^'- ^^ eKelvoi,
which refers to the preceding napa
fiev Toi), napa 6e tov. The words 6m-
ves dvTL7ra\oi rjplv dalv are to be taken
instead of the accusative to ciyeiv, just
as if it stood rrpos de tovtois iKelvoi ovk
idaovariv aXKoae riyeiv tovs rjpiv clvtl-
Tii'ikovs, rj ov ;^p]7<70i/rat rfj &a\dTTrj.
'^■^- See chap. xv.

5S FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA. [bK. I.

which had arrived in harbour, should be retained in the city
of Athens, as will be presently shown. There was also an
exceedingly oppressive regulation, that no Athenian or alien
resident in Attica should lend money upon a vessel which did
not return to Athens with a cargo of corn or other commo-
dities*". If indeed we listen to Salmasius"*, this law refers
only to the corn trade, and means no more than that it was not
permitted to lend money for the purpose of buying corn in
other countries, except upon the condition that the com should
be imported into Athens : this supposition is, however, mani-
festly devoid of foundation. The meaning of the law is, that
money could not be lent upon any ship which did not return to
Athens with corn ; but if these were all the provisions of the
law, no money could have been lent on bottomry at all, except
upon vessels employed in the corn trade. Since then this sup-
position leads to an absurdity, it is manifest that we do not
possess the law in a complete state. And this in fact is suffi-
ciently pointed out in the speech of Demosthenes against
Lacritus ; and corn, as being the most important article, was
only first and expressly named. In several places it is distinctly
stated, that it was not lawful to lend money which was to be sent
to any foreign port, without corn being particularly specified '*^^.
In the agreement of bottomry given in the speech of
Demosthenes against Lacritus (to which case this very law is
applied), it is not fixed that either corn or anything else should
be taken as a return-cargo ; and the debtor himself affirmed that
he had intended to return to Athens with a cargo of salt meat

^'^ Demosth. cont. Lacrit. p. 941,
9 — 20, from the Law, ^Apyvpiov be fir)
e^elpai cKdovvai 'Adr^vaitov Kal tcov fie-

TOIKCOV TOiV *A6T]UT]ai flCTOlKOVUTCOU fJ.7j-

8lv), ^lr]^€ (ou ovToi Kvpioi. elaiv, elsvuvv
rjTis av fiT] peXXr] u^eii; arlrov ^ ABi^va^c,
Ka\ ToKka TO. yeypupfxepa nepl eKaaTov
avTcov. The last words show that many
other specific provisions followed which
the Orator omits, and in these no doubt
tlie other commodities were either in-
dividually or generally stated.
"* De .^I. U. V. p. 193 sqq.

^^ Cont. Lacrit. ut sup. kuI S1V7
avTO) pr) earoi nepl tov apyvplov, o av
iKb(o aXkoae tttj rj 'A^r/i/a^e. Demosth.
cont. Dionysodor. p. 1284, 15. on ovk
av davcLcraipev els erepov epnopiou ovdiv
uXk' T} els ^Adrjvas. The passage iu
the speech against Lacritus p. 941, 15,
edv de tis e>c8&) napa raCr', eivai ttjv
(fidaiv Ka\ TT]v dnoypafjir^v tov dpyvpiov
TTpos Tovs eTTipeXrjTdSf Ka6a nepl rrjs
vea>s KOI TOV (tItov e'ipt]Tai, kuto. Tavra,
proves nothing against my assertion
for many reasons.

CH. IX.] FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA. 6?

and Coan wine'^* : nor in any similar document is the species
of the commodities ever fixed which are to be taken as a return
cargo, but the only stipulations we find are \nth regard to the
security, and that the return-cargo should be of equal value
with the original freight. Lastly, how could it have been pos-
sible to specify the goods which were to be taken up as a return-
cargo, since the merchant would necessarily be guided in his
selection by the state of the market, and no certain calculation
could be made beforehand ? We must therefore allow, that in
general money could not be lent at Athens upon any ship or
its 'cargo, except on the condition of its returning to that city,
in order that no Athenian property might be employed to the
profit of a foreign trading town. This is not inconsistent with
the permission to lend money only for the time requisite for
the voyage to a particular place, without including the return
(ereSoTrXovs'). If the master of a vessel had borrowed money
for the time of his voyage from Athens to Rhodes, and instead
of not paying the money till he returned to Athens, if he was
obliged to repay it immediately upon his arrival at Rhodes, it
does not follow from this that he was not compelled to return ;
by law he was bound to do so, just as much as if the money
had been lent him until his return to Athens. The sole differ-
ence is, that in the former case the creditor was only exposed
to the risk of the passage outwards, in the latter, of the passage
inwards as welP^^ Money too could only be lent for the time
of the passage outwards, upon the condition of the vessel
returning to Athens : it was only absolutely prohibited when
the ship was not to return. It should also be remembered, that
heavy punishments were laid upon the violation of this law.

As to the laws relating to money lent out on other kinds
of security, no complaint could be made. Those who failed to

236

P. 933, 15. ! the voyage fiom Athens to Eg}i)t, aiid

*•'"' To this view of the subject the
passage in Deinosth. cont. Uionysod.
p. 1284, 8 — 20, cannot be opposed, for
if rightly understood, it completely
agrees •with it. Dionysodorus and
Parmeniscus wish to borrow monev for

from tlience to Rhodes ; it is therefore
a €T€p67rXovs without any obligation to
return, to which the lenders naturally
would not consent. Compare also
upon the questions relating to this
subject, book i. chap. 23.

FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA

[bk.

pay could be prosecuted by a Pliasis''^^; and the borrower, if
he did not return, could be punished with loss of life"^ If
the Athenians imposed such restrictions upon trade, it may be
conceived how the laws of other states were constituted. In
-^gina and Argos, Athenian manufactures appear to have been
in early times prohibited, although upon a pretended religious
motive, and on the immediate occasion for sacred purposes^^".

In the inland traffic, too, there was not by any means unre-
stricted freedom ; nor indeed did it consist with the principles
of the ancients, among whom the police mixed itself with every
thing, although the mode of its interference differed from that
which prevails in modern states. Assize regulations were not
unknown. In the time of Aristophanes the government of
Athens on one occasion reduced the price of salt to a fixed
rate ; which, however, was not long retained, probably because
it caused a deficiency in the supply of that article*"". In corn
we certainly find a great freedom of prices; yet engrossing
was restrained within certain limits. Retail dealing in the
market was originally interdicted to foreigners according to the
rigour of the law ; instances however occur of its being permit-
ted upon the payment of a duty, which is different from the
protection money of the resident aliens^"*^. What is here said
must not however be referred to the wholesale trade in the
harbour ; this in a great measure owed its existence to foreign-
ers, who exposed samples of their goods at a particular place
called Deigma^''^ for the convenience of the buyers who came
there from all regions to purchase commodities.

The prices of commodities could not, however, have been
much enhanced by these restrictions, especially as the custom-

^^^ Demostli, cont. Lacrit. \\t sup.

^^^ Demosth. cont. Dioiiysod. p.
1205, 8 sqq. as tlie context sIioavs.

''"" Ilcrod. V. 08.

'•^^' Aristoph. Eccl. SOD, and the
Scholiast.

^'"^ Demosth. cont. Eul)ulid. p. 1.308,
9, p. 1309,5, Avliere this is called ^(viku

'^*^ Lysias Fragui. p. 31. Aristoph.

Eq. 975, and Schol. Demosth. cont.
Lacrit. p. 932, 20, cont. Polycl. p. 1214.
18, Ilarpoc. in v. delyfia, Pollux ix.
34, and there Jungennan coni])are
Casaub. ad Tlieoph. Char. 23, also
Lex. Seg. p. 237. Tlie Deigma at
Rhodes is mentioned by Polybius v.
69. The specimens themselves were
also called Deigma, Plutarch. Demosth.
23.

CH. IX.]

FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA.

duties were very moderate ; but they were raised by the great
profit which the merchants obtained. That the rate of profits
was high, is sufficiently proved by the high rate of interest on
money lent upon bottomry (fenus nauticum), in which 30 per
cent, for one summer was not unfrequently paid. Hume's
remark^^^ that a high rate of interest and profit is an infaUible
sign, that industry and trade are still in their infancy, applies
with the greatest force to the ancient times of the Grecian
nations, and in some measure to that of Pericles, and the period
immediately succeeding. A Samian ship, which, as Herodo-
tus*^^ relates, had by accident made its way from Egypt to
Tartessus in Iberia, at a time when no Grecians, not even the
Phocseans, traded there, gained upon one cargo sixty talents ;
since the tithe to the goddess Hera amounted to six talents,
probably it had received silver at a low rate in exchange for the
goods carried out^^^ Greek merchants had never made a
greater profit, with the exception only of Sostratus of ^gina,
with whom no one could in this respect enter into comparison.
The value of the cargo of the Samian ship cannot now be ascer-
tained, as the quantity of goods on board different vessels was
very various ; we find instances of cargoes which did not exceed
two talents in value, but larger sums are met with ; thus a ship
of Naucratis, mentioned in Demosthenes, was valued at nine
and a half talents^"*^. In the time of Lysias also, an Athenian
vessel bound for the Adriatic is said to have made so large a
profit upon its cargo, of the value of two talents, that it doubled
the principaP'\ It is of course evident that the retail traders
[KCLTTriXoL) obtained likewise a very large profit on the goods
which they sold, if we take into consideration the high rate of
interest.

^** Essays, p. 222.
^^' Herod, iv. 152.
''^^ Compare what Diodorus
says of the Phasnicians.

35,

2'7 Demosth. cent. Timocr. p. 696
and passim.

'^^^ Lysias cont. Diogit. p. 908.

60 CHEAPNESS OF COMMODITIES [bK. I.

Chapter X.
Cheapness of Commodities in Ancient Greece.

I F allowance is made for accidental variation in different places,
it may be stated that in the ancient world the necessaries of
life were upon the whole cheaper than at the present time ; but
in individual cases many examples of the contrary occur. The
chief reasons of the former phenomenon are the smaller quan-
tity of money in circulation, the unusual fruitfulness of the
southern regions in which the Greeks either dwelt or traded —
regions, which though now neglected, were at that period in a
state of the highest cultivation — and the impossibility of export-
ation to distant lands, which had little or no intercourse with
the countries upon the Mediterranean. The latter is in parti-
cular the cause of the great cheapness of wine. The abundant
quantity of this article which was produced in almost all the
southern regions, was not distributed over so large a space of
the earth as is the case at present.

It is to be observed, however, that in considering the
general scale of prices in ancient states, the difference of time
and place must be well weighed. In Rome and in Athens,
at the most flourishing periods of these states, commodities
were not so cheap as in Upper Italy and Lusitania. In
Upper Italy, even in the time of Polybius*^% the Sicilian
medimnus of wheat, which was the same as the Attic, being
somewhat less than one and a half English bushel, frequently
sold for only four oboli (eight asses), i. e, about sixpence,
the medimnus of barley for half this sum, the metretes of
wine, about ten wine-gallons, for the same price as the barley!
Travellers used not, as in other places, to agree with the inn-
keepers for the price of each article, but only stipulated how
much they should give in the gross for the whole consumption
of an individual, and the sum demanded was generally a half

2i9 polyb. 1, 15. Polybius has \ rius equal to the drachma. He thus
changed the asses into oboli, reckoning i takes the Roman coins a small fraction
two asses to an obolus, and the deua- | too high.

CH. X.]

IN ANCIENT GREECE.

as or quarter obolus, and seldom exceeded this rate. In Lusi-
tania, according to the same historian*'^ the Sicilian medimnus
of barley cost a drachma, of wheat nine Alexandrian oboli, which
appear to have been something less than the Attic"'; the
metretes of wine the same as the barley; a kid of moderate
size an obolus, a hare the same, a lamb three and four oboli,
a fat pig, weighing a hundred minas, five oboli, a sheep two, a
draught ox ten, a calf five drachmas, a talent of figs, about
fifty pounds, three oboli ; game had hardly any value, but was
included gratis in other bargains.

Such low prices as these do not apply to Athens after the
Persian war. In the time of Solon, indeed, an ox cost only five
drachmas, a sheep one drachma, and a medimnus of corn the
same sum ; but prices gradually rose to five times, in many
things to as much as ten or twenty times their former amount,
which after the examples of more recent times, is not surprising.
The quantity of money in use was not only increased, but through
a rising population and an extended intercourse its circulation
was accelerated. Thus Athens, as early as in the age of Socra-
tes, was considered an expensive place of residence^^*.

Upon the whole, the cheapness of commodities in ancient
times has been exaggerated by some writers, who thought that
the nearest approach would be made to the truth by assuming
that prices were on an average ten times lower than in the
eighteenth century"^; whereas the prices of com, by which many
other prices are necessarily regulated, prove the contrary. But
that the reader may be enabled to form a more determinate
judgment upon this subject, I will explicitly treat in succession
of the prices of land, of slaves, of cattle, corn, bread, wine, oil,
and other necessaries of life, and also of wood, clothing, and the
different sorts of implements and furniture, as far as I have
been able to find information upon these points.

^^° xxxiv. 8, 7. Concerning the
reading see Schweighaeuser in the
Lexicon Polyb. p. 555.

^*' See above, chap. iv.

""= Plutarch, de Anim. Tranquil. 10.

^^3 Gillies ut sup. p. 19. Wolf
makes the same supposition in his
Essay : Ueber sine milde Stiftimg
Trajans, p. 6.

62 PRICES OF LAND [bK, I.

Chapter XI.
Prices of Land and Mines in Attica.

The value of the cultivated land in Attica was naturally very
different according to its situation and goodness. The estates
in the vicinit}" of the city bore a much higher price than
those at a distance^^* ; the wooded land (7^ 7re(f)VT€v/jL6V7]) must
have been dearer than the bare or unplanted land {yrj ^jrcXr}),
the rich and good than the poor soils. Among the many
passages upon the value of land, one alone contains an approxi-
mate statement of the area, and this without any particulars as
to situation and quality. Aristophanes, according to the state-
ment of Lysias*", had bought a house for fifty minas and also
300 plethra of land; both together cost him more than five
talents. If we assume that it cost him five talents and twenty
minas, and subtract from this sum the value of the house, there
remain for the land 27^000 drachmas, which gives ninety
drachmas for one plethron. Now the plethron was equal to
10,000 feet of Greek square measure, 9620 Rhenish, or 9900
English feet, according to Ideler^s researches. The English
acre of 43,5 GO square feet would thus have cost 396 drachmas ;
which does not by any means agree with the exaggerated notion
above alluded to, that prices were ten times lower in ancient
than in modern times. It is however by no means improbable
that much land bore a lower value ; but fifty drachmas may be
fairly assumed as the average price of the plethron, without
taking into consideration accidental circumstances by which the
value of the land might be lowered.

It should also be mentioned that in Attica the land was
probably divided into portions of no very great extent. Alci-
biades' paternal inheritance did not amount to more than the
estate purchased by Aristophanes, although his was one of the

254 Y^

253

Xenoph. de Vectig. 4. j that Aristoiihanes is stated to have

Orat. pro Aristoph. bonis p. 633 purchased not 300 plethra, but more
and p. 642, wliere for ovalav read with ! than 300 plethra: y^y TrXfovrJTpiaKoaia
Alarkland oIkuiv. [It is to be observed nXeOpa. ^^ 31, ed. Bekker.— Than sl.]

r-H. XI.]

AND MINES IN ATTICA.

most distinguished families. It was not until the time of
Demosthenes that individuals purchased much land. The most
extensive possessions were those which commonly went by the
name of boundary estates {io-xctTtat), which were situated at a
distance either upon the sea-shore or at the foot of the moun-
tains*'^ Thus the boundary estate of Timarchus in Sphettus is
stated to have been extensive, but it had run wild through
his neglect^"'. The estate belonging to Phsenippus in Cytheron
contained more than forty stadia, or 1440 plethra"^

Of other estates I have noted down the following prices.
An estate situated in Sphettus is mentioned in Lysias as
being worth five minas ; another occurs in Isseus worth above
ten minas, and in the former orator an estate in Cicynna is
estimated by the creditor at ten minas*^^ In like manner
in Terence^®", an estate is stated to be mortgaged for the
latter sum. Timarchus sold an estate in Alopecse, distant
eleven or twelve stadia from the walls, under its value for twenty
minas''^ Again, an estate is mentioned in Prospalta, which
was hardly worth thirty minas^^% and one in CEnoe for fifty
minas"^ An estate of Ciron^s was, according to the expression
of Isseus, well worth a talent : whence we may conclude that an
estate no larger than this was thought a considerable possession;
an estate of the same value occurs in Demosthenes, which
appears to have contained vineyards^^^ The following sums
are still more considerable, viz.: seventy minas, and seventy-five
minas for an estate in Athmonon, two talents for a property in
Eleusis, and two and half talents for the same in Thria^".

■''^ Harpoc. in v. (axaria, Schol. ad.
^schin. cont. Timarch. p. 736, 737>
ed Reisk. Lex. Seg. p. 256, and the
Commentators upon iEschines and
Demosthenes in the passages to be
quoted. Herodotus also (vi. 127) calls
distant estates eVxartat. The supposi-
tion that the estates on the boundaries
of the boroughs were so called is un-
doubtedly false, unless indeed boroughs,
as was the case with many, were
bounded by the sea and by mountains.

^^' ^schin. cont. Timarch. p. 117,
119.

253 Orat. cont. Phc-enipp. p. 1040, 15.

^^^ Lysias nepl b-qfxoa. ddiK. p. 594,
cf. p. 593, 595, Isffius de Menecl.
Hered. p. 221, ed. OreU.

'^0 Phorm. iv. 3, 56.

'^^1 yEsch. cont. Timarch. p. 119.

2^^ Isseus de Ilagn. Hered. p. 298.

263 Is. ut sup. p. 294.

2^^ Is. de Ciron. Hered. p. 218.
Demosth. cont. Onet. i. p. 872, ad fin.
ii. p. 876, 10, cf. i. p. 871, 22.

'"^^ Isseus de Menecl. Hered. p. 220,
221, ed. Orcll. de Philectem. Hered.
p. 140, de Ilagn, Ilcred. p. 292 sqq.

PRICES OF HOUSES IX ATTICA.

[bk. I.

Concerning other kinds of landed property I have been
unable to obtain any information, except that mine-shares were
sold for a talent and ninety minas, although their price may at
times have been enhanced by particular circumstance^''^

Chapter XII.
Prices of Houses in Attica.

With regard to houses, we know that Athens contained above
10,000"^; which probably does not include the public edifices
and the buildings without the walls ; the city and the harbours
being nearly 200 stadia in circumference, there were many
places 'v\ithin so large an area upon which no buildings were
erected*®^. The houses were for the most part small and mean
in appearance, the streets crooked and narrow ; " a stranger/'
says Dicsearchus, ^^ might doubt upon a sudden view whether
this were really the city of Athens/' the Piraeus alone had
been laid out according to rule, in the time of Themistocles, by
the architect Hippodamus^°^ The upper stories often projected
over the streets; staircases, balustrades, and doors opening
outwards, obstructed and narrowed the way. Themistocles and
Aristides, with the entire cooperation)of the Areopagus, gained
nothing more by their endeavours than that a stop was put to
any farther narrowing of the streets by building, a measure
which was adhered to in later times^^°. The plan of Hippias
and Iphicrates for breaking down everything that projected into
the public streets*^' w^as not carried into execution, because
tiieir object was not the embellishment of the city, but to obtain
money by fraudulent means.

With the exception of the magnificent public edifices, they
did not begin to build good houses until the time of Demos-

*^^ See my Dissertation upon the
Silver Mines of Lanrion, in vol. ii.

^^' Xenopli. ;Mem. Socrat. iii. 6, 14.
To tliis Xenoph. CEcon. 8. 22, is also
referred ; but not with any certainty.

^^^ Xenoph. de Vectio;. 2.

*^^ Dicaarchus p. 8, and Aristot.
Polit. vi. 2, vii. II, and the Commen-
tators.

^70 Heraclid. Pont, and Xenopli. de
Rep. Ath. 3.

■'''' See Meursius F. A. p. 20.

CH. XII.] PRICES OF HOUSES IN ATTICA. 65

thenes. "Formerly/^ says this orator"^*, "the republic had
abundant wealth, but no individual raised himself above
the multitude. If any one of us could now see the houses
of Themistocles, Aristides, Miltiades, Cimon, or the famous
men of those days, he would perceive that they were not
more magnificent than the houses of ordinary persons ; while
the buildings of the state are of such number and magni-
tude that they cannot be surpassed ;^^ and afterwards he com-
plains that the statesmen of his time constructed houses which
exceeded the public buildings in magnificence. Meidias built a
house in Eleusis larger than any in that place*^^. The greater
number of houses were however even at this time badly built,
as Photion^s^'% for example ; and, like those of Pompeii and Her-
culaneum, they occupied only a limited space, for which reason
their price could not have been high. Labour was cheap, there
was stone in plenty, and wood could be easily brought to the
place of building ; and another circumstance which diminished
the price of houses was, that they were for the most part either
built with a frame-work, or of unburnt bricks dried in the open
air, which latter mode of building, as being more durable than
with soft stones, was sometimes even employed in splendid and
costly edifices*'\ An advantageous situation and the customary
high rate of house rent, might however raise the value of houses.
It was also of course possible for large sums of money to be
expended by foolish and extravagant speculations upon an
useless house*'^. It should be observed that the Attic idiom
distinguishes between dwelling-houses (ot/c/at), and lodging-
houses (crvvoiKlat); accidentally indeed a dwelling-house might
be let out for lodgings, and a lodging-house have been inhabited
by the proprietor himself; which will explain how learned writers
could fall into the error of supposing that the latter word

^''^ Demosth. cont. Aristocrat, p.
C89 11—24, Olynth. iii. p. 35, 14—24,
p. 3G, 20, from both of which the pas-
sage in the Oration nepl avvrd^fcoi, p.
174-5, is made up. For the whole
speech has been correctly abjudged
from Demosthenes.

'7^ Demosth. c. Mid. p. 565, 24.

27^ Plut. Phoc. 18.

^^^ That the private buildings of the
Athenians were constructed of bricks
of unburnt clay is in part proved by
Demosthenes ap. Plutarch, in Vit.
Demosth. 11. For the rest see Hirt,
Baukunst der Alten, p. 143.

'^''' Xenoph. CEcon. 3, 1.
F

PRICES OF HOUSES IN ATTICA.

[bk. 1.

{(TvvoiKia), frequently means a house in general without any
addition of the idea of letting ; whereas the derivation of the
word plainly shews that it denotes a dwelling together of several
families^ of whom either some or all are lodgers.

The prices of houses, which are mentioned in the ancient
■writers, vary from 3 minas to 120, according to their size,
situation, and condition. The data are as follows: a small
house estimated by Isjeus at less than 3 minas, though he
probably depreciates its value ; a house at Eleusis worth 5
minas, mentioned by the same orator^^^; a very small house
near the temple of Hermes Psithyristes at Athens, sold for
7 minas, according to another orator*^^ ; another house which
was pledged for 10 minas, according to Demosthenes, a
possession belonging to poor people, as is evident from their
inconsiderable dowry of 40 minas, and from other circum-
stances*'^ ; to these may be added a house noticed in Terence
which is mortgaged for the same sum, a poet who generally
represents the usages and customs of Athens*®" ; a dwelling-
house in the city, worth 13 minas, mentioned by Isseus^^' ; a
lodging-house in the country mortgaged for 16 minas, in De-
mosthenes**'' ; a house in the city that had been let, worth 20
minas, in Isseus*^ ; and several houses of the same value in
Demosthenes and ^schines*"*, one of them behind the Acro-
polis ; a house sold for 30 minas, and another of the same
value in Isaeus and Demosthenes'^^ the former in Melitej a
lodging-house in the Cerameicus, worth 40 minas, given as a
dowry, in Isseus ; another in the city transferred for the sum
of 44 minas, in the same orator^^^ ; likewise one for 50 minas
in Isseus and Lysias^"; a lodging-house belonging to the
rich merchant Pasion, valued at 100 minas*^^; and, lastly.

^" Is?Gus de Mcnecl. Ilered. p. 221,
ed. Orell. de Hagn. Ilered. p. 293.

278 Orat. cont. Neaor. p. 1358, 6—9.

'^'^ Demosth. cont. Spud. p. 1029,
20, cf. p. 1032, 21, p. 1033, 28.

^^f* Phorm.iv. 3, 58.

2^' De Ciron. Hered. p. 210.

•^82 Cont. Nicosti-at. p. 1250, 18.

'8^ Utsiip.

■"^' Demosth. c. Onetor. ii. p. 8/0,9,
and passim ; ^Esch. c. Timarch. p. 119.

^^ Isa3us de Hagn. Hered. p. 293 ;
Demosth. c. Aphob. i. p. 816, 21.

^« Do Dicreog. Hered. p. 104 ; de
Philoctem. Ilered. p. 140.

^7 Is. do Dicieog. Ilered. p. 105 ;
Lys. pro Aristoph. bonis, p. 633.

■'*° Demosth. c. Stephan. i. p. 1110,8.

CH. XIII.]

PRICES OF SLAVES.

in Plautus a house purchased, with comic liberality, for 2
talents, having two wooden columns connected with it, valued,
exclusively of the cost of the carriage, at 3 minas^^^ To these
may be added 30 minas, the value of a bathing house at
Serangium in the Pirceus"" ; and another of which the value
may be fairly estimated at 40 minas, as the person, who was
cast in a law-suit on the occasion, was compelled to pay that
sum for it^^'.

Chapter XIII.

Prices of Slaves.

The market-price of slaves, exclusively of the variations
caused by the greater or less demand and supply *^% v as very
different according to their age, health, strength, beauty, natural
abilities, mechanical ingenuity, and moral qualities. Some
slaves, says Xenophon"% are well worth 2 minas, others
hardly half a mina; many sold for 5 or 10 minas, and
Nicias the son of Niceratus is stated to have given no less
than a talent for an overseer of the mines. The slaves em-
ployed in the mills and mines were undoubtedly the lowest.
Lucian, in the ludicrous valuation of the philosophers^^*,
estimates Socrates at 2 talents, a Peripatetic at 20, Chry-
sippus at 12, a Pythagorean at 10, and Dion of Syracuse at
2 minas, and, to omit the value of Diogenes, reckons Philon
the Sceptic at a mina, remarking at the same time that he was
destined for the mill ; the latter therefore is evidently the
price of a slave employed in the mills. ^^ Assuming,^^ observes
Xenophon, "that the Athenian state^" purchases 1200 slaves,
and lets them out on hire into the mines for a daily payment of
one obolus a head, and that the whole revenue accruing from this
source is annually applied to the purchase of fresh slaves, who

^» Mostell. iii. 1, 113 sqq. ; iii. 2,
138. I omit other passages which do
not refer to Athens, such as that in
the spurious Epistle of ^schines, 0.

■■"^'^ Is. de Philoct. Hered. p. 140
Compare also Harpocration in v.
Sr/pdyytoj/.

^^^ Isscus de Dicaeog. Tiered, p. 101.

^- Such for example as those paid
for the Carthaginian soldiers, according
to Liv. xxi. 41.

^^^ Mem. Socrat. ii. 3, 2.

-^' Bicov Trpdais, 27.

•29 5 j)q Vectig. 4, 23.

F 2

68 PRICES OF SLAVES. [bK. I.

should again be let out at a like profit, which receipts should
be applied as before, and so on for ever, the state would, by
means of these successive returns, have 6000 slaves in five or
six years." If, as I believe, the original 1200 are compre-
hended in this number, the price is here taken at from 125 to
150 drachmas ; if they are not comprised in the estimate,
which appears to me improbable, a slave in the mines would
be only reckoned at from 100 to 125 drachmas. According to
the account of Demosthenes"^ 105 minas were lent upon the
security of a mine, and 30 slaves employed in working it ; this
was arranged by a fictitious purchase made by two creditors,
one of whom, Nicobulus, gave 45 minas, the other, Euergus, a
talent ; the latter held the mine, the former the slaves, as a
pledge, which they were to cede as soon as the contract of
purchase ceased to be in force"^ ; consequently each slave was
in this case estimated at 150 drachmas : nor could a slave of
this description in general have been worth more, although the
antagonists of Demosthenes' client maintained that the mines
and slaves together were worth a much larger sum*^^. The
statement of Barthelemy^®% who supposes that the value of
the mine-slaves varied from 300 to 600 drachmas, rests upon
an erroneous assumption.

Ordinary house-slaves, both male and female, could not have
been worth much more than those just mentioned^"". The valua-
tion of two slaves, each at 2i minas, is considered by Demos-
thene3^°^ as high ; in the same author we read of a slave who
was sold for 2 minas^"^ Demosthenes' father was possessed of

25« Cont. Pantsenet. p. 967.

2S7 See p. 967, 18, and p. 972, 21.

^^ See my Dissertation on the Sil-
ver Mines of Laurion, in vol. ii.

'^^ Anachars. torn. v. p. 35.

^o** Upon this point compare the
vague statements in Aristoph. Pint.
147 ; Isscus de Ciron. Hered. p. 218 —

highjbecause from the words to fxeyedos
T^s d7roypa(f)rjs he assumed a high valu-
ation ; and tliat therefore the words of
the orator must be interpreted as if
each of the two slaves was estimated
at that sum ; but that since fx^yedos
might also be understood of a less
amount, and as tlie context, although

220. I very obscure, seems to require this

20' Cont. Nicest, p. 1246, 7- The meaning, it might be preferable to
author afterwards states in the Ad- suppose that the two slaves were toge-
denda, that " he had considered the ther valued at 2^ minas.'*
estimate of two slaves at 2^ minas as j *^'^ Cont. Spud. p. 1030, 8.

CH. XIII.]

PRICES OP SLAVES,

workers of iron or sword-cutlers, some of whom were worth 5,
some 6, and the lowest more than 3 mmas, and 20 chair-makers
together worth 40 minas. The chair-makers with the 32 or 33
sword-makers, including a capital of a talent, are stated at 4
talents 50 minas^"^. But when in another place the same orator
reckons 14 sword-cutlers (although they might have been of
advanced age), together with 30 minas, at only 70 minas^"*,
and consequently each at ?! drachmas, he is manifestly guilty
of an intentional falsehood. How great an influence a know-
ledge of any art had upon the value of the slave is shown by
this example of the sword-cutlers ; for the higher profit they
afforded the greater was their value. While a slave in the
mines only yielded a profit of an obolus a day, a worker in
leather produced two, and the master of the workshop three
oboli^"; from whence it can be judged how large may have
been the profit which the manufacturers of fine ornamental
goods, such as head-nets (aaKxv(j>avTac), or of stuffs of Amorgus
and variegated cloths [iroLKiXTol), yielded to their possessors^"*.
Five minas, which we found above to have been given for slaves
skilled in some art, appear moreover not to have been at all
uncommon^**^, as is shown by an account in Diogenes^"^. The
Roman soldiers whom Hannibal had sold in Achaia, were

303 Demosth. c. Aphob. i. p. 816, 5.

»"* Cf. Demosth. c. Aphob. p. 815,
p. 817, 23, and p. 821.

''"* ^schin. cont. Timarch. p. 118.

30^ Concerning the (raKxv(f)dvTai see
Demosth. cont. Olympiod. p. 1170, 27;
Pollux X. 192. The interpretation
given in Lex Seg. p. 302, is incorrect-
For the other points cf. ^sch. ut sup.
Concerning the ttolkiKttjs, afterwards
called nXovfidpins {plumarius, see INIu-
ratori Inscript. vol. ii. p. 906, 13, and
again p. 924, 11, together with his
Dissertation de Textrina in the Ant.
Ital.) ; Pollux vii. 34, 35, and the
commentators, Schol. ^sch. p. 730,
ed. Reiske, and Lex Seg. p. 295.

^"^ It might also be supposed that
the price of 5 minas for slaves at the
oars (kwttcis) was mentioned in Ando-

cides de suo Reditu, p. 81, if in that
passage we write TreVre fj.v(ov for TrevTf
bpaxfi^v : for what Reiske (Ind. An-
doc. Orat. Att. torn. viii. p. 503), in-
fers from this passage, Remigis erat
ingens pretium quinque drachmcBj will
not mislead any reader. KwTreuy,
however, does not mean a rower, but
a piece of wood for an oar, as may be
easily seen by a comparison of the
passages, where it was supposed to
mean a rower. Of these is the pas-
sage in Andocides, where the context
clearly shows, that pieces of wood for
oars, and not slaves for the oars, are
intended : and a piece of wood of this
description was probably well paid for
at 5 drachmas.

^"^^ Vol. ii. in the Life of Aristippus.

PRICES OF SLAVES.

[bk. I.

ransomed at a compensation of 5 minas each, the price having
been fixed by the Acheeans themselves, and the state paid it to
their respective possessors'"'. These statements agree for the
most part with the prices which were paid for some slaves sold
to the Delphian Apollo, upon the condition that the individuals
who thus became sacred property should in all other respects
be free, and ever after be exempt from serving any person
as slaves. In instruments of sale belonging to this kind of
transfer we find 4 minas paid for a male, from 3 to 5 for a
female^ ^° ; yet in a sale which took place at Amphissa to the
temple of Apollo not less than 1000 drachmas are given for
a male slave. Plautus appears, as is frequently the case with
the comic poets, to make a high estimate, w^hen he values
a strong useful slave at 20 minas, and supposes a child
to be sold for 6 minas'^'. The father of Theocrines was
condemned to pay to the state a fine of 500 drachmas for
having attempted to emancipate a female slave of Cephiso-
dorus. The sum paid to the state for an offence of this
nature w^as, according to law, the half of the complete fine,
the other half went to the injured master ; and it is probable
that this was a simple compensation for the loss sustained,
so that the female slave appears to have been valued at 5
minas ^^^ For women who prostituted their persons, and female
players on the cithara, 20 or 30 minas occur as common
prices ^'^ Neeera was sold for 30 minas '^*. A negro-woman
and an old eunuch are sold in a play of Terence for 20

^"^ 1200 cost the state a hundred
talents according to Polybius, liv.
xxxiv. 50. This was in Olymp. 14G,
1, A. u. c. 558 (196 B.C.)

^'** See Corp. Inscript. Gra>c. Nos.
1607, 1608, 1690—1710. The sacred
slaves, lepodovXoi, were of this descrip-
tion, as e. g. the Venerii at Eryx in
Sicily, the female servants of Aphro-
dite at Corinth, the Hieroduli of Co-
mana upon the Pontus, which the
priests could no more sell to another
person, than the Thessalians could sell

their bondsmen the Penesta?, or the
Spartans their Helots, out of the
country. Cf. Strab. xii. p. 384.

2" Captiv. ii. 2, 103, v. 2, 21, 4, 15.

^'2 Orat. cont. Theocriu. p. 1327,
1328, see book iii. ch. 12.

313 Terent. Adelph. ii. 1, 37, 2, 15,
iv. 7, 24, and elsewhere, Plant. Mos-
tellar. in several places, Curcul. i. 1,
63, ii. 3,65, and passim, Terent. Phorm.
iii. 3, 24, Isocrat. nepl uvridoa-ccos,
p. 12i, ed. OreU.

3'^ Orat. cont. Neocr. p. 1354, IC.

CH. XIII.]

PRICES OF SLAVES.

minas^'^ Even these priceswere still further enhanced by luxury;
and although at Athens an excellent slave could be bought for 10
minas, the price at Rome in the time of Columella exceeded
even this amount^'% in the same manner that the value of
negro-slaves has at the present day considerably increased:
as early as in the age of the first Ptolemies, an Alexandrian
talent was the price given for the males and females who
attended at court^'^.

The ransom-money for captives was only in part regulated
by the price of slaves. This may be seen from the fact that
the Chalcideans, who before the Persian war remained pri-
soners in Athens, were ransomed at 2 minas a head^^^; at
which sum subsequently the indigent citizens of Potideea
were valued, and paid taxes for it as for property of the
same amount. Again, Dionysius the elder, after he had con-
quered the Rhegini, first compelled them to make good the
expenses of the war, and then demanded for each man a ran-
som of 3 minas, or, according to Diodorus, 1 mina^'^; Han-
nibal also agreed to ransom the Roman prisoners at 3 minas
a head; and finally, in the time of Philip, when there were
many Athenian prisoners in Macedonia, the customary ransom
varied from 3 to 5 minas ^^^ But since it frequently hap-
pened that not only the respectabihty and character of a man,
but also his wealth and importance, were taken into considera-
tion, a higher rate of ransom was in such cases arbitrarily fixed.
Nicostratus, as appears in a speech attributed to Demosthenes^*',
ransomed himself for 26 minas; Plato was freed from captivity
by Anniceris for 20 or 30 minas; with which sum, the friends
of the philosopher having raised the money for the ransom and

215 Terent. Eunuch, i. 2, 89. In v.
5, 13, he inaccurately says that the
eunuch cost the same sum. The ne-
gress appears to have been worth but
little, cf. iii. 2, 18.

2'® Hamberger De pretiis rerum,
p. 32. Cf. Jugler de Nundin. Serv. 7,
p. 85 sqq.

'"^^^ Joseph. Antiq. Jud. xii. 4.

^1" Herod, v. 77-

t ^-^ The former according to the se-
cond book of the (Economics attributed
to Aristotle, from -nhich the account
of Diodorus xiv. ill, disagi'ees in se-
veral points. The date of this occur-
rence is Olymp. 98, 2 (b.c. 387).

^"^« Polyb. vi. 56, Demosth. de fals.
leg. p. 394, 13.

^^^' Cont. Nicostrat. p. 1248, 23.

PRICES OF SLAVES.

[bk. I,

given it to Anniceris, the latter purchased him a garden adjoin-
ing the Academy^". Philip affirms in his Epistle to the Athe-
nians^" that the Attic general Diopeithes had refused to ransom
Amphilochus, a man of consideration who was employed upon
embassies^ for less than 15 talents. Hence in order to prevent
any arbitrary proceedings, Demetrius Poliorcetes concluded an
agreement with the Rhodians that the free inhabitants should
be ransomed for 10 and the slaves for 5 minas^^*.

The rights of property with regard to slaves in no way dif-
fered from any other chattel; they could be given or taken as
pledges^". They laboured either on their master's account or
their own, in consideration of a certain sum tob e paid to the
master, or they were let out on hire either for the mines, or any
other kinds of labour, and even for other persons' workshops,
or as hired servants for wages {airocpopaj^^^: a similar payment
was also exacted by the masters from their slaves serving in the
fleet. The profit derived from the slaves was necessarily
very great; for the owner must have replaced his outlay of
capital and ensured the usual high rate of interest, exactly in
the same manner as if it had been vested in cattle, since the
value of slaves was destroyed by age, and at their death the
money vested in them was lost. To this must be added the
great danger of their elopement, especially when there was war
in the country, and they were with the armies ^*^; it then
became necessar}^ to pursue them, and offer rewards publicly
for their recapture {acoarpa) ^^^. The idea of an institution for
the insurance of slaves first occurred to a Macedonian grandee,
Antigenes of Rhodes, who undertook, for a yearly contribution
of 8 drachmas for each slave that was in the army, to make

'^* Diog. Laert. iii. 21, Plutarch, de
Exilio 10, Seneca Epist. 74, iSIacrob.
Sat. i. 11. The account of Diodorus
XV. 7, is, as usual, confused.

3« Demosth. p. 159, 15.

^" Diod. XX. 84.

="^5 Demosth. c. Pantaenet. p. 967, c.
Aphob. p. 821, 12, p. 822, c. Onetor. i.
p. 871, 11.

•^" Demosth. c. Nicostrat. p. 1253,

1, 11, c. Aphob. 1. p. 819, 2G, Xenopli.
de Rep. Ath. 1, in several places, par-
ticularly in chap. 11, which passage
(as corrected by Heindorf) appears
chiefly to refer to the pay of the sailors ;
Theoph. Char. 22, Andoc. de Myst.
p. 19.

327 Thucyd. vii. 13 and 27.

3^^ Plat. Protag. init. Xenoph. Mem.
Socr. ii. 10, 2.

CH. Xlll.]

PRICES OF SLAVES.

good his price, as estimated by the owner at the time of elope-
ment; which he was easily able to do, by compelling the governors
either to return the slaves who had fled into their provinces, or
to pay for them^^^. It cannot however be determined with any
accuracy how high was the rate of profit which a slave returned.
The thirty-two or thirty-three iron-workers or sword-cutlers
belonging to Demosthenes, annually produced a net profit of
30, and the twenty chair-makers of 12 minas ; the value of the
former being 190, of the latter 40 minas ^^"; the latter produced
30, the former only 15^f per cent., a disparity sufficiently
remarkable. It is however to be mentioned, that the master
furnished the raw materials for manufacturing, and perhaps we
ought to consider what he gained upon the raw materials as
constituting a part of the whole profit. The leather-workers
of Timarchus produced to their master 2, the overseer 3 oboli
a day, but probably this return is not to be considered as
arising only from the capital vested in the slaves, as it must
have also included the profit which the master derived from the
supply of the raw materials. Hence it may be concluded that
when mine-slaves let out to a tenant yielded to their master a
profit of an obolus a day, which, reckoning 350 working days
and an average value of 140 drachmas, gives 47i-f per cent., the
rent thus paid extended not only to the slaves, but also to the
mines let out with them ; an inference which I have supported
with other arguments elsewhere ^^^

Chapter XIV.

Prices of Horses, Cattle, Sheep, and other animals.

Among domestic animals, horses were in Attica sold for com-
paratively high prices, not only on account of their utility and
the difficulty of keeping them, but from the disposition of the
Athenians to extravagance and display: while the knights kept

3^» See Pseud- Arist. (Econ. ii. 2, 34.
Antigenes for Antimenes is an emend-
ation of Niebuhr. [Concerning this
emendation, see some remarks in the

Philol. Mus. vol. i. p. 139.— Transl.]
^3« Demosth. cont. Aphob. i. p. 816.
33^ Dissertation on the Mines of

Laurion, in vol. ii.

PRICES OF HORSES^ CATTLE, ETC.

[bk,

expensive horses for military service and processions at the
festivals, and while men of ambition and high rank trained
them for the games and races, there arose, particularly among
the young men, that excessive passion for horses, of which
Aristophanes gives an example in the Clouds, and which is
recorded by several ancient writers ^^' ; so that many were
impoverished by keeping horses, although it is true that others
were enriched by the same means ^^^ In early times also tech-
nical principles had been laid down concerning the management
of horses, and rules of this kind had been published before the
time of Xenophon by Simon a celebrated rider^^^. The price of
a common horse, such as a countryman used, was 3 minas.
'' You have not squandered your property,^^ says the client of
Isseus^^^, by keeping horses, "for never were you in posses-
sion of a horse which was worth more than 3 minas/^ But
a good saddle-horse, or a horse for running in chariot-races,
according to Aristophanes, cost 12 minas ; and since this sum
is lent upon a horse in pawn, it must have been a common
price ^^^. But fashion or fancy for horses raised their price
beyond all limits. Thus 13 talents were given for Buce-
phalus ^^^ A yoke of mules, probably two animals, and not
particularly good ones, but only destined for the ordinary pur-
poses of country work, were sold for 5 and a half and also
for 8 minas ^^^ Asses were probably much cheaper in pro-
portion; yet besides the ludicrous story of Lucian^^^ that the
ass Lucius, when no purchaser could be found for him, was at
last disposed of to an itinerant priest of the Syrian goddess for
the sum of 30 drachmas, I have been unable to meet with any-
thing upon this point in reference to Greece, and even this
passage proves nothing with respect to the usual price in
ancient times, and particularly in Attica,

^^^ Cf. Xenop. de re Equestri, i. 12.
Tereut. Andr. i. 1. Bach ad Xenopli.
CEcon. 2, «, &c.

3^=» Xenoph. (Econ. 3, 8. Many an-
cient writers speak of KadLTrnoTpocfieTv.

^^^ Xenoph. de re Equestri, c. 1,
and see Sclmeider's note.

3^5 De DicEoog. Hered. p. 116.
33" Aristoph. Nub. 20, 1226. Lysias
Karrj-y. kukoX, p. 306 sq.
3^7 Chai-es ap. Gell. Noct. Att. v. 2.
^3« Isaius de Philoct. Ilcred. p. 140.
3^^ Asiu. 35.

CII. XIV.] PRICES OF HORSES^ CATTLE, ETC.

With regard to the prices of cattle, I am at a loss to guess
whence an English writer could have derived the statement that
an ox in the time of Socrates cost 8 shillings; an assertion which is
contradicted by the concurrent testimony of all writers who men-
tion the subject. If indeed 2 drachmas were paid for an ox at
the Delian Theoria^", I vAW not deny that in the most ancient
times this price may have existed ; but of later times it is
inconceivable, and the most that can be allowed is, that in the
distribution of the prizes, which were merely a matter of honour,
this primitive standard may have been retained. In Athens,
at the time of Solon, an ox, probably one selected as a victim,
was sold for 5 drachmas, five times as much as a sheep^"'; in
Lusitania, according to Polybius, for 10 drachmas, and a sheep
in like manner a fifth of this sum ; in Rome the price of an ox
was ten times that of a sheep^^*. If, therefore, in the flourish-
ing times of Athens, a sheep, as will be presently shown, cost
from 10 to 20 drachmas, according to its age, breed, and
the variation in the market-price, an ox may be reckoned at
from 50 to 100 drachmas. In Olymp. 92. 3 (b.c. 410) 5114
drachmas were paid for a hecatomb, and if we suppose that
nearly 100 oxen were purchased for it, the price of an ox
amounted to about 51 drachmas. But in Olymp. 101. 3.
(b.c. 3/9) a hecatomb of 109 oxen cost 8419 drachmas, that is
771 drachmas a head ; in both cases oxen selected for victims
are meant^*^.

Probably also in other countries except Athens, prices
were not much lower at this period; in Sicily, which
abounded with cattle, in the time of Epicharmus the price was
the same as at Athens in the days of Solon. For a fine calf,
according to that comic poet, was sold for 10 nummi^'''', or 2
drachmas 4f oboli of Attic money^^^; and since it may be

3^° Pollux ix. 61, where the Com-
mentators question the fact.

3-»i Plutarch. Solon. 23, from Deme-
trius Phalereus.

^*'^ Hamberger in the Treatise
above quoted. Taylor ad Marm.
Sandw. p. 37.

^*^ See the second Prytaneia of the

Choiseul Inscnption, and Barthe'Iemy
in the Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscrip-
tions, vol. xlviii. p. 355, also Corp.
Inscript. No. 158 ; cf. Taylor ad Mann,
Sandw. p. 30.

^^^ Ap. Poll. Lx. 80;

^^* According t4) the assumption in
chap. 4.

PRICES OF HORSES, CATTLE, ETC.

[bk. I,

inferred, from the analogy of the prices in Lusitania, that the
value of a full-grown ox was double, it is probable that at
that time in Sicily, an ox of similar quality might have sold
for 20 nummi, or 5 drachmas 3^ oboli of Attic money. A
sucking pig was sold at Athens, in the Peloponnesian war, for
3 drachmas^*^ A small sheep for a sacrifice, picked out
for the use of the temple, is estimated in Menander at 10
drachmas^*^ In the time of Lysias, the prices cannot have
been at all lower ; for otherwise the dishonest guardian men-
tioned in this orator could not have set down 16 drachmas
for a lamb at the Dionysia, whatever might have been his
eagerness to overrate the charges in his accounts^*^ A remark-
able but rather indeterminate statement is supplied by the
oration against Euergus and Mnesibulus. The person for
whom this speech was written had been robbed by Theo-
phemus of fifty fine sheep, together with the shepherd, and
also a slave with a valuable water-pitcher, and some shep-
herd^s implements^*^ But the injured party was indebted to
Theophemus for a fine, which, together with Epobelia and
Prytaneia, amounted to 1313 drachmas and 2 oboH^*"; and
he maintains that the stolen sheep, together with the shepherd,
were worth more than the fine^^^ If we reckon the shepherd
at a very high rate, viz. at more than 3 minas, it results that
fifty sheep were worth 1000 drachmas; according to this
the price of a fine full-grown sheep was at the least 20
drachmas. Concerning the value of goats, which were very
plentiful in Attica, I have not been able to find any informa-
tion, except that in Iseeus^", a hundred goats, together with
sixty sheep, a horse, and some implements, are valued at 30
minas. As an example of luxury, it may be worth mentioning,
that Alcibiades gave 70 minas for a dog, which he shortly
afterwards deprived of its chief beauty"'.

3^« Aristoplu Pac. 373.

^*^ Ap. Athen. iv. p. 140 E. viii. p.
364 D.

3*» Lysias cont. Diogit. p. 90G.

^^^ See p. 1155. These sheep are
called TTpo^ara ^laXuKa.

"° See p. 1158, 24, p. 1162, 20, p.
1164, 10.

35' P. 1156, 15, 23, cf. p. 1164,5.

352 De Hagn. Hered. p. 293. The
passage in the Speech de Philoct.
llered. p. 140, is still more indefinite.

^" Plutarch. Ale 0. Pollux v. 44.

CH. XV.]

PRICES OF CORN AND BREAD.

Chapter XV.
Prices of Corn and Bread,

On the subject of corn it will be necessary to enter into a more
detailed examination. The consumption of Attica required a
very considerable supply of corn. "No state/^ asserts Demos-
thenes, "consumes so large a quantity of imported corn^^*.^' The
Athenian ambassadors in Livy"^ boast of having supplied
100,000 measures, although their state was obliged even to
import corn for the use of the countrymen. But the main
points to which we must direct our attention are, in the first
place, what quantity of corn did Attica require ? secondly, how
much of this was it able to produce at home ? and, thirdly,
what quantity was it compelled to procure by importation ?
To answer these questions, the knowledge of which the Athe-
nians considered necessary in a statesman^^% is far more difficult
for us moderns, and yet is indispensable for an accurate insight
into the political and statistical relations of Attica. I now
undertake the solution of these problems, without presuming
to maintain that I may not fall into error.

According to the investigation in a former part of this
book, Attica may be assumed to have contained a population of
135,000 free inhabitants and 365,000 slaves'". An adult slave
received, according to accounts which can be fully depended
upon, a choenix, or the 48th part of an Attic medimnus, per
diem, and consequently consumed in a common year of 354
days 7f medimni. The Roman soldiers, according to Polybius,
received about the same quantity, that is to say, at the most f
of a medimnus of wheat per month. If we assume that among
the slaves there were 25,000 children, the 340,000 adults would
then consume 2,507,500 medimni a year. And if four medimni
a year are reckoned for a slave child, the total slave population
would have consumed 2,607,500 medimni. Among the free

^'^ Demosth. de Corona, p. 254, 21,
and cent. Leptin. iit inf.
3" xliii. 6.

^^^ Xenopli. Mem. Socrat. iii. 6, 13,
cf. Aristot. Rhet. i. 4.
^^^ See above, ch. 7.

78 PRICES OF CORN AXD BREAD. QbK. I.

inhabitants, one-half must be reckoned as children ; but the
adults also, as they were better fed than the slaves, pro-
bably did not consume so much corn. It will be enough to
reckon 2 medimni for a child, and 4 for an adult, altogether
405,000 medimni for 135,000 souls. According to this, the
whole consumption of a common year would amount to
3,012,500 medimni, or since an exact calculation is impossible,
in round numbers 3,000,000, exclusively of the seed corn,
which is more difficult to determine. If, again, it should be
alleged that a larger quantity than this must have been required
for the supply of the foreigners serving in the navy and the
army, it should be remembered that the absence of a large
number of soldiers and sailors from Athens would have had the
effect of lessening the consumption, as the army was chiefly
supplied from abroad. On the other hand, it can certainly
be conceded that the necessity of supplying their country with
imported provisions, increased the difficulty to the Athenians of
employing many mercenaries, who were also to be provided
with corn^^^.

Now that Attica did not produce these 3,000,000 medimni,
we know for certain ; and corn was brought from all quarters
into the market of the Piraeus, from the Pontus, Thrace,
Syria, Egypt, Libya, and Sicily^^^ It is well known that the
imports of corn from the Pontus were very considerable, which
M'as the cause that Byzantium was of so great importance to the
Athenians, and partly for that very reason Philip of Macedon
endeavoured to obtain possession of this town^^°. In the time
of Lysias private individuals imported corn from the Thracian
Chersonese, probably from the Athenian Cleruchiae^^^ Some
corn was brought from other countries by the Athenian merchants,
and part was supphed by Cyprus and Rhodes through the
medium of a carrying trade. From the former island there came
to Athens in the time of Andocides corn-vessels in considerable
numbers; of the latter, which was itself obliged to import corn,

^^^ Xenoph. ITcllen. vi. 1, 4. j chap, iv., and many scattered passages

^" Theophrast de Plautis viii. 4. ; in the Orators.
See Anacharsis torn. iv. cliap. 55, | ^co Demosth. de Corona ut sup.
Wolf ad Lept. p. 253, ^Meui-sius F. A. ' ^ei Qf i^y^ ^ Diogit. p. 902.

CH. XV.]

PRICES OF COHN AND BREAD.

and according to Polybius subsequently obtained it from Sicily,
we find an account in Lycurgus^*^ In addition to this. Euboea,
which was colonized with cleruchi in the time of Pericles and
Alcibiades, supplied corn and other products, which, before the
occupation of Decelea by the Spartans, were imported over
Oropus, but it subsequently became necessary to carry them in
ships round Cape Sunium, which was fortified on this account^^^.
A very large quantity of corn must consequently have been
imported, although it was not all for the internal consumption
of the country, but some to be sold in the Piraeus to foreigners.
This makes the statement of Demosthenes appear the more
unintelligible^", that the imports from the Pontus, which did
not amount to more than 400,000 medimni, might be taken as
nearly equal to the whole importation from other countries ; so
that the total of the imports would have been little more than
800,000 medimni, exclusively of that which was never unshipped,
but was transferred in the port of the Pireeus to other coun-
tries. Demosthenes appeals to the books of the Sitophylaces ;
but must we suppose that they agreed exactly with his words ?
All the Athenian orators, and even the noblest among them,
Demosthenes, distorted the truth without the least hesitation,
whenever it suited their own purposes. The total of the imports
may be fairly taken upon an average in round numbers at
1,000,000 medimni : but in particularly bad years, when even the
fertile Boeotia (at least after two successive years of deficient
harvests) required foreign supplies^®*, a much larger quantity was
doubtless necessary for the consumption of Attica. If we com-
pare this sum with the average number before assumed, it
follows that Attica must have produced 2,000,000 medimni,
which in my opinion was not impossible. The country, it is
true, is mountainous ; but the height of the mountains is not

^^^ Andocid. de suo reditu p. 85,
86, Lycurg. c. Leocr. p. 149, Polyb.
xxviii. 2.

3«^ Tlmcyd. vii. 28, cf. viii. 4.

^^* In Lept. p. 4G6, 4fl7. The words
wpos TOLVuv anavra top ck twi/ aWcov
i^TTopioiv a,(piKvoviievov 6 en tov Uovtov

(tItos ficTTrXecov earlv, do not signify
an equality, but only an approximation
in the quantity of the corn from the
Pontus to the supplies received from
other places, of which there is an evi-
dent proof in Herod, viii. 44, cf. 48.
^^' Xenoph. Hellen. v. 4, 54.

PRICES OF CORN' AND BREAD.

[bk. I,

SO considerable as to have made them necessarily barren ; the
naked rock, which was not indeed uncommon in Attica, com-
posed but a small portion of the area, and where the stony
bottom was mixed with a little earth, barley could be cultivated;
and art performed its share.

What portion of the area of Attica (amounting to 64,000
stadia, or 2,304,000 plethra) was corn-land, it is impossible
for me to ascertain ; but that it was possible for as much land
to be under the plough as was sufficient to produce 2,000,000
medimni, cannot easily be denied. In the territory of the
Leontini, in Sicily^^% the Roman jugerum, about two plethra
and tw^o-thirds, was sown wdth a medimnus of corn; that is,
about a bushel and a half of seed was reckoned for an acre
and a quarter, the jugerum being equal to 28,800 Roman, or
25,532 Rhenish, i.e. 34,468 English, feet. The fertile land
yielded in good years eightfold, in the best tenfold. If we
assume, as may be fairly done, the same measure of seed-
corn for Attica, and the increase on account of the inferior pro-
ductiveness of the soil as only sixfold (and even at the present
day, when agriculture has undoubtedly fallen off, the multipli-
cation of grain in Attica, according to Hobhouse^", is live and
six for one, and never more than ten), a plethron of land in
Attica produced two and a quarter medimni, and to produce
2,000,000 medimni 888,890 plethra of land were requisite, and
again for replacing the seed-corn 66,000 plethra besides.
According to these suppositions the land in corn must have
amounted to 955,500 plethra; the rest remained for fallow,
plantations, vines, (which were however frequently cultivated
together with barley, the branches of the vines being attached
to the trees,) leguminous plants, gardens, pasture-grounds, bog,
water, waste-land, roads, and dwellings. How little exaggerated
this supposition is, appears also to be proved from the fact, that
the property of Phsenippus, containing 1440 plethra of land,
although it was a boundary-estate with woods, produced yearly

°«« Cic. Verr. ii. 3, 47-
*' A Journey througli Albania and
other Provinces of Turkey in Europe

and Asia, to Constantinople, during
the years 1809 and 1810. By J, C.
Ilobhouse. London, 1813, vol. i.p.411.

CIT. XV.]

PRICES OF CORN AXD BREAD.

more than 1000 medimni of corn, and more fhan 800 metretae
of wine^®^ To general principles of political arithmetic I have
intentionally paid no regard, because, when applied to ancient
times, they only yield doubtful and uncertain conclusions ; and
still less will I institute a comparison \A'ith the produce of Lace-
dsemon, since the estimate which has been attempted to be
made from Plutarch^^^ is founded upon false assumptions.

With an importation equal to a third part of the consump-
tion, and in times of failure of the crops even this being insuffi-
cient, a great scarcity must necessarily have arisen^"", if judicious
arrangements had not been devised in order to prevent the
the occurrence of such an event. The arrangements for the
supply of corn were therefore conducted upon a large scale ;
Sunium was fortified, as has been remarked, in order to secure
the sailing of the corn vessels round the promontory; armed
ships convoyed the fleets laden with corn, as for example that
from the Pontus^"' ; when PoUis the Spartan was stationed near
Ceos, ^Egina, and Andros^ with sixty ships of war, Chabrias
offered him battle, in order that the corn from Gersestus in
Eubcea might reach the Pir8eus"^ The exportation of all
grain was absolutely prohibited : of the corn which arrived
from foreign parts in the harbour of Athens the law^ required
that two-thirds should be brought into the city, and compli-
ance with this regulation was enforced ])y the Overseers of
the Harbour''^; that is to say, only one-third could be car-
ried away to other countries from the port of the Piraeus.
In order to prevent the accumulation and hoarding of

-^8 Oral. c. Phaenipp. p. 1045, 5.

^^^ Lycurg. 8. There were in Laco-
nia altogether 39,000 estates, of which
9000 were Spartan : one of these
estates brought the proprietor a return
of 82 medimni of barley, from which
the whole produce has been cal-
culated. It was not however per-
ceived that these 82 medimni were
only the tribe or rent of the Helots ;
nor is it certain whether the pas-
sage is to be understood of the Spartan

estates alone, or of the Lacedaemonian
also.

^'^ Cf. e. g. Demosth. c. Phorm. p.
918, 8, c. Leptin. p. 467-

^'^ Demosth. de Corona, p. 250, 251,
c. Polycl. p. 1211,25.

372 Xenoph. Hellen. v. 4, 61. Diod.
XV. 34.

3^3 Harpocr. in v. eVt/ifXj^rj)? ifxTTo-
plovy from Aristotle, and Lex. Seg. p.
255, where 'Kttikov should be written
instead of do-riKov, and the rest of the
article restored from Ilarpocration .
G

82 PRICES OF CORN AND BREAD. [bK. I.

corn^^% engrossing was very much restricted; it was not permitted
to buy at one time more than fifty such loads as a man could
carry (</>op/xo/)'"'. The violation of this law was punished with
death.

The corn-dealers or the engrossers of corn were also compelled
to sell the medimnus for only one obolus more than the price
they themselves had given. Notwithstanding which regulations
these meuj who were for the most part aliens, raised the price
of corn by competition in bad times, and often sold it upon the
same day a drachma higher"'. Lysias cannot say enough of the
villany of these usurers, who were then as much detested as
they are in modern times. They bought up corn under the
pretence of providing for the interest of the people, or of having
an order from the proper authorities; but if a war-tax was
imposed, their pretended pubhc spirit did not show itself. The
public loss was their gain ; and so much did they rejoice at the
occurrence of any national calamity, that they never failed to
have the first intelligence of it ; or else they fabricated some
disastrous news, such as that the ships in the Pontus had been
taken or destroyed, that the trading-places were closed up, or
the treaties were broken off: even when external enemies were
at rest, they annoyed the citizens by buying up the corn, and
refusing to sell when it was most wanted, in order that people
might not contend with them about the price, but be content to
take it on their terms" ^ Nor did even the merchants make any

^7-* Compare Plutarch, de Curiosit. j may tlierefore be fairly taken for a
ad fin. I man's load : thus the army of Lucul-

^''' *op/z6y, from (pepo), generally ! lus, according to Plutarch, was followed
means a platted basket, in which corn by 30,000 Gauls, who carried 30,000
was probably carried. Taylor upon niedimni of corn. The explanations
Lysias compares with it the cumeras of the grammarians afford no infornia-
or cumera of the Romans, of which tion as to the size, but the notion of
there were two kinds, a greater and Petit that (popfibs is the same as Kocfiivos
a less; the latter contained 5 or 6 (/jj of the Attic medimnus) is absurd,
modii, i.e. about an Attic medimnus. 1 See Leg. Att. v. 5, 7.
See Acron ad. Ilorat. Sorm. i. 1, 53. | '76 g^g ^j^^ Speech of Lysias against
Probably at Athens the phorinus was the Corn-dealers, particularly p. 715,
not very different from the medim- 718, 720.
nus; a medimnus of wheat weighed I ^^^ l])\^^ pp_ 72O, 721, sqq.
from about 00 to 90 pounds, and |

CH. XV.]

PRICES OF CORN AND BREAD.

profit by it, a circumstance upon which much stress is laid by
the modern teachers of political economy in favour of engross-
ing: on the contrary they suffered severe injury from the combi-
nations of the corn-dealers and their continual persecution^'^.
" If they were not menaced with the punishment of death/^
says Lysias^^% " they would be scarcely endurable.^^

Whilst, therefore, the sale of all other commodities was under
the inspection of the Agoranomi, the state, in order to check the
engrossing of corn, had set over this one branch of trade the
separate office of the Sitophylaces^^% which originally consisted
of three persons, afterwards of ten in the city and five in the
Piraeus, probably because their duties had increased. These
ofl&cers kept accounts of the imported corn, and it was also a
part of their duties to inspect the meal and bread, and to take
care that it was sold at the legal weight and price^^'. But even
the Sitophylaces could not at times control the importunate
competition on the part of the engrossers; and they were
punished with the greatest severity, and at times condemned
to death^^^ ; where we are as much startled at the irregularity of

^'^ See the Speech of Lysias against
the Corn-dealers, pp. 72G, 727-

=^7« Ibid. p. 725.

3«» Ibid. p. 722.

3«^ Lysias iit sup. p. 717, mentions
three Sitophylaces. The other state-
ment rests upon the authority of Aris-
totle's state of Athens ap. Harpocrat.
in V. criTo^vXa/cey, where Valesius cor-
rectly reads rja-av de tov dpiOfiop
TrevTeKaldeKa- Se/ca fxev iv aarei, &c.
Sigonius R. A. iv. 3, silently follows
the first account; Petit v. 5, 7, per-
ceived the truth, but his emendation
is false with regard to the position of
the words, and §e<a is only to be re-
peated. Photius (in whose article for
apKTToi read aproi) has the same error ;
he moreover states that in later times
there were thirty (X') in the city, and
five in the Piraeus. All this is with-
out doubt to be attributed solely to
confusion, errors of the transcriber,

and the false emendation of previously
existing mistakes. The original pas-
sage, from wliicli tlie different accounts
were derived, was probably as follows :
rja-av be rbv apiOyiov Tvakai pev rpelsy
vcrrepop 6e TTCVTCKaideKa, d(Ka pev eu
aa-reif nevre de iv TLeLpaul. Their
duties may be seen from Demosth.
cont. Lept. ubi sup. Harpocrat. and
Lex. Seg. p. 300. The inspection of
bread and prepared corn, particularly
of barley meal (aXipira), occurs as
early as in the age of Pericles. See
the ancient comic poet ap. Plutarch.
Prtec. Polit. 15.

^^^ Lysias ut sup. pp. 718, 723, 725,
extr. 726, init. Perhaps Demosth.
cont. Timocrat. p. 743, 4, also refers
to this subject, according to whom
persons who acted fraudulently in
dealings relating to corn were sen-
tenced to imprisonment.

G 2

PRICES OF CORN AND BREAD.

[bk. I.

the corn-police, as at the severe administration of justice. A
still greater loss to the state was caused by the speculations of
the merchants, who, as Xenophon remarks'^', fetched corn from
diflferent parts, and did not sell it at the first place they arrived
at, but where they had ascertained the price to be highest.
Andocides^^* gives an account of a plot for turning the corn-
fleet from Cyprus, which was bound for Athens, in another
direction ; but he compelled the contrivers to relinquish their
plans. No one with regard to corn did Athens and the other
Grecian states so much injury as Cleomenes of Alexandria,
Alexander's satrap in Egypt, who accumulated large stores of
corn, fixed the prices arbitrarily, and on account of the number
of servants whom he had engaged in the corn -trade, was enabled
every where to ascertain the state of the market with accu-
racy. He mployed three d scriptions of persons, some who
despatched the corn, the attendants of the latter, and others
who received it and unshipped on the spot : accordingly he did
not allow his corn-vessels to touch at any commercial town
before his assistants in that place had given information with
regard to the state of the prices ; if they were high, the corn was
landed and sold, ^nd if not, the vessel proceeded to some other
place. By these means the corn at Athens rose considerably,
until the importation from Sicily produced a relief ^\ Of the
contrivances of this notorious corn-dealer the author of the
second book of the CEconomics, attributed to Aristotle, gives
some additional examples At a dear time, when the medimnus
sold for 10 drachmas, he convened the sellers for the purpose
of ascertaining from them at what price they would transfer
their corn to him ; upon their agreeing to sell it to him cheaper
than to the retail dealers, he gave them the same price, but
afterwards fixed the medimnus at 32 drachmas ! Upon the
occasion of a great scarcity in foreign countries, and even in
Egypt to a certain degree, he prohibited that any corn should
be exported ; upon the representation of the Nomarchs, that

38^ CEcon. 20, 27.

88* De suo reditu, pp. 85, 86. It is
almost unnecessary to mention that

Andocides was a merchant.

^85 Demostli. cont. Dionysod.
1285.

CH. XV.]

PRICES OF CORN AND BREAD.

the taxes could not be paid if the exportation was not made
free, he permitted it, but at so high a duty, that the exports
were very limited; while the Nomarchs were deprived of their
pretext for not paying the taxes, and moreover a large sum was
raised from the export duty.

The Athenians endeavoured by various measures to ensure
or to increase the importation of corn. Of these was the
general law that no money should be lent upon any vessel
which did not bring to Athens a return-cargo of goods, among
which corn was expressly specified^^^ ; and also the more impor-
tant law, which provided that no person dwelling in Attica
should import corn to any other place than into the port of
Athens; the transgressor was subject to a Phasis, and also,
according to Lycurgus, to an Eisangelia, and consequently to the
punishment of death^^^. Theophilus^^^ asserts, that the corn-
dealers at Athens had enjoyed a freedom from taxes ; which
evidently cannot be understood of the times of its independence,
unless it was a transitory indulgence, or to a very limited
extent. For the term Ateleia has several significations ; it is
either a general immunity [arekeLa diravrcov), or a particular
exemption from the liturgies, or from certain custom-duties and
other taxes^^^ For example, the Athenians gave the universal
exemption from taxes to the Byzantian and Thracian refugees
who were resident at Athens in the time of Thrasybulus^^" ;
and to Leucon the ruler of the Bosphorus, who, together with
his sons, had an exemption from custom-duties, as is particu-
larly remarked"'. In this general Ateleia was comprised the

^^^ See above, chap. ix.

387 Demosth. c. Pliorm. p. 918, 5,
cont. Lacrit. p. 941, 4, Lycurg. cont.
Leocr. p. 156, and the speech against
Theocrines. That the Phasis might
be instituted in such a case is certain
from the last-mentioned oration, from
-which (p. 1325, 28) it is to be particu-
larly remarked that the informer re-
ceived half the forfeited commodities.
Concerning the Phasis against this
offence see also the commentators of
Pollux viii. 47, and Lex. Seg. p. 313,

in V. <f)aiv€v, where the words rj efinopov
aX\ax66t epyaCofJievov can only be
referred to this practice. Concerning
the Eisangelia against this offence see
Matthise Miscell. Philog. torn. i. p.
231.

288 Theophil. i. 2, according to the
emendation of Salmasius de M. U. V.
p. 195, upon the authority of MSS.

383 See Wolf ad Lept. p. Ixxi. sqq.

^^° Demosth. c. Lept. pp. 474, 475.

39' Demosth. c. Lept. pp. 466—468.
That he was free from custom-duties

PRICES OF CORN AND BREAD.

[bk. I.

exemption from custom-duties, and from the liturgies (with the
exception of the trierarchy, which was only disallowed upon
certain conditions regulated by law), and for aliens from the
protection-money, and in particular cases from property-taxes ;
perhaps also the exemption from providing sacrifices {areXcLa
Upcov^), concerning which very little is known. That the corn-
merchants could not have enjoyed this universal immunity is
alone evident from the fact of their not having possessed several
of the individual exemptions. For, to say nothing of the
general immunity, they must in the first place have had an
exemption from the import duties upon corn ; now in Athens
the corn-duty was farmed ouf , and it must therefore have
entirely disappeared, if all corn-merchants had been allowed by
law to import corn free of duty ; the assertion in question does
not therefore require any refutation. It is still less conceivable
that they should have had permission to import or export other
goods free of duty, although individuals were allowed this
privilege for all or certain articles^'^ Were they, however,
exempted from the regular liturgies? Unquestionably not;
since, according to Demosthenes, so small a number either of
the citizens or resident-aliens were exempted from them^^\
Moreover, this orator would not have omitted to point out the
prejudicial eifects which the abolition of the immunity of the

is evident from the comparison of the
immunity given to him and to his sons
with that granted by liim to all the
Athenians, p. 4G(j, 29. This complete
exemption appears to have been once
given to the Thebans and Olynthians
(Harpocrat. in v. 'lo-oreXjys), unless it
only means an exemption from protec-
tion-money and liturgies, in case they
should come as denizens to Athens, in
the same manner that the Byzantines,
in addition to the rights of citizenship,
gave an exemption from liturgies to all
Athenians going to Byzantium. See
the decree in Demosth. de Corona, p.
256, and compare the decree of the
Arcadians in Crete in Chisludl's Ant.
Asiat. p. 119.

'' " Mox vectigalia sacris faciundis a
Plothensibus pendenda memorantur :
a quibus ut immunitatem habeant, ex
publico solvuntur ea vectigalia. Hinc
vides qu£G sit dreXeia Upwv, quam
memorat Demosth. adv. Lept. § 105,
ed. F. A. Wolfii, in qua jure ha}sit
editor Proleg. p. Ixxi." Boeckh. ad
Inscript. 82, tom. i. p. 122.

^^'^ See the speech against Nerera, p.
1353, 23.

^^^ An instance of free exportation,
particularly of wood, which is undoubt-
edly to be referred to Athens, is fur-
nished by Theophrastus Char. 23.
I See, however, above, note 225.
Transl.] '

^^* Seebookiii. ch. 21.

CB. XV.j

PRICES OF CORN AND BREAD.

corn-merchants would have had upon the importation of corn,
if anything of the kind had existed ; for in the speech against
Leptines he searches for every argument against this aboUtion,
and particularly when speaking of Leucon^s Ateleia, he men-
tions the dangerous effect which the abolition of this exemption
might have upon the free exportation from the Bosporus.
Hence it may be concluded either that the immunity of the
corn-merchants had no real existence, or that it amounted to a
very trifling exemption. At the most it might be possible that
the resident-aliens who imported corn, were exempted from
certain degrading liturgies, such as the Scaphephoria and the
like, or from the protection-money^^^ Nor moreover is the
least credit due to the absurd assertion of the Scholiast to
Aristophanes^®^ that in Athens the merchants had an immu-
nity from all property-taxes. They were not even excepted
from the liturgies, an exemption which, it may be observed,
would have been extremely unfair; Andocides, notwithstand-
ing that he was a merchant, performed liturgies, though he was
not appointed upon his own offef^\ The statement of the
Scholiast is either an erroneous inference from the words of
the poet, or a misconception of the account of Euphronius,
upon whose authority he relies. The truth is, that those
who traded by sea had an exemption from serving in war,
although this privilege was probably circumscribed within
narrow limits^^\ Now since the exemption from military
service is also called Ateleia^^^, it seems to me most probable,
that when Theophilus speaks of the immunity of the corn-mer-
chants, he means nothing more than this exemption, which was
granted alike to all merchants.

Athens had public warehouses for corn in the Odeum, the

^^* Concerning the latter see book
iii. cli. 7-

3^« Plut. 905, cf. Eccles. 1019.

^^7 Andocid. de Myst. p. 65, cf.
Inscript. ap. Chandler ii. 6, p. 48, Vit.
X. Orat. p. 229.

39" Tliis is stated by the Scholiast
himself and bySuidas in v. efirropos et/xt

rrKrjTTTOIXfPOS.

^^^ Yid. Orat. cont. Neaer. ubi sup.
Whether, however, the immunity from
military service was comprised under
the tlreXfia a7rdvT<ov, may be fairly
doubted, although military service was
included among the TeXrj ; at least I
do not venture to assume it without
express testimony to the point.

PRICES OF CORN AND HREAT).

[bk. I.

Pompeum, the long Porch, and at the naval storehouse near the
sea, where corn, bread, &c., were sold to the people'"''. It is
not, however, quite clear, wli ether this magazine was used
exclusively for corn which belonged to the state, or whether
grain was there measured out which v.as the proi)erty of private
merchants. There are some grounds for considering the
latter notion as the more probable'"'. It is at least certain that
considerable stores were brought to Athens at the expense of
the state, which must have been kept in these warehouses. This
corn was in part purchased with the public money, and partly
by voluntary contributions : a merchant named Chrysippus
boasted of having given a talent for that purpose ; Demosthenes
also presented an equal sum''^ Certain persons named Sitonee
were appointed to superintend the purchase, Avhose office was
not considered unimportant, as it implied the entire confidence
of the people ; there were also Apodectee, whose duty it was to
receive the corn and to measure it out. The former situation was
once filled by Demosthenes ; and it was perhaps at that time
that he gave the voluntary contribution already mentioned'*'^
It was doubtless sold to the people at a very low price, as
otherwise these donations of money would have been unneces-
sary ; perhaps too the corn brought to Athens was at times
distributed ^.ratis. But the want of adequate information
renders it impossible to form any certain conclusion ; for even
when the reader hopes that he has at length met with a state-
ment which may be depended upon, the ambiguity of the
expression and the difficulty of interpretation, oppose insuper-
able difficulties in his way. Thus Demosthenes, in tlie speech
against Leptines, relates that two years before, during a scarcity
of corn, Leucon had sent so large a quantity and at so cheap a

*"" Demostli. cont. Phorin. p. 918.
Concerning the public sale of corn see
also Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 103, con-
cerning the Odeum see Lex. Seg. p.
318, and upon the magazines of corn
P»llux ix. 45, with the commentators.

**" From Demosth. ut sup. p. 018,
24—26.

•"''' Demosth. cont. rhorm.' p. 918,
27. First decree at the end of the
Lives of the Ten Orators. Theophrast.
Cliar. 23, does not appear to refer to
this point.

'»' Pollux viii. 114, Demosth. de
Corona, p. ."lO, I.

CII. XV.]

PRICES OF CORX AND HUE AD.

rate, that fifteen talents, of which Callistlienes had the manage-
ment, remained as a surplus. It may, however, be doubted
whether a clear surplus actually remained, in the sense in which
the commentators understand it, viz., tliat these fifteen talents
formed a portion of the money set apart for the purchase of
corn, which had not been entirely consumed ; or whether we
are not rather to understand that as the corn had been bought
up at a low price, this sum remained as a net surplus profit to
the state, after the corn had been sold to the people'"'^ To
this donation of corn an account of Strabo has been with much
apparent probability referred"' ; for the context show^s that he
nmst allude to some particular distribution of corn, inasmuch
as he states expressly that Leucon had sent 2,100,000 medimni
to the Athenians from Theudosia ; and it is possible that this
took place within the space of one year. For since Attica
consumed 3,000,000 medimni, of which in the regular course
of things it was required to produce 2,000,000, a failure of the
crops might easily for once have caused the produce of the
country to fall oflF to half the usual amount; and while the
other countries, w^hich also felt the effects of the general
scarcity, were unable to furnish any supplies^ Leucon alone
made up the deficiency.

On particular occasions free distributions of com took
place at Athens {atToSoaiai), such as were very frequent in
Rome ; the object of them being in both places to pacify the
people"^ The presents in particular, which w^ere at times

*^* The passage is as follows (p. 467,
14 — 17): 'AXXa Trponepvai airodeias
napa tvuctlv dvOpatTTois yei/o/xeVr/s ov
fiovou vp-lv LKavov (t'itov aTT€(rT€LkcV,
dWa TocrovTOV aare TreuTeicaideKa dpyv-
piov ToXam-a, a KaWiadevrjS dicaKijae,
npoo-rrepiyevecrOaL. Toaovrov should
e\-idently be written with Hier. Wolf,
and compare the note of F. A Wolf
ad Lept. pp. 257, 258. The date of
the occurrence is Olymp. 105, 4 (357
B.C.) The chief ambiguity lies in the
word TrpocnrepLyevea-dai. It might be
said that if Demosthenes had only
wished to signify the residue of the

money appointed for purchasing com,
he would have said Trepiyepeadai ; and
that 7rpocr7repiy€V€a6ai shows that the
excess was gained, viz. by the sale of
com to the citizens ; but I do not
venture to found any arguments upon
this supposition. It must not be sup-
posed that the com was sold abroad.

*^o vii. p. 215.

*«« Aristoph. Vesp. 714. The word
aiTodoaia occurs in Pollux viii. 103,
Avho observes from Andocides that
checking-clerks {dvTiypa<pels) were em-
ployed for some purposes connected
with it.

90 PRICES OF CORN AND BR£AD. [bK. I.

made to the people from foreign parts, were distributed
gratis. Thus Demetrius PoHorcetes, in Olymp. 118, 2 (307
B.C.), promised to the Athenians 150,000 medimni of corn as
a present from his father. Thus Spartocus, the son of Eumelus,
king in the Bosporus, who reigned twenty years from Olymp.
119, 1 (304 B.C.), sent 10,000 medimni to the grateful people
of Athens'"^ So again in Olymp. 83, 4 (445 B.C.), in the
Archonship of Lysimachides, the Athenians during a scarcity
of corn received from an Egyptian of the name of Psammeti-
chus, who was not known to them, 40,000 medimni of wheat,
which were distributed among the genuine citizens*"". With
this distribution the Scholiast to Aristophanes""^ confounds
another, in which each] citizen received 5 medimni of barley,
although he himself perceives that from 40,000 medimni 14,240
citizens could not have each received 5 medimni. The
donation of which Aristophanes speaks, took place in Olymp.
89, 1 (424 B.C.), one year before the Wasps of the same poet,
when, in the Archonship of Isarchus, an expedition was under-
taken against Euboea. At that time it was probably expected
that large supplies w^ould be derived from this island, and 50
medimni of corn had therefore been promised to each citizen,
a new scrutiny being also instituted into the genuineness of
their births ; after all, however, they only received 5 me-
dimni*'". The division of the lands in Eubcea, which Aris-

*°'' Plutarch. Demetr. 10; Diod. xx. Eumelus, is mentioned in an inscrip-
46; Attic Decree in Corp. Inscript. tiou. More however of these well-
Gr. No. 107. Concerning the time of known princes elsewhere. It may be
Spartocus, or, as Diodorus incon-ectly observed that by Bosporus and Pontus
calls him, Spartacus, see Diod. xx- the same kingdom is signified. [See
100. The same person is mentioned Boeckli, Corp. Inscript. Gr. vol. ii.
in two inscriptions found at Phana- p. 90-4. Traxsl.]
goria, Corp. Inscript. Gr. Nos. 2120, ""^ Philocliorus ap. Schol. Aristoph.
2120 b. Another more ancient Spar- Vesp. 716, where d' fxvpiddas should
tocus occurs in Diod. xii. 31, 36 (where be written from Phitarch. Pericl. 37.
see the Conmientators), also king of ; Concerning the number of the citizens
the Cimmerian Bosporus, another in , comp. above chap. 7.
xiv. 93, and again another as king in | ^°^ Ubi sup.

the Pontus in Diod. xvi. 52, who was | ^'" Aristophanes in the text, where
succeeded by his brother Pairisades. } the words ^eulas (f)€vyo3p allude to the
A Spartocus, father of Pairisades, j examinations into the legal claims of
perhaps the same with the son of j the citizens, which were made witli

CH. XV.] PRICES OF CORN AND BREAD. SI

tophanes expressly distinguishes from this donation of com,
was perhaps promised at the same time. The donation of
corn made by Atticus to the people, at the time of their severe
distress, is also a well-known circumstance"*'.

Before I attempt to ascertain the prices of corn, something
must be said upon the measures by which it was sold. The
Attic corn-medimnus {/jLeBt/jLvos airrjpos) contained, according
to the division commonly used in trade, 6 sextarii (e/crety)
or 48 choenices, or 192 cotylas {KorvXac) : this last was used
both as a dry and a liquid measure*^*. Pollux in the fourth
book reckons 3 cotylas instead of 4 to a choenix, which belongs
to some other mode of computhig than that in use among
the Athenians. A choenix was the common daily allow-
ance of food (r)fjL€pr]<TLa Tpo<^riY^^, particularly for slaves, from
which circumstance the Corinthians, who had a great number
of slaves, are said to have been called choenix-measurers by the
Pythian priestess"^*. An athlete indeed was able, according
to Theophrastus, to consume 2i Attic choenices a day;
and if Aglais required for one meal 12 minas of meat and a
chus of wine, it is natural that she should eat 4 choenices of
wheaten bread. This woman was a player on the trumpet of
great celebrity ; Herodorus of Megara, also a famous trumpeter,
consumed 6 choenices of wheaten bread each day, 8 minas
of meat, or according to another authority 20 minas, and
drank twice as much as the former person"'^ ; not to mention
many other gluttons, whose names may be found in Athenaeus.
The Spartans also, who lived upon meagre food, appear to have

great strictness on these occasions, choenix was but a small quantity ; but
Concerning the Archon, under whom
the expedition was undertaken, see
Palmer Exercit. in Auct. Grcec. p.
738. Compare also the Fragments of
Philochorus, in the edition of Lenz
and Siebelis, pp. 51, 52.
*^i Nepos Att. 2.

it must be remembered that he is
speaking of soldiers, who would natu-
rally consume a large quantity, and
that there were also many persons of
distinction among them, Suidas in v.
Uvdayopa to. av^lBoXa rjv rtiSe, A then.
iii. p. 90 E.

"'^ Pollux X. 113; iv. 168 ; vii. 195; *^^ Athen. vi. p. 272 B.
of. Athen. xi. p. 479 F. I ^'^ .^lian. Y. Jl. 5. 26; Pollux iv.

■*'=* See Herod, vii. 187, from which I 89 ; Athen. x. p. 415 F; XiVp.i in
it might indeed be inferred tliat a Athenaeus is the same as ^vd.

PRICES OF CORN AND BREAD.

[bk. I.

eaten much ; each person was therefore bound to furnish
monthly a medimnus of barley-meal to the pubUc entertain-
ment, together with a scanty portion of other provisions. The
x\thenian prisoners in the quarries of Syracuse received only
half a choenix, i.e. 2 cotylas of barley and 1 cotyla of
water, which allowance was continued for eight months'" ^
That with this scanty food many of them perished in the first
seventy days from hunger and thirst is not to be wondered at,
particularly as barley contains but little nourishment^'^. The
size of these several measures immediately follows from the
determination of the medimnus. Without paying any regard
to the false statements of Eisenschmid and Rome de FIsle, or
to the ambiguous calculation of Rambach, I follow the account
given by Ideler, which can alone be depended upon. The
Athenian medimnus then, like the Sicilian, contained 6 Ro-
man modii^^^; but the modius, according to a decree of the
people preserved in Festus, contained 16, the amphora 48
sextarii ; consequently the Athenian medimnus contained about
2 amphorae, which is also shown by the testimony of Rhem-
nius Fannius''^^ But the amphora or quadrantal was the
Roman cubic foot, which as the Roman foot of long measure
is nearly equal to 131 Paris lines, contained 1301 Paris cubic
inches. The medimnus was therefore about equal to 2602
French or 3150*059 English cubic inches (for it can hardly be
supposed that the ratio of the modius to the medimnus was
precisely as 6 to 1); and the English pint of dry measure
containing 33'6 cubic inches, the medimnus of 3150 cu])ic

^'® Concerning the Spartans see
Plutarch. Lycurg. 12. Of the pri-
soners in Syracuse, Thuc. vii. 87 ;
Plutarch. Nic. 29 ; cf. Eustath. ad II.
X. p. 1282, 15. Diodoi-us xiii. 33,
asserts that the proposal of Diodes
was accepted, that the captive Athe-
nians, Sicilians, and Italians should
work in prison, and receive 2 choe-
nices a day (xiii. 19) ; but although
he here speaks of a different period,
viz. when they were brought out of
the stone-quarricSj and separated from

the other prisoners, he does not de-
serve the least credit, and he has pro-
bably confounded 2 cotylas with 2
chcenices.

^'7 Athen. iii. p. 115.

*'8 Nepos Att. 2 ; Cic. Verr. Fru-
ment. 46, 49 ; Suidas in v. fiedifivov,
from which passage correct Zonaras
in the same word.

"•'^ Hujus (amphorne) dimid'ium fert
urna, ut et ipsa, mcdimni amphora,
terqne capit modium.

CII. XV.]

PRICES OF CORN AND BREAD.

:93

inches is equal to 93*75 pints, or 1 bushel 3 gallons 5*75 pints,
i. e. nearly a bushel and a half.

Of other corn measures, consistently with my plan, I shall
only touch upon the artabe and the Boeotian cophinus. The
former was a Persian measure, and contained, according to Hero-
dotus^^", an Attic medimnus and 3 choenices. Others fix it at an
approximate valuation as equal to the Attic medimnus"^'. It was
also in use in Egypt, where there was besides a smaller artabe,
which only contained 3^ Roman modii or 26 1 Athenian choe-
mces'*^^ If the capacity of this measure is doubled, it gives 53 J
Athenian choenices, which differs so little from the value of the
greater artabe in Herodotus (51 choenices), that, as it appears, we
may fairly assume the smaller artabe to have been exactly half
the greater, and suppose either that the statement of Herodotus
is too low, or that the valuation of the smaller artabe at 34
Roman modii is somewhat too high, or, lastly, that the ratio
of the Athenian medimnus to the Roman modius has been
estimated a fraction too low. The Boeotian cophinus, which
was used bjth as a wet and dry measure, contained 3 choeis*^%
L e. a quarter metretes, or 36 cotylas, since the metretes con-
tained 144 cotylas, which is equivalent to 9 choenices, or -^-^
medimnus of Athenian measure.

The prices of different kinds of corn were, as may be sup-
posed, very different. In Sicily and Upper Italy the price of
barley was only half that of wheat, in Athens probably, as
in Lusitania, it amounted to two-thirds of the price of the
latter ^^^; but where the price of corn is mentioned, the par-
ticular description of grain is not always specified. It may be
seen from examples, that the prices from the time of Solon to
that of Demosthenes were continually rising ; yet again there fre-
quently existed at the same period a great fluctuation, according
to the greater or less productiveness of the years, the increase

^^ i. 192.

*^^ Suidas, Hesycliius, Polysen.
3, 32 ; Epiphanius Ponder. 24.
^^ Wesseling ad Diod. xx. 90.

•'^^ Pollux iv. IC9 ; Hesych. in
k6(^ivos.

■^^^ Concerning Upper Italy and
Lusitania see above chap. 10. I will
speak of Sicily and Athens presently.

PRICES OF CORN AND BREAD.

[bk. I.

or diminution in the imports, the prejudicial efforts of the
engrossers both in and out of Attica, or the imposition of high
custom-duties in foreign parts, or the accidental remission of
them to the Athenians ; thus Leucon and Pairisades, kings of
the Bosporus, the former of whom used to levy a duty of a thir-
tieth upon all exported corn, granted to the Athenian people an
exemption from this tax*". Prices at Athens were never again
so low as in the time of Solon, when the medimnus was sold for
a drachma **^ Barley-meal {a\(f>iTa) was sold in the age of
Socrates at 2 drachmas the medimnus, and at an obolus for

4 choenices*^^; by which however we are not to understand
meal prepared after the modern way. Diogenes the Cynic
reckons, that in his age the choenix of barley-meal sold at 2
chalcus, and consequently the medimnus at 2 drachmas'**^:
but this can only refer to the cheapest years, for at this period
the common price at Athens was much higher. In a play of
Aristophanes*^® a man declares that he has lost a hecteus of
wheat, by not having gone to the assembly, and consequently
not receiving his 3 oboli ; whence it may be concluded that
about the 96th and 97th Olympiads (396-2 B.C.), the medimnus
of wheat sold for 3 drachmas, which agrees very well with
the price of barley just quoted. But in the time of Demos-
thenes, and even after Alexander's expedition against Thebes,

5 drachmas were a moderate price, at which during a scarcity some
of the more liberal corn-dealers sold their wheat : thus Chry-
sippus sold 10,000 medimni at this price *^". According to the
speech against Phsenippus*^', even barley must have been at

6 drachmas for a long time, as 18 drachmas are stated to be
three times the former price. The prices in other Grecian
States were not very different. In the second book of the
CEconomics attributed to Aristotle, it is stated that the price
of barley-meal at Lampsacus was 4 drachmas, but that the

"^5 Demosth. c. Lept. p. 4G7, c.
Phorra. p. 917, 25.

*^6 Plutarcli. Solon. 23.

^^"^ Plutarch, de Animi Tranquil-
lltate 10, Stob. Senn- xcv. p. 521.
Conip. Barth^emy in the Mem. de

TAcad. des Inscriptions, torn. xLviii.
p. 394, concerning the price of corn.

■*^« Diog. Laert. vi. in Vit. Diog.

•*-^ Eccles. 543.

"'" Demosth. cont. Pliorm. p. 918.

*3' P. 1048, 24.

CH. XV.] PRICES OF CORN AND BREAD. 95

state once fixed it upon a particular occasion at 6 drachmas,
in order to obtain a profit on the difference. When Sicily-
came under the Roman dominion, the latter people fixed for
supplies the Frumentum Decumanum Alterum at 3 sesterces
for each modius, the Imperatum and ^stimatum of wheat at

4 and of barley at 2 sesterces the modius; a price which
must at that time have been moderate, as the Romans would
doubtless have fixed a low rate, although, according to the
statement of Cicero, it was not insupportable to the cultivators.
Consequently the medimnus of the Decumanum Alterum cost
at that time 4 drachmas the medimnus, of the Imperatum
and ^Estimatum of barley 2 drachmas 4 oboli, and of wheat

5 drachmas 2 oboli of Attic money. If these high prices
should seem startling, we must remember how dense was
the population of this country and how large the exportation.
In earlier times, however, corn, as may be inferred from the
price of cattle*^*, must have been much cheaper in Sicily; and
subsequently, as for example in the time of Verres, prices did
not attain even this height, on account of the decreasing popu-
lation of the cities ; the medimnus of wheat was commonly
sold at that time for 12 sesterces, or 2 drachmas 4 oboli,
and never rose to more than 15 sesterces, or 3 drachmas 4
oboli "^ It is also to be observed that in the prices of the
supplies of Sicilian corn, as the Romans had fixed them, the
cost of transport to each separate place of destination was like-
wise included. Such prices as the following are extraordinary,
viz.: when corn rose at Athens to 16 and even barley to
18 drachmas; also at Rome in the year of the city 544
(210 B.C.), the Sicilian medimnus of corn was sold, accordhig to
Polybius, at 15 drachmas, or rather denarii; and in Dolla-
bella^s army, from which the supplies in the neighbourhood of
Laodicea were cut off, the medimnus of wheat was sold for
12 drachmas"*. From a very corrupt passage of Strattis pre-
served in Pollux*", so much at least may be gathered, that a

*^^ See above, chap. xiv.

«3 Cic. Yen-. Frument. 74, 75, 81, 84.

*^* Demosth. cont. Phorm. p. 918,

ix. 44, Cic. ad Fam. xii. 13.

■*35 Pollux iv. 169. Petit, ui sup.
reckons from this passage the medim-

Orat. cont. Phsenipp. p. 1045,4, Polyb. | nus at 128 dracl

PRICES OF CORN AND IJREAD.

[bk. I.

slave, to the great astonishment of his master, pretends to have
bought a Boeotian cophinus of barley-meal for 4 drachmas,
which gives for the medimnus 21 drachmas 2 oboli ; and it
may be inferred from the same grammarian that another writer
spoke of wheat being sold for 32 drachmas, without doubt refer-
ring to the usurious practices of Cleomenes, which I have
already noticed *^'^; not to mention that at Athens during the
siege of Sulla, the medimnus of wheat rose to a thousand
drachmas, the inhabitants being reduced to feed even on shoes
and leathern-bottles; and in like manner at Casilinum, where
the Praenestini were besieged by Hannibal, the same measure
was sold for 200 drachmas ''^^

The varieties of bread were extremely numerous in Greece,
and the invention of the Athenians in particular was directed
with great success to this department of the culinary art*-^
Atheneeus and Pollux will suppl)^ the amateur of the arts of
cookery and baking with sufficient materials for inquiries, which
we neither feel disposed nor entitled to enter upon. The most
common distinction is between wheaten-bread [apros) and
barley-bread {/jud^a) : a\(j)tTa sometimes means barley-meal
itself, and sometimes a bread or rather cake made of barley-

436 Pollux iv. 165, where there stood
formerly the word TpiaKovrabibpaxfJ-i-
TTvpyoi, an uncouth form, which Pe-
titus however retained, and proposed
to change to TpiaKovrabibpaxp-oTrupyoL.
The reading of Voss's manuscript,
rpiaKovrabldpaxpoi Trvpoi, is evidently
the right one, and consequently the
price of wheat is meant : manifestly
that which was fixed by Cleomenes.
The present reading in the text, 6i-
dpaxp-oi, is entirely without found-
ation, as well as Kuhn's conjecture,
TpiaKaidcKadpaxpoi : rpLKovrddpaxpoi,
the correction of Jungermann, has in-
deed some probability ; however I con-
sider the reading of Vosss manuscript
to be correct for this reason, tliat the
use of the singular compound rpiaKov-
rahlbpaxp-OL instead of bvoKaLTpiaKovra-
dpaxpoi appears to be the very reason

why Pollux quotes the word.

^37 See Plutarch Sulla 13, and Strabo
V. p. 1G4, where in the account of Ca-
silinum the medimnus is mentioned
alone, without the thing measured,
which ought never to have appeared
surprising to so excellent a scholar as
Casaubon, as it so frequently occurs.
Pliny, Frontinus, and Valerius ^laxi-
mus substitute indeed a mouse in the
place of this measure, but Strabo had
too much judgment to say, as the
Commentators impute to him, that 200
drachmas were given for a mouse, and
that the sellers died, but that the
buyers saved their lives. We must
indeed, if this story be true, suppose
that great events spring from little
causes.

*^« A then. iii. p. 112, c. &c.

CH. XV.]

PRICES OF CORN AND BREAD.

meal, of a very fine quality *^^ I have not however been able
to meet with any clear statement in reference to the price of
bread, but it was probably high in proportion to that of corn ;
for, if we may judge from the rate of interest, a great profit
must have been obtained upon the capital employed in the pre-
paration of bread. At Athens four large and eight small loaves
used to be baked out of a choenix of corn ; consequently one
large or two small loaves out of a cotyla"*"; in dear times, when
for example corn was at 16 drachmas, a loaf of wheaten-
bread of this kind, probably a large one of a cotyla, might have
sold for an obolus : to which ' may be referred the fact, that at
the very same time wheaten-bread was sold in the Pireeus in
loaves of an obolus "^ At Alexandria the apros offeXias or
6/36\lt7]9, was sold for an obolus ""% and probably the same was
the case at Athens ''*% which however gives no information with
regard to the price, as the size is unknown ; and this Alexan-
drian bread was not of the ordinary kind, but something more
costly, which is opposed to the common wheaten-bread^^*.
There were also loaves of a much larger size, for instance of
3 choenices"*'; and at the Dionysia they carried around in
honour of the divine inventor, loaves of from 1 to 3 medimni,
which w^ere likewise called aproi oPeXlau^'^^,

*^ Omitting other passages, I only
refer to Xenoph. (Econ. 8, 9, Plat.
Rep. ii. p. 372, B, Pollux vi. 78. Con-
cerning the word ^d^a see below,
chap, xxiii.

^*^ Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 438, Ly-
sistrat. 1208.

'**' Demosth. cont. Plionn. p. 918.

**^ Concerning which bread and its
price see PoUux i. 248, and in other
places, Athen. iii. p. 111. B, who lias
been transcribed by Eustath. ad II. N.
p. 930, ad Odyss. A. p. 39, 38.

^^^ If the interpretation of o^oXias
fiprovs in Anstophanes given in Lex.
Seg. p. Ill, is correct.

444 Pherecrates ap. Athen. nbi sup.
and Nicochares the comic poet, ibid.
xiv. p. 645, C. It may be observed
that the supposition, which is men-

tioned in Athenseus, and thence in
Eustathius, and which occurred to
Sober ad Poll. i. 248, that this bread
received its name from the price, is
extremely improbable, although o/3eX6j
and d^oXos are the same word, and
originally meant a fork or spit, and,
afterwards the coin so called. See
Plutarch. Lysand. 17, Pollux ix. 77,-
and the Commentators, EtjTnol. in
olSekiaKoSj also the Commentators upon
Athenteus ubi sup. and Taylor ad
;Marm. Sandw. p. 49. It was no doubt
so called from the forks or long pieces
of wood upon whicli it was baked in
the ashes. See Athen. iii. ubi sup.
and the Commentators, Photiusp,229.

"5 Xenoph. Anab. vii. 3, 23.

"^'^ Pollux vi. 75, cf. Eustath.

P$ PRICES OF WINE, OIL, SALT, AND WOOD. [bK. I.

Chapter XVL
Prices of Wine, Oil, Salt, and Wood,

The common measure for liquids was the metretes, which con-
tained 12 choeis or 144 cotylas, and to which the common
vessel {afjb<f>opevs, KaBos, Kepd/jLiov) was adapted. The Roman
amphora, or the solid foot, was according to the testimony of
Rhemnius Fannius f of the Attic metretes : but the Attic
medimnus is the double of the amphora; consequently the
metretes was f of the Attic medimnus, which is also evident
from its being equal to 144 cotylas. The contents of the
medimnus were in a former place ascertained to have been 2602
Paris inches, and therefore the metretes is equal to 2362*5
English cubic inches, or 81*818 pints, i. e, 10 gallons If pints
of wine measure. Who then is not astonished at the extraor-
dinary cheapness of wine in ancient times, upon reading of such
prices, as have been already quoted with regard to Lusitania, at
which more than ten gallons of unmixed wine sold for Sd. ?
And since the ancients allowed one part of wine to two of
water, without intending to dilute it much, ten gallons of such
liquor were sold for a penny. The common wine must there-
fore have been looked upon as the cheapest of all necessaries,
the causes of which phenomenon have been already stated.

In Lusitania the metretes of wine appears to have been
equal in price to the medimnus of barley, but at Athens it seems
to have been even cheaper than barley ; for according to the
speech against Phsenippus, when prices were three times higher
than usual, barley was sold at 18 and the native Athenian wine
at 12 drachmas"". Therefore, according to the usual price,
the metretes of wine was sold for 4 drachmas; even this rate,
however, as well as 6 drachmas for a medimnus of barley,
must have been considered dear ; there would be no danger of
exaggeration, if the half of this price were assumed as an ave-
rage for cheaper times. In an agreement in Demosthenes*"
3000 casks {Kepdfjuia) of Mendsean wine are estimated at 6000

"^7 Orat. cont. Phaenipp. p. 1018, 24. *'^ Cont. Lacrit. p. 928, extr.

CH. XVI.] PRICES OF WINE, OIL, SALT, AND WOOD,

drachmas, that is, the cask of the metretes came to 2
drachmas, although Mendsean wine was used even at the most
sumptuous entertainments of the Macedonians**'. It is men-
tioned by Polybius**" that the Rhodians bought for the Sino-
pians, when the latter were invaded by Mithridates in Olymp.
179. 4 (61 B.C.), for the sum of 140,000 drachmas, 10,000
casks of wine {fcepdfMta), 300 talents of prepared hair, 100
talents of prepared strings, 1000 complete suits of armour, 4
catapults with darts and attendants, and 3000 gold coins.
Whence it is easy to perceive that this could only have been
possible in case the price of wine did not exceed that which
has been above-mentioned. According to the grammarians, 3
cotylas of the wine which was called tricotylus was sold at an
obolus*" ; which gives for the metretes 8 drachmas. This
therefore was either of a superior sort, or it only appears dearer
because the retail-dealers [KainfkoL), who sold it by the obolus,
added considerably to the price. On the other hand there were
also very costly wines ; for example the Chian wine, as early as
in the time of Socrates, sold for a mina the metretes"*.

Oil, although it was produced- in large quantities in Attica,
Asia Minor, and the islands, appears to have maintained a higher
price on account of the great demand for it in ancient times, for
the purposes of light, for dressing meat, and for the gymnasia;
yet as regards the Greeks I have only been able to find a single
statement of its price, and this is given in the second book of
the CEconomics attributed to Aristotle*", where it is stated that

*^» Athen. iv. p. 129, D, to omit
other passages concerning the good-
ness of this wine.

**o iv. 56.

"^ Schol. Aristoph. Thesmoph. 750,
and Hesych. in v. rpKoruXos. J. Ca-
pellus de Mensiir. ii. 43, finds a still
higher price in Pollux iv. 169, accord-
ing to which 3 choeis cost 4 drach-
mas, and consequently the metretes
16 drachmas; but his supposition rests
upon an alteration in the text, which
cannot be assumed.

*** Plutarch, de Anim. TmnquiL 10.

**^ IL 2, 7. The duty was laid upon

wine, corn, and other commodities at
half their price; but in the part where
the duty upon oil should be stated,
there is an hiatus in the text. It is
evident that the chus of oil, after the
addition of the duty, was sold for 4|
drachmas : but that the duty upon the
chus was only 3 oboli, as Camerarius
gives it in his translation, is an arbi-
trai*y assumption. The whole context
confirms the supposition, that a duty
equal to half the former price was also
laid upon oil. I therefore restore
Koi rov eXaioVj top x^^ ovra bpax^atv
rpifav v<0K(lv Tfrrapav koi T/)t«/3o-
H 2

100

PRICES OF WIXE5 OIL, SALT, AND WOOD. [bK. I,

the chus of oil was sold at Lampsacus for 3 drachmas, and
afterwards that a duty was laid upon it equal to half its price,
which raised it to 4^ drachmas; consequently the metretes
without the duty was at 36 drachmas ; which indeed as com-
pared with modern prices is a low rate.

Salt, which was measured by phormi, or by medimni and
chcenices'*'*, was easily imported into Athens on account of
her dominion of the sea ; and as long as Nissea in Megaris was
in the hands of the Athenians, it was brought over from thence
with the greatest facihty^". Besides this there were salt springs
in Attica itself, opposite Gephyra on the other side of the
Cephisus, and salt-works upon the sea-shore^'^; I have not,
however, found anything with regard to the price of salt, except
that the Athenians once endeavoured to lower it by a decree of
the people'".

As to the supply of wood, we may observe that the Athenians
were forced to import large quantities of timber, particularly for
the uses of shiphuilding, from distant countries, especially from
Macedonia"*; even palisades and props for the mines were
brought by sea"®; small wood for burning they had in plenty,
particularly beech-wood, from which charcoal was made, a busi-
ness in which the Acharnians were chiefly engaged'®". Charcoal,
£rewood, and fagots were brought into the city in baskets,
carried either by men or on asses'®^; thus Phsenippus sent to
Athens every day from his boundary-estate in Cytheron six
asses laden with wood, which produced each day 12 drachmas'®*,
whence an ass's load may be estimated at 2 drachmas.

\ov, and the price in the text is given
according to this hypothesis.

^* PoUux X. 169, from the Demio-
prata, Aristoph. Acharn. 814. [See
also Aristot. 11. A. viii. 10, Eiidem.
Eth. viii. 2. Transl.]

*'"'* Aristoph. Acharn. 760, with the
Scholiast and Commentators.

*5'^ See the Pirsean Inscription in
Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 103. [The
word aXfjLvpls, used in this inscription,
is a proper name. See Note A at the

end of book iii. Transl.]

^'7 Aristoph. Eccles. 809, and Scho-
liast.

^5« Thiicyd. iv. 108, Xenoph. HelL
vi. 1, 4, Demosth. in Alexand. Trtpt
(TvvBrjKcov p. 2 19, 4, cf. cont. Timoth.
p. 1192, 1, p. 1195, 1.

**^ Demosth. cont. Mid. p. 568.

'^^ Aristoph. Acharn.

*^^ Pollux vi. Ill, vii. 109.

^^ Orat. cont. Phrenipp. p. 1041, 3.

CH. XYH.] PRICES OF ARTICLES OF FOOD.

101

Chapter XVII.

The Meals of the Athenians; and the prices of Meat, Birds,
Fishy Vegetables, Honey, and other Articles of Food.

The meals of the Athenians, which were called fj^iKpoTpa^
ire^oc, were for the most part scanty, and had little that was
agreeable"'. But although the ordinary fare was not very
expensive, the great banquets with ointments, female players
upon the flute and cithara, Thasian wine, eels, cheese, honey,
&c., were by no means cheap : ^^ they might cost,^^ says Menan-
der, '^a small talent/^ In the Flatterers of Eupolis a repast of
this kind is reckoned at 100 drachmas, and the wine at the same-
sum*" ; an expense sufficiently great for Athens, though small
in comparison with the profuseness and luxury of the kings.
Alexander's table for sixty or seventy persons cost 100 minas
a day«\

Everything eaten, with the exception of what was prepared
from corn, was originally comprehended under the name of
Opson {oyjroy, oyjrcovcov); Plato expressly comprises under it
salt, olives, cheese, onions, cabbage, figs, myrtle-berries, walnuts,
and pulse*®^; and it is evident that roots, such as radishes,
turnips, &c., and all preparations of meat and fish, were also
included ; but by degrees the usage of this word was changed,
so that at length it signified only fish, the favourite food of the
Athenian epicures^^^ The slave in Terence buys cabbage and
little fish for an old man's meal at an obolus*'% but according to
Theophrastus''% nobody but a contemptible miser would allow
his wife only 3 chalcus for opson; 3 oboli appear to have been
sufficient for a few moderate persons to buy the opson
uncooked'"'; hence Lysias'^^ thinks that a guardian's charge of

^^^ See the comic poet Antiphanes
ap. Athen. iv. p. 131, E, Lynceus ibid.
F, Alexis ibid. p. 137, D.
_ ^^ Pollux ix. 59.

^«^ Athen. iv. p. 146, C.

^«° Athen. vii. p. 277, A, Plat, de
Rep.ii.p. 372, C,cf. Xeuoph.CEcon.8,9.

^^7 Athen. vii. p. 276, E.
^"^ And. ii. 2, 32.
^^^ Char. 28.

^'^ Thugenides (notThucydides)j
Poll. vi. 38.

^71 In Diogit. p. 905.

102 PRICES OF ARTICLES OF FOOD. [bK. I.

5 obeli for the opson of two boys and a little girl was excessive.
Three oboli were not sufficient to procure opson for so expen-
sive a person as Aristippus*", and 10 drachmas appear to the
slave in Terence*^^ to be very inadequate for the opson of a
marriage-feast. The following are particular statements of
prices, of which, however, some are not precise. Four small
pieces of dressed meat cost an obolus according to Antiphanes ;
a piece of meat, as it was prepared for eating, probably of a
tolerable size, half an obolus according to Aristophanes*^\ In
the comic poet Aristophon*'^ a landlord appears to receive 5
chalcus for some small livers and an intestine, probably a
sausage; pverhaps the same sum from several persons who dined
together. A partridge, for which any other person would have
given an obolus, Aristippus is said to have bought for 50
drachmas*'* ; one extreme is as incredible as the other. A dish
of Boeotian fieldfares for a festival is sold for a drachma in Aris-
tophanes; seven thrushes, birds which in places where they are
abundant are usually very cheap, were not considered dear at
an obolus*"; and I may also mention, that in the Athenian
bird-market, a jackdaw was sold for 1 obolus and a crow for 3*^°.
Of fish Athens had a superabundance, and the smaller varie-
ties, which are nearly worthless in all countries that are copi-
ously supplied with fish, bore, as may be supposed, a very low
price. Membrades, a species of small fish, may be bought for 4
chalcus, but not eels or thunny-fish, says the comic poet Timo-
cles*^'; of aphuas (d(/>uat), which, according to Lucian, were
exceedingly small and light, a large quantity could be bought
for an obolus ; their cheapness is particularly mentioned. The
sausage-seller in Aristophanes promises to offer up a thousand
goats to Artemis Agrotera (outbidding in jest the offering of
thanks for the battle of Marathon), whenever a hundred tri-
chides, likewise a small kind of fish, are sold for an obolus"".

*'^'^ Diog. Laert. in Vit. Aristipp. *''' Aristoph. Adiaru. 960, Av. 1079,

with the Scholiast.
"•'« Aristoph. Av. 1 8.
■*'' Ap. Athen. vi. p. 241, A.
^^^ Lucian. Tiscat. 48 Aristoph. Eq^.
646, 660.

*'^ Andr. ii. 6, 20.

''^* Antiphanes ap. Athen. iv. p.
431, E, Aristoph. Ran. 562.
*'* Pollux, iv. 70.
*'* Diog. Laert ubi sup.

CH. XVII.] PRICES OF ARTICLES OF FOOD. 103

which was therefore an impossibility. I^arger and better fish
bore a higher price, and the fish-mongers were decried as a
shameless and avaricious race; for a sea-polype they asked
4 oboli, for a cestra (probably a kind of pike) 8 oboli, for two
cetreis [mugiles) 10 oboli, for which 8 were offered; for a sea-
wolf (Xd^pa^) a fishmonger asked 10 oboli, without fixing in
what currency ; but when it comes to payings says Diphilus, he
had meant ^ginetan oboli"'. A dish of echini cost, when
dressed, 8 oboli, according to the comic poet Lynceus"*. Eels,
particularly those that came from the lake Copais, were a
favourite dish of the Athenians, and, as well as poultry and
birds, were brought from BcEotia*®'. A Copaic eel cost 3
drachmas in the time of Aristophanes*^*. Salted or pickled
provisions (rdpcxos), particularly fish, were brought from the
Pontus, Phrygia, Egypt, Sardinia, and Cadiz*", and were very
abundant at Athens, in different degrees of goodness ; the com-
mon sorts were considered as inferior to meat, and were the
food of the inferior classes and of the country people, according
to Demosthenes and Aristophanes — as the proverb says, the
pickle often cost 1 obolus, but the sauce 2*^% The comic poet
Philippides*®' reckons a dish of pickles for one person at 2 or 3
oboli, and the capers for it in a separate vessel at 3 chalcus.
It is hardly worth mentioning that vegetables, such as cabbages,
&c., were sold at a cheap rate : of leguminous plants the same
may be concluded from an expression of Demosthenes*^, who,
in order to designate a time of great dearth, says, " you know
that even vetches were dear." Beans, which were eaten out of
the shells as a remedy against drunkenness, were, according to
the statement of Timocles, who perhaps exaggerates in joke, so
dear that eight pods were sold for an obolus, although they

*^^ Athen. vi. p. 224, C, to p. 227, B. : rapTvixara, Michael Apostol. xiv. 9.

*«^ Ap. Athen. iv. p. 132, B. ^«7 a p. Athen. vi. p. 230, A. At

^' Ai-istoph. Pac. 1005, and the Rome, in the time of Cato the elder.
Scholiast ; also Schol. Lysist. 703. 300 denarii, or, as Polybius usually
Pollux vi. 63. Aristophanes in the ! says, drachmas, were given for a cask
Achamians.

*^^ Aristoph. Acharn. 961.

^8* Pollux vi. 48.

*^^ 'O/ioXoO Ta.pL)(0Sy bv 6fioKa>v

of pickles from the Pontus. See Po-
lyb. xxxi. 24.

^'8 Cout. Androt. p. 598, 4.

104

.PRICES OF ARTICLES OF FOOD.

[bk. I.

always used to be sold by the cllOCllix''8^ A clicenix of olives,
ill the time of Socrates, sold for 2 chalcus, the cotyla of Attic,
that is, of the best honey, cost 5 drachmas"'^\ The warm
beverage which the ancients drank instead of tea, cost a chal-
cus, according to Philemon*^ \

Chapter XVIII.
TJie Prices of Clothing, Shoes, and Ointment.

The clothing of the Athenians varied considerably in materials,
colour, and make, according to the time of year, as well as
the age, sex, family, rank, property, taste, and object of the
wearers ; and fashion, although not so all-powerful as in modern
days, had also its influence at that time. Woollen garments
were the most common ; although linen ones were worn, espe-
cially by women, and were at a low price, with the exception of
the finest kinds*^*. The Amorgian stuffs were an expensive
material, which were finer than Byssus and Carpasus, almost
transparent, and sometimes dyed ; they are said to have derived
their name from the island Amorgus, where they were best
manufactured ; although others derive it from the dye or the
plant [afjbopyr]), from which latter word the island itself pro-
bably received its name^^^. Even woollen garments, if the

*^^ Timocles ap. Athen. vi. p. 240,
E. Concerning their use see Alexis
ap. Poll. vi. 45j and the Commentators ;
and for their measure see Inscript.
123, ed. Boeckh.

"9" Plutarch, de Animi Tranquil. 10.
The expression of Aristophanes (Pac.
253), that the Attic honey Avas worth
4 oboli, must be understood proverbi-
ally to mean something expensive and
costly. See Schol. and Suid. in v.
T€TpoolBo\ov and reTTapcov o^oiXcov.
Kiister has misunderstood both pas-
sagos.

^»' Ap. Poll. ix. G7, who (cap. 70)
correctly infers from the lowness of
the price, tluvt water for drinking, and

not for bathing, is meant. The words
of Philemon are, x'^^'^^^ depubv rjv, in
the reckoning of a guest with liis land-
lord. The preceding words in this
corrupt passage, koX /jLakaTpirjfiiwlBoXial,
earl, refer to the other articles fur-
nished to the guest.

•*^^ Vid. Pseudo-Plat. Epist. xiii. p.
3G3, A.

*^'^ They were called dixopyidia,
dfxopyides, Xi^rwues dfiopyivoi. See
concerning these, Aristoph. Lysistrat.
150, and Schol. Lysistrat. 736, Schol.
iEschin. p. 737, Reiske, Eustath. ad
Dionys. Perieg. Pollux vii. 57, 74.
Harpocrat. llesych. Suid. Etymol.

CH. XVIII.] PRICES OF CLOTHING AND SHOES. l05

material and texture were of superior quality, as the Persian
Caunace for example''^*, were probably sold at a high price.

The prices which I have met with are as follows : Socrates,
as stated by Plutarch"", considers an exomis (a dress worn by
the common people) to be cheap when sold at Athens for 10
drachmas. This was a garment with one sleeve, the other arm
being left bare. A chlamys, the usual dress of the knights and
young men of Macedonian and Thessalian origin"°% is called
TpLCTTdrypos in Pollux"*^^, by which doubtless the weight is not
meant, but that its value amounted to 3 silver staters, or 12
drachmas. A citizen in the Ecclesiazuse of Aristophanes'*®^,
who appears without any upper garment, his wife having already
gone with it to the assembly, declares, that since the preserva-
tion of the state is to be the subject of debate, he himself is in
want of a preservation of four staters [acoTrjpla^ rerpacTTaTrjpov) ;
in this instance no one can doubt with Pollux"-® whether the
coin or the weight is meant, as it is evident that 16 drachmas,
the price of the upper garment, are alluded to. When the
young man in the Plutus^*"^ requires 20 drachmas for his aged
mistress for an upper garment, it is probable that he intended
to make her pay for an expensive one. Socrates mentions that
purple was sold for 3 minas, quoting it as an example of the
dearness of articles of luxury at Athens'*"' ; it may be doubted
whether by this he means a garment or a certain measure of
dyeing material ; in my opinion the former is the right suppo-
sition ; it is well known that the garments made of the Byssus
which grew in Achaia were weighed against gold^°^. In the
article of shoes great luxury was displayed ; Laconian, which
were the dress shoes of men, Sicyonic, Persian, Tyrrhenian,
Scythian, Argive, Rhodian, Amyclcean, Thessalian, and Thracian
shoes, with several others, occur promiscuously in the different

^^* Aristoph. Vesp. 1132, 1140.

"95 Ubi sup.

"^^ Pollux vii. 46, X. 124, and the
note of Heinsterhusius, also x. 164.
Aramonius in v. ;(Xo/xi's and Strabo
ubi sup. Dorvill. ad Charit. p. 433, ed.
Leips.

^^7 vi. 165.

"9« Vs. 413.

"99 ix. 58.

^"^ Vs. 883.

^'^^ Ap. Plutarch, ubi sup.

5"=^ PUn. Hist. Nat. xix. 4.

106

PRICES OF SHOES AND OINTMENT.

[bk. I.

countries of Greece; and like our fashion of calling trifling
things after celebrated names'°% so they had various kinds of
shoes named after distinguished persons, such as Alcibiadean,
Iphicratean, Sec/"* A pair of Sicyonic women^s shoes cost 2
drachmas, according to Lucian*"* ; for a pair of man^s shoes the
above-mentioned youth in the Plutus of Aristophanes'"^ requires
8 drachmas, which is comparatively high, and he either asked
for more money than he intended to pay for the shoes, or it
was for some very expensive and ornamented kind.

Ointment is among the dearest articles of ancient times.
A cotyla of fine ointment, probably from the East, cost at
Athens, according to Hipparchus and Menander*"^, from 5 to
10 minas. The intercolutor in the comic poet Antiphanes is
not satisfied with moist ointment at 2 minas the cotyla'"^ It
is manifest that the Athenians, although they were much
addicted to the use of ointments, and everything contributing
to the refined enjoyments of life, could not have easily afforded
to pay so high a price. It is therefore probable that for the
most part they made use of inferior sorts ; of such ointment
perhaps as occurs in Lucian, a small alabaster box of which,
brought from Phoenicia, was sold for 2 drachmas*"^

Chapter XIX.

The Prices of Household Furniture, Implements, Arms, and

Ships,

A knowledge of the prices of different kinds of furniture,
implements, arms, and ships, would not be unimportant for the
determination of many questions which it will be necessary to
consider. The ancient writers, however, afford but few data,

^^ Aristophanes passim, and parti-
cularly Pollux vii. 85 — 89.

^"* 'A\Kil3id8€ia or 'A\Ki^la8es
(Inodrjfid)^ ^IcpiKparideSy Aeividbes,
'S.fiivdvpidfia, MvpoKia. See Pollux
ubi sup. with his Commentators,
A then. xii. p. 534, C, Schol. Lucian.
Dial. ;Meretr. The Iphicratcau were

not, however, a mere variety of fashion,
but an improved kind of shoes for the
soldiers.

^"^ Dial Meretr. 14.

^"« Vs. 984.

*"7 Ap. Athen. xv. p.091, p. C.

*"« Ap. Atlien. ibid.

''' Ubi sup.

CH. XIX.] PRICES OF HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE, ETC.

10?

and of those which we have, some are too high to be looked
upon as the customary prices, although it is probable that, not-
withstanding the low rate of wages and the existence of slavery,
the manufacturers obtained a large profit, which raised the
price of certain commodities.

Passing over the works of art, the value of which was deter-
mined by the taste of the purchaser, I adduce the following
examples. A little cart for a child's plaything cost an obolus,
according to Aristophanes, and a small oil-flask {XrjKvOvov) the
same sum, an earthen cask 3 drachmas'^" ; a sideboard {iyyvOi]Ki])
decorated with brazen figures of satyrs and heads of oxen*'',
not particularly well executed, 30 drachmas ; a small two-
wheeled chariot for racing, probably with many ornaments
of ivory, brass, silver, &c., in the same manner that the
ancients used them upon beds and other kinds of furniture* ^%
together with the wheels, cost 3 minas*'\ The price of a scythe
or sickle {Bpiiravov) in time of peace is evidently exaggerated
in joke by Aristophanes'^*, who supposes 50 drachmas to be
given for it. A private key together with the ring cost in the
same age 3 oboli, a magic ring a drachma' '*. A small book for
an agreement (ypafi/jbaTiBcov), i. e, a small ordinary wooden
diptychon with two wax tablets, Demosthenes values at 2
chalcus''^ The assize price of a rope, such as a man might use
for hanging himself, was an obolus'^'. Arms and armour can-
not have been cheap ; in the time of war, when the demand
was considerable, 10 minas were, according to Aristophanes,
(who probably mentions the highest rate,) the price of a coat
of mail of good workmanship and fastened with metal chains
{aXvacBcjTos); 1 mina, as it appears, for a helmet; and 60
drachmas for a war-trumpet'^^.

For determining the expenses of the marine it would be

^'" Aristoph. Nub. 861, Ran. 1267,
Pac. 1201.

*" Lysias Fragm. p. 15.

**** Plutarch, de vitando oere alieno,
2,3.

*" Aristoph. Nub. 31.

^i* Pac. 1200.

5'* Aristoph. Thesm. 432, Plut. 885.

•■''^ Demosth. cont. Dionysod. p. 1283,
4, cf. Sahnas. de M. U. X. p. 403.

5^7 Lucian. Timon. 20.

*'» Aristoph. Pac. 1223, and the
Schol. 1250 and 1240.

IDS PRICES OF SHIPS. [bK. I.

particularly desirable to know the prices of articles employed
in ship-building, but little definite information can be gathered
from the passages of ancient writers. A piece of wood for
making an oar {KcoTrevs) cost, according to Andocides'^% 5
drachmas ; Lucian, who both from the lateness of the period
at which he lived and the bent of his writings cannot be suffi-
cient evidence, supposes the fraudulent god Hermes in a
reckoning with Charon to ask the moderate sum of 5 drachmas
for an anchor for Charon's boat, which to the covetous ferryman
appears a large sum ; for the thong with which the oar was
fastened on {rpoTrcortjp), 2 oboli ; for a needle to sew toge-
ther the sail cloth, 5 oboli ; for pitching-wax, nails, and cords
for the sail-yard, altogether 2 drachmas.

The cost of a whole ship as compared with its size
cannot now be ascertained. In a bottomry bond in Demos-
thenes"", 3000 drachmas are lent upon a merchant-vessel, by
which however we are not justified in assuming that the ship
had not a greater value, as at Athens a double pledge was not
unfrequently given in case of bottomry, and therefore its real
value might have been as much as a talent. Nor could the cost
of a trireme or the common ship of war, without its furniture,
have been much greater, as labour could be procured at a low
rate, and ships were easily built ; for which reason they did not
last long, but were frequently wrecked when out at sea, and.
were shattered to pieces in battle. A calculation has been
made from accounts of the expenses of the trierarchy, that it
cost a talent to build the hull of a trireme, but it is founded
upon an erroneous supposition ; another means of determining
the price might have been derived from the account of Themis-
tocles having built 100 or 200 triremes from the annual pro-
ceeds of the mines ; but neither can the annual returns of the
mines nor the number of years be ascertained with certainty :
the statement of Polysenus that a ship was built for every talent
which was allowed, is after all the most pro])able"' ; but it was

*'^ De suo Reditu, p. 81. The next ' Klines of Laurion. According to Di-
passage is Lucian. Dial. Mort. 4. ; odorus (see below, b. ii. ch. 20), there

*^ Cont. Dionysod. p. 1283, 18.
*-' See my Dissertation upon the

were perhaps twenty triremes built
every year.

CH. XIX.] PRICES OF SHIPS. 109

perhaps only a contribution granted to the trierarchs, who
according to the most ancient form of the trierarchy were
obliged to supply all the furniture of the vessel, and were only
to be indemnified for the building of the hull. Subsequently,
however, on account of the general rise of prices, a trireme may
have stood a little higher : would that instead of the fictitious
sale of the triremes for 15 drachmas, at which the Corinthians
once furnished some vessels to the Athenians'", we had a
statement of their real value !

Chapter XX.

On the Sum necessary for the Support of a Family in Attica, and
its relation to the National Wealth,

From the preceding particulars, it is possible very nearly to
determine the sum which was requisite for the maintenance of
a respectable person in the best times of Athens. The most
moderate person required every day for opson 1 obolus, for a
choenix of corn, according to the price of barley in the age of
Socrates, a quarter obolus, making altogether in a year of 360
days, 75 drachmas; and for clothes and shoes at least 15
drachmas ; a family of four adults must therefore at the lowest
have required 360 drachmas for the specified necessaries;
which sum for the age of Demosthenes, when the price of corn
was 5 drachmas, must be increased by 22^ drachmas for each
person, and for four persons by 90: to this the expense of
house-room is to be added, which, if we reckon the value of a
house at the lowest at 3 minas, taking the ordinary rate of
interest of 12 per cent., gives an outlay of 36 drachmas; so
that the poorest family of four free adults spent upon an
average from 390 to 400 drachmas a year, if they did not live
upon bread and water.

Socrates had two wives, not indeed at the same time, as has
been fabulously reported, but one after the other; the first was
Myrto, whom he married poor, and probably without a dowry;

Herod, vi. 89.

110

THE SUM NECESSARY FOR

[bk. r.

the second Xanthippe ; he had three children, of whom Lam-
procles at the death of his father had reached the age of
manhood, while Sophroniscus and Menexenus were minors**';
for himself, after having sacrificed his youth to unceasing
endeavours after knowledge, he followed no profession, and
his teaching did not produce any pecuniary return. According
to Xenophon"*, he lived upon his own property, which if it
had found a good purchaser {ot)vrjTr)si), would, together with the
house, have readily produced 5 minas; and he only required
a small contribution from his friends : whence it has been
inferred that prices were extraordinarily low at Athens. It is,
however, evident that Socrates and his family could not have
lived upon the proceeds of so small a property ; for, however
miserable his house may have been, it cannot be estimated at
less than 3 minas, so that even if the furniture is not taken
into consideration, the rest of his effects only amounted to 2
minas, and the income from them, according to the ordinary
rate of interest, was only 24 drachmas, from which he could not
have provided barley for himself and his wife, not to mention
the other necessaries of life and the maintenance of his
children.

Shall we then understand the expression " purchaser
[wvTjTT]^),'' to mean a lessee of his property, and 5 minas to be
the annual rent? This way of avoiding the difficulty would
be the easiest ; but the ancients, as far as I am aware, only use
the word " to buy (oovelo-daty instead of " to let,^' as applied
to the public revenues, the letting of which was a real sale of
the dues belonging to the state ; for a lease of the lands or the
whole property (oIkos) of an individual to a tenant, the expres-
sion /jLLadovv is used; and, moreover, a lease of the whole
property never occurs, as far as I am aware, except in the case
of the estates of orphans.

In addition to this, the fortune of Critobulus is valued at
more than 500 minas, in the same sense as that of Socrates is
at 5, with the remark that he reduced his means, as he offered

5*3 Plat. Apol. 23, and there Fischer.

'-•* CEcon. 2. According to Meur-

sius, who has been transcribed by later

writere, he lived upon it very respect-
ably (per honeste) ! See Fort. Att.
iv. p. 30.

CH. XX.] THE SUPPORT OF A FAMILY. Ill

munificent sacrifices, entertained guests, feasted and main-
tained many citizens, kept horses, performed public liturgies,
and subjected himself to other expenses besides the mainte-
nance of his wife, things which, with an income of 8^ talents, he
would have been undoubtedly able to afford, but not with only
a property of that value. We must therefore believe that
Xenophon stated the whole property of Socrates at only 5
minas, but we have equal right to reject as to receive this
testimony; for the history of the ancient philosophers is so
corrupted and mixed with fables, and the circumstances of
their lives have been so differently represented even by con-
temporary writers, that one seldom treads upon firm ground.
Thus in the Apology of Plato, Socrates is represented as saying
that he need not have given more than a mina of silver for his
release ; in which account Eubulides also agreed : according to
others he estimated the whole cause at 25 drachmas; and in
the Apology for Socrates attributed to Xenophon, it is related
that he had neither valued his law-suit himself, nor would
allow it to be valued by his friends^" ! Thus the well-informed
Demetrius of Phalerum maintained, in opposition to Xenophon,
that Socrates had, besides his house, 70 minas lent out to
Criton upon interest; and Libanius relates that he had lost
80 minas, which were left him by his father, through a friend
who had failed in his business, whom we can by no means
suppose with Schneider to have been the wealthy Crito"^.

But assuming Xenophon's account to be entirely correct, it
must be thought that the mother of the young sons maintained
herself and two children either by her labour or out of her
dowry, while Lamprocles supported himself, and that the
domestic economy for which Socrates was so celebrated, con-
sisted in keeping his family at work. He may in that case,
indeed, have lived upon his 24 drachmas, together with some
additional contributions from his friends ; for his necessary
expenses were exceedingly small, and no one could live as he

^'^ Plat. Apol. 28 ; Diog. Laeit. ii.
41; Xenoph. Apol. 23.

'-•^ Demetrius ap.Plutai-cb.Aristid.l, ,
where ttjv oiKiav should resume its place |

iu the text for Reiske's yijf oiKeiav; Li-
ban. Apol. vol. iii. p. 7 ; Schneider ad
Xenoph. ubi sup.

112

THE SUM NECESSARY FOR

[bk. I.

did. It is true that he is related to have often sacrificed at
home and upon the pubUc altars"^, but doubtless only baked
animals, according to the custom of the poor, or properly-
speaking, loaves of bread, which were chiefly consumed with
the meat, and to which his family also contributed ; he lived in
the strictest sense upon bread and water, except when he was
entertained by his friends ; and therefore he may have been much
rejoiced, as he is said to have been, at barley being sold at the
low price of a quarter obolus the choenix^^^ : he wore no under-
garment; and his upper-garment was slight, the same for
summer and winter ; he generally went bare-footed, and his
dress-shoes which he sometimes wore, probably lasted him his
whole life. A walk before his house served him instead of
opson for meals ; in short no slave lived so poorly as he did*'^
His greatest expense was unquestionably the drachma which
he gave to Prodicus; and without disparaging the greatness
of his intellectual powers, it may be boldly asserted, that as far
as his miserable condition and a certain resemblance to the
habits of the Cynic philosophers are concerned, the repre-
sentation of Aristophanes is not only not exaggerated, but is
faithfully copied after the life.

Jf in the time of Socrates four persons could live upon 440
drachmas a year, they must have passed a very wretched
existence, and to live respectably it was necessary even then,
and still more in the time of Demosthenes, to be possessed of a
larger income. According to the Speech against Pheenippus,
the plaintiff and his brother inherited from their father 45
minas each, upon which the orator says it was not easy to
live'^", that is upon the interest, which, according to the com-
mon rate, amounts to 540 drachmas. Isseus in his speech
upon the estate of Hagnias"^ relates, that Stratocles and his

*^^ Xenoph. Mem. Socrat. init.

^^^ See Plutarch and Stobaeus in the
passages quoted m chap. 15.

=*'^ Xenoph. ut sup. i. 5, 2 ; Plat.
Conviv. p. 174, A; Athen. iv. p. 157, E.
Many pei-sons used to go barefooted,
even the wealthy and distinguislied

Lycurgus. (See Lives of the Ten
Orators.)

^ ' ' P. 292, where read eivai fiev Uava^
Xetrovpyeii/ 5f fxr) <i^ia, as Reiske pro-
posed, with tlie addition however of
another unhappy conjecture. Ol';^ ikuvo.

CH. XX.] THE SUPPORT OF A FAMILY. 113

brother had inherited an estate from their father, which was
indeed too inconsiderable to oblige them to the performance of
liturgies, but sufficient for their maintenance : now since the
property of Statocles amounted at his death to 5^ talents,
besides his wife^s dowry of 20 minas, which cannot be
reckoned into his legacy, and since out of this sum he had
acquired either by subsequent inheritance or his own exertions
the sum of 4 talents 44 minas, his patrimony amounted to
46 minas, which according to the ordinary rate of interest
afforded an income of 5 minas 52 drachmas a year, and at the
rate of 18 per cent, at which he lent it out, 8 minas 28 drachmas,
and with the interest of the dowry reckoned at 12 per cent.
10 minas 68 drachmas, an income which was amply sufficient
to maintain him.

Mantitheus, in a speech of Demosthenes*^^ asserts that he
had been supported and educated from the interest of his
mother's dowry, which amounted to a talent, consequently,
according o the customary rate of interest, from 720 drachmas.
The expenses of Demosthenes himself when a youth, of his
young sister, and of his mother, amounted to 7 minas a year,
exclusively of the cost of house-rent, as they lived in their own
house : but the cost of Demosthenes' education was not paid
out of this sum, as it remained owing by the guardians"^ After
Lysias had finished speaking of the fraudulent account rendered
by the guardian of Diodotus' children, (who for example had
charged more than a talent for clothes, shoes, and hair-cutting,
within eight years, and more than 4000 drachmas for sacrifices
and festivals, and at the termination of his office would only
surrender 2 minas of silver and 30 Cyzicenic staters)"*, he
remarks"', that " if he charges more than any person in the
city ever did for two boys and a girl, a nurse and female

is manifestly corrupt, in the first place
because it ought to be fit), and not ov,
and in the second, because it would
be absurd to remark, that his property
was iiuleed not sufficient to live upon,
but too inconsiderable for the per-
formance of liturgies.

^^2 Cont. Bceot. de Dote, p. 1009,
28 ; p. 1023, G.

^^^ Demosth. cont. Aphob. i. p. 824,
26 sqq. p. 828, 5.

53* Cont. Diogit. p. 903, cf. p. 897,
and p. 905.

"' Ibid. p. 910.

114 THE SUM NECESSARY FOR [bK. 1.

servant, he could not reckon more than 1000 drachmas a year;"
which would give not much less than 3 drachmas a day. This
is equal to nearly 2s, 6d. in English money, a sum which cer-
tainly must appear too large for three children and two female
slaves in the time of Lysias.

In the age of Solon an obolus must have gone very far, for
that legislator prohibited any woman from carrying with her
upon any procession or journey more than would buy thus
much of food, together with a basket which was more than an
ell long"® : and the Troezenians appear to have made a liberal
donation, when, according to Plutarch"^, they decreed to allow
2 oboh to every one of the old men, women, and children, who
had fled from Athens at the time of the invasion of Xerxes.
But in the flourishing times of the state, one person could live
but moderately upon 2 or even 3 oboU a day"^; upon the
whole, the cheapness and facility of living were considerable.
From the piety of the Greeks towards the dead, the death of a
man, with his funeral and monument, often cost more than
many years of his life, for we find that private individuals
frequently spent for that purpose as much as 3, 10, 50, or even
120 minas"^

The aggregate wealth of the Athenian people, exclusive of
the public property and the mines, I have estimated in a
succeeding part of this work, upon a probable calculation, at
from 30,000 to 40,000 talents"*"; if of this sum only 20,000
talents are reckoned as property paying interest, each of the
20,000 citizens would have had the interest of a talent, or,
according to the ordinary rate of interest, an annual income of

"« Plutarch. Solon. 21.

"V Themistocl. 10.

^^^ Lucian (Epist. Saturn. 21) says,

author (Dial. IMort. 7). This how-
ever cannot be applied to Athens
and to ancient times, without modiii-

that in order to satiate one's self with cations.

wheat or barley bread, together with j *^^ Lysias cont. Philon. p. 884;
a few cresses, some thyme, or a few j Pseudo-Plat, Epist. xiii. p. 3GI, E;
onions, 4 oboli Avere wanting ; which Demosth. c. Boeot, de Dote, p. 1023,
is the very sum that a miserly father 22 ; Lysias. c. Diogit. p. 905 ; De-
gives to his son who has reached his mosth. c. Stephan. i. p. 1124, 15.
eighteenth year, for his daily suste- | ^*^ Book iv. ch. 4.
nance, in another place in the same i

GH. XX.] THE SUPPORT OF A FAMILY. 115

720 drachmas, if property had been equally divided, which the
ancient philosophers and statesmen always considered as the
greatest good fortune of a state ; and with the addition of the
produce of their labour, they might have been all able to live
comfortably. But a considerable number of the citizens were
poor; while others were possessed of great riches, who from
the lowness of prices and the high rate of interest w^ere able not
only to live luxuriously, but at the same time to accumulate
additional wealth, as capital increased with extreme rapidity.

This inequality destroyed the State and the morals of the
inhabitants. The most natural consequence of it was the ser-
vility of the poor towards the rich, although they thought that
they had the same pretensions as their superiors in wealth;
and the w^ealthy citizens practised the same canvassing for
popular favour, as was the custom at Rome, with different
degrees of utility, or rather of hurtfulness. A citizen might
perhaps adopt beneficial means for obtaining his end, as Cimon
for example, the first man of his age, who, besides his great
mental qualities, imitated Pisistratus in leaving his lands and
gardens without any keepers, and thus the produce of his farms
and his house became almost the property of the public ; he
used also to provide cheap entertainments for the poor, to bury
the indigent, to distribute small pieces of money when he went
out, and to cause his attendants to change clothes wdth decayed
citizens^^^ Yet these were the very means by which the sove-
reign citizens were reduced to a miserable state of beggary and
dependance.

Even this, however, might have been tolerable ; but as every
statesman had not the means of making such large outlays from
his private fortune, and liberality to the people being necessary
to purchase their favour, the distribution of money at the
festivals, the payment of the soldiers, ecclesiasts, dicasts, and
senators, the costly sacrifices, and the cleruchise, were intro-
duced by the demagogues : the allies were compelled to try
their causes at Athens, among other reasons for producing more

^*^ Theopomp. ap. Athen. xii. p. 533, A; Plutai'cb Cimon. 10, partly from
Aristotle, and Pericl. 9.

116 THE SUM FOR SUPPORT OF A FAMILY. [bK. I.

fees to the dicasts, and employment for the other citizens**':
every description of oppressive acts against the allies, and public
crimes were the consequence, which the demagogues pretended
that they were driven to by the poverty of the people^*\ And
when the necessary consequence and punishment of their
tyranny arrived in the defection of the allies, the helpless con-
dition of the state had increased ; for the multitude had forgotten
their former activity, and been gradually accustomed to ease
and refinement ; no course therefore remained but to struggle
to regain their former ascendancy. Add to this the envy which
the poor entertained against the rich, and the joy and readiness
with which they divided their possessions, upon which, after
bribery had been tried in vain, the whole rage of the multitude
vented itself. Xenophon, in his Treatise upon the Revenues,
understood perfectly that it was necessary to promote the
welfare of individuals: but, leaving out of the question the
insufficiency of his proposals, Athens, if her wealth and power
could have been restored, was lost beyond all hope of recovery,
as the minds of her citizens could not be so easily recalled to a
state consistent with her desired prosperity.

Chapter XXI.
Wages of Labour in Attica.

From the extreme cheapness of the necessaries of life, the
wages of labour must have been at a low rate in ancient times ;
and the number of competitors in the market for labour, among
whom, besides the Thetes and the resident aliens, a large por-
tion of slaves should be reckoned, must have contributed to
produce a farther diminution*"**. In addition to the effect of
competition, the gangs of slaves maintained by the wefalthy
essentially injured the profits of the poorer classes of citizens.
And it was with justice that the Phocians, who are said to have
formerly prohibited the keeping of slaves, upbraided Mnason,

">'■' Xenoph. de Rep. Athen. ^^^ Xenoph. de Vectig. init.

Cf. Xenoph. de Vectig. 4.

544

CH. XXI.] WAGES OF LABOUR. 117

who possessed more than a thousand, with keeping an equal
number of citizens out of employment'". After the Pelopon-
nesian war, even citizens who had been accustomed to live in a
better condition of life — however repugnant it was to their
feelings — were compelled to maintain themselves by working for
daily wages at any manual labour, as they had lost their foreign
estates, rents had fallen as well from the scarcity of money, as
from the decrease of the population, and loans were not to be
procured^^^

I have been able to find but few exact statements of the
amount of wages of labour : Lucian states, that in the age of
Timon (provided he does not refer to earlier what really
belongs to later times) 4 oboli were the daily wages for garden
or field-labour upon a distant estate'**'^; this same sum occurs
as a porter's wages in Aristophanes, and of a common labourer
who carried manure'*^ When Ptolemy sent 100 masons and
350 labourers to the Rhodians, in order to repair the damage
caused by the earthquake, he gave them 14 talents a year for
opson, that is, 3 oboli a-piece^''^; which, if they were slaves, was
the expense of their maintenance, if free labourers, only a part
of their wages, as a man required other things besides opson.
The philosophers Menedemus and Asclepiades must have been
powerful labourers in their youth, if they earned 2 drachmas a
night for grinding in a corn milP^°. Particular services, which
require a certain degree of compliance on the part of the
labourers, received a higher recompense at Athens, as in all
other cities. Bacchus, in the Frogs of Aristophanes"', wishes
to have his bundle carried by a porter, who asks 2 drachmas
for his trouble; but when the god offers the departed shade 9
oboli, he declares that " rather than do this he would return to
life again.'' If this dialogue in the region of shades is not a
scene of real life, it has no point : a living porter at Athens
would be equally exorbitant in his demands, and if less was

549

5-^ Atlien. vi. p. 264, C. cf. p. 272, B
^'^ Xenopli. Mem. Socrat. ii. 7, 8.
^■•7 Liician. Timon. 6, 12.
''^ Aristoph. ap. Poll. vii. 133, and j ''' Vs. 172 sqq
Eccles. 310.

Polyb. V. 88.
^^^ Phanodemiis and Fhilochorus
ap. Athen. iv. p. 1G8, A.

118 WAGES OF LABOUR. [bK. I.

offered him, he might naturally answer that he would sooner
die than do it.

The fare paid for passages by sea was extremely moderate,
particularly for long voyages ; it cost 2 oboli to go from ^Egina
to the Piraeus; that is, for more than 21 miles; the fare from
Egypt or the Pontus to the same port, more than 600 miles,
for a man with his family and baggage, was at most 2 drachmas
in the age of Plato; a proof that commerce was very profitable,
so that it was not found necessary to require much from pas-
sengers. In the time of Lucian the fare from Athens to ^gina
was 4 oboli"^ The freight of timber appears to have been
more considerable in a case mentioned by Demosthenes*^, in
which 1 750 drachmas were paid for a cargo from Macedonia to
Athens : the immense corn vessel the Isis, which, in the time
of the emperors, brought so much corn from Egypt to Italy,
that it was asserted that one cargo would be sufficient for a
year's consumption of all Attica, produced at the least 12 talents
of freightage per annum'^*"'.

The fulling of an upper garment cost 3 oboli^". 30 drachmas
were paid for engraving a decree of moderate size, if we may
judge from the fragment that remains; 50 drachmas were
assigned for engraving all the decrees of Lycurgus in the
archonship of Anaxicrates (Olymp. 118, 2, B.C. 307)"% which
can only be explained by supposing that the writing was for
the most part very small. The great inscription which was
first published by Barthelemy"^ is only 3' 8'^ 4'^^ Paris mea-
sure high, 6" Q" thick, the upper part, which contains an image
in high relief, is 1' 11'% the lower part, upon which the writing
is engraved, 2' 4'^ 6'^" wide. The whole inscription consists of
only 40 rows of letters, which are 3i lines high, with spaces
between the rows of 2 lines in height ; so that the whole height

=** Plat. Gorg. § 143, ed. Heiiidorf. | "^ Aristoplu Vesp. 1123, cf. 1122.'
Luciau. vol. iii. p. 258, ed Reiz. i ^^^ Mann. Oxon. xxiv. ed. ChandL

"^ Cont. Timoth. p. 1192. That ; and in some unpublished inscriptions ;
only one cargo is meant is evident third decree at the end of the Lives,
from tlie mention of only one cap- of the Ten Orators,
tain, Ibid. 1, 24. i "7 xhe Choiseul inscription.

•^* Lucian ut sup. p. -5(J. 1

CH. XXI.]

WAGES OF LABOUR.

119

of the inscription itself is 1' 6'' 4''". In addition to this we may-
notice the payments at the baths, which, according to Lucian,
amounted to 2 oboli, although they cannot be considered solely
as the wages of labour"'. For the labour of plucking out the
hair with pitch, in order to make the skin resemble that of a
woman, a fashionable gentleman is represented in Philemon as
paying four men 6 chalcus a-piece, as it appears from a passage
in Pollux"^ It may be also observed the rich had private^
and the people of Athens public baths'^**.

The pay of the soldiers was different according to times
and circumstances, and varied between 2 oboli and 2 drach-
mas, the latter including the provision-money for an hoplite
and his attendant ; the cavalry received from two to four times,
officers generally twice, and generals only four times that
amount: the provision-money w^as usually equal to the pay*
A soldier could maintain himself sufficiently well for 2 or
3 oboli, especially as in many places living was much
cheaper than at Athens; out of his pay he was to provide
clothes and arms, after which a certain surplus remained, which^
if he had opportunities to plunder, might enable him to amass
a decent fortune. This explains the meaning of the comic poet
Theopompus^", who says," that with a pay of 2 oboli a soldier
could maintain a wife, and with 4 oboli his fortune was com-
plete ; where he means the pay alone without the provision.

The pay of the dicasts and ecclesiasts amounted in its
increased state to 3 oboli, and like the theorica, only served
as a contribution to the support of the citizens : the Heliast in
the Wasps of Aristophanes^^^ clearly shows the difficulty which
there was in procuring bread, opson, and wood, for three per-

5^^ Lexiphanes, 2.

^^^ ix. 66, and there Hemsterhuis.
The operation takes place at the bath.

^^^ Xenoph. de Rep. Ath. 2, 10; see
Barthe'l. Anach. torn. ii. chap. 20.

^®' Ap. Poll. ix. 64, where read with
KUhn,

KaiVot ris ovk av cIkos €v npaTTOi
T€Tpa>l3oXi^oiv,

El vvv ye Stco/SoXoi/ (f)ep<i}v dvfjp Tpe(f)€i
yvvaiKa.
[Porson Prref. Eurip. Hec. p. 43,
writes the last line, et vvv y dvrjp
8ia)^o\ov (pepet rp€<ji€Lv yvvaiKa. The
correct reading probably is, et vvv y
dvrjp 8i(aj3o\ov (f)ep(ov Tpe<pei yvvaiKa.
Transl.]

56^ Vesp. 299, cf. 699.

120 WAGES OF LABOUR. [bK. !•

sons out "ftf this allowance : clothes and house-room he does
not reckon^ as these he provided from his private property.
The salaries of the senators and ambassadors were more consi-
derable; the liberal arts and sciences were the most abundantly-
paid, although the remmieration of the courtesans was scarcely
inferior.

The ancient states maintained physicians who were paid at
the public cost^^^; thus, for example, Hippocrates is said to
have been public physician at Athens : these again had attend-
ants, for the most part slaves, who exercised their calling among
people of low condition'"'. The celebrated physician Democedes
of Croton received about the sixtieth Olympiad, (540 b. c.,)
notwithstanding the small quantity of money then in circulation,
the large salary of 36 ^Eginetan minas or of 1 Attic talent
of silver : being invited to Athens, he received 100 minas,
until Polycrates of Samos gave him 2 talents'". It cannot be
doubted that many artists of a different description w^ere paid
in a similar manner by the state, such as the architects at
Rhodes and Cyzicus, and doubtless at every place of impor-
tance.

The pay of musicians and actors w^as very considerable.
Amoebeus, a singer in ancient Athens, received an Attic talent
for each time that he appeared'"" : it is well known that the
flute payers were very highly paid. In a Corcyrsean inscrip-
tion'"^ of no great antiquity, 50 Corinthian, or 83^ Attic minas,
are fixed as the pay for three auletae, three tragic, and three
comic actors for a festivity, besides the large expenses of their
maintenance. Distinguished actors were not less highly paid,
although they made great additional gains by travelling from
place to place, when they were not employed at Athens'"^;
thus, for example, Polus or Aristodemus is said to have gained
a talent in two davs, or even in one'"". In like manner com-

^°^ Xenoph. Mem. Socrat. iv. 2, 5, i ^'^^ Inscript. 150, ed. Boeckli.
Plat. Gorg. § 23. Concerning tlie ^'^^ Cf. Deniostli. de Fals. Leg. and
pay see Strab. iv. p. 125, Diod. xii. 13. the second argument to this oration.

'■' Plat. Leg. ^°» Vit. X. Orat. p. 268, ed. Tubing.

■■^'^ Herod, iii. i:Jl. Gell. xi. 9, 10. Concerning the pay of

''"' Aristcas ap. Athen. xv. p.(>23, D. ; tiic common actora at Rome, see Lip-

CII. XXI.]

WAGES OF LABOUR.

121

mon strolling players, jugglers, conjurors, fortune-tellers, &c.,
gained a competence by their callings, although the sum which
one person paid was inconsiderable ; for example, a chalcus, an
obolus, though sometimes as much as a drachma""; appren-
tices' fees for instruction in trades and arts, including even that
of medicine, had been introduced in the time of Socrates"^
The tribes at Athens were bound to provide for a part of the
instruction in music and gymnastic exercises, and they had
their own teachers, by whom the youth of the whole tribe were
instructed""*; in the other schools each person paid, but how
much we are not informed"^: an exception was made to this
rule by some enactments of Charondas, who is said to have
appointed salaries for the grammarians, if the laws, from which
Diodorus"** took his account, are not fabrications.

The teachers of philosophy and rhetoric, or the sophists,
were not paid by the state till later times ; at first, however,
they obtained large sums from their scholars, the worthy suc-
cessors of the mercenary lyric poets, whose inspiration was fre-
quently the result of gold"\ Protagoras of Abdera is said to
have been the first who taught for money, and he received from
a pupil 100 minas for his complete education''^; Gorgias"'
required the same sum, notwithstanding which he only left at
his death 1000 staters"'; together with Zeno of Elea"', who

sins Exc. N. ad Tacit. Annal. 1. It
is difficult to believe that Demosthenes
gave 10,000 drachmas to the actor
Neoptolemus for teaching him to speak
with long breath, as is stated in the
lives of the Ten Orators, p. 2G0.

^70 Casanb. ad Theophrast. Char. 6.
Lucian gives a good deal of infonnatiou
with regard to the fortune-tellers : the
most remarkable instance of growing
rich by this art occurs in Isocrat.
^ginet.

=^^ Plat. Menon. p. 90, B. sqq.

^'^ Demosth. cont. Boeot. de Nom.
p. 1001, 19.

••7* Demosth. cont. Aphob. i. p. 82f?.

'"''■^ Diod. xii. 13. Although their
spuriousness has been proved, yet

every thing that occui-s in them cannot
be rejected as forged; the latter law,
however, gives strong gi-ounds for sus-
pecting that it is of the Alexandrian
age.

^^^ Many persons have treated of
the pay of learned men. The most
important particulars have been col-
lected by Wolf ( Vermischte Schriften,
p. 42, sqq.), without any parade of
quotations. [See also Smith's Wealtli
of Nations, b. 1, ch. 10. Tbansl.]

576 Quintil. Inst. Orat. iii. 1, Gell.
V. 10, Diog. ix. 52, and there ^Menage.

^77 Suidas, and Diod. xii. 53.

5'^ Isocrat. de Antidosi, § 16'7, ed.
Bckker.

"'^ riat. Alcib. i. p. 119, A. The

122 WAGES OF LABOUR. [bK. I.

was otherwise unlike the sophists. Instruction being obtained
at so high a price^ it is natural that persons should have bar-
gained and endeavoured to agree for moderate terms ; at which
we who carry on the same trade with books, as they with their
oral instruction, should be the last to be astonished, Hippias,
while still a young man, together with Protagoras, earned in
Sicily, in a very short space of time, 150 minas, of which more
than 20 minas came from one small town; and not, as it
appears, by any long course of education^^". By degrees, how-
ever, the number of teachers brought about a reduction of the
price : Euenus of Paros, as early as in the time of Socrates,
exposed himself to the ridicule of the multitude by taking only
10 minas^^', for which sum, also, Isocrates taught the whole art
of rhetoric*^'^ ; and this in the time of Lycurgus was considered
as the common remuneration of a teacher of eloquence^^^ At
last even the followers of Socrates were content to teach for
money, Aristippus having, as it is said, been the first to set the
example^^*. It may be also mentioned, that they used to
receive money from each pupil for private lectures ; thus Pro-
dicus received from 1, 2, and 4, to 50 drachmas*^*. Antiphon
was the first person who wrote speeches for money, and he was
paid highly for them^^^.

I am almost ashamed to speak of the prices of intercourse
with persons of both sexes, which, according to Suidas and
Zonaras^^^, were fixed by law : 3 chalcus, 1 and 2 oboli, a

Scholiast of Aristophanes (Nub. 873)
states that the teachers would not
have readily taken less than a talent :
if any reliance is to be placed on this
account, which is hardly necessary, it

Orat. in Vit. Isocrat.

*«^ Vit. Dec. Orat. in Vit. Lycurg.

^"^ Diog. ii. 65, and there Menage,
cf. 72, 74. He is said to have taken
from 500 to 1000 drachmas, although

must be refen-ed to the time of Socra- I others refer these accounts to Iso-

tes alone.

^«« Plat. Ilipp. § 5. For further in-
formation concerning Ilippias, see

crates.

*8* Plat. CratyL init. Aristot. Rhet.
iii. 14, Philost. ut sup. 12, Schol. Aris-

Suidas, Philostr. vit. Soplu i. 1, 11, ' toph. Nub. 360, Suidas in v. IIpoStKoi/,

Apulej. Florid, p. 346, ed. Elm.

^»' Plat. Apol. Socrat. p. 20, B.

^^- Demosth. cont. Lacrit. p. 938, 17,
Plutarch, in Vit. Demosth. and Vit. X.

Eudoc. Ion. p. 365.

*"* Van Spaan (Ruhnken) de Antiph.
p. 809, tom. vii. of Reiske's Orators.
V. didypufXfjM.

587 I„

Cn. XXII.] INTEREST OF MONEY. 123

drachina^^^ ; a stater with women of middling condition^^% but
the price of a Lais was 10,000 drachmas for a night"". Other
prices may be seen in Lysias'^', and the author of the epistles
of uEschines"^

Chapter XXII.

Interest of Money in Attica. Money Changers and Bankers.
Loans on Mortgage,

The rate of interest in Greece was expressed either by the
number of oboli or drachmas which were paid by the month
for each mina that was borrowed, or by the part of the princi-
pal that was paid as interest either annually, or for the whole
time of the loan. According to the first method of speaking,
interest of 10 per cent, per annum is called at 5 oboli (eVl
Trevre o^oXoh), of 12 per cent, at a drachma (eVl Bpaxf^fj), of
16 per cent, at 8 oboli {iir o/crco o^oXoh), of 18 per cent, at 9
oboli {kir evvea ojSoXoh), and of 24 or 36 per cent, at 2 or 3
drachmas (iirl Bvcrl, rpipl hpay^iials) : according to the other
method, the rates of the third, fifth, sixth, eighth, and tenth
parts of the principal, either annually or for any specified term,
are 33|^, 20, lef^ 121, and 10 per cent, {tokol eTTLTpiToc,
€7rL7r€fjLT0t, €(f)eKTOi, iiToyBooi, eTTiSeKaroty^^,

Passages in the ancient writers leave no room for doubt
that the expressions above cited have the sense which I have
assigned to them ; and that in the first method of expression,
the specified number of oboli and drachmas, was the amount of
interest to be paid by the month, and in the other the portion
of the principal was interest to be paid either annually, or in

^8 Hesych. in v. TpiavronopvT], writings of the ancients, signify 1^, l^r
Athen. vi. p. 241, E, Aristoph. Tliesm. &c., as the beginner may learn from
1207. The diobolares are well known, my ^Memoir uher die Bildung der Welt^

^^^ Theopompus the comic poet ap.
Poll. ix. 59.

*9" Sotion ap. Gell. i. 8, 8.

*»i Cont. Simon, pp. 147, 148.

?9i Pseud-zEschiu. Epist. 7-

^^^ The words eniTptTOS, iniTeTapTos,
6i.c. in the mathematical and musical

seele im Tim'dos des Plat on, Studien,,
I8I7, part i. p. 50. That in the
reckoning of interest they mean ^, &c.
has been already remarked by Salma-
sius de M. U. I. Compare Schneider
ad Xeuoph. de Vectig. p. lo3.

124 INTEREST OF MONEY. [bK. I.

cases of bottomry for the time of the ship's passage specified in
the agreement. Some earlier writers, however, whom Salma-
sius has already refuted with needless minuteness, have main-
tained the absurd notion, that the tenth, eighth, sixth, fifth, and
third parts of the loan were interest to be paid monthly, or in
agreements of bottomry even daily; nor can we feel otherwise
than astonished to find that Barthelemy"^, repeating the asser-
tion of Petit, considers 16 per cent, as monthly interest. The
main source of this error lies in the supposition, that all inte-
rest was paid by the month, which, without doubt, was fre-
quently the case"^: but not only is it impossible that in bot-
tomr)' bonds, the interest could have been paid monthly, as the
borrower was neither able nor obliged to pay it until after his
return ; but even in mortgages, the annual payment of interest
was not uncommon^®^: nor if in ancient Greece, *at all times,
and in all places, interest had been paid by the month, w^ould
it follow from the names of the interest of the third, fifth, sixth,
and eighth j^arts, that those portions of the principal were paid
monthly, any more than at present, when it is paid quarterly or
half yearly, it folloW' s from the expression that a sum of m oney
is lent at 5 per cent., that 5 per cent, is to be paid every quarter
or half year. We may also remark, omitting the agreements of
bottomry, which did not exactly run a year, that the interest of
the tenth part [tokol iiriheKaroi) is the same as the interest of
5 oboli, of the eighth part (12^ per cent.) nearly the same as
the interest of one drachma (12 per cent.), of the sixth part
(16f per cent.) nearly the same as the rate at 8 oboli (16 per
per cent.), of the 5th part (20 per cent.) nearly the same as the
rate at 9 oboli (18 per cent.), and of the third part (33 i) as the
rate of 3 drachmas (36 per cent.) : but the examples which will
be presently quoted, prove that they are not therefore to be

^^* Anachars. torn. iv. p. 372. dent from the above-quoted inserip-

•^^^ Aristoph. Nub. init. and 751 | tion. In the Orchomenian Inscription

sqq. (Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 15«9,) the

^^^ Demosth. Tolycl. p. 1225, 15. j rate of interest is also fixed by the

Inscript. ap. Montfaucon. Diar. Ital. ; month, but it did not necessarily follow

p. 412. Even when the rate of in- tliat the money should therefore be

terest was fixed by the month, it paid every month.

might be paid by the year,_as is evi-

CH. XXII.] INTEREST OF MONEY. 125

taken as identical; and each expression must be understood
precisely in its strict meaning as it stands, since the lenders
would never have made use of indefinite expressions. It was
not until the age of Justinian that the Centesima, which is
exactly equal to the interest at a drachma, was identified with
the interest of the eighth part [tokos iiroyhoos) or 12i per
cent., as Salmasius correctly remarks ; although he himself, in
speaking of more ancient times, does not always accurately dis-
tinguish between the rates of interest which I have mentioned
as only slightly differing.

From this preliminary investigation into the method of
expressing the rate of interest, it follows that in Greece in-
terest was not so low as in modern states, and at Rome in the
age of Cicero : the lowest rate at Athens appears to have been
10 per cent., the highest 36 per cent.; the latter is not even
exceeded by any examples of interest received upon bottomry,
although these were, in fact, higher than they appear, since the
time of a ship's voyage for which the money was generally lent,
w^as shorter than a year. I can find no authority for the state-
ment of Casaubon*®^, that they sometimes obtained an interest
of 4 drachmas a month, although usurers took, without reserve,
as much as they could extort. Interest equal to half the prin-
cipal [rj/iLoXcos tokos), first occurs a considerable time after the
Christian era, in a case of a loan of products of the soil to be
repaid in kind^®\

The cause of the high rate of interest can only be, that it
was then more difficult than now to procure a loan of money,
or, what is equivalent, that there was a greater demand for
money to be borrowed, and a smaller quantity to be lent. But
that, in general, this circumstance was not owing to the insuffi-
cient quantity of money in circulation, appears to be e^ddent
from this, that if the quantity of coin in circulation was small,
the demand for it would necessarily be small likewise, on
account of the low prices of commodities ; and also from the
fact, that landed . estates bore a rent equal to 8 per cent, of
their value, and even more than 12 per cent, for the lease of

Ad Theophrast. Char. 6. '^^ Salmas. de M. U. viii.

126

INTEREST OF MONEY.

[bk.

the whole property^'^ ; so that the rate of interest does not
appear to depend upon the quantity of money in circulation, but
to have a common origin with rent.

The chief reasons, therefore, why money was not willingly
lent out at a low interest, appear to be, that any person who
wished to carry on business with it himself, might obtain a high
profit by employing it in commerce or manufactures^"", in the
same way that any one who managed his own property himself,
on account of the smaller expense of slave-labour, would neces-
sarily have made a greater net profit than at the present time
under a different combination of circumstances. Add to this
that credit was at a low ebb, which was occasioned by the
defective morality and the imperfection of the civil constitution
and laws of the different states, and especially by the difficulty
of obtaining redress for injuries in a foreign country. Even the
legislation of Solon, by which the rights of individuals were
more accurately defined, struck at the root of the security of
the creditor, by taking away his right over the body of the
debtor ; and it was shown by the measure called the Seisach-
theia, how little respect the state had for the security of pro-
perty, whether by this ordinance merely the value of the cur-
rency was depreciated, or the rate of interest also was diminished,
or whether, in certain cases at least, a complete extinction of
all debts was effected by it^°* ; nor was the severity of the laws
upon debt sufficient to produce any great security in the lend-
ing of money, as the administration of them was entrusted to
ill-regulated courts of justice, and the fraudulent debtor had at
his command every species of subterfuge and dishonest con-
trivance against the creditor.

The business of the bankers^"^ may lastly have contributed
to raise the rate of interest, as these usurers took money at a
moderate premium from persons who would not occupy them-
selves with the management of their own property^"^ in order

*^^ See below, chap. xxiv.
^°° See above, chap. ix.
«»' SeePlut. Solon. 14.
•^"^ Concerning which see particu-
larly Salraasius de Fonore Trapezitico

and de Usuris, and the acute Heral-
dus, Animadv. in Salmas. Obs. ii. 24,
25.

^"^ Thus e. g. Demosthenes' father
kept a part of his capital in the hands

CIl. XXII.J MONEY CHANGERS AND BANKERS,

127

to lend it with profit to others, and thus to a certain degree
obtained possession of a monopoly. Trading with borrowed
money composed the chief part of the business of the bankers*'^'',
although they sometimes employed capital of their own in that
manner ; the exchange of money at an agio""'* was by no means
their exclusive employment. Although they were generally of
a low origin, freedmen, aliens, or persons who had been admit-
ted as citizens, they aimed less at connecting themselves with
good families, than at pecuniary gain®°^; but they became pos-
sessed of great credit, which existed for the principal houses
through the whole of Greece, and were thus efi'ectively sup-
ported in their business^"^; they even maintained such a repu-
tation, that not only were they considered as secure merely by
virtue of their calling, but such confidence was placed in them,
that business was transacted with them without witnesses^°%
and as is now done in courts of justice, money and contracts of
debt were deposited with them, and agreements were concluded
or cancelled in their presence^°^ The importance of their
business is shown by the great wealth of Pasion, whose bank
annually produced a net profit of 100 minas^^°; there are, how-
ever, instances of their failing and losing every thing^'^ It is
scarcely necessary to show that they took a high rate of interest;
their loans on the deposit of goods are, without other testimony,
sufficient to prove it^^^. The Athenian bankers obtained 36
per cent., a rate which hardly occurs among honest people,
except in the case of bottomry.

The common usurers {TOKoy\v<l>ocjtoculliones,rjfiepoBav€i,<TTal),
who made a profit of the necessities of the poor or the extrava-
gance of the young, demanded, according to the faithful descrip-

of bankers, Dem. cont. Aphob. i. p.
816.

«"^ Demosth. pro Phorm. p. 948,
sup.

^^^ Isocrat. Trapez. 21, Demosth.
de fals. Leg. p. 376, 2, cont. Polycl. p.
1216, 18, Pollux, iii. 84, \-ii. 170.

^^^ Demosth. pro Phonn. p. 953.

^^^ Cf. Demosth. pro Phorm. p. 958,
sup. cont. Polycl. p. 1224, 3.

^^^ Isocrat. Trapezit. 2.

^"5 Demosth. cont. Callip. p. 1243,
8, cont. Dionysod. p. 1287, 20.

^'•^ Demosth. pro Phonn. p. 946, 25.

^^^ Dem. pro Phorm. p. 959, cont.
Stephan. i. p. 1120, 20 sqq. Ulpian ad
Demosth. cont. Timocrat.

^^^ Demosth. cont. Nicostrat. p.
1249, 10.

128

MONEY CHANGERS AND BANKERS.

[bk. I,

tion of Theophrastus^'% as much as an obolus and a half a day,
for each drachma; and the practice which was prevalent in the
times of Plutarch, of immediately subtracting the interest from
the sum borrowed, and again lending it out upon interest*"*,
had probably arisen in the flourishing times of Athens. On
account of this high rate of interest, and the severity with
which they enforced the payment of it, frequently seizing the
houses and property of their debtors, and as lenity was foreign
to their character, or indeed any other consideration but that of
their own gain, the bankers and money-lenders drew upon
themselves the merited hatred of all, as being the most infamous
of human beings^ ''^.

Money was lent without interest from motives of friendship
or kindness, even without a written bond and any security or
pledge, either with or without witnesses (')(^€Lp6Borov, aavy-
ypacf^ovY^^; sometimes wdth an acknowledgment (x^cpoypaipov),
which was usually written upon papyrus ; or with a formal and
solemn instrument [crvyypacjir]), which was written by a third
person in a diptychon of waxen tablets, signed by witnesses,
and given in charge to a banker® '^ The security was either
made over to the creditor or not ; in the latter case it was
security in a more limited sense, in the former it was the pledge
{ivixvpovY^^: the security in the more confined signification
was generally of land, but sometimes of moveables, for instance,
slaves, and especially in cases of bottomry, the goods, the ship,
and the outstanding freightage-money; although the pledges
were generally of moveable property, we sometimes find that
land and houses were given in pledge, and indeed, on account
of their safety, were common for dowries and leases of orphans'
property.

To lend upon a person's own body (Savetfetv eVl crco^ari)

*'^ Char. 6, and there Casaubon; cf.
Herald. Anim. in Salmas. Obs. ad I.
A. et Rii. 21.

^'* Plutarch, de vitando acre alieno,
4.

^'^ Demosth. cent. Stephan. i. p.
1122, extr. and ]). 1123, sup. cont.
Panta3n. pp. 98 1 , 982. Antiphanes the

comic poet in the Mia-onovrjpos ap.
Athen. vi. p. 22G, E, cf. Herald, ut
sup. ii. 24, 1, 2.

^'^ Demosth. cont. Tinioth. p.
12, Salmas. de M. U. x. p. :J81.

^'7 Salmas. ibid.

*"^ Salmas. ut sup. 11,

185,

CII. XXII.]

LOANS OX MORTGAGE.

129

was prohibited in Athens from the time of Solon"' % in imita-
tion, as Diodorus supposes, of the Egyptian law; in other
states this cruel and barbarous custom remained in force,
although it was not allowed to take even agricultural implements
in pawn®^". Arms could neither be taken nor given in pawn
at Athens"^*. There were also public books of debt in Greece,
like the German registers of mortgages ; but they are not men-
tioned as having existed at Athens. Mortgaged lands, how-
ever, were distinguished by stone tablets or pillars, upon which
the debt and the creditor's name were inscribed (o/3ot)^": a
custom of extreme antiquity, which existed before the time of
Solon, who himself declares, that by his constitution the stones
which had been before standing upon all estates were removed,
as he by some method or other had released or relieved the
debtors.

If the principal, together with the security, was not exposed
to destruction, and the creditor, according to his contract, liable
to no loss, the interest was certain, and was called land-interest
or mortgage {tokol eyyvoi, or eyyeooLy^^, Neither the interest
of money lent upon mortgage, of which I shall next speak, nor
upon bottomry, was fixed by law; and even, if we suppose it to
be true, as was affirmed by Androtion, that Solon lowered the

*^' Diog. Laert. and Plutarch in the
Life of Solon, also the latter in his
Essay de vitando sere aheno, 4.

^^ Salmas. ut sup. xvii. p. 749.

'^■^^ Petit. Leg. Att. viii. 1, C.

^^^ Demosthenes in many passages,
which have been collected by Reiske
in the Index, p, 544, Pollux iii. 85, ix. 0,
Etyniol. and Harpocrat. in vv. aariKTov
and opoff, Hesych. in vv. opo^ and copicr-
fifVT], Lex. Seg. p. 285, Photius in opos
in several articles. Cf. Salmas. ut sup.
XV. They were o-rJyXai, stone tablets
or pillars ; the Romans (see Vales,
upon Maussac's notes to Harpocration)
likewise used tahulce of the same na-
ture : at Athens, however, they appear
not to have been of wood, although
tlie Etymologist and Lex. Seg. p. 192,

5, p. 285, 12, call them aaviSes accord-
ing to a later custom, perhaps from a
misapprehension of a passage in the
first speech against Aristogeiton, p.
791, 11. It should be observed, how-
ever, that it was by no means neces-
sary to set up these stones, see Herald.
Anim. in Salmas. Obser. ad I. A. and
R. iv. 3, 8. (See a paper by the Au-
thor on this subject, reprinted in the
Museum Criticum, No. viii. p. 622,
sqq.)

^'^'^ See Salmas. ut sup. iii. The
manuscripts sometimes give the former
word, whicli Salmasius declares to be
the correct forai, and sometimes the
latter : both appear to have been in
use, but where either is more correctly
used, is not easy to detennine.

130 LOANS ON MORTGAGE. [bK. I.

interest of all debts which existed before his time, yet he per-
mitted every person afterwards to lend his money at whatever
rate he could obtain"*; and only in the single instance of a
man^s separating from his lawful wife, and not immediately
returning her dowry, the rate of 9 oboli (18 per cent.) was fixed
by law, probably because this was the ordinary rate at the time
when this regulation was made^". Even in the age of Lysias
and Isseus, this high interest was not usurious ; the latter
orator^^^ relates it as an ordinar}^ occurrence, that a person had
lent 40 minas at 9 oboli, and had received from them a return
of 720 drachmas a year; and Timarchus borrowed upon the
very same terms^^^.

The interest of 8 oboli (16 per cent.) occurs in Demosthe-
nes^^^; the interest of a drachma (12 per cent.), which is at the
present day the common rate in the Levant^ was frequent in
the age of Demosthenes, but it was, as appears from the orator^s
own words, considered low, although a talent lent out at this
rate would have produced an annual return of 720 drachmas,
upon which a small family could live^^^ The interest of 5
oboli, or of the tenth part, was chiefly in use among friends"",
and is opposed to the interest of the third part: in a story,
related in Aristotle^s rhetoric, of Mcerocles, who lived in the
age of Demosthenes, it is considered as moderate^^'.

From 12 to 18 per cent, appear then to have been the com-

^^ To dpyvpLov (TTcia-ifiov elvai i(\> | Niehuhr Hist. Rom. vol. ii. p. 61, &c.
oTToo-o) av ^ovkqraL 6 bavei^cov. Lex i In an inscription in Miiratori vol. ii.
ap. Lys. cont. Theomnest. p. 360. ; p. DLXxviii. i. eVaroo-rtatoy tokos is
Si-^crai then had the meaning of j mentioned, evidently translated from
Sai/eio-ai, from the money being weigh- tisurce centesimce, and thus furnishes a
ed when it was lent ; thence also the means of determining the age of the

word o^oXoaTaTTjs. Orus ap. Etymol.
in V. o^eXia-Kos.

6" Orat. c. Neser. p. 1362, 9, De-
mosth. c. Aphob. i. p. 818, 27, of. Sal-
mas, de M. U. iv. p. 159.

626 De Hagn. Hered. p. 293.

6^7 ^sch. c. Timarch. p. 127.

"8 Cont. Nicostrat. p. 1250, 18.

62» Demosth. c. Aphob. i. p: 816, 11,
p. 820, 20, p. 824, 22, ii. p. 839, 24,
iEschin. c. Ctesiph. p. 497, comp.

inscription.

630 Demosth. c. Onetor. i. p. 866, 4.

631 Aristot. Rhet. iii. 10, with the
slight alteration of Salmasius de M. U.
ii. p. 41, also in the spurious (Econo-
mics of Aristotle 2, 3, ed. Schneid.
67rtSe/caroi tokoi occur on the occasion
of a sequestration imposed by the
Byzantines upon all vessels, which,
however, must not be considered as a
common occurrence.

CH. XXII.]

LOANS ON MORTGAGE.

131

monest rates of interest at Athens ; the only manner in which
I can explain why Salmasius^^^ considered the interest of the
sixth part, or 16f per cent, as the most usual at Athens, is,
that he confounds this rate of interest with others of similar
amount. Several examples of higher rates of interest occur.
Demus, the son of the celebrated Pyrilampes, who had been
sent as ambassador to Persia, offered to pawn a golden cup to
Aristophanes for 16 minas, which he had received from the
king of Persia, and to redeem it in a short time for 20^^^
^schines, the Socratic philosopher, wishing to set up a manu-
factory of ointments, borrowed money of a banker at 3 drach-
mas {S6 per cent.) whereby he lost, until he procured the same
sum from another person at 9 oboli^^*.

The rate of interest in other Grecian states was regulated in
a similar manner. The Clazomenians paid the commanders
of their mercenary troops 4 talents a year, as the interest of a
debt of 20 talents at the rate of the fifth part {t6ko9 eirl-
irefiirTosY^^, The rate of mortgage in the Bosporus was some-
times the sixth part (to/co9 e(f)eKTos), at which Phormion, as
mentioned in Demosthenes®^^ pretended to have paid 560
drachmas for 120 Cyzicenic staters, each reckoned at 28 Attic
drachmas, at 16f per cent. In Orchomenus in Bceotia, interest
occurs of several drachmas for a month ; and in a Corcyrsean
decree it is ordered that certain monies shall not be lent out
either at a higher or lower rate than at 2 drachmas a month
(24 per cent.)"^, where bottomry cannot possibly be meant.
The epobelia of Plato in his Treatise upon Laws*'" (according
to which the taking of usury was to have been entirely for-
bidden in the second ideal state) is not a rate of interest, as

«32 ut sup. i. p. 10.

^^ Lys. pro Aristoph. bonis, p. 629,
sqq.

*** Lys. Fragm. p. 4.

^^^ See the (Economics attributed
to Aristotle.

"6 Cont. Phorm. p. 914, 10. Con-
cerning the €<peKTOi TOKOS comp. also
Harpocration, Suidas, Photius, and
Zonaras in v. e^e/croff tokos. The ac-

count given by Photius in v. 6<^f<crous
TOKovs, and by Lex. Seg. p. 257, is
entirely devoid of sense, and is founded
upon a false derivation, and a false
accentuation, viz, €(J)€kt6s.

*^7 See the inscriptions quoted in
note 596.

«38 xi. p. 921, C, cf. V. p. 742, C ;
Salmas. de M. U. i. p. 12 ; Schneider
ad Xenoph. de Vectig. p. 182.
K 2

132

LOANS UPON BOTTOMRY.

[bk. I.

some have supposed, but a fine, such as the Athenian epobelia,
to be fixed like interest by the month; that is to say, if a
person neglected to pay the wages of any servant for the space
of a year, he was, as a punishment for his dilatory conduct, to
pay the epobelia, or an obolus to every drachma, for each
month of the time.

Chapter XXIII.
Loans upon Bottomry.

A still higher profit was obtained by capitahsts, allowance
being made for accidents, by maritime interest {tokos vaurtKos,
€AcSo(7ty)"' or bottomry, in which, according to the Grecian
custom, tlie ship, the cargo, or the money received for pas-
sengers and freightage, were answerable for the principal. The
loan appears to have been most frequently made upon the
goods (eVl roi<; (popTLOcS) eirl rols y^prj^acnVi eirl rfj ifiTropla),
more rarely upon the vessel (eVl rfj vrjl, eirl tg) 7fKoi(o), and the
money received for passengers and for freightage {iirl tm
vauXo))****; in a case mentioned by Demosthenes^**, in which a
trierarch borrowed money upon a ship that belonged to the
state, and to the command of which he expected a successor,
it is probable that the only security given was the ship's
furniture, which was the private property of the trierarch.

This species of interest, which was so odious at Rome, does
not appear to have given offence in Greece, and especially at
Athens, as being a commercial town ; it was, however, exposed

•^' See Salmas. v. p. 19; Schneider
ut sup. p. 181.

"^ Concerning the expressions in
use see Schneider ut sup. p. 180. An
instance of money being borrowed
upon the passage money and the ves-
Bcl occurs in Demosth. in Lacrit. p.
933, 22, and upon the passage money,
as it appears, Diphilus in the passage
quoted below ; and of money lent upon
the vessel, Demosth. ibid, and in Dio-

nysod. p, 1283, 18; comp. the argu-
ment p. 1282, 4. What proofs Hudt-
walcker (von den Diateten, p. 140)
can bring in favour of his assertion,
that at Athens, in cases of Fenus
nauticum, the ship was always hypo-
thecated, I am unable to guess. The
contraiy is indeed e\adent from the
passages quoted by Schneider and
myself.

"*^ Cent. Polycl. p. 1212 sup.

CH. XXIII.]

LOANS UPON BOTTOMRY,

133

to much risk, as the loss of the security also brought with it
the loss of both principal and interest : agreements of bottomry,
in which the lender was not liable to the risk, were prohibited
by the laws of Rhodes, that is, nobody could take such high
interest as was customary in bottomry, without exposing him-
self to the danger of the loss : but since by the Athenian law,
every person could take as high interest as he could obtain,
this restriction did not exist at Athens ; and such contracts as
the Rhodian law prohibited, have no connexion with agreements
of bottomry, as there would in those cases be either no security
or one which was not at sea®**.

Agreements of bottomry were rendered binding by means
of an instrument styled a maritime contract {vavTiKr) avy-
ypa<l)r}y*^, which was deposited in the hands of a banker"*.
A document of this kind is preserved entire in the speech of
Demosthenes against the Paragraphe of Lacritus, and part of
another in the speech against Dionysodorus. The money was
lent for a fixed time, and for the voyage to a particular place or
country, and the debtor was bound to go to the place pointed
out in the agreement, subject to a heavy penalty for the breach
of this condition'*\ If it was only lent for the voyage out-
wards {erepoTrXovs), the principal and interest were to be paid
at the place of destination, either to the creditor himself if he
went the voyage, or to some other person commissioned to
receive it; of this latter description was the Cermacoluthus,
who was frequently sent with the ship**' ; if the contract was
for the voyage both inwards and outwards {a^<t>oTep6ir\ovs:)y
the payment was made after the return.

In these agreements there was generally a double security,
the debtor being bound in goods to twice the amount of the
loan, without being able to raise other money upon them"' ;
and in agreements for voyages both inwards and outwards, if

^*^ Concerning the meaning of the
Hhodian law, which Sahnasius had not
perceived, see Hudtwalcker de Fenore
Nautico Romano, p. 7.

"3 Demosth. c. Lacrit. p. 932, 3 ;
of. Lex. Seg. p. 283, and others.

"* Demosth. c. Phorm. p. 908, 20.

^** Demosth. c. Dionysod. p. 1286
sup.

6« Demosth. c. Phorm. p. 909,24;
p. 914,28.

^*^ Demosth. c. Phorm. p. 908 sqq.
c. Lacrit. pp. 925—928.

134 LOANS UPON BOTTOMRY. [bK. I.

the goods given as a security were sold, fresh commodities of
equal value were to be reladen^^^ The severity of the laws
against those who withdrew the security from a creditor, lias
been already remarked ; but it was usual for a penalty to be
also fixed in the agreements, if the debtor should not repay
the entire loan, or should act otherwise contrary to the con-
ditions ; for example, of twice the amount of the principal, or
of 5000 drachmas on a loan of 2000'". Until the time of
repayment the security, if it was saved, was to be left untouched
for the creditor : and sometimes, for greater security, even the
whole property of the debtor was made answerable by a particular
stipulation"''. The money of orphans could not, according to
law, be lent on bottomry, although this regulation was often
violated*'^

As the hazard varied materially according to the length of
the time, the distance of the voyage, the danger to which the
vessels was exposed from storms, rocks, hostile fleets, pirates,
or licensed privateers, it is less easy to conceive that there
should have been an usual rate of interest in Greece for money
lent on bottomry, than for the mortgage of land; and the
assertion of Salmasius"^, that the rate of interest of the fifth
part (20 per cent.) was the most common at Athens, is entirely
devoid of foundation. The interest upon money lent only for
the voyage outwards, must moreover have been less than that
for the two voyages inwards and outwards, particularly since
passengers who accompanied the master of a vessel, carrying
at the same time sums of money with them, would naturally be
the more ready to lend it to the captain, as they must have
still incurred the same risk that arose from bottomry, if they
took it with them without interest. The 10 or 12 per cent,
interest upon money lent on bottomry mentioned by Di-
philus"^ must undoubtedly be understood only of the passage

"^ Demosth. c. Phorm. p. 909, 20.

®^^ Demosth. c. Diouysod. p. 1294,
12 ; c. riiorm. p. 915, 1 ; p. 916, 2?.

"" Deed in the Oration against La-
critus. I

65)

"^ De M. U. I. p. 10 ; v. p. 209,
where his reference to Xenophon
proves nothing.

^*^ In the passage which Salmasius
|uotes p. 35.

Lys. Fragni. p. 37. Also the ' Els 5eV eVi rfj fipa yfvoueuat kuI dwdfKi
case in Lys. c. Diogit. p. 908. ' Aa/3au/ to. vavXaKai Saj/et' epvyytwcau.

CH. XXIII.]

LOANS UPON BOTTOMRY.

135

outwards; as also the interest of the eighth part (12i per cent.)
in Demosthenes"*, which the trierarch ApoUodorus lent to the

"* Demosth. cont. Polycl. p. 1211,
extr. 'ElcrayyeXOivTOiv de otl Bv^dv-

Tioc dvayKa^ovcri top (tItov

i^aipeicrOai, daveicrdfievos eyo) dpyvpiov
TTapd Xaipedrjfiov flip rod ' Ava(p\v(TTiov
TrevTeKaideKa fivds enl tokov, eTrraKOffLas
de dpaxp-as Trapci "NiKiTrTrov tov vovk-
Xrjpov vavTiKov dveiXofxrju, 6s eTV)(ev &>v
iv '2T)(TT<Of inoyboov, Kal nefxyj/as Evk-
TTjfiova . . . eKeXevad fiot avrov vavras

fxio-dMO-ao-Bai This is the old

reading, except that I have restored
fjivds for dpaxP'ds from the manuscripts
with Salmasius de M. U. V. p. 219,
and Reiske ; whether 'Apx^^p-ovy the
reading of some manuscripts, and
oKTaKoa-ias, which is approved of by
Salmasius, should also be replaced, I
leave undecided. 'Aj/eiXo'fiT^i/ is put by
Anacoluthon for dveXofievos, which is
seldom used with /ueV and Se : an in-
stance however occurs in Herod, vi.
13, Speovres dfxa fxev iovaav dra^irjv

TToXXrjV €K TOiV '1(01/0)1/ ibcKOVTO TOVS

Xoyovs, dfxa de KarefjiaiveTO (T(^l eivai
ddvvara ret ^acnXeos TrprjyfiaTa vnep-
/SaXeV^ai, ev t€ eTricrrdfievot . . . which
is precisely similar to the passage of
Demosthenes ; and as KaT€(paiveTo
might have been omitted in the former,
so might dveiXojjLrjv in the latter sen-
tence ; vi. 19, expW^V ^ttikoivov xPW~
rrjpcov, TO fxeu is avrovs tovs ^Apyeiovs
(f)€pov, TTjV de 7Tapev6r]Krfv exprjcre es
MiXrjaLovs. Also vi. 25, ad fin. Simi-
larly also in Herod, viii. 69, Trpos p-ev
Ev/Soi't; (T^eas edeXoKaKeeiv, as ov
napeovTOS avrov, rore de avros rrapea-
KevacTTO derjaaaOai vavpax^ovras, the
transition from the indirect infinitive
to the indicative. There are also
other difficulties in this passage, which
Salmasius and Reiske have been quite
unable to clear up. The notes of the
latter commentator are mere trifling,
as he had no distinct notion of the
Greek system of interest. 'Etti tokov,

for which Hier. Wolf wishes to sub-
stitute the more convenient expression
of eVt ro'/co), was thought too indefi-
nite. Salmasius corrects eyyvco, and
Reiske eyyeiov tokov, or eyyeiav tokohv ;
if however these words refer at all to
the rate of interest, one should rather
expect some more particular percentage
than the generic term. * Os ervx^v Siv iv
2r](TTa cannot be referred to vuvtikov,
the latter word being in the neuter
gender, as in the parallel passage of
Xenophon quoted below, Demosth.
cont. Aphob. i. p. 816, 26, vavTiKo.
ejBdoprjKopra pvds, and elsewhere. But
Salmasius' improbable conjectures o
and bvf are the less admissible, because
it cannot be supposed that there was
some one rate of interest in general
use at Sestos, without any distinction
of the risk, Reiske, without the
slightest authority, has placed the
words OS eTvx^v av iv "ErjaTa inoydoov
after eVi tokov : but the safest way is
to suppose that inoydoov means the
interest of money lent out on bottomry,
as it is explained in Lex. Seg. p. 252,
referring however falsely to a pledge
of goods : for it may be seen, by com-
paring Harpocration in v. inoydoov,
that the gloss refers to this passage.

My opinion is shortly this : inl tokov
is added, in order to remove any
doubt that Chaeredemus did not lend
the money to ApoUodorus, as being
his friend and countryman, without
interest, but, as is stated, eVi tokov, for
interest. The amount of this it was
not necessary to state, and it was per-
haps omitted as it might have been
unpleasant to Chaeredemus to have it
mentioned. The words 6s ervx^v S)v
iv ^rjCTTa can only be referred to Ni-
cippus by a very forced construction.
Most probably they belong to Xaipe-
drjpov p^v TOV ^Ava<pXv(TTiov ; for since
it might appear strange that the Ana-

136 LOANS UPON BOTTOMRY. [bK. I.

ship-captain Nicippus, for the passage from Sestos to Athens,
but upon the condition that the trireme should first go to
Hierum to convoy vessels laden with corn, and that the prin-
cipal and interest should be paid at Athens, in case the ship
returned safely to port. The amount of this interest of the
eighth part, Harpocration correctly estimates at 3 oboli to the
tetradrachm.

Higher interest in loans upon bottomry frequently occurs ;
Xenophon in his Treatise upon the Revenues"* proposes to
erect public buildings for the convenience of merchants, as a
means of procuring a profitable return to the citizens, and he
supposes that the necessary sum could be collected by contri-
butions of different magnitude, but that each subscriber would
obtain an equal return of 3 oboli daily : he then proceeds to
remark, that those who put in 10 minas, would receive nearly
the interest of the fifth part, the rate which was commonly
given in bottomry [vavriKov o-p^^eSov iTTLTrefiTTTov), and those
who put in 5 minas, more than the interest of the third part ;
that the greater number, who subscribed a less sum, would
obtain an annual income of more than the capital which they
contributed, for example, for 1 mina nearly 2. The interest of
the fifth and third parts are e^'idently here considered as
common in cases of bottomry; the danger connected with this
method of investing money, is alluded to by Xenophon, when
he states it as an advantage to be expected from his proposals,
that " the profits would arise in the state itself, which appears
to him to be the most secure and lasting source of revenue.'^
It is also manifest that the interest of the fifth part is here
precisely 20 per cent, and of the third part 33^ per cent, which
latter Harpocration"^ correctly fixes at 8 oboli for the tetra-

phlystian should be mentioned as being
at Sestos, it was natural to add that
he had been there accidentally.

«" 3, 7—1 4. The Avhole of tliis short
sketch of Xenoplion's, and of tlie er-
rors committed in tlie explanation of
it, is illustrated in book iv. ch. 21.

the false emendation proposed in p.
25 as superfluous.

'^'"^ In V. eTTirpiTats, referring to a
passage in Isaeus against Calhphon,
where witliout doubt the orator was
speaking of an agreement of bottomry.
Proceeding upon the example given

Here I only remark, that Salmasius de I by Harpocration of the method of
M. U, I. himself considei-s in p. 192, | reckoning, viz. eight oboli for the

CII. XXIII.]

LOANS UPON BOTTOMRY.

137

drachm, and that the former ought not to be confounded with
the interest of 9 oboH, nor the latter with that at 3 drachmas (18
and 36 per cent.) For the year being reckoned with Xeno-
phon at 360 days, 3 oboli a day give an annual income of 180
drachmas, which for 10 minas are 18, and for 5 minas 36 per
cent: the former the author calls nearly the interest of the
fifth part, the latter more than that of the third part.

Other statements of the rate of interest likewise occur in
Demosthenes. Phormion had lent 20 minas for a voyage
inwards and outwards to the Pontus, at an interest of 6 minas,
that is, at 30 per cent*'". In the carelessly drawn instrument
in the speech against Lacritus, 3000 drachmas are lent upon
Mendsean wine, for a voyage from Athens to Mende or Scione,
and from thence to the Bosporus, the borrow^er being at liberty,
if he prefers it, to sail on to the left along the coast of the
Black Sea as far as the Borysthenes, at the rate of 225 for 1000
drachmas for the whole time of absence. In this however it is
supposed that the borrowers, Phaselitans by birth, are to com-
mence their voyage back from the Pontus before the early
rising of Arcturus, in the month Boedromion, about the 20th
of September, as the autumn [(f)6iv67r(opov) and with it the
dangers of navigation then commenced : instead of the interest
of 224 per cent., the higher rate of 30 per cent, or 300 for 1000
was how^ever to be paid, if the voyage back from the Pontus to
Hierum, upon the mouth of the Bosporus, should be under-
taken, as it sometimes was, after the rising of Arcturus"^.

Since the agreement extends to different places, and liberty

tetradrachm, the ignorant compiler of
the Lexicon Seguer. p. 253, confounds
the interest of the third part with the
rate of eight oboli.

"7 Demosth. cont. Phorm. p. 914,6.

^^^ See Demosth. cont. Polycl. p.
1212, 14—24. The situation of Hierum
is in Bithynia, close to the Thracian
Bosporus; see Harpocration and Sui-
das in v. e<^' 'itpoz/, and passages re-
ferred to by Wolf ad Leptin. p. 259.
It was a port where the masters of
vessels returning from the Pontus put

in. The observations of Petit upon
this agreement are beneath all criti-
cism. Salmasius de M. U. V. p. 209,
sqq. explains it at full length, but he
has entu-ely lost sight of truth in the
interpretation of the third clause, and
by this means vitiates his whole ac-
count. Heraldus Anim. in Salmas.
Obs. ad I. A. et R. ii. 20, takes up
some of these errors, adding at the
same time some of his own. The
words iav fie fir] elo-ISaKmai, after which
a comma should be placed, cannot, as

138 LOANS UPON BOTTOMRY. [bK. I.

is allowed to the borrower to sail into the Pontus or not as he
prefers, there is at the end a farther limitation added, in the
event of the vessel not running into the Pontus. For in that case,
in order to avoid the tempests of the dog-days, the vessel was
to remain in the Hellespont, at the end of July, ten days from
the early rising of the dog-star (eVt kvvI), with which the latter
part of the summer {oTrcopa) begins, for the purpose of unlading
their cargo in a secure place, and then to return to Athens,
where they have to pay the interest fixed in the preceding year.
The addition of the words " in the preceding year'' is superflu-
ous, but correct : the instrument was signed in the spring, at
the time when navigation commenced; now the year ended and
began about the middle of summer, about the time of the sum-
mer solstice, and consequently the early rising of the dog-star
fell in the following year. In this last-mentioned stipulation
the lower rate of interest is meant; for the higher rate was only
to be paid if the return from the Pontus took place after the
rising of Arcturus, and thus if the ship did not run into the
Pontus, it did not apply at all. On the other hand, a new risk
might in this case arise, which would not exist if the vessel
entered the Pontus; the borrowers might return from the Hel-
lespont during the storms of the dog-days, which in case of a
voyage in the Pontus could not have taken place on account of
the greater distance; it is therefore fixed, that in the former
case, the vessel should remain in the Hellespont.

With regard to the security of the place where the goods
were to be disembarked, it is stipulated that no part of the
cargo should be discharged at any port where the Athenians
had the right of reprisal {pirov av fir] avXai coauv ^Adrjvaloi^) :
one should rather have expected this condition to have been
made with respect to places where this right had been granted
against Athenians (Kar'. ^K6r]vaicDv) : for the creditors, of whom
one is an Athenian, could not be afraid of the Athenians;
neither could the borrowers, since they traded at Athens, have

Salmasius imagines, be referred to the
passage out of the Hellespont into the
-■Egeau Sea, but ouly, as is evident

from the ^vhole agreement, to the
voyage into the Pontus.

CH. XXIII.] LOANS UPON BOTTOMRY. 139

had anything to apprehend from the Athenians. This difficult}',
however^ is easily removed: for (not to mention that the trier-
archs at this precise period made reprisals upon the property
of persons whom the state had given them no authority to
plunder^ and consequently, that both Athenian and Phaselitan
property might easily have been captured by them), it is evident
that the moment any property passed either from or to any
place, against which the Athenians had given permission to
make reprisals, it became necessary to prohibit by a clause in
the agreement, the unlading of the goods at any such place, as
Athenian property, and consequently the security on which the
money was lent, would be seized there in retaliation, by those
whom the Athenians had plundered.

It is to be remarked that these commercial agreements were
in general made only for the time of a ship's voyage from the
spring till the autumn, and sometimes for a still shorter time,
in the case of a voyage which might be soon ended: a term was
commonly appointed for payment after the return of the vessel,
as for example, in the agreement in the speech against Lacritus,
the principal and interest were to be paid within twenty days
after the vessel returned to Athens, with the exception of what
might have been thrown overboard by the common consent of
all in the ship, or be taken away by the enemy. But the
interest in bottomry loans was often for a longer period. Thus,
according to the statement of Demosthenes, an individual bor-
rowed a sum of money in the month Metageitnion, in the mid-
dle of summer, and was only bound to repay it in the same
year, that is, before the beginning of the next summer'^'. In
this case a proportionally higher rate of interest was doubtless
given: as it was higher on account of the greater length of the
voyage'"". In most cases, however, the creditor withdrew his
capital in the winter for his own use.

«^» Demosth. cont. Dionysod. p. 1283, 19, p. 1284, 10.
««« Ibid. p. 1286. extr.

140 RENT OF LAND [bK. I.

Chapter XXIV.

Rent of Land and Houses in Attica,

From the rate of interest, we proceed to consider the rent of
houses and of other kinds of landed property. All the foreign-
ers and resident aliens, (the latter of whom were estimated with
their families at 45,000 persons), together with a proportionate
number of slaves, lived at Athens in hired lodgings. For it
is evident that foreigners could not become proprietors of
houses: if then they were at Athens for the sake of trade, or
for the purpose of conducting their law-suits, which often
detained them for years^®', they dwelled in hired lodgings,
excepting those individuals who were entertained as guests by
their friends. But the resident-aliens lived almost without
exception in the city or in the- sea-port towns, as they com-
posed the larger portion of the industrious classes; that they
could not own houses is in part evident from the statement of
Xenophon^^% and j^artly from the fact that no resident-alien
could safely lend money upon houses or other landed property,
a privilege which was confined to the citizens^".

Since then the resident-alien had not the right of owning
land, landed property was not a vahd security for him, as he
could never come into possession of it. Thus at Byzantium
the resident-aUens could not obtain the landed estates which
were mortgaged to them, because they had not the right of
owning landed property, until the state gave them permission
to hold their mortgaged lands, though not without their con-
senting to make a considerable deduction from the principaP".
The same practice prevailed in all Grecian States ; if then a
foreigner was created either a citizen or proxenus, the right of
holding landed property was expressly granted in the instru-
ment*^*; the Isoteles, however, were entitled to the possession

««' Xenoph. de Rep. Ath. i. cf. 3, I ««^ See Pseud-Aristot. (Econ. ii.2,3.

"*^*" *^^* See the Arcadico-Cretan Decree

««2 De Vectig. 2, 6. | in Chishull's Ant. Asiat. p. 119, the

«"» Demosth. pro^Phonn. p. 946. Bj2;autine Decree in Demosthenes de

CH. XXIV.] AND HOUSES IN ATTICA. 141

of houses, which we learn from the fact that Lysias and Pole-
marchus had three houses in Athens^^^; with which their right
of working mines coincides. The letting of houses at Athens
was therefore an important branch of business; some built
lodging-houses {crvvoLKLat), and speculators {vavKXrjpoi, araO-
fiovxoi) rented whole houses in order to let them again to
under-tenants®".

House-rent, like interest, was paid or calculated by the
month, and the payment was generally claimed by means of a
slave'®^ The assertion of the grammarians^®^ that it was paid
by Pr)^taneias, is in this general sense absurd, though if only
understood of the houses which belonged to the state, is
unquestionably correct. Xenophon remarks that house-build-
ing, if undertaken prudently, was profitable, and might enrich
the speculator®^"; but the amount of house-rent in proportion
to the cost of building and to the value of the house must have
been very different, according to the situation, and have varied
with the increase or diminution in the population; after the
anarchy, the disturbances which then took place having much
diminished the numbers of the people, many houses produced
no rent®^'.

The only precise statement which we possess on the subject
of house-rent, occurs in Iseeus®'^ ; according to whom a house
at Melite worth 30 minas, and another at Eleusis worth 5
minas, together produced 3 minas a year, that is 8f per cent.;
which is low as compared with the rate of interest, and perhaps
ought not to be taken as the general average, as Salmasius
supposed®'*. The rent of land must be less than the interest of

Corona, and the examples there quoted
by Taylor, the Decree of the Chaleians
in Bceotia in Boeckh. Corp. Inseript.
No. 1567, also another Byzantine De-
cree in Gniter p. ccccxix. 2, and the
Decree of the Thebans, Boeckh. Corp.
Inseript. No. 1565.

^^^ Ammonius, Harpocration, Pilo-
ting, and Hesychius in v. vavKkqpos^
together with the Commentators, also
Kuhn ad PoU. 1, 74.

^^» Casaub. ad Theophrast. Char. 10.

®^^ Ammonius and Thomas M. in v.
TTpvTavciov.

««« Lys. cont. Erastosth. p. 395. j «'» CEcon. .3, 1.

Comp. also the passage in Plato, ^"''^ Xenoph. Mem. Socrat. ii. 7, 2.

although it is not quite decisive, de j ®^^ De Hagn. Hered. p. 293.

Rep. i. p. 328, B. 1 ®^' De M. U. xix. p. 848.

142

RENT OF LAND

[bk.

the capital vested in it, if this were lent out ; it is also ex-
pressly remarked, that in the good old times lands were let to
the poor at a moderate rent'^' : according to Isceus'^% an estate
in Thria, worth 150 minas, was let for 12 rainas, i.e. at only
8 per cent.

Of the letting of slaves, especially together with the mines,
I have treated above ; the exact percentage cannot however be
determined ; for although in the speech of Demosthenes against
Panteenetus'^% a mine purchased for 60 minas with 30 slaves,
reckoned at 105 minas, was let for 105 drachmas a month, yet
nothing can be concluded from this fact, as the agreement of
rent was only a form, and in reality the tenant was the pro-
prietor, and the rent 12 per cent, interest for money lent upon
the mine and slaves.

The account that Phormion paid 160 minas a year for the
rent of Pasion's banking-shop, besides the tenant having to
maintain tvro children of the proprietor's who were left be-
hind, is very unintelhgible"^; who, says ApoUodorus, would
give so much for the wooden furniture, the space, and the
books? Pasion himself only made 100 minas a year by his
banking-shop. This statement indeed occurs in the lease^'%
although this document is not sufficiently authenticated : if
the rent was so considerable, we must suppose with ApoUodorus,
that Pasion at the same time transferred to Phormion some
money, which was vested in the concern. Afterwards the
banking-shop without the money employed in it was let for
a talent"^', in which case the tenant must have still obtained a
high profit by trading with borrowed money, which was lent to
Pasion's house on account of the credit which it possessed.

A considerable profit was obtained by the proprietor, if we
may credit Demosthenes, by the lease of the house {fila-dayaLs
otKov), that is, of the whole property^^% which produced much

®^* Isocrat. Areopag. 12.
675 Ibid.
«76 p. 967.

«77 Demosth. pro Phorni. p. 956, 6
p. 960, 10.

^'^s Demosth. c. Steph. i. p. 1111

and concerning the suspiciousness of
the document, p. 1110, 18.

^7^ Demosth. pro Phorm. p. 956, 10 ;
p. 948, 15.

^^" Concerning the meaning of the
word oiKos see Xenoph. CEcon. i. 4, 5.

CH. XXIV.]

AND HOUSES IX ATTICA.

143

more than 12 per cent., and by which families worth 2 or 3
talents often doubled or trebled their means. Thus the pro-
perty of Antidorus, which had been let to one Theogenes, rose
in six years from 3^ to 6 talents^^'. In this manner the Archon
Eponymus, in conjunction with the guardians, was bound to
let the property of orphans, or a Phasis could be instituted
against him ; and for the sake of security, the tenant was
obliged to give a pledge {aTroTLfiTjfjuaY^^,

«8^ Demosth. c. Aphob. i. 831, 26
sqq. p. 833, 22 sqq. c. Apliob. -^evdo-
fxapr. p. 862, 21.

^«^ Lys. c. Diogit. p. 906, extr.
Isaeus de Philoctem. Hered. p. 141.
Demosth. c. Aphob. in the above-
quoted passages, Harpocration in v.
dTTOTifMTjTal, and his commentators ;

Hesychius in v. dTroTifxrifiaTa, Pollux
viii. 142, and 89, with the commenta-
tors. Cf. Herald. Animad. in Salmas.
Obs. ad I. A. et R. iii. 6, 5 sqq. Con-
cerning the Phasis see Poll. viii. 47,
the Epitome of Harpocration, Etymol.
Phot. Suid. and Le:^. Seg. pp. 313,
315.

144

Note [A], pp, 16, 20.

In the SOtli and 6Ctli notes to the first book, the Author refers to his Com-
mentary on an Inscription published in the Appendix to the original edition,
and since repeated in his Collection of Inscriptions (i. p. 164); where he has
added only a short abstract of his former explanation, and therefore it appeared
desirable to give in this place a translation of the passage referred to.

The following extract from the inscription is all that is required.

'A-y/rcoSe Koi fj fxva t; e[fi]7rop[iK]^ ^T€[(f}avT](p6pov dpax]lJ-as cKarov rpiaKOvra
K[a\ j OKTO) 7rp6[s] TO. o-TiiBfjLia TO, [e]i/ rw dpyvpoK07r[€ia. K]a\ [ex^ro) po7rr}]v
['2T€](f>ain](})6pov 8paxp.as Sfxa 8vo, Koi 7ra)Xe[iT]a)o-ai/ Trdvres rdWa [7r]dvTa
Tav[TT)] rfj pLva, [ttX^i/] ocra npos dpyvpiov Biapprjdrjv etprjTai n[<i>]\e'LV, la-Tdvres
rov 7Tr)-)(yv Tov ^vy\ov la-oplponov, dyovra tcis eKarov TrevTrjKovra ^rpl^xt/^"!^ '^°^
2[Te(PavT](f)]6povt to 8e Trevrdfiuovv [to €pn]optK6v e;j(€V[co p07r'\r]u e^TTopiKTjV
fivd[v], o[7r'\a>s laopponov tov 7rf)xea>s yivop.ivov ayrj €p.7rop[iKds p.^vds e^. to de
rdikaPTOv to €[fi]7ropiK6p [e;)(eV]a) po7r[fjv fx]v[ds] €p.n[o']piKds TreVre, ottcos koi
tov[to lcr]opp67rov tov 7r[7/;(]eci)s yivofxevov ayrj 6[/x]7ro[pi/c]6i/ Td[Xatrrop Kai

fllvds ifXTTOpiKCLS 7T€VT€.

*' In this clause it is ordered that the commercial weight should be greater
than the common weight ; and that the commercial mina should in the first
place be equal to 138 drachmas tov aTe(pav7](p6pov, according to the weights in
the silver mint (dpyvpoKovelovy Pollux vii. 103, Harpocration, Suidas, and
other grammarians'), and secondly, that it should contain 12 additional drach-
mas TOV o-Tc(f)apTj(f)6pov, so that the whole would amount to 150 drachmas.
Here we are met with questions which do not admit of an easy solution. In
the fii"st place, what is 2Te(f)apr)(f)6pos ? 2Tecf)apr](f)6pos was a hero at Athens,
and had a rjpaop, but the grammarians have not themselves any accurate
knowledge concernmg liim. See Harpocration, Photius, and Suidas in
2T€(f)avTi(f)6pos, Lex. Seg. p. 301, Meurs. Lect. Att. iv. 10. Compare Sturz
Fragment. Hellan. p. 59. The Tjpwop was doubtless the same as the house
which was called 2T€(j)apT](ji6pov (not ^T€(papr)(f)6pos), although the gloss of
Hesychius is rather obscm*e : ^Tecpapop (pupeoPTa' dir oIkov tipos KoXovfiepov
(rT€(papT)(f)6pov. The contrary opinion of Meursius on this point must be
attributed to mere inadvertency. This rjpSop was mentioned by Antiphon
against Nicocles quoted in Harpocration, Photius, and Suidas : 2T€cf)apr)(f)6pos'
'ApTt({ia>p €P ro) npos Nt/coKXea* "STecfiaprjcpopov rjpatop, cos coiKep, r/p eV Toli
'ABripais. Now in the same speech the silver mint was mentioned, according
to Harpocration : 'ApyvpoKOTrelop' 'ApTi(f)cop ip rw rrpos NikokXco, &c. Can it
be doubted that in Antiphon, as well as in the present inscription, Stephane-
phorus occurred in connexion with the silver mint ? I conjecture therefore
that at Athens the mint was combined with a chapel of this hero, as in Rome
witli the temple of Juno Moneta ; that the standard weights for coin were kept
in this sanctuary, which belonged to the chief mint, as at Rome they were
preserved in the temple of Juno Moneta ; and that from this circumstance the
drachmas of the weight used for silver were called diachmas roi'- '2Tccf>ctpr^(jmpov.

NOTE TO BOOK I. l45

As however it is fixed that the commercial mina should contain 138
drachmas tov 2T€(f>aur](f)6poVf to which were to be farther added 12
drachmas of the same weight, it is at once evident, from the adoption of
so irregular a number as 138, that this could not have been a new or arbitrary
arrangement, but that it must have proceeded upon some ancient regulations
with regard to the common and the mint weights. Our object is now to
ascertain in what this dissimilarity consisted. It is well known that Solon
diminished the weight of the coin ; his intention being to favour the debtors,
by enabling them to repay their debts in a depreciated currency. The mina,
as well before as after the time of Solon, manifestly contained 100 drachmas :
but 100 drachmas, before Solon interfered with the currency, were heavier
than after. Plutarch affirms that Solon increased the measures at the same
time that he diminished the weight of the coin : this however is absurd ; for by
this means the proprietors of mortgaged land would have received no possible
benefit ; they would rather have experienced a loss, if they exchanged at the
old price a larger measure of products of the soil against a smaller weight of
coin; nor can Solon be well supposed to have had any other motive than this
in increasing the measures. If there is any meaning in Plutarch's statementj
he can only wish to express a proportional increase in the weights, i. e. that
while the weight for money was reduced, the weights for commodities remained
the same.

This view of the subject is peculiarly fitted to explain the present inscrip-
tion. The weight univereally used in Athens before the time of Solon, as
well for silver as for other commodities, was such, that 138 of the new
drachmas were equal to a mina. SjIou allowed this weight to remain for all
uses of trade, but made the coin so much lighter, that the mina of silver was
to the commercial mina as 100 to 138. It is now easy to perceive why late
wi-iters, being deceived by this ratio, supposed the weight to have been
increased; for after this change the commercial mina weighed 138 drachmas,
having before only weighed 100 : but it was only in comparison with silver,
and not absolutely, that it had sustained an increase. Upon this supposition
the new silver mina of Solon was equal to 72 1| ancient drachmas; for
100 : 138 : : 72|| : 100. It is not however possible that Solon could have
purposely introduced such a proportion ; probably he had intended to diminish
the weight of the coin by a fourth part, so that 75 old drachmas were to be
coined into 100 new : the money however (for at that time coined money was
doubtless in use) proved in fact to be not sufficiently heavy; and it was
observed that 100 of the new di"achmas were only equal to 72 1| of the old; or,
what is the same thing, 100 of the old to 138 of the new; accordingly the i-atio
between the commercial mina and the new silver mina was fixed at 138 to 100,
not, as it would have been according to the ratio originally intended, at 133|
to 100.

Thus far everything appears to be a mere assumption, made for the purpose
of explaining the mode of fixing the commercial mina made use of in the
present decree; but the following testimony gives it the authority of an histo-
rical fact. Plutarch (Solon, 15) informs us that Solon made the mina of 100
drachmas, whereas it had previously contained 73, by wliicli change the value
of money was diminished; cKaruv yap inolT)a€ 8paxpoi)v rijv p.vav, nporepou
€^bop.T)KovTa KoX rpiojv ovcraVy coot' apt^/xai pev XaoVy dvpdpei fi' fXarrov dncdi-
dovTCiv <o(f)e\('i(Tdat pev rovs (ktivovtus pcyaXaj pr)bev he ^XdnreaOai rovs
Kopi(opevovs. It will at first sight be perceived, that Plutarch here expresses

146 NOTE TO BOOK I.

liimself ambiguously. What relief could it have been to debtors who owed
several minas, that the division of the mina was altered, and the drachma
diminished, while the mina itself remained the same? And again, can it be
believed that the mina contained 73 drachmas, a prime number, not divisible
without a remainder ? Plutarch follows Androtion, who had doubtless stated that
a weight of silver, which before Solon had only been equal to 73 drachmas, had
been coined by Solon into a mina, or 100 drachmas. This statement so nearly
agrees with the view before taken, that the coincidence cannot be the result of
chance. Both statements differ only by the fraction of a drachma ; the number
obtained from the decree is however doubtless the more correct one, and the
other is only an approximation. The following circumstance should also be
observed. The Euboic talent was to the Attic talent of Solon as 72 to 70,
which is the same as 75 to 12\^. If we assume that this ratio is not strictly
accurate, but that the correct one is 75 to 72 1|, or, what is the same, 72 /© to
70, the ancient Attic talent, before the change of Solon, was to the Euboic as
100 to 75, and Solon, in his diminution of the weight for silver, intended to
introduce the Euboic standard, without however entirely accomplishing his
object."

147

BOOK II.

ON THE FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION AND EXPENDITURE
OF THE ATHENIAN STATE.

Chapter I.

7%e Comparative Importance of the Financial Management in
Ancient and Modern States,

The preceding enquiries having opened the way for the pur-
suance of the main subject of this work, the first question which
arrests our attention is^ whether in ancient times the operation
of the financial system was of the same general and predomi-
nant importance, and exercised that influence upon the welfare
and decHne of nations, which it possesses in modern days.
Hegewisch^ first expressed his astonishment that in the states
of antiquity, revolutions had been so seldom caused by taxation
and financial regulations, which have been the chief sources of
disturbance among modern nations. A later writer has ac-
counted for this diflerence by stating that in ancient times the
civil and judicial constitution was the principal cause of revolu-
tions, whereas in modern times these have resulted chiefly from
the system of finance*. It is indeed true that in the democra-
cies of antiquity a revolution could scarcely arise from a refusal
to pay taxes; and in the states of Greece, at its most flourish-

^ Historischer Versuch iiber die Rd-
mischen Finanzen, p. 44 sqq.

^ Wagemann de quibusdam causis,
ex qviibus turn in veteribus turn in re-
centiorum civitatibus turbae ortse sunt,
aut status reipublicse immutatus est,
Heidelberg. 1810, 4to. [It may, how-
ever, be remarked, that Aristotle men-

tions in his Politics that some persons
considered the distribution of property
as the main cause of revolutions in the
Greek states : So/cei tktl to nepl ras
ovaias elvai fieytarov Teraxdai KaXa>s'
Trepl yap Tovrtov iroKlcrOai <f>a<Ti ras
(TTciaeis navras. ii. 4.— Transl.]

L 2

148 FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT IN [bK. II.

ing period, democracy was the prevailing form of government.
In this form of polity, the iniposers and payers of taxes are in
fact the same persons: whence then was there a possibility of
dissension between the two classes? Besides, in a democracy
the people never apply the public money to objects which are
opposed either to their real or apparent interests, which is not
unlikely to happen under an aristocratic or despotic form of
government. If then discontent was at any time excited
amongst particular individuals by the financial measures of the
state, the majority of the citizens concurred in and supported
them, they themselves having been the very persons with whom
they originated. That an insurrection should arise from this
cause was consequently as improbable as that popular commo-
tions should be caused at Athens by a summons to war. The
chief sources of disturbance must have been created by en-
croachments upon the rights of the citizens, especially with
respect to their share in the governing power; whereas in the
monarchies of modern times, the people being for the most part
indifferent as to who fills the office of king, only feel themselves
oppressed by those who obstruct them in the enjoyment of
their property, and diminish their means of subsistence by the
imposition of taxes and by other compulsory measures; except-
ing that at particular periods, when the sense of the nation has
been more generally excited, the people have pressed for an
ampler recognition of their rights. In those ancient states
which were not democracies, the government, especially that of
tyrants, was indeed generally odious from the burthens with
which it oppressed the people, but still more so on account of
the loss of freedom. These two causes together produced num-
berless revolutions.

It should however be borne in mind, that in the republican
states, the attention paid to the public finances was by no
means so inconsiderable as some writers have imagined; wealth
was not less an object of desire at that than at the present
time ; the exigencies of the state were, comparatively speaking,
not fewer than in modern Europe, at least as far as Athens is
concerned; although the objects to which the expenditure was
directed, and the means of extricating the state from an unfore-

CH. I.] ANCIENT AND MODERN STATES. 149

seen pressure, differed in many points, with the difference in
the political circumstances, from the corresponding practices in
modern days. The ancients, for reasons which we shall after-
wards explain, had no artificial public system of finance; but
the exigencies of the state were not on that account less press-
ing upon individuals. If at the present day any additional
taxes were required for the purpose of paying off the national
debt, the payers of taxes would not be called upon at a period
of urgent necessity ; and the sum, which at the precise moment
of need could only be raised in full to the great inconvenience
of the taxed, would wath moderate interest be paid off in a
series of years: whereas, according to the usual practice in
ancient times, the expenses of the commonwealth were imme-
diately defrayed by the payers of taxes, and a part of their
capital was sacrificed, which might have been turned with profit
to fresh production. So that the want of a public system of
finance was rather injurious than otherwise to the citizens of
the ancient states, and the administration of finance more
oppressive.

Nor can it be inferred that this branch of the administra-
tion was held in low esteem at Athens, from the circumstance
that no archon was placed at the head of it; for the influence of
the archons even in early times had become very inconsiderable.
But in every Greek state the finances were in the hands of the
sovereign power; and at Athens the legislation on financial
matters belonged to the people, the administration of them to
the supreme council. Then, as well as now, the administration
of the finances was considered one of the most important
branches of public affairs; and the statesman who, like Aristides
and Lycurgus, succeeded in placing them in a flourishing con-
dition, gained the goodwill of the people and the admiration of
posterity. Some statesmen in the ancient days of Greece even
occupied themselves exclusively with this branch of the admi-
nistration^; and all the great demagogues endeavoured to obtain
over it either a direct or an indirect influence, since the manage-
ment of the public money afforded both the most effectual

3 Aristot. Polit. i. 7,(11.)

150

FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT IN [bK. I

means of advancing themselves into favour with the people and
of maintaining that position. Thus Eubulus of Anaphlystus%
who applied himself in particular to financial affairs, obtained a
lasting popularity, although it was chiefly acquired by flattering
the avarice of a pleasure-seeking people, through the distribu-
tion and lavish expenditure of the public money. In Athens,
the ministers of finance would have been held in as high esteem
as in modern states, if all measures of general pohcy had not
been deliberated on and decided by the mass of the people;
notv\dthstanding which the chief manager of the public revenue
was always looked up to as one of the most important public
officers. In the progress of time the faulty management of the
finances of Athens essentially contributed to the destruction of
the state, more especially from the period when she was forced
to defend herself from foreign attack. If the powers of the
government are misdirected, the moral condition of a state can-
not alone preserve it. Immoderate exertions and excesses
equally render a state and an individual incapable of performing
their proper functions. Now Athens overstrained both her
mental and physical powers (of which the power arising from
wealth is not the least), partly in great and noble exertions,
partly in vain and profligate waste; after w^hich she naturally
fell into such a state of weakness and inactivity, as to be unable
to resist the first violent pressure to which she might be ex-
posed. Can it then be maintained, that financial regulations
were of less importance in ancient than in modern times, or
that they had less influence upon the public welfare? Unques-
tionably not; provided that the comparison is correctly insti-
tuted, and that the distinction is kept in view which is caused
by the wide dissimilarity between the size of the most remark-
able and important states of antiquity, and those of modern
Europe.

J. J. Rousseau^ maintains, that a government becomes more
dependent on its finance in proportion as the other energies of

Plutarch. Vrsec. Reip. Ger. 15 ; mens de I'ine'galit^ parmi les hommes,

cf. iEschin. c. Ctcsiph. p. 417.

* Discours sur rorigine et les foude-

p. 314. Geneva, 1782, vol. i. of his
works.

CH. I.J ANCIENT AND MODERN STATES. 151

the people decline, and that a state may be considered as having
arrived at the last stage of corruption, when it has no other
power than that which is derived from its wealth. In this
manner, he thinks, all governments tend incessantly to decay,
and consequently that no state can endure, if its revenues are
not perpetually increasing. Although these remarks may not
be wholly correct in the extended sense in which he applies
them, they are still supported by a large majority of facts; and
it is certain that as long as the early vigour of the human mind
is still unimpaired, the state is far less in need of those artifi-
cial arrangements which are necessary for the levying of money
from the people. For as soon as the pressure of any immediate
and urgent necessity excites the citizens, they spare no sacrifice
or exertion to satisfy the exigency. This was the case with
respect to Athens before the administration of Pericles, and
particularly before the Peloponnesian war, at which time a
great change in the Athenian character took place. Their
oppression of the allies, and the consequent employment of
mercenaries, taught the Athenians to place greater reliance upon
the assistance of foreigners, than upon their own exertions ; the
poison, however, operated slowly, because the feelings of honour
with which the overthrow of the barbarians and the liberation
of their common country had inspired them, were not as yet
obliterated ; while ambition still in some degree supplied the
place of purer motives, and the fear of a momentary sacrifice
was overcome by the hope of the ample compensation which
would probably follow in the train of victory. It is certain that
after the age of Pericles the administration of the finances
became of greater importance, and that the expenses of the
state increased, as public principle declined. Athens, however,
by the augmentation of the tribute received from her allies, as
well as by the imposition of customs and other duties, found
the means of increasing her revenues. By these means she
succeeded in maintaining hei;self, notwithstanding her many
reverses and defeats, until not only her moral strength had
almost expired, but her revenues also had greatly diminished.
Then it was that she became powerless and lost her inde-
pendence.

152 FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT. [bK. IT.

Rousseau infers from the principles above laid down^ that
the first maxim of financial administration is to restrain as much
as possible the tendency to expense, and to exert the utmost
vigilance in order to anticipate the appearance of any want.
He thinks that in spite of every care, the remedy will always be
too late for the disease, and the state will thus be left in a suf-
fering condition; that at the moment when one expense is
about to be retrenched, another arises; that additional re-
sources are themselves productive of new difficulties, the people
become oppressed, the government loses all its strength, and
notwithstanding its great expenditure, is able to effect little.
Rousseau is of opinion that by these principles we may account
for the almost miraculous phenomenon of the ancient govern-
ments having been enabled to effect more with their frugality than
modern states can perform with all their riches. I quote this
remark with a view to caution the reader against applying it to
Athens, where after the time of Pericles, expense was heaped
upon expense, the administration of finance became continually
of more importance, and the difficulties continually greater. It
also throws a strong light upon the public salaries at Athens;
although these resulted in part from other circumstances, such
as the poverty of the citizens, and the pretensions which the
state would not consent to abandon, though unable to satisfy
them from its own resources. This increase in the expenses of
the community far above the measure of its strength, rendered
an attention to the affairs of finance more necessary to the
Athenians than to any other Grecian state.

Chapter II.

Subject of the Second, Third, and Fourth Books, stated.

To obtain a knowledge of the financial system of Athens in its
whole extent, we must consider how it was administered, what
were the exigencies of the state, and what revenues there were
to meet them, and whether the latter were in general sufficient,
or whether at times tliey produced a surplus, and what extraor-
dinary resources were available un the appearance of difficulties.

CII. II.] SUBJECT OF THE ENSUING BOOKS STATED. 153

We here limit ourselves to the economy of the state alone,
excluding subordinate companies and corporations; although,
as Athens was both a city and a state, many things must be
included in the public finances, which in larger nations would
only belong to corporate bodies; and again, many parts of the
finances of subordinate communities were so intimately con-
nected with the state, that on that account they ought not to
be passed over. The expenses of the temples and sacred cor-
porations were partly defrayed from revenues of their own,
which were independent of the state, and thus far they will not
be treated of in this book; but in so far as the state advanced
contributions, or availed itself of the sacred revenues and
treasures in pecuniary difficulties, upon the condition of restor-
ing them% the finances of the state and of the sacred institutions
are linked together, and the latter therefore deserve at least an
occasional consideration.

Chapter III.

Supreme Authorities for the Financial Administration; the
People and the Senate. Subordinate Authorities,

The legislative authority in matters of finance, as in all other
things, belonged to the people, as being sovereign [Kvpuos),
All the regular expenses and revenues were determined by the
laws which it enacted, and every extraordinary measure received
its authority by a decree of the people. But the administration
was entrusted to the Senate of 500, as the agents of the com-
munity, who were responsible to the people: this council pre-
pared questions in debate for the popular assembly, and had
the different branches of the public economy under its superin-
tendence. That the power of the senate with reference to mat-
ters of finance was as extensive as here represented, is evident
from the following examples. According to Xenophon^s Trea-
tise upon the Athenian republic^, the senate was occupied with

^ Cf. e. g. Thiicyd. ii. 13 ; vi. 8. ^ 3^ o See Petit, Leg. Att. ii. I,

iSi SUPREME AND SUBORDINATE AUTHORITIES j^BK. II,

providing moneys, with receiving the tribute, and with the
management of naval affairs and of the temples. The letting of
the duties was under its superintendence. Those who had
received sacred or public monies from the state were bound to
pay them to the senate, or it enforced the payment of them
according to the laws relating to the farming of duties^: it had
therefore the right of sending the farmers or their securities to
prison in case of non-payment^ The Apodectee delivered to
this body an account of the monies received and still remaining
due; in the presence of this council the treasurers of the god-
dess transferred and accepted the treasures, and received the
fines. The senate arranged also the application of the public
money even in trifling matters, such for example as the salary
of the poets : the superintendence of the cavalry maintained by
the state, and the examination of the infirm {dBvvaroL) sup-
ported at the public cost, are particularly mentioned among its
duties: the public debts were also paid under its direction^".
From this enumeration we are justified in inferring that all
questions of finance were confided to its supreme direction. It
is possible that in early times the Areopagus, which was of so
great importance before its power was diminished by Ephialtes,
also exercised some authority in affairs of finance. For in the
Persian war this tribunal once directed that every person bear-
ing arms or serving in the fleet should receive eight drachmas
from the Areopagites^' (by which public, and not private, money
is meant), whence it might be concluded, that the authority
of this supreme office of government extended to financial
matters.

The officers subordinate to the senate, by whom the ma-
chinery of finance was worked, may be classed under three
heads: in the first place, those who made the arrangements

8 Demosth. c. Timocr. p. 730. ] another inscription (No. 80, ibid.),

» See the Oath in Petit iii. 12, 2; but in what particular relation is not

cf. 10.

'" Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 76.
The senate also is mentioned in con-
nection with the sacred money in j

stated.

'^ Plutarch. Themist. 10, from Aris-
totle.

CH. 111.] FOR FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION

sl56

and preparations necessary for the collection of the revenue, or
collected it themselves; secondly, the treasurers of the offices
into which the revenues were paid, in which they were kept,
and where they were again disbursed; and thirdly, those whose
duty it was to discharge the accounts. Concerning the first
division it will be unnecessary to say much, as in treating of
•the revenue the method of its collection must be in part con-
sidered. All regular duties were let to farmers {reXcovai,); for
these imposts therefore no particular places of payment were
necessary, except for receiving the money from the farmers; an
office was how^ever required to arrange the letting, or (as the
ancients term it) the sale of the duties. Now every thing that
the state sold or farmed out, taxes, lands, mines, confiscated
property, (including the property of public debtors after the
expiration of the last term,) the persons of resident aliens who
had not paid their protection money, and foreigners who had
been guilty of illegally assuming the rights of citizenship or of
the offence of Apostasion; all these duties were left to the care
of the ten Pole tee, a board {apxv)} to which each tribe contri-
buted one member, and which met at a place called Poleterion'*.
Among them was a Prytaneus, who presided; for the sale of
the duties they were allowed the assistance of the directors of
the Theoricon*^; but they managed everything in the name and
under the authority of the senate alone, for which reason in the
sale of the fiftieth and of the tax upon prostitutes we read of
the co-operation of the senate'*. The property of the temples
was however let by the directors of sacred property, as may be
inferred from the Sandwich inscription, in which the Amphic-
tyons of Delos render an account of the leases; the property of
the tribes and boroughs was let by themselves through their
own agent or manager, to whom the payments were also made'^

'* Aristot. de Rep. Athen. ap. Har-
pocr. in v. TraiXrjTai, Suidas in vv.
TTotXTjTol and naiXrjTrj^, Phot, in v.
7rco\r)Ta\ (twice), Hesych. and Lex.
Seg. p. 201,: Pollux viii 99; Ilaipocr.
in V. nfToiKiov; Demosth. c. Aiistogit.
j. p. 787 ; cf. Petit, ii. 5, 2. The ex- j bulid. p. 1318, 18.

planation in Lex. Seg. p. 192, 21, is
incorrect.

^^ Pollux viii. 99.

^* See book iii. c. 4 and 7.

^^ See Boeckh, Inscript. 158, 103,
104, book iii. c. 2: Demosth. c. Eu-

156

SUBORDINATE AUTHORITIES

[bk. II.

Another class of the public revenues consisted of the justice-
fees and fines; these were registered by the presidents of the
court of justice which had decided the cause, when the part that
accrued to the state was paid over to the officers named ex-
actors {TTpaKTOpes), and the portion which was allotted to any
god was placed in the hands of the treasurers of the proper
temple, who either received the money or annulled the judg-
ment". Certain fines were registered by the king-archon'%
doubtless in his capacity of head of the court of justice. When
the payment had been made, the names were erased by the
officers whose duty it was to exact the money, for example, the
practores, together with the senate' ^ The tributes of the
alhes were probably paid without the immediate interference of
the Athenian state; yet in this case also it was sometimes
necessary to appoint certain temporary authorities, such as the
officers who fixed the sum to be paid by the subject state
{i7ri'ypa(f)€i9Y^, and others who collected the tribute, if it had
fallen into arrear {eKXoyeU) ; the latter, however, were chosen
from among the rich, nor can theirs be considered as a perma-
nent situation more than the former, as they are only mentioned
in a fragment of Antiphon concerning the tribute of the Samo-
thracians^". As the Spartans had their harmosts, so had the
Athenians officers named episcopi (eTr/cr/coTrot, <f>v\aK€s) as
inspectors in the tributary states; Antiphon had mentioned
them in his oration concerning the tribute of the Lindians**,
but we are not informed whether they were in any way con-
cerned with the collection of the tributes. Each tribe was

'^ Lysias irrrep rov aTpaTt.ci)Tov, p.
323, 324 ; Demosth. c. Macart. p. 1074,
sqq.; Andoc. de Myst. p. 36; ^schin.
c. Timarch. p. 62, 63 ; Orat. c. Theo-
crin. p. 1327, 29; p. 1337, 26; De-
mosth. c. Aristog. i. p. 778, 18. [The
authors of the Attische Process, p. 32,
observe, that " this last assertion must
be limited to the fines summarily im-
posed by the magisti-ates {inL^oKai) ;
for no public officer had power either
to mitigate or remit a penalty decreed
by a comt of justice." — Thansl.]

'7 Andoc. de Myst. p. 37.

^^ Andoc. ut sup. p. 38.

^^ See below, note 23.

^^ In Harpocr. and Suidas. "Whe-
ther these are the same as the eicXoyeis'
appointed by lot like the practores,
who are mentioned in Lex. Seg. p.
190, 26, or diiferent officers are meant,
is not certain : probably the passage
in this Lexicon refers to all exXo-yetj.

2' Cf. Schol. Arist. Av. 102:i. Har-
pocr. in V, (rrio-KOTToi, and see b. iii^
ch. 16.

CH. III.] FOR FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION.

167

bound to take care that the regular public services {XeiTovpytai)
were correctly performed by the citizens: which inspection
therefore fell within the department of the head managers of
the tribes [eirtiMeXriral rcov <f>v\(i)v), to whom this duty, as well
as that of administering the funds of the tribes, is attributed by
ancient writers". The superintendence and allotment of the
trierarchy was divided between certain authorities, who will be
pointed out in a subsequent part of this work, and the chief
managers of the companies appointed for its direction, who in
ancient times were doubtless the naucrari, and subsequently the
managers of the Symmorise {eTnfjLeXrjral rwv av/Mfiopcwv) . For the
extraordinary property tax {el<T(f>opa), certain persons were nomi-
nated, in order to determine the amount of the contributions, who,
as well as the officers who fixed the rate of the tributes of the
allies, were called i'irtypa(f)€i9 or hLaypa<^eis, and were probably
ten in number; these officers also prosecuted those who were
in arrear'\ Besides these authorities, the directors of the Sym-
morise, from the time that this establishment was connected
with the property taxes, must have had the chief management
of the distribution. Certain persons were also employed as
collectors**. Lastly, the demarchs must have been highly ser-
viceable in all affairs connected with these taxes, as, before the
institution of their office, were the naucrari, since they were able
to aiFord the best information concerning the property of the
inhabitants^\ We are indeed told that the demarchs collected
pubhc money from the citizens*^ which might only mean that
they enforced the claims which a borough in its corporate capa-
city had upon its members or upon a tenant renting some of
its property; it may however be safely allowed that they were
employed for various debts and dues claimed by the state*'.

** See Sigon. de Rep. Athen. iv. 2.

^ Harpocrat. in vv. eTnypaffiels, 6ia-
ypanixa ; Suidas in different places, in
vv. €7riypa<p€7st fita-ypac^eiy, bidypapma,
and eniyvcopLoves ; EtjTnol. in vv. ein-
•ypa^cTs and eTriyvco/xoi/e?. Lex. Seg.
p. 254; Pollux viii. 103; Isocr. Tra-
pez. 21 ; of. Sigon. R. A. iv. 3.

^* Suid. in v. eKXoyeT?. Tliese are

the officers alluded to in Demosth. c.
Polycl. p. 1209, 9.

25 Pollux viii. 108.

2^ Demosth. c. Eubul. ut sup. Con-
cerning the Naucrari in this point of
view, see book iii. ch. 2.

*7 An example, although not satis-
factory, may be seen in Boeckh, In-
script. 80.

158

FIX A X CI A L A DM I X ISTR ATI OX.

[bk,

The senate and tlie people on particular occasions appointed
certain persons for the collection of the outstanding property-
taxes, a duty for which Androtion and nine others were
once selected". In like manner the syndics {avvScKot), who
were introduced after the dominion of the Thirty Tyrants, were
authorities nominated for the moment, being revenue law-
officers of the state, who decided upon confiscated property*';
the o-vWoyeU, who made a list of the property of the oligarchs
previously to its confiscation^"; the ^r,TT)Tal, a revenue-board
which was at times appointed to ascertain who were indebted
to the public, particularly with regard to fraud and conceal-
ment^'. The same name however was applied also to persons
who were entrusted by the state on certain occasions with the
discovery of other offences^^ These and the practores are
reckoned by Pollux^^ among the inferior officers {vTrrjperal);
but their office was an office of government {apxv)y which citi-
zens of high rank were not ashamed to accept.

^^ Demosth. c. Androt.

^ Sigon. R. A. iv. 4 ; Petit, iii. 2,
31, where Wesselmg quotes from Va-
lesiiis upon Harpocration, in v. crvvbiKoi,
the decisive passages of Lysias (pro
Mantith. p. 574, nepi drjfi. d8iK. p. 597,
in Poliuch, p. 613, pro Aristoph. bonis,
p. 635). Photius also has transcribed
the article of Harpocration in v. avv-
di<oi. Cf. Herald. Animadv. in Sal-
mas. Observ. iii. 10, 13.

2" Vid. ad Inscript. 157.

3^ Sigon. R. A. iv. 3. Hudtwalcker
von den Diateten, p. 58, and also De-
mosth. c. Timocrat. p. 696, 9; Lex.
Seg. p. 261. Both the latter passages
are given by Sluiter Lect. Andocid.
p. 55. Cf. Phot, in v. CrjTTjTTji. At
Pellene they were called fidcrTpoi ; tlie
word fj.a(TTr}p€s occurred in Hyperides.

See Harpocr. Lex. Seg. p. 279. Suid.
Phot, in vv. fiacrrripes and fxdcrTdpes.
According to the Lex. Seg. and Pho-
tius in the first article, it was their
duty to examine confiscated property,
and they were therefore nearly allied
to the avWoyels. I should observe
that Hudtwalcker (p. 32) is in my
opinion incorrect in only considering
the zetetae as an office of government
(dpxrj) in the same manner that this
title is conferred upon judges, heralds,
and clerks ; but I must defer to ano-
ther place the explanation of the word
dpxrj, and its opposite vTrrjpeo-la, as
employed in the political language of
Athens.

3^ Andoc. de Myst. p. 7, 18, 20, 32.

^' viii. 114, 115.

en. IV.] THE APODECT/E, OR RECEIVERS. J59

Chapter IV.

The Apodectce, or Receivers,

All the revenues under the care of the preparatory officers
were necessarily delivered up to others, who either distributed
them for the public service or kept them for security. Aris-
totle^"*, in speaking of the officers of government, mentions those
to whom the public revenues are paid, as well as others who
keep and distribute them to separate branches of the adminis-
tration: these are called, he adds, Apodectse and treasurers.
At Athens there were ten apodectse, after the number of the
tribes, chosen by lot; these were introduced by Cleisthenes in
the place of the ancient Colacretse. They kept the lists of all
persons who were indebted to the state, received the money
which was paid in, made an entry of it, and marked the out-
standing sums, erased the names of the debtors from the list in
the senate-house in presence of the senate, and returned this
register into the archives: and lastly, they together with the
senate, distributed the money that had been paid in, that is to
say, they assigned it to the separate offices. Their duties were
accurately described by Aristotle, in his constitution of Athens.
They also had power to decide causes connected wdth the sub-
jects under their managements^, a privilege which was allowed
to nearly all public officers at Athens. As far as can be ascer-
tained from the accounts which are still extant, they received in
the presence of the senate all the monies which belonged to the
state; but the revenues of the temples and of the small corpo-
rations were independent of them: nor had they any funds of
their own, but only distributed to the different offices the
money that was paid in. If their duties should appear confined,

^ Polit. vi. 8.

^* Pollux viii. 97. Harpocr. in v.
aiTobeKTai from Aristotle and Andro-
tion, Suid. Etym. Hesych. Lex. Seg.

shall not always quote the latter gram-
marian, as for the most he only copied
other authorities. The apodectse also
occur in Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 750,

p. 198, and Zonaras in v. anobeKrai. I I 24, as persons who were present at the
may mention here, once for all, that I j paying in of money.

160

THE APODECT.E, OR RECEIVERS.

[bk. II.

it will not seem surprising that the duty of receiving the tributes
of the allies is expressly ascribed to them by Pollux, notwith-
standing the hellenotamise appear to have been appointed for that
purpose: for although the latter, before the funds of Delos were
transferred to Athens and united with the Athenian treasury,
had the entire levying and management of the tributes, it was
possible for the tributes to have been afterwards received by
the apodectee in the senate, and have been then paid into the
ofl&ce of the hellenotamiae to defray the expenses which were
assigned to their funds. After the abolition of the helleno-
tamiae, the apodectee were the only officers who could have
received the tributes. The treasurers^® of the tribes and bo-
roughs also received and administered the money belonging
to these corporations; and in the same manner the revenues
which periodically accrued to the sacred corporations, were paid
to their own treasurers independently of the apodectae.

Chapter V.
The Treasurer of the Goddess, and of the other Gods,

Every temple of importance had a treasure which was com-
posed of offerings, and of the surplus of the amount of the
sacred property, together with other receipts which belonged
to the particular deity, and these treasures were under the
management of the treasurers of the sacred monies {jaiiiaL rcov
lepwv ')(^p7]^dT(i3vy\ The sacred treasure of the greatest magni-
tude at Athens was that of Minerva, upon the Acropolis; to
which (not to mention in this place the public monies which
were deposited there), not only the large amount of sacred
offerings and rents^^, many fines without any deduction, and of
others a per centage equal to the tenth part, were assigned, but
also the tithe of all prizes taken in war, together with that of

'^ Concerning these officers, see
Chandler Inscript. ii. 109, wliere the
Tdfxias of a borough, and another in-
scription (n, 142, ed. Bocckh,) where

the TOfxias of a tribe occurs.
^7 Aristot. Poht, vi. 8.
^^ See book iii. c. 12.

CH. v.] TREASURERS OF THE GODDESS AND GODS. 161

confiscated property^^ Many articles of great value were pre-
served in the neighbouring temples, but the chief treasure was
deposited in the opisthodomus of the Parthenon'"', ever after
the building of that temple. These treasures of the temple of
Minerva were under the care of the treasurers of Minerva or
of the goddess, who were also called treasurers of the sacred pro-
perty of Minerva or of the goddess {rafilat rrjs- Oeov or t(ov
rrJ9 6eov, rafjulai, tmv lepMV y^prjfidrayv tyjs ^K9r]vatas^ jajjuiaL
rSiv lepcov ^(^pT^fidTtov Trj<^ Beov). The most ancient mention of
them, which is in Herodotus*^, refers to the time of the battle
of Salamis; in later times they frequently occur as the trea-
surers of the monies and property of Minerva exclusively, as
well before the anarchy in inscriptions of about the 92nd
Olympiad (b.c. 412)*% as subsequently to it in a law preserved
in Demosthenes, which was doubtless passed in earlier times'*^
in an inscription of Olymp. 98, 4 (b.c. 385), and in a passage
of ^schines referring to Olymp. 104, 4 (b.c. 361)*\ In like
manner each temple had its own treasurers, who, together
with the chief managers (eVtcrTaTal), and sacrificers {UpoTrocol),
administered the money which belonged to it*^.

But about the 90th Olympiad (b.c. 420), these treasurers
of the different temples, with the exception of the treasurers of
Minerva, were united into one board under the name of the
treasurers of the gods {ra/jLiaL tojv 6ecov), the nomination of
whom took place upon the same principles as that of the
treasurers of Minerva, and they also kept their treasures upon
the Acropolis (eV TroXei), and even in the opisthodomus''^ so that
from this time all the sacred money was preserved in the Acro-
polis. Whenever therefore after this period, the treasurers of the
sacred money in the Acropolis are mentioned (as for example in

^^ Whereas the other gods only
received a fiftieth of certain things.
Concerning these tithes see book iii.
c. 6, 12, 14.

'**' See book iii. c. 20.

^^ viii. 51, raixias tov lepov^

*^ The superscription of the Choiseul j *^ Inscript. 76j § 6.
marble (n. 147). Of the same date

are Boeckh, Inscript. 139 and 141.

^^ Ap. Demosth. c. Macart. p. 1075,
2.

** Boeckh, Inscript. 151, and ^schin.
c. Timarch. p. 127.

*^ Inscript. 7C, v^ 7-

162

TREASURER OF THE GODDESS.

[bk. U,

Andocides)*^ it cannot be determined without a farther specifica-
tion, which of these two offices is meant. As, moreover, according
to their original institution, the treasurers of the goddess and
the treasurers of the gods were entirely different authorities,
so they afterwards remained separate: a fact which the mention
in Demosthenes of the treasurers of the goddess as an indepen-
dent office, and their opposition to the treasurers of the gods,
distinctly prove*^ However, they once occur unequivocally
united as one office, viz. in Olymp. 95f (b.c. 397)'% in which
instance the treasurers of the goddess and of the other gods
[rafjLLac rcov Upcov ')(^pr}fidT(i)V rrjs *A6r]vd<; Kal rcbv aXkmv Oeoyv)
were altogether only ten, instead of which the treasurers of
Minerva alone were originally ten, and consequently the
treasurers of the other gods created after their example were
the same in number. In their collective capacity they trans-
ferred the treasures of Minerva as well as of other gods; for
example, of Jupiter Polieus, and of Diana of Brauron. This
union was not, however, of long duration; there can be no
doubt that about the 9Sth Olympiad (b.c. 388), the treasurers
of the goddess again existed independently, and were ten in
number^''. At that time, therefore, the treasurers of the gods
must have been again separate from them.

Concerning the treasurers of the goddess, Harpocration and
Pollux furnish us with more exact accounts, derived from Aris-
totle^\ Of these officers, then, we learn that there were ten
chosen by lot from among the pentacosiomedimni ; after this
class was abolished, a fixed valuation was probably established

'*7 De Myst. p. 65, where the word
Trpov^dWovTo does not suit the office
of treasurer, the candidates for which
were not proposed, but is inaccurately-
put in conjunction with it. So that
the passage must be understood as if
it stood in this manner : e'lcop fxe Xaxelv
Ta/iiav.

« Cont. Timocrat. p. 743, 1. Ol
rafiiai, 6(^' cov 6 'OmcrOodofios ive-
npfjadrj, Koi ol tcop ttjs deov, kol ol tSuv
aWfjiv Oeav. The words of the decree

in Andoc. de Myst. p. 36, tovs rafiias
TTJs Oeov KOL Tcov oXXcdv Bea>v, are an in-
accurate combination of two different
offices.

^^ See Boeckh, Inscript. 150.

^^ As is proved by Inscript. 151
(Superscription), where the vacant
space requires this number of names.

^^ Harpocr. in v. rafiiai, Photius,
Suidas, Philemon Lex. Technol. (edited
by Burney), and Lex. Seg. p. 306;
Poll. viii. 97.

CH. v.] AND OF THE OTHER GODS. 163

for them in some other manner". They received and transferred
the treasures^ monies, and valuables, particularly the statue of
Minerva, the statues of Victory, and all the other decorations,
in the presence of the senate^^, like the apodectse; they received
for the purpose of custody the fines which accrued to the god-
dess; and they had, as is proved from Demosthenes, the power
of cancelling a judicial sentence relating to them. Under their
superintendence was placed all the precious furniture of the
temple of Minerva upon the Acropolis, including, as we learn
from the oration of Demosthenes against Timocrates", the tro-
phies of the state {to, dpLo-reta rrjs TroXew?), Xerxes' silver-
footed stool, the golden sabre of Mardonius, and an immense
collection of valuable articles in the Parthenon and its interior
cell, the catalogues of which are still extant in several inscrip-
tions. The office was annual; at the expiration of each year
the predecessors transferred to their successors all that had
been originally delivered to them, and whatever had accrued
since their instalment in the office; the duties of the treasurers
of the other gods were similar, as their office was arranged on
the very same principles as the former.

Everything that has been hitherto mentioned as being under
the care of the two boards of treasurers was sacred property
(lepd). But to whom belonged the superintendence of the
money preserved in the treasury upon the Acropolis, which was
not considered as sacred property {oaca y^prjixara) ? According
to a very probable account given in Suidas^% the public monies
were kept by treasurers chosen by lot, who had the care of the
statue of Minerva, alluding manifestly to the treasurers of the
goddess. For all money which was brought into the treasury
by virtue of a decree of the people (whither it was transmitted
by the apodectee), was looked upon as dedicated to Minerva'%
although it could not have been considered as her immediate
property, and it was consequently placed under the care of the

*^ See book iv. c. 5.

°^ Upon this subject compare In-
script. 76j $ 7j in reference to the trea-
surers of the gods.

"' P. 741. Cf. Sigon. R. A. iv. 3.

'^ In V. Tafiiai in the first article.

5® According to Inscript. 76, § 2,
erreibfj rfj ^Adrjvaia to. rptcr;^iXia Takaura
du^vfiveyKTUi es noXitff a €yf/rj(f)iaTO.

M 2

%6i TREASURERS OF THE GODDESS AND GODS. [bK. II.

treasurers of the goddess ; the latter repaid it upon the authority
of a decree of the people; thus, according to the Choiseul
inscription, considerable sums were paid by them to the helle-
notamiee and others, partly out of the treasures of Minerva
Polias and of the goddess of Victory, and partly perhaps from
the public treasure. The treasurers of the goddess were there-
fore not merely treasurers of a temple in the more limited sense,
but guardians also of the public treasure, and in this respect
theirs was no unimportant office: occasionally, also, they are
called treasurers simply {ra/jLiaiy^. Thus Androtion is called
treasurer, without any addition^^, although he could have held
no other office than that of treasurer of the goddess, for he had
•under his care the golden crowns, sacred offerings, and orna-
ments for processions belonging to Minerva in particular, and
other things preserved in the temple of that goddess, which he
obtained permission from the people to recast and alter. The
idea that Androtion must have been elected by the cheirotonia
of the people, as would be inferred from the account of Petit'%
is only founded upon a mistake of Ulpian, which ought not to
mislead any reader. It is scarcely necessary to remark, that
the treasurers were bound to leave the money unemployed, and
that it was a dishonest gain if they lent it out for their own
profit; a fraud which, according to Ulpian, upon the oration
against Timocrates, was once actually committed^".

Chapter VL

TTie Manager of the Public Revenue, or Treasurer of the Admi-
nistration. Subordinate Collectors.

Wholly different from these offices was the treasurer or
manager of the public revenue {Ta/xLa^ or iTnjjLeXTjrr]^ r?}? Koivrj<:
TTpoaoBov), the most important of all offices of finance, which
was filled not by lot but by the cheirotonia of the people.

*7 Cf. Ilarpocr. Suid. &c.

^« Demostli. c. Androt. p. 615, 17-

^9 Leg. Att. iii. 2, 33.

^^ From this Demosthenes nepl na-
panpea-^eias, p. 435, 8, must probably
be explained.

CH. VI.J MANAGER OF THE PUBLIC REVENUE.

165

Aristides held this situation, to which he was elected by chei-
rotonia®'; Lj^sias is expressly called in the decree, by which
honours were conferred upon him after his death^^, treasurer of
the public revenue {rafxlas T7]<i Kocvrj<i vrpoaoBov), and immedi-
diately afterwards it is observed that he was chosen by the
people. Also in the Lives of the Ten Orators^^ a law is men-
tioned, in which this treasurer is said to have been elected by
cheirotonia for the charge of the public money (o x^Lporoi^rjOel^
eVt ra hrjfjLoaLa ')(pi]fjLaTa); and the remark made by Ulpian
that it was necessary that the treasurer should be elected by
cheirotonia, is only true of this ofl&cer. This office, moreover,
was not annual, like those of the treasurers upon the Acropolis,
but was held for four years, that is to say, for a penteteris : it is
expressly related of Lycurgus, that he filled that office for three
penteterids^*; and Diodorus says that he administered the pub-
lic revenues for twelve years". In early times the same indi-
vidual could be re-elected more than once, as the example of
Aristides proves; but after the first penteteris of Lycurgus, the
jealousy of the citizens was sufficiently strong to procure the
enactment of a law, by which all persons were from that time
prohibited from holding this situation for more than fi v^e years
{fjLTj irkelu) irevre ircov BciTretv rov ')(^eip0T0V7]6evTa iirl ra B7]fx6ata
'^prjfiara): on which account Lycurgus, in the two following
periods, transacted the business under the names of other per-
sons^^ The mention of five years might lead one to suppose
that the office was held for that period; but the expression
must be considered as inexact, and the word used in the law
was doubtless penteteris, and not five years; a penteteris ac-
cording to the ancient usage was never more than four years,
although the idiom subsequently changed, as may be seen from
the language of some later writers". Many of the periods

^' Plutarch. Aristid. 4, where he is
called €7nixeKr)TT]s t5>v kolvwv Trpoaodcov.

^'^ Decree iii. at the end of the Lives
of the Ten Orators.

•'^ In Lycurg. Petit (ut sup.) con-
fuses this whole subject most igno-
rantly. lie does not deserve refutation.

^^ Lives of the Ten Orators (from
the third Decree), and thence Photius.

^^ Diod. xvi. 88, ficoSfica err] tcis
rrpoaodovs rrjs noXecos 8ioiKrj(ras.

^^ Vit. Dec. Orat. p. 251, vol. vi. of
the Tubingen Phitarcli.

^^ Arrian. Epict. iii. 25. Cyrill.

166

MANAGER OF THE PUBLIC REVENUE, OR [bK. U

employed in matters of finance were undoubtedly of four years,
particularly the assessment of the tributes, which is distinctly
stated to have taken place every penteteris (every four years) :
thence arose the duration of the office in question. There were
also other offices at Athens which were held for four years,
being regulated by the great Panathensea; but none, as far as I am
aware, for five years. The periodical beginning of the office of
treasurer probably fell in the year of the great Panathensea, in
the third year of each Olympiad, about the commencement of
the winter^®.

However considerable the situation of chief manager of the
public revenue may have been, his power in administering the
finances was by no means unhmited, but like every other officer
he was subject to the restraint of legal checks and of the will of
the people; nor was this office by any means the exclusive
source from which all financial measures proceeded; for every
person who had the right of speaking in the assembly and the
senate, every orator and demagogue, was at liberty to originate
any measure^®; and perhaps there existed in early times sepa-
rate officers, whose duty it was to procure the necessary reve-
nues, and to attend solely to that point. The author of the
Rhetorical Lexicon'^" declares, that the duties of the poristse
[TTopLaTal) were of this nature, and Antiphon classes them
with the poletae and the practores^^ It is upon the whole

Hierosol. Catech. xii. 8, call a period
of four years TerpaeTia. Concerning
the question whether in the treasurer-
ship of Lycurgus the periods were of
four or five years, see also book ii.
c. 19.

^^ See Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No.
157.

^® I remark incidentally that Gillies
(Observations upon the History, Cus-
to»is, and Character of the Greeks, p.
136 of the German translation,) sup-
poses that the demagogues, Eucrates
the wool-merchant, Lysicles the sheep-
dealer, Ilyperbolus the lamp-m;iker,
and Cleon tlie leather-seller, were trea-

sirrers, which appears to be a false in-
ference from Aristoph. Eq. 101 sqq.
since whatever power they possessed,
even were it extended to financial
matters, was entirely derived from
their character as demagogues.

'" Lex. Seg. 294, 19. nopiarai-
nopiarai elaiv (ipxv "'''■^ ^A6r]VT]mv, tJtls
TTopovs i^rjTei' aizo tovtov yap Kcti npo'
o-TjyopevOrjaav.

'' Uepl Tov xopcvToVf p. 791, extr.
Demosthenes (Philip, i.p. 49, 17) joins
Tcbu )(pT]fxa.Ta)v rapiai Koi Tropiaraly but
he uses the word in such a manner
that it cannot be inferred that it was
a public office in his time.

CH. VI.] TREASURER OF THE ADMINISTRATION. 16/

extremely difficult to define the extent of the duties and authority
of the manager of the public revenue. He was not Hke the
apodectee^ an officer who only received money, which they
immediately paid over, nor, like the treasurers upon the Acro-
polis, was he merely a guardian of monies, which in the regular
course of things were never re-issued. The example of Lycur-
gus proves, that all the money which was received and dis-
bursed passed through his hands; consequently, he was the
general receiver and superintendent of the offices of payment,
or general paymaster, who received all the money paid to the
apodectae and appointed for fresh disbursements, and supplied
the separate offices with the requisite sums; with the exception
of the property-taxes, which were doubtless paid directly into
the war-office, as war-supplies. The tributes originally formed
an exception, since as long as they were independent of the
finances of Athens, they remained under the management of
the hellenotamiee, a separation which was perhaps retained
until the abolition of those officers.

The manager of the revenue defrayed all expenses that were
necessary for the administration {Bt,0LK7]a-i<i)', to which all the
regular expenses in time of peace belonged. In the first place,
the duties {reXrj) were assigned to this department, together
with certain other contributions^^ The keeping and manage-
ment of these monies therefore unquestionably devolved upon
this officer. As the payment of the judges^ salaries evidently
belongs to the administration, the justice-fees, although there
existed a particular office for them, must likewise have been
under his direction; neither can there be any doubt that he
exercised a general superintendence over the collection of all
the revenues; for it could only have been by virtue of this
authority that Lycurgus was able to prevent the farmer of the
duties from requiring protection-money of Xenocrates'% and
that Aristides was enabled to point out the frauds and embez-
zlements of the pubhc money^*; and hence alone it can be
explained how Lycurgus was able to increase every branch of

7^ Demosth. c. Timocr. p. 731, 4. '^ Vit. Dec. Orat. in Lycurg.

^* Plutarcli. Aristid. ut sup.

168 MANAGER OF THE PUBLIC REVENUE, OR [bK. II.

the revenue, to purchase many valuable ornaments for the pub-
lic use, and to lay by a surplus sufficient for the construction of
great buildings and fleets^^ In short, the manager of the public
revenue had alone of all the public officers, the whole superin-
tendence of the revenue and expenditure, and was therefore in
a situation to give the surest judgment as to the possibility of
increasing the former and of diminishing the latter, and to pro-
pose beneficial measures to the senate and to the people ; he
was under other circumstances what the minister of finance is
in modern states. Valesius^® is probably correct in referring to
this treasurer a passage in Aristophanes, in which it is said that
the treasurer had the seal of the people; although it is possible
that it might have likewise been entrusted to the treasurers
upon the Acropolis, for the purpose of sealing the room in
which the treasure was kept"^

The manager of the public revenue, being an officer who
disbursed money, bore the name of treasurer of the administra-
tion (rayLt/a? rr)? hLOiKr](Te(o^, or 6 eVt rr)? BLOLKr}(Teco<;), which
latter office is identical with the first. ^Eschines'^ says, that
Aphobetus, who was appointed for the administration (eVt ttjv
KOLvr]v SioUrjcrcv), also managed the public revenues justly and
honourably {koXco^ kuI hiKaiws rcov v/juerepcov Trpoaohcov Ittl-
fi6\7]6€L^): Lycurgus, when he filled the situation of manager
of the revenue, also superintended the administration {BioUrjais:),
as we learn from the authors of the Lives of the Ten Orators
and of the Epistles of Demosthenes^^ and is distinctly proved
by the fact that he annually paid out and accounted for the
whole revenue. Pollux^*' also sufficiently proves the identity of
these two offices, when he calls the person at the head of the
administration (6 iirl ttJs- Stot/c^Jo-eajs-), an officer for the revenue
and expenditure (eVl rcov Trpoacovrcov koI avakiaKOfjievoyv),
elected, not chosen by lot. In this capacity he must have

"''" Lives of the Ten Orators, and the
third decree preserved there.

'^ Ad Harpocrat. in v. u7ro6e/crat.
The passage of Aristophanes is Eq.
943, where the Schohast incorrectly
interprets it as if it was only the ad-

ministration of the prytaneia.
'' See Inscript. 76, ^S 6.
'^ Ilfpi TrapanpeaS^ p. 315.
'" Epist. iii.
**" viii. 113.

CH. VlJ TREASURER OF THE ADMINISTRATION.

169

issued all payments for police, building, provision of ornaments
used in processions, public sacrifices, and the celebration of
festivals, the latter belonging to the sacred administration [Upa
ScoLK7j(ri<;)^\ in opposition to the civil {ocrta). Thus Lycurgus,
by virtue of this office, superintended the building of the wharfs,
of the gymnasia, palaestras, theatres, arsenal, &c., and the sup-
ply of articles for sacred uses^% as well as of the money required
for the provision of ships, arms, and artillery, which was ap-
pointed to be made in times of peace, a duty also performed by
Lycurgus; together with all salaries payable in time, of peace, and
the other expenses of the domestic administration. Particular
funds were also created for single parts of the administration,
which the treasurer of the public revenue provided with money.
The theoricon and the war-office were however undoubtedly
independent of his authority, and into one of these two funds he
paid all the surplus money which he received, as will be pre-
sently shown, after which he ceased to have any farther charge
of it; for a considerable time, indeed, a great part of the admi-
nistration itself was under the care of the treasurers of the
theoricon, several offices having been consolidated in them.

Two statements, from which it might seem that the manager
of the public revenue was also treasurer of the theoricon, admit of
a satisfactory explanation. Lycurgus obtained the condemna-
tion of Diphilus, who had committed some offence connected
with the mines, which this person held in lease of the state, and
distributed the confiscated property among the people, after the
manner of the theorica^\ This case, however, manifestly
proves nothing, as it was an extraordinary measure, and not in
the usual course of business. " When Demades had under him
the revenues of the state,^^ says Plutarch^*, "the Athenians
being eager to dispatch some vessels to the assistance of those
who had revolted from Alexander, called upon him to supply
them with money; from which project he succeeded in dissuad-

*^ Xenoph. Hellen. vi. 1,2; cf. De-
mosth. c. Timocrat. p. 7^0, 24 ; p.

731,

^^ Lives of the Ten Orators.
^'' Ibid.

^^ Prsec. Reip. Ger. 25, ore ras npo-
(Todovs elx^v v(f)' iavTfo tt^s noXecos.
The date of the event is 01}nnp. 112,
2 (b.c. 331). See Diod. xx. 62, and
Wesseling's note.

170 SUBORDINATE COLLECTORS OF [bK. II.

ing the people by answering to them, ' Money you certainly are
provided with, for I have so arranged it that each citizen should
receive half a mina at the Choeis; but if you prefer applying
it to this purpose, make what use you please of your own pro-
perty/ " From the writer's expression it might at first sight
be thought that Demades was manager of the public revenue:
but as Demades appears solely in the capacity of a director of
the theorica, who at the festivals and games distributed money
among the citizens ; and as Plutarch's words that " he had the
revenues of the state under Mm,'' do not necessarily refer to a
treasurer of the administration, we should not, in my opinion,
be justified in assuming that he filled the latter office, to which
so thoughtless and extravagant a man must appear but ill
adapted. For a manager of the theorica he was much better
fitted; since the more careless and immoral a person in that
situation was, the more could be expected from his administra-
tion of the office. Demades had contrived that the coffers of
the theorica should be well filled; in time of war, however,
these funds were always claimed by the well-disposed for military
preparations; and the contest which was carried on at Athens,
as to whether the money of the theorica was or was not to be
applied to the uses of war, has become notorious. If this
latter fact is taken in connexion with the above narration, it will
evidently appear that Demades had not the entire administration
of the public revenue, but only of the money of the theorica.

For the superintendence of works of architecture, such as
the building of walls, streets, wharfs, and ships, and for the pro-
vision of sacrifices, separate authorities were appointed {reixo-
TTOtol, oBoTTOiol^ iirLfieXrjTal to)V vecoptcov, rptrjp otto col, lepoiroLol
Kar iviavTov and iTTL/jbrivioi, &c.), some of whom remained in
office for a whole year, while others acted only as special com-
missioners for a shorter period^'. All these officers had their
respective paymasters dependent upon the several treasurers of
the administration. It is proved by inscriptions^^ that money
was paid into the hands of the managers of the sacrifices as well
as to the athlothetcc; and although it appears that money was

.Esch. c. Ctesiph. p. 425. «« See Inscript. 144 and 147-

CH. VI.]

THE PUBLIC REVENUE.

171

sometimes paid into their hands by the treasurers of the god-
dess, these payments must be considered wholly as contribu-
tions, since according to the regular course their money ought
to have been derived from the funds of the administration^^
The treasurer of the ship-builders [rajjiias rayv rpLrjpoTroicov) is
particularly mentioned^% as well as the treasurers of the builders
of the walls {rafMiai rcov retp^oTrotwv), and it is expressly stated
that the latter received their money from the funds of the
administration^^; Demosthenes mentions among other duties of
the administration the payment for the wages of the dicasts, of
the assembly, of the senate, and of the cavalry^*': for these par-
ticular payments separate boards must necessarily have been
appointed under the treasurer of the administration; yet we
find that in the Peloponnesian war, the hellenotamiee disbursed
money out of the treasury for the cavalry '^ The thesmothetee
paid the wages of the assembly^^ out of the monies of the admi-
nistration, and they probably had also their own paymasters for
that purpose. Lastly, since the sacred triremes received pay
even in time of peace (the Paralos certainly, and probably
also the Salaminia and the Ammonis), it is natural to suppose
that their treasurers were in a great measure under the super-
intendence of the treasurer of the administration. The treasurer
of the Paralos was an officer of distinction, and he was appointed
by cheirotonia, as much money passed through his hands in
addition to that which was paid for the uses of the vessel:
the others were elected in the same manner®^: these trea-
surers of the sacred triremes (respecting v/hom Harpocration
and Pollux, and other grammarians have derived their know-
ledge from Aristotle) supplied the expenses of the trierarch^^

^7 Because they were for the lepa
SioiKr^o-is-, Demosth. c. Timocrat. p.
730, 24 ; p. 731, 1.

88 Demosth. c. Androt. p. 598.

8^ 'Ek TTJs 8loikt}(T€cos. See jEsch. c.
Ctesiph. p. 425, p. 426, p. 415, p. 422.

»° C. Timocrat. p. 731, 1—5, and 21,
22.

^^ See the Choiseul Inscription (n.
147).

^^ See book ii. c. 14.

^2 Demosth. c. Mid. p. 570, 3, 13,
15, and more particularly 1, 24, and
Ulpian's note.

^* This is the way in which Pollux
(viii. 116) should be understood, rafiias
€Kakovv Tovs Tois Upais Tpirjpecri Xei-
Tovpyovvras, aXXovs de rptTjpdp^ovs.
The state was properly the trierarch
of the sucred trii-emes; but it was ne-

I>j2 SUBORDINATE COLLECTORS OF [bK. II.

Smaller payments of a domestic nature were probably made at
once by the treasurer of the administration, without the ap-
pointment of a particular board. Thus the charge for engraving
the decrees was assigned to him''. This duty on one occasion
fell upon the treasurer of the people {raiLia^ rov hrjfiov), by
which the same office is meant, and it is particularly directed
that the payments should be made out of the money set apart
for the expenses of the decrees {ra e? ra '>\n)<l)l(j^iaTa avaXiaKo-
fjLeva Tw Byjfi<p). This belongs to Olymp. 125, 2 (b.c. 279)'^
In two other decrees there occurs a remarkable variation. In
the one, which is of later date than Olymp. 119, 1 (b.c. 304), it
is ordered that the cost of engraving should be defrayed by the
treasurers of the administration {ol eirl rfj BcocKrjaeLy', in the
other, which is of the age of Demosthenes, it is assigned to the
treasurers {ra/jLcac), without any further specification'^ The
latter are doubtless the same as those who in the first decree are

cessaiythat they should have trierarchs j Diog. Laert. vii. in the Life of Zeno,
who represented the state. The reading the date of which is unknown, but
of Juno-eiTuanu's manuscript, rj for 8e, which is later than the 130th OIjtu-
is probably correct. Hai-pocration, and piad (260 b.c.) where he is distinctly
from him Suidas, say, eiVt Se rives kqi called 6 eVi ttjs dioiKrjo-ecos.
Tcov TpiT]p(ov rafxiai, (us 6 avros (piXo- \ ^^ See the third Decree after the
(ro<j)6s (pr](Tiv,viz. Aristotle, a passage • Lives of the Ten Orators,
which refers to the sacred trii-emes ! ^^ Decret. ap. Chandl. Inscript. ii.
alone, as is proved by Photivis in v. ^ 12, ad fin. Mepiaai, the expression
rajxlai, eiVi he kol aXKoi Tafiiai apxovres here used, refers to the items of the
XeipnTov7]To\ enl ras lepas Kal brjuoaias different heads of the expenditure, as
rpiTjpeis, 6 p.ev en\ ttjv irapoKov, 6 be in the Decree in Diog. Laert. and the
i-nX Tov "Apificovos. Arjfxoaiai is here ' Decree of the Tyrian merchants at
put in opposition to those furnished at ' Delos, in Boeckh, Corp. Inscript. No.
the expense of the trierarchs. Thefol- 2271, ad fin. ; also in the Salaminian
lowing observation from the Maricas Decree, ibid. No. 108, where there is
of Eupolis appears to refer to trea- the following sentence : p-eplaai 8e tov
surers of all the trierarchs, and will be rap-iav ^iXoKXiiv Ileipaiea eK tcov els to.
considered in a subsequent part of this x-aTo. -^r^fpLa-paTa dvaXio-Kopevcov rw
work, although a definitive decision is brjpa.

not possible, as is remarked in bookiv. ' ®^ Decree for Straton, king of Sidon,
c. 1 1. The treasurer of the Ammonis is in the Marm. Oxon. xxiv. ed. Chandl.
mentioned by both Suidas and Photius line 16. I omit the Decree which
in V. rapiai. The state moreover paid Chishull lias given from Ainswortli in
the money directly into the hands of ' Ant. Asiat. p. 164, because the trea-
the trierarchs, as is shown elsewhere. surer of the city is inserted in it by
^* As for iiibtance in the Decree in conjecture.

CH. VI.] THE PUBLIC REVENUE. 173

called ol eirl rfj htoiKrjaeL ; for it is manifest that these were the
only treasurers who could have paid the money : but it is
remarkable that several treasurers of the administration are here
mentioned, as nothing is stated in any other place of there having
been more than one. At all events this increase of the number
can only have been temporary : from the nature of the pro-
ceedings we should expect that frequent alterations would take
place in the administration of finance, and both before and after
these decrees we find only one treasurer of the administration
mentioned.

The statement made above upon the authority of Pollux®%
that a separate ofiice was created for paying the wages of the
dicasts, which was dependent upon the treasurers of the
administration, will be more clearly illustrated by the consi-
deration of the colacretse, respecting whom all that occurs in
the ancient writers has been collected by Ruhnken'*"^, without
any light having been thrown upon the nature of their pro-
blematical office. The singular name by which they are desio--
nated, is of itself sufficient to prove that they had their origin
in very remote times; they were called KwiXaKperai, from
collecting certain parts of the victims (properly KCDXayperat)^'^^,
an expression which shows that they must have been the
superintendents of the provisions at certain pubUc feasts ; and
this supposition agrees with well-estabhshed facts, which we
shall mention presently. They also took charge of the gifts,
which the kings in the most ancient times, and afterwards the
archons and prytanes in their capacity of judges, received for
the administration of justice, and they had the management of
everything connected with financial matters, such at least as at
that time could have been in existence. It is possible that
Pyrander who is said by the ancients to have been treasurer at
so remote a period as that of the Eleusinian war, was only a
colacretes of the king ; and as we find in use at Cyzicus a verb

^^ Ym.lldjwhere 6 €7rl TTJs dioLKTja-ccos | '°^ As Tinifeus (p. 171) and Photius
is mentioned in connexion with the write according to the derivation. See
pay of the dicasts. Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 693, and thence

'"" Ad Tim. Plat. Lex. p. 171. ; Suidas in his second article.

174

SUBORDINATE COLLECTORS OF

[bk. II.

which was derived from the office of colacretse, it is evident
that they came with the ancient colony of Neleus to Miletus,
and from thence to Cyzicus, like the Diana of Munychia, and
the names of the four ancient Athenian tribes. Solon left the
colacretse untouched, acting on a policy which he appears to
have followed in numerous instances ; Cleisthenes, always fond
of iimovation, established the apodectae in their stead'"^; the
colacretae were now no longer receivers of the taxes, but became
a subordinate department : but what was its nature ? According
to the Great Etymologist, they were treasurers of the money and
managers of the trierarchy. This could only have been the
case before the time of Cleisthenes, when indeed they might
have had all the liturgies of the citizens under their superin-
tendence, including the provision of the triremes ; as to the
later period in which we have more accurate information
respecting the trierarchy, this assertion is absurd, nor does there
anywhere occur the slightest confirmation of it ; neither could
they after the time of Cleisthenes have been treasurers upon
the Acropolis and guardians of the sacred money, although
Pollux^ °^ confounds them with the treasurers of the goddess.
All that we know for certain is, that they paid the wages of the
dicasts'", a fact which appears as well from passages in the
grammarians, as from the testimony of the poet Aristophanes'"^
These stipends they probably distributed in person, as subor-
dinate officers to the treasurer of the administration. Aristo-
phanes the grammarian expressly asserts, as well as Hesychius,
that they had nothing to attend to except the payment of the
dicasts*°% a testimony which of all others is deserving of the
greatest credit. According to a statement in the Rhetorical
Lexicon'"^, they had authority over the fines in the courts of
justice; but this is evidently a mistake, the reason of which

'"^ Androtion ap. Ilarpocrat. in v.

UTTobeKTai.

^"3 viii. 97.

'"* Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. G93 and
723; Av. 1540; Photius and Timreus
ut sup. Lex. Sog. p. 275. Hesychius
and Suidas in v. KUiXuKpcTm, the second

article of the latter grammarian being
taken from the Scholiast of Aristo-
phanes.

'"^ In the passages just quoted.

^"^ Aristoph. Granimat. ap. Schol.
Aristoph. Av. 1540 ; Ilesych. ut sup.

'*^7 Lex. Seg. p. 190, 50.

CH. VI.] THE PUBLIC REVENUE. 175

however is that the prytaneia and the other justice-fees, which
the grammarian might call fines, were set apart for paying the
dicasts, and consequently either directly or indirectly were
delivered over to the colacretee. The Scholiast to Aristo-
phanes'"^ again enumerates the provision of the pubhc enter-
tainments in the prytaneum as one of their duties, a circumstance
of so little importance that Aristophanes the grammarian pro-
bably did not think proper to mention it: and indeed we are
compelled to suppose that they performed this or some analo-
gous duty; for as their office originated before the time of
Cleisthenes, and the wages of the dicasts were first introduced
by Pericles, they must between these two periods have per-
formed some duty; and this was doubtless the management of
the entertainments in the prytaneum, a relic of their more
ancient office. The single fact that the justice-fees were called
prytaneia proves that they were once paid to the prytanes, as
judges in the prytaneum; which money may have been allotted
to defraying the expenses of their meals (what relation the
prytanes bore to the archons with regard to the judicial
authority, the latter being also judges, is foreign to the present
question) : and when the payment of the dicasts was afterwards
introduced, it seemed for this reason the obvious and natural
course to assign to them this latter duty. Thus we find a
perfect agreement between two duties which at first sight
appeared of a very different nature; and it cannot well be
doubted that they continued from this time forth to perform
both together.

We must now examine what is adduced by the Scholiast to
the Birds of Aristophanes, in order to confute the assertion of
Aristophanes the grammarian, which I have generally followed
in the above discussion. Androtion the antiquary had written,
that according to some law the colacretse were bound to furnish
the Pythian theori with money for their voyage and other
expenses out of the vavKkrjpiKd ; from this circumstance the
colacretee have been considered the same with the treasurers of
Minerva, and the grammarians have derived their statement from

^"8 Av. 1540.

176

SUBORDINATE COLLECTORS OF REVENUE. [bK. II.

this authority that the funds for the festivals or for the gods'"'
were under their regulations. We shall in vain attempt to dis-
cover what the vavKXrjptKawere: it is clear, however, to me that
the monies of the naucrarias (properly vavKpapcKa according to
the ancient form) are meant; but it also appears to me probable
that Androtion, who as well as Philochorus had in some things
an extensive, in others an imperfect, knowledge of the earliest
times of the Athenian state, spoke of the regulations anterior to
Cleisthenes in the passage in which he quoted this law. In
this manner Aristophanes the grammarian and Androtion can
be easily reconciled; and we need not consider that the cola-
cretse continued to be treasurers of the sacred monies after the
time of Cleisthenes, which would not accord with other ascer-
tained facts.

The Hellenot amice .

Chapter VII.

the Funds for War, and the Funds for the
Theorica.

A separate office existed during some time for the manage-
ment of the tributes, the hellenotamise or treasurers of the
Greeks; to these the administration of the monies at Delos, or
the eWrjvora/jLLa, belonged' '% when in consequence of the
treachery of Pausanias after the battle of Platsea (Olymp. 75, 2,
B.C. 479), Athens had obtained the command, and that treasury
had been created on the suggestion of Aristides. This situation
was at first exclusively held by Athenians : the duty attached
to it was to receive the tributes, and to deposit them in the
Delian treasury in the temple of Apollo, where the meetings of
the allies were heW\ There can be no doubt that they con-
tinued to be the guardians of these monies''^; their office was

'<"* Ap. Schol. Aristoph. A v. 1540 ;
Vesp. 623; Timaeus, Lex. Seg. and
Pliotius.

''" Xenoph. de Vectig. 5, 5, unless
the right reading is (XXrjvoTafjLidas.

'" Thiicyd. i. 9G ; Nepos Aristid. 3 ;
Plutarch. Aristid. 24; Andocid. de

Pace, p. 107, which] oration was called
in question by the ancients, but is evi-
dently the production of Andocides.
Antiplion also (de caede Herod, p. 739),
mentions the office, without our de-
riving any information from him.
''■' Schol. Thucyd. i. 9fi.

CH. VII.] THE HELLEXOTAMI^. l77

retained when the funds were removed to Athens under the
pretence of greater security, a proceeding which Aristides
declared to be unjust, though expedient: but the whole injus-
tice of it became first manifest through the lavish expendi-
ture of Pericles'^'. After the Anarchy, no more traces of the
hellenotamiee occur; under the new administration they were
not re-established, the ascendancy of Athens and the tributary
condition of the allies having ceased: and although Athens was
again enabled to exact tributes from the dependent states, this
office was never again created for the management of them''"*.
For this reason the grammarians know scarcely anything of
these treasurers: Harpocration says, upon the authority of
Aristotle, that they were an office at Athens which had the
management of money; the Etymologist affirms that they were
the guardians of the common monies of Greece; Suidas"^ fur-
nishes nothing that is not known from other sources; Pollux''^
asserts that they collected the tributes, and had under their
superintendence the constitutions of the tributary islands;
whereas the latter duty rather belonged to the episcopi, and the
former was wholly unnecessary, as the tributaries themselves
paid in the money during the spring at the time of the Diony-
sia"^, which were celebrated annually in the city; particular
persons for collecting them {eKXoyel^) were appointed only
upon extraordinary occasions, who were different from the
hellenotamiee; Hesychius is most correct in calling them the
treasurers of the tribute accruing to the Athenians"^. But the
best information concerning them is affi)rded by some inscrip-

^'^ Plutarch. Aristid. 25; Pericl. 12; I ^'^ Aristoph. Acham. 504, and the
Nepos ut sup. Diod. xii. 38. I Scholiast ; ibid. 643. The date of the

''•' The Hellenotamias, who accord- ' Acharneans is 01}Tiip. 88, 3 (b.c. 426).
ing to the Lives of the Ten Orators | That the great Dionysia took place
(in the Life of Lycurgus) was banished j annually has been showji by Corsini
in the Democracy after the thirty i and others against the unimportant
tyrants, had previously held this office, testimony of Scholiasts

''' Vol. i. p. 715.

"^ viii. 14. Zonaras in v. 'eWtjvq-
Ta/xtat, where it should be written eV
A17X&), hardly desei-A^es to be men- j tirely pass over
tioned.

Ol Tov KOfii^o^evov (f)6pov TTupa
'hO-qvalois rafxiai. An incorrect article
in Lex. Seg. p. 188 {8ik. ovofx.) I en-

IJQ THE HELLENOTAMI^. [bK. II.

tions of a date anterior to the archonship of Euclid. The form
of their nomination is unknown; it seems, however, pro-
bable that they were chosen by lot, like the treasurers of the
gods, out of the pentacosiomedimni. Barthelemy'^' says that
they were ten in number, one out of each tribe: not only have
I been unable to find any confirmation of this assertion, but I
am able distinctly to refute it. In the Choiseul inscription
(Olymp. 92, 3, B.C. 410), eleven hellenotamise are mentioned;
Callimachus of Hagnus, Phrasitelides of Icaria, Pericles of
Cholargus, Dionysius of Cydathenseum, Thrason of Butade,
Proxenus of Aphidna, Spudias of Phlyee, Aneetius of Sphettus,
Phalanthus of Alopecse, Eupolis of Aphidna, and Callias of
Euonymia, of whom Pericles and Ansetius were of the same
tribe Acamantis, and the two Aphidneeans of the tribe Leontis;
and still more, Pericles and Aneetius were both hellenotamise in
the same, viz., the sixth prytanea, and both the Aphidngeans in
like manner in the seventh. From this we are compelled to
suppose either that no regard w^as paid to the tribes (which was
not by any means necessary, as the office originaUy had no con-
cern with the home administration), or that several were chosen
out of each tribe. The former supposition appears to me the
most probable, and I conceive that their number was only ten,
and that they did not enter into their office at the beginning of
the year, but after the Panathensea and the first prytanea: if
this hypothesis is adopted, two of the persons who are men-
tioned, Callimachus and Phrasytelides, may be deducted from
the eleven, and we have only nine in the inscription, who were
colleagues in this office, the name of the tenth not having come
down to us.

Their duties are still more difficult to determine than their
number. When the funds were at Delos, they must have
acted at the same time both as apodectse and treasurers;
afterwards the apodectte appear to have received the tributes,
and the hellenotamise to have been merely the managers of the
fund thus collected''": when the tributes were commuted for a

"® M^m. de I'Acad. des Inscriptions, vol. xlviii. p. 341,
^'■'^ Compare chap. 4.

CH. Vlf.] THE FUNDS FOR WAR, ETC. 179

custom-duty, the hellenotamiae naturally remained as treasurers
for these payments. The payments for certain selected pur-
poses were assigned to their office; in the first place, that for
which the tributes were originally designed, namely, the ex-
penses of wars in the common cause, and federal solemnities;
but the Athenians afterwards considered the money as their
own property, and used it for buildings and works of art,
festivals, distributions, and theorica'*': the overplus was with-
out doubt laid by among the public treasure in the Acropolis,
which was chiefly formed from the tributes: but as soon as the
money had been sent to Athens, or even before it was actually
dispatched, and only its place of destination had been fixed, it
was no longer under the superintendence of these officers, but
of the treasurers of the goddess upon the Acropolis. We see
that money in their hands was assigned about the 90th Olym-
piad (420 B.C.) to the redemption of the public debts*^^; the
only example which we meet with of their having paid the
money out of their own fund. On the other hand in Olymp.
92, 3 (410 B.C.), money was appointed to be paid to them from
the public treasure for the provision of the cavalry, for diobelia,
and war expenses'*^: at this period the cavalry appears to have
been paid in time of peace by the hellenotamiae and not by the
treasurer of the administration : for the treasurer of war and the
managers of the theoricon were not introduced until after the
abolition of the hellenotamiee, who used to make all payments
of this description. There is nothing in the fact of money
being furnished to them from the public treasure, which ought
to surprise us: for if their own funds were exhausted, the
treasure would naturally be compelled to furnish whatever was
sufficient to enable them to pay that which belonged to their
department. In the same manner gold was lent to them out of
the treasury, to be paid to the athlothetse; but evidently from
the sacred money'"*. Hence the payments which they had to
make must have been considerable, and their duties cannot have
been unimportant. In order to execute these with the greater

'■'' riutarch. Aristid. 24 ; Pericl. 12. I ''" Inscript. 14?.

'^^ Inscript. 76, ^^ 3. I '"' Inscript. 144,3rd Prytan.lst item.

N Z

180

THE FUNDS FOR WAR,

[bk. II,

facility they divided them among one another^"; and to assist
them they had as many as three superior archons as assessors
{7rdp€Bpoi,y^\ It must not with Barthelemy be thought singu-
lar that we only know of these officers from inscriptions, since
of the hellenotamiee themselves we have such imperfect ac-
counts.

As after the archonship of Euclid, no mention of hellenota-
miee occurs, so before that time we hear of no treasurers of war
or managers of the theorica; the former having performed all
the duties which subsequently belonged to the latter: and we
are thence justified in assuming, that by the changes in the
constitution made in the year of Euclid, two new offices, the
treasurer of war, and the manager of the theorica, were insti-
tuted. The name of treasurer of war {Ta/jLia<; arpaTKOTLKMv)
is only once made use of, and this in reference to one Callias,
who is stated by the author of the Lives of the Ten Orators ^*^
to have held that office in the archonship of Chasrondas (Olymp.
110, 3, B.C. 338); probably it was only filled in time of war, and
discontinued when there was no armed force in motion. The
funds for meeting the expenses of war were, with the exception
of certain tributes, derived from two sources; which, however,
were both of a very uncertain nature. According to ancient
laws'" the surplus money of the administration was to be
applied in times of war to the use of the army [ra irepiovra
y^prjfiara rrj^ hioiKi-jcrews etvat arpaTLCdTLKa): but the people
had the madness to require that the surplus should always be
used for the distribution of the theorica; and the demagogue
Eubulus even succeeded in passing a law, that if any person
again proposed that the theorica should be applied to the uses
of war he should suffer death. This law, which crippled the
martial power of the Athenians, was frequently attacked by the

'■^* As is proved by Inscript. 147.

>*« Inscript. 147, Cth Trytan.; In-
script. 144, 3rd Prytan. 1st item, and
8th Prytan. 4th item.

^^"^ In the Life of Lycuigus, accord-
ing to the correction of Sahnasius:
for he is geneially called KaKaios.
KAAAIOY and KAAAIOY only differ

by a line.

^'^^ Orat. c. Neoer. p. 134G, 1347;
Liban. Argum.Olynth. i.; cf. Demosth.
Olynth. i. p. 14, 19, and Olyntli. iii.
(e.g. p. 31); Ilarpocr. in v. ^fcopi/ca,
and thence Siiidas and the Etymologist.
Cf. Ruhnk. Hist. Crit. Orat. p. 146,
viii. of Reiske's Orators.

CH. VII.]

AND FOR THE THEORICA.

181

well disposed: Demosthenes complained that the Athenians,
though possessing large funds for war, squandered them away
upon festivals: ApoUodorus was condemned to a fine of fifteen
talents, for having proposed in Olymp. 106, 4 (b.c. 353), that
the surplus money should be used for war, though for the time
he attained his object'^^: and although even Eubulus in later
times proposed that the theorica should be applied to the pur-
poses of war'^''; and although according to Philochorus^^*, all
the public money was at the instigation of Demosthenes, in
Olymp. 110, 2 (b.c. 339), applied to the military service, it was
frequently in the power of treacherous or inconsiderate dema-
gogues to deduct very large sums from the war funds by pro-
posing a donation of money to the people: of which unworthy
conduct Demades furnished a most striking instance.

Besides this, the extraordinary property-tax {€lo-<f)opa) was
set apart for the expenses of war'^^j but this being a tax which
was unwillingly paid, the coffers were generally empty. Many
higher as well as subordinate offices were requisite for the cus-
tody and disbursement of the war-funds. All those who bore
the name of generals (as we know for certain to have been the
case in the time of Demosthenes, and probably in earlier times
also) were not in fact commanders of all the troops, but only
generals of the infantry and cavalry of each separate army
(arparyyos 6 eVl tcov ottXcov or ottXctcov, and o iirl rcov lirireoyv):
of these, one in his capacity of general of the administration
{oTpaTrj<yo<; 6 iirl Trj9 BcocKfjo-ecos) performed part of the judicial
labours, together with other services: the duty of giving out the
pay of the troops also devolved upon him''% for which he must
have had a treasurer of his own. Among his proposals for the
equipment of the troops, Demosthenes^^* particularly recom-

^29 Orat. c. Neser. p. 1346, 19. The
date is evident from book iv. cli. 13.

*^° Demosth. irepl napaTrpea^. p.
434, 24.

^^^ Fragment, p. 76.

^32 Demosth. e. Polycl. p. 1209, and
passim.

'3' Decret. ap. Demosth. de Corona,
p. 265, 11.

^^* Orat. de Cherson. p. 101, 14.
From this the whole passage in the
fourth Philippic is borrowed (p. 137),
the spuriousness of which oration was
perceived by Valckenaer, in Ids notes
to his speech de Philipp. Maced. p.
251, and by Wolf Proleg. ad Le^t.
p. Ix.

18^

THE FUNDS FOR WAR,

[liK. II.

mends that treasurers and public slaves {8r]/x6aLot) should be
appointed for the custody of tlie war-funds, that the strictest
watch should be kept over their administration, and that these,
and not the generals, should give an account of the manner in
which the money had been employed. Many of the treasurers
of the generals, who are mentioned in different writers, appear
liowever to have been merely private paymasters, without being
in the service of the state; thus Philocrates was the treasurer
of Ergocles, and Antimachus of Timotheus, who managed ever}^-
thing for this general, and also kept a secretary for himself '^
In the same manner the trierarchs had treasurers'^*.

By means of the theoricon- {to OecoptKov, ra OecopiKa, or
OecopiKCL j^^pTjfiaTa), the most pernicious institution in the age
of Pericles, there arose in a petty republic a lavishness of
expense, which was not proportionally less than that of the most
luxurious courts, and which swallowed up vast sums at the very
moment that the military operations were failing from want of
the proper supplies. Under the term Theorica are comprised
the monies which were distributed among the people, for
the celebration of festivals and games'", either to indemnify
them for the entrance-money to the theatre, or to enable them
to feast more plentifully: they were also in part expended upon
sacrifices"% with which a public entertainment was always com-
bined. From the nature and character of this expense it may
be expected that the surplus money of the administration was
set apart for it; in the early times, however, this was frequently
applied to replenishing or increasing the public treasure;

'3* Lysias c. Philocr. p. 829; De-
mosth. c. Timoth. p. 118G, 17; p. 1187,
10.

'^® Eupolis ap. Harpocrat. in v.
Tfi/xi'at. Comp. book iv. c. 11. Whe-
ther Antiphanes, tlie treasurer of the
ship's captain Philip (Demosth. c. Ti-
moth. p. 1188, 20; p. 1189, 2), was of
this description, or whether Philip was
only a private individual, I leave un-
decided. By the treasuier who gave
the crowu to the trieraich that was

the first in getting his ship ready
equipped ( Demosth. de Trierarch. C.'o-
rona, p. 1228, 5), we must probably
understand neither the treasurer of
the trierarch, nor the treasurer of the
trireme-builders, but the pay-master
of war, to whom this duty is the most
suitable.

'^7 Pollux viii. 113; Harpocr. Suid.
Ilesych. Etym. Ammonius.

'''* Demosth. de Corona, p. 226, 22.
See below, chap. 13.

en. VII.]

AND FOR THE THEORICA.

183

whereas in later periods not only was no addition made to the
treasure^ but the war-funds did not even receive the surplus
monies. The managers of the theoricon are not called trea-
surers, although they evidently had the charge of a fund; they
belonged to the number of officers of government, and were
among the principal authorities elected by cheirotonia'^': it
appears that their appointment took place about the time of
the great Dionysia in the city''"'. Their number is nowhere
mentioned, but there were most probably ten, one from each
tribe; for in an office of such importance as this it cannot be well
supposed that any other method of election was adopted. Their
appellation is variable {apxv ^'"^^ '^^ decdpcKw, 6 ivl to3 OecapLK^
cov, oi iirl TO OecopiKov Ke^etporovrffMevoi, 6 eirl twv OecopcKwv
rerayfievos^ iirl rov OecopcKov KaraaTaOels^ decopiKrj dp^rj,
dpx^^y Twv 6ecopiK(ovy*\ To the original department of
manager of the theoricon were annexed, at the time when Eubu-
lus of Anaphlystus filled this situation, and had obtained the
public confidence in a high degree, many of the other branches of
the administration, particularly the control of the public reve-
nues, the office of apodectae, the making of wharfs, of the arse-
nal, the construction of roads (the latter perhaps in some
degree because they were connected with the passage of proces-
sions), and nearly all the other duties of the administration, as
^schines informs us'*^: in his capacity of manager of the the-
oricon, Demosthenes was also inspector of the building of the
walls {reix^'TroLosi) ^*^', and from the same cause Eubulus appears
to have superintended the ship-building^".

The extent of their power in such corrupt times cannot
appear in the least surprising. The theoricon promoted the
private interest of the citizens, and therefore the assembly
passed a decree by which they conferred extensive influence on
any person who had either the will or the ability to fill the
purses of individuals at the expense of the public. The Athe-

^^ ^schin. c. Ctesiph. p. 416, 418.

*^ Petit Leg. Att. iii. 2, 35.

^*'^ ^sch. lit sup. Demosth. de Co-
rona, p. 264, 10 ; p. 243, 27 ; p. 266, 22 ;
Lex. Seg. p. 264 ; Suidas and the Ety-

mologist.

^*'^ Mschva.. ut Slip. p. 417 sqq.

^^3 ^schin. ibid. p. 419, 425;
mosth. de Corona, p. 243, 266.

>** Dinarch. c. Demosth. p. G6,

De-

184

FUNDS FOR THE THEORICA.

[bK. II.

nian people reseml)led a tyrant, and the funds of the theoricon
were analogous to his private purse; if a tyrant desired to have,
for the gratification of his own pleasures, a private purse which
should never be empty, he would take care to invest the
managers of it with great power, and would leave to the branches
of the administration only just so much of the public revenue
as should not interfere with the proper supply of the privy
purse. This contrivance of the ochlocracy was abolished
between Olymp. 110, 2 (b.c. 339), and 112, 3 (b.c. 330), by a
decree proposed by Hegemon'^'.

At what time the managers of the theoricon were the
assessors of the poletse, is not mentioned; but it is not necessary
to suppose that they only performed this duty in the time of
their extended authority. For since the surplus money of the
administration was in time of peace always set apart for the
theoricon, and to the administration duties and taxes raised
in Athens were regularly assigned, while confiscated property
might appear to belong more peculiarly to the theoricon, it is
possible that this regulation was made when the office of
manager of the theorica was originally instituted.

Chapter VIII.

The Clerks and Checking-Clerks. System of Public Accounta-
bility and Audit,

From the multiplicity of the offices, it is evident that the
quantity of writing to be perform.ed must have been conside-
rable; the disbursements and receipts were to be entered, and
particularly the respective purposes to which the monies were
assigned ; these, together with the acknowledgments of pay-
ment, were to be noted doTVTi ; and finally, the accounts were to
be passed. All these duties came within the department of the

>^* Petit Leg. Att. iii. 2, 3G. In
Olymp. 110, 3, Demosthenes Avas both
inspector of the building of the Avails,
and manager of the theorica, but only

accidentally at the same time, as I have
already remaiked, Avithout the tAA'o
offices being at that period necessarily
united.

CH. VIII.] THE CLERKS AND CHECKING-CLERKS. 185

secretary or clerk {ypafifjLaTev<;), Thus the treasurers of the
sacred monies, and the Amphictyons of Delos had their clerk^*%
and the same was also the case with subordinate or private
cashiers, as has been already remarked of Antimachus, the pay-
master of Timotheus. Citizens who were nominated to situa-
tions of this kind, were commonly persons of small fortune.
Public slaves {SrjfjLoacot) however, who had been educated at the
cost of the state, were also employed, and were sometimes
appointed for keeping accounts, of the generals for instance, and
the paymasters in times of war^^^, some as checking- clerks
{dvTLjpacpeU, contrarotulatores), as for example the clerks who
checked the accounts of the treasurers of the sacred monies, and
of the war-taxes, although Demosthenes thinks that each con-
tributor ought to perform for himself the office of a comp-
troller*'". A clerk in the employ of the state was never a slave;
and although the clerk Nicomachus is called by Lysias'^^ a
public slave {BTjfjLoo-io^;), this instance does not apply, for he was
only an under-clerk, and not one of the principal clerks or secre-
taries ; and the orator gives him that name in reference only to
his father; for he himself had been entered in the register of
the phratores, and consequently was a citizen. But the chief
reason why the Athenians preferred the public slaves for comp-
trolling the accounts, was, that they could be put to the torture,
and torture was considered as the surest means of eliciting the
truth'^°. Freemen could not be tortured upon the rack, nor
yet resident aliens or foreigners, as Gillies asserts ; for it was
prohibited by the decree of Scamandrius that any citizen should
be put to the torture for the purpose of examination'"; and

'« Inscript. 139, 141, 150, 158.

^^7 Demosth. de Cherson. p. 101, 14,
and thence Philipp. iv. p. 137. Ulpian.
ad Demosth. Olynth. ii.

^^^ Demosth. c. Androt. p. 615, 12
sqq. Lex. Seg. p. 197.

1^9 C. Nicom. p. 842, cf. p. 836, 837.

^*" Demosth. c. Aphob. -^evdofx. p.
846, 7, p. 848, 8, p. 856, 20. That
more weight was given to the asser-
tions of slaves upon the rack than to

also shown by Hudtwalcker von den
Di'dteten, p. 51.

1" Andocid. de Myst. p. 22. The
torture of the concubine of Antiphon
{KaTTjy. (papfi. p. 615), provided that
she was a free woman, which is not cer-
tain, must be considered as a punish-
ment, and not as a means of exami-
nation. Against the assertion made
in the text, that freemen in Attica
could not be put to the torture, may

the sworn testimony of freemen, is ' be adduced a passage in Antip on (de

186 THE CLERKS AND CII ECKING-CLERKS. [bK. II.

what Lysias says of Theodotus, a youth of Platsese, that he
might have been put to the torture '*% must be the rather con-
sidered as an exception, as the Platseans were citizens.

Besides these subordinate checking-clerks, there were others
of a superior class, who have sometimes been confounded with
the secretaries or clerks. It is difficult to obtain a clear know-
ledge of these officers at Athens ; in the mean time thus far is
certain, that there were three public clerks, as we learn from
Suidas'". Pollux^'* gives a more exact account ; one was chosen
by lot by the senate in every prytanea, for the purpose of keep-
ing the writings and decrees, and is the officer who prefixed his
name to the decrees according to the form which was in use
before the archonship of Euclid: of this secretary Aristotle
had, according to Harpocration^^', treated at length : the second
was elected by the senate by cheirotonia for the laws ; a third,
elected by the people, was the public reader in the senate and
the assembly. The first in an inscription of the time of the
Emperors is called the clerk according to the prytanea {ypafi-
fiarevs Kara Trpvraveiavy^^, where it is not so easy to perceive
why he should be enumerated among the aeisiti, as one should
rather have expected that he would only have had the privilege
of being fed in the prytaneum for a single prytanea ; a fresh
one was appointed in every prytanea, and the name of the clerk
of the first pr^-tanea was added to the decrees before the archon-
ship of Euclid, and was frequently made use of to designate
the year'*^ Harpocration states that it was the duty of this

Herod, caede, p. 729), in which it is I ^*^ ^iii. 98, ypafifiarevs, 6 Kara npv-
stated that a freeman was tortured at raveiav icKijpcodeh imb rrjs ^ovXtjs inX
Mytilene: but whether a Mytilensean ; ra [ra] ypafifxara (f)v\dTT€iv kol to,
or a foreigner, whether according to j yj/TjcpicrfxaTay Koi erepos errl tovs vop-ovs

the Lesbian or Athenian law, cannot
be decided.

"* ApoL c. Sunon. p. 153. What
Reiske says upon this passage does not
remove the difficulty.

'^^ Suidas, KkrjpciiToX be {ypapfiarels)
T}(Tav TOP apiBp.ov rpeis ypacfiovres ra
drjuoaia. Ovdevos 8e rjaav Kvpioi aXX' ^
Tov ypd(f)€iu Koi dvayvwvai. The first
word, KXr;pu)Tot, is false in this general
sense.

vTTo TTJs 0ovXrjs xapoTovovfievof. 'O de
VTTO TOV brjpov alpedels ypapfxarevs dva-
yiv<ii(TK€i tS drjpco koi rfj ^ovXfj. A
ypapfiarevs ttjs /3ovX^y occurs in De-
mosth. pro Corona, p. 238, 14, and rod
drjpov in the third decree in the Lives
of the Ten Orators.

155 jjj y^ ypapfiarevs.

*^^ Chandl. Inscript. ii. 55, 2.

'*7 Vid. ad Inscript. 147 ct 7«.

CH. Vlll.] THE CLERKS AND CIIECKIXG-CLERKS.

187

officer to check the public accounts'*^ ; but he doubtless con-
founds him with the checking-clerk. The second appears to be
the clerk of the senators {ypa/x/jLarevs tojv ^ovXevrojv) occurring
in inscriptions'*^, of whom I have nothing more to say than that
he is never mentioned among the aeisiti, but always among the
prytanes. Lastly, the third clerk is called the clerk of the
state {ypafjLfjLaTevs ttjs iroXecos), or of the senate and the people
{Trj9 ffov\rj<; koX tov hrjfiovY^^, and he is placed in inscriptions
among the aeisiti.

These ofiScers had an under-clerk {v7roypafi/jLaT€vs) : and a
considerable number of such persons were used even in the
ancient days of Athens, some of whom were employed in the
higher, and some in the inferior and subordinate offices'®^ ; the
checking-clerks were however different from these superior
secretaries or clerks, as we have already seen in the case of the
inferior. A checking-clerk of the senate [avrcypacfievs ttjs
/3ov\rjs) is quoted by Harpocration out of Aristotle^s State of
Athens' ^=^, and a checking-clerk without any farther specification
frequently occurs in ancient inscriptions, and always among the

'^^ Kaj TO. a)Oia iravra avTiypcKperai
Kol TrapaKd6r)Tai ttj /SovX^. The con-
fusion with the checking-clerk is e\i-
dent from the words of Pollux viii.
98, where it is said of him, kul navra
dvT€ypd(j)€TO 7rapaKa6T)ij.€vo5 ttj ^ovKfj.
This had been remai-ked by Valesius
in his notes to Harpocration, against
whom Kiihn's objections (ad Poll. viii.
98,) prove nothing.

^^^ Chandl. u. 55, 1, 2, 3, 4. Spon
Ti-avek, vol. iii. in the inscription
belonging to the second volume p.
116 sqq. That he may not be con-
sidered the same as the clerk according
to the Prytaneia, the distinction be-
tween them in Chandl. ii. 55, 2, should
be observed. There are likewise many
other similar inscriptions, in which
this clerk of the senators and the
others occur.

^^^ Thucyd. \\\, 10, and the inscrip-
tions just quoted. Besides Valesius,
authorities have been collected upon

this subject by Meursius Lect. Att. >i.
25 ; Petit, iii. 2, 28; Barthe'lemy Me'm.
de I'Acad. des Inscriptions, vol. XLviii.
p. 345. The xmoypapip.arev5 occurs in
the inscriptions already quoted; in
that published by Spon the editor in-
correctly reads HPOrPAMMATEYS.
: ^^^ Antiph. de Choreut. p. 792; De-
mosth. proTorona, p. 314, 7, xmoypap.-
fxareveip Koi xmr)peTc1v rotv apxibiois,
Lysias c. Nicom. p. 864, ter.

^^^ Harpocrat. in v. dvriypacfjevs' 6
Ka$i,crTdp.evos en\ riov Kora^aXkovTOiV
Tivd TTj TTo'Xet ■)(^pr]jxaTa, cocrre dvriypd-
(f)€a6ai TavTcu Aijfxoadevqs iv t(o kutu
^AudpoTicovos (a passage wliich is not
to the point, as it relates to subor-
dinate checking-clerks), koI AiV;^tj/7/s
€V Ta Kara KTrjcrKpavTOs. AittuI de
rjcrav dvTtypa(f)€7s, 6 fievTiis dioiKfjaecoSf
as (pTjGi ^iXoxopos' 6 de ttjs ^ovXrjs, cos
' ApicrTOTeXT]s iv ^ K6rjvaia>v TToXireia,
The whole passage is also in Suidas.

188

THE CLERKS AND CHECKING-CLERKS. [bK. II.

aeisiti. According to PoUux*^^ he was in ancient times elected
and afterwards chosen by lot : the checking-clerk of the senate
is also mentioned by Suidas'", as well as by the Scholiast to
Aristophanes'", who however confounds him wdth the clerk.
According to Pollux his duty was to sit in the senate and exer-
cise a general control ; a statement which may perhaps be true,
but that the duty which Harpocration attributes to the check-
ing-clerk, of comptrolling the receipts of the revenues, refers
to this office, is evident, the taxes having been paid in presence
of the senate. Lastly it is manifest that ^schines'^^ alludes to
this officer, when he remarks that the state had a checking-
clerk elected by cheirotonia, w^ho kept an account of the reve-
nues for the people in each prytanea, until this situation was
united with the office of the theoricon, by w^hich means the
duties of the apodectge, and the checking of the accounts, were
injudiciously placed in the same hands. Besides this checking-
clerk for monies received, there was also a checking-clerk of the
highest authority for disbursements, viz., the treasurer of the
administration, who w^as called the checking-clerk of the admi-
nistration {avTLrfpa(f>evs ttjs BioLKTjaecosj^^^ It is probable that
all clerks and checking-clerks (and certainly the under-clerks)
were prohibited from holding the same office twice'®% i. e., not
for two successive years, and it was necessary that a new person
should be appointed after the interval of a year.

'«=* viii. 98. Cf. Lex. Seg. p. 190, 26.

^^* In V. ypafxfiarevs, where see
Kiister's note. Compare also Lex.
Seg. p. 185, IC.

^" Eq. 1253. The following is the
whole of this corrupt passage: eVt Se
drjfxov (6 ypaufxarevs) v7roypa(f)€vs eXe-
y€TO. 6 8e Tov ^ovXevTijplov avriypa-
(pevs. dT]p.ocriov 8e yevopeuov eypa(f)ov
ufxcfiOTepoi TO. Xeyopeva. The latter
words, which are entirely devoid of
meaning, KUhn (ad Poll. viii. 98,) en-
deavours to correct ; but his correction
does not make any better sense. The
v7roypacf)€vs may be the vnoypap-fxarevs
of inscriptions. Petit also (ut sup.)
remaiks the confusion between the

clerk and checking-clerk in this pas-
sage.

^«« Cont. Ctesiph. p. 417. Cf. Ulpian.
ad Demosth. c. Androt. ut sup.

^^^ Philochorus ap. Harpocrat. ut
sup. and thence Suidas and Pollux
viii. 98, 99, according to the correct
emendation of Valesius upon Harpo-
cration.

^'"' This is evidently the meaning of
the law in Lysias c. Nicom. p. 864
extr. v7roypafxp.aT€vaai ovk (^errrt, b\s
TOV avTou TTJ dpxfi Trj uvttj, although
the expression is somewhat singular;
but from the context it appears to me
that this is the only way in which it
can be understood.

CH. VIII.] THE CLERKS AND CHECKING-CLERKS.

189

The public accounts being in this manner kept by the
clerks, and comptrolled by the checking- clerks, it was rendered
possible to make the scrutiny which was regularly entered into
at the expiration of every office. It is the essence of a demo-
cracy that every public officer should be responsible. Among
the distinguishing marks of a democratic authority, responsibi-
lity is one of the most prominent ; while in the aristocratical
and oligarchical states of antiquity, such as Sparta and
Crete, the highest offices, those in which the aristocracy and
oligarchy really existed, were subject to no responsibility.
Hence the obligation of rendering accounts for official conduct
prevailed to so great an extent at Athens : no person who had
had any share in the government or administration was exempted
from it; the senate of five hundred, even the Areopagus, at
least after the loss of their great power, were bound to render
an account : even the priests and priestesses were obliged to
produce accounts for the gifts {yipa) ; so also whole families,
such as the Eumolpidee and Cer^^ces, and even the trierarchs,
although the latter furnished everything at their own expense ;
no person who had not rendered his account could go abroad,
consecrate his property to a god, or even dedicate a sacred
offering; no one could make a will, or be adopted from one
family into another; in short, the state had a lien upon the
whole property of the individual until he had passed his scru-
tiny^". In the same manner no honorary gift or reward (such
for example as a crown) could be awarded to a person who had
not passed his scrutiny^''*'. The dicasts alone were free from
this obligation ^^^

The authorities whose business it was to pass and examine
the accounts of public officers were, according to Aristotle' ^%
called in the Greek states, in some places evOvvot, in others
\o7tcrT«t, i^eraaTal, or o-vvrj<yopoi. That the logistae of the
Athenians were employed in matters of calculation is proved l)y
their name; the euthuni were in intimate connexion with them:
the difference between their duties was not, however, as is sup-

'" iEschin. c. Ctesiph. p. 405 sqq.
'70 ^sch. and Demosth. pro Corona.
'7' Arist. Vesp. 585. See Hudt-

walcker von den Diateten, p. 32.

>"^ In the last chapter of the 6th
book of the Politics.

190

SYSTEM OF PUBLIC ACCOUNTABILITY

[bK. XL

posed by some, that the logistse had authority in those cases only
which concerned the administration of public money, while
the euthuni acted in all other cases ; but all questions belonged
indiscriminately to either authority. In the examinations of
persons who either had or had not the management of money,
the logistse, after the account had been rendered before them
and the secretary (probably of the senate and the people),
brought the cause into court, where they gave out by means of
the crier that they were ready to hear any accusation'^'. The
intimate connexion between the two offices is strikingly proved
by a decree in Andocides, in which mention is made of those
whose accounts were found unsatisfactory in the logisteria by
the euthuni or the assessors, and affording ground for an indict-
ment'^* : lastly, evOvva is often used in speaking of the logistae
and XoyLo-fjLo^ in speaking of the euthuni ; and the Etymologist
says'" that in his time those were called logistte who formerly
had borne the name of euthuni. The distinction between them
had been explained by Aristotle in the Constitution of
Athens'^® ; but the grammarians do not give any precise infor-
mation upon this point. According to Harpocration'", there
were ten logistee, to whom every person gave an account of his
proceedings within thirty days after the expiration of his office ;
and the same number of euthuni, whose duties were precisely
the same. All authorities agree in stating that the logistoe and
euthuni were both ten in number'^". Pollux gives us an

'73 ^schin. c. Ctesiph. p. 403 sqq.
Demosth. pro Corona, p. 266, 9.

'^'^ De Myst. p, 37, oaoiv evdvvai
Tives elcri KaTeyvaxrfxevai iv rols Xoyi-
(TTTjplois (see Lysias c. Polystr. p. 672,)
vTTo rail/ evOvvcov ff rtov Tvapebpiov. The
last words appear to be an interpre-
tation which has crept into the text :
but I do not venture to stiike them
out, as assessors of the euthuni are
mentioned.

*7^ In V. €vdvvoi, from whom Pho-
tius and Zonaras took ; in the latter of
which grammarians read UXdroov No-

'^'^ A p. Harpocrat.

'7'' In V. Xoyiaral and €v6vvot, and
thence Suidas and Photius in v. Xo-
yiaToi and fvQvvoi^ also Lex. Seg.
p. 245, 276. The person is called eu-
Ovvos and €v6vvj]s, in the plural €v6v-
voi and cudvvai, the proceeding is t)
€v$vva, (see the law in Demosth. c.
Timocrat. p. 717,19, where however it
is falsely accented cvdvpa), in the
plural €v6vpai; likewise ^ evBvjnj,
which the grammarians quote as tlie
common form, but which is perhaps of
later origin.

'^^ Etymol. in v. evBvvoL, Pliotius,
and Pollux viii. 45. From Pollux
viii. 99 ; Petit iii. 2. 6, concludes that

CH. VIII.]

AND AUDIT.

191

important addition, viz., " that the senate chose the logistae by
lot, in order to attend/' as he expresses himself, " upon the offi-
cers of the administration,'' that is, to watch over their conduct;
" but the euthuni were chosen in addition, Uke the assessors of
the nine archons'^^'^

What constituted the difference of their duties can even in
general be arrived at only by conjecture. The logistse were the
chief persons, and to them the accounts were delivered, into the
correctness of which they examined ; they also, as the calcu-
lators of the state, superintended the payment of the public
debts'^". But while the accounts were being examined {Xoyia--
yLto9 or \6y09), or even afterwards, if an accuser came forward

there were two other logistae : but
this passage refers, as has been al-
ready observed, to the two checkiDg-
clerks.

*79 Pollux viii. 99, 100, where he
Bays, 01 6e €v6vvoi, aanep ol TrapeSpoi
Tols ivvia ap^ovcri, TrpocraipovvTat,.
Comp. upon this point Petit ut sup.
[The Author has since referred the
first part of this passage from Pollux
to the dvTiypa(f)€'is or checking- clerks,
and adopted the statement of the
grammarians, (Lex. Seg. p. 276, 17 ;
Etym. Mag. p. 569, 31,) that the lo-
gistae were appointed by lot, Rheinisches
Museum, vol. i. p. 82. It is however
singular that the author, as well as his
antagonist, should have missed one of
the most explicit passages on the sub-
ject, viz., in a grammarian published
by ^Mr. Dobree at the end of Photius,
p. 672. AoyicTTai' Koi crvvrjyopor 'Apicr-
TOTeXrjs iv ttj 'Adrjvaitov TToXtreta ovrco
Xeyei' Xoytorai de alpovvrai bcKa, ivap
oXs diaXoyi^ovrai naaai ai apxal fd re
\rjnp.aTct Koi ras yeyevrjpevas dandvas'
Koi (iWois (aXXoi) deKa crvvqyopoLS
{(TVVTjyopoi), oItlvcs avvavaKplvovcn tov-
TOts. Koi oi ras dOvvas didouTes rrapa
TOVTOis dvaKpivovres 7rpa>T0V, eira icpiev-
rai els TO diKao-Trjpiop ds eva Kal cf).
This passage seems to show that the
logistae wei-e not chosen by lot (alpovv-

rai, not KkrjpovvTai), and it is also a
strong negative proof of the identity of
the logistae and euthuni. The o-vvrj-
yopot are mentioned in another gram-
marian quoted by the author in note
186, (TvvTjyopoi cipx^opTcs rjcrav AcXj;pa)rot,
ot rots' Xoyicrrals e^orjdovv npos rag
evOvvas Ta)U dp^dvrcou riva dp^qv.
Here however it is stated that the
(TvvTjyopoi were chosen by lot: perhaps
in the former passage we should read
KKrjpovvTai for alpovvrai. These avvfj'
yopoi therefore seem to have been
quite distinct from the public advo-
cates (although the contrary is
maintained by Schomann, de Comi-
tiis, p. 108); they were probably the
same as the ndpebpoi mentioned by
Andocides and others. The public
advocates are stated by Photius (in
V. crvvrjyopol) to have been nomi-
nated by election (xeiporovla). In the
passage also from the Politics quoted
in note 172, Aristotle mentions Xoyia-'
rai, evdvvoi, and (rvvrjyopoi as syno-
nymous terms. — Transl.]

'^<' Inscript. 76, § 4, Xoyos and Xo-
yiapos is the account, the evdvvrj or
defence of the account was commonly
connected with it, as e. g. in Inscript.
76, § 8; iEschin. c. Ctesiph. p. 397,
403, &c.

192

SYSTEM OF PUBLIC ACCOUNTABILITY [bK. II.

(who was however obliged to appear within a certain time^^',
i. e. within thirty days after the expiration of the office), ques-
tions were put and answers required concerning the correctness
of the statements {evOvva), a point which it would be difficult
and tedious to explain: now it is for this, that the euthuni
appear to have been appointed as assistants to the logistse, as
may be inferred from their name. The euthuni or their asses-
sors might decide that the account was unsatisfactory, that
money had been embezzled, bribes received, &c.; when such was
the case, the affair was brought before a court of justice, in the
same manner as when a public accuser came forward' ^^. The

i»i Pollux viii. 45.

'82 In the arclionship of Alexias in
01}Tnp. 93, 4 (B.C. 405), by the decree
of Patrocleides, the public debtors
were remitted their debts up to the
end of the preceding year (Olymp. 93,
3, in the archonship of Callias), and
those who had been condemned to
Atimia for non-payment were restored
to their civil rights. By this law, par-
don was at the same time extended to
those o(T(ov evdvval rtves elcri KaTcyvcocr-
fxevai ep Tois XoyicTTTjpiois vno rcov ev-
Bvvcov Tj Ta>v TrapeBpciiv, rj fxrjTTco el(TT]y-
fievac (Is TO 8iKaaTT)piov ypacfiai rives
fieri TTfpi Ta)v evBvvcoVf with the addi-
tion of the date els top uvtop tovtop
Xpovov. For the explanation of this
passage I subjoin the following re-
marks. It was not only the public
debts and Atimia that were remitted,
to which the debtors had become sub-
ject by a punishment wliich had been
previously adjudged, but it was also
enacted that the actions against public
officers which were at that time insti-
tuted on account of incorrect accoimts,
should be disannulled, i. e. that the
causes which had not been yet de-
cided, but were still depending, should
be quashed. These however were of
two kinds. In the first place the eu-
thuni or their assessors in the exami-
nation of the accounts had decided
that certain public officers were guilty.

and had determined to institute pro-
ceedings against them {evBvpai Karey-
va>ap.evaL ip Tots\oyi(rTr]pLois\ although
by these means, as a court of justice
could alone pass sentence, no punish-
ment had as yet been assigned : or an
accuser had brought forward com-
plaints with regard to the accounts of
the public servants, who were under-
going the scrutiny, but the accusations
were still in the hands of the presi-
dents of the courts of justice and not
yet brought before the court itself
{ypa(Pa\ nepl to)P evdvpcop prj-rrco ela-rjy-
p-epai els to biKaaTrjpiop): both kinds
of cases were to be put an end to.
Among the fii'st class of cases those
also were included which had not yet
been brought before the court of jus-
tice, which as being self-evident are
therefore not mentioned ; but the
former class is particularly noticed,
because the persons who were com-
prised in it had been condemned by
the previous decision of a public office,
and therefore seemed to be more
inculpated than the others. It may
be also asked why those persons are
not mentioned whose causes subse-
quent upon the decision of the eu-
thuni had been brought before the
court previously to the end of the pre-
ceding year, but had not been decided.
No cases however of this kind could
liave existed, because when the cause

CH. VIII.]

AND AUDIT.

193

proceedings which belonged to this stage (which are even here
called evOvvaLY''^ were instituted by the chief authority, the
logistae; who conducted the actions, and composed the tribunal
which gave judgment in the case'^*. In bringing on the action
it is possible that the euthuni again assisted the chief antho-
rity : and perhaps too, as Pollux asserts, they enforced the pay-
ment of embezzled monies and fines, instead of the practores.
Photius^'' alone states that each euthunus had two assessors,
but he is supported by the words of Andocides. Lastly, the
public advocates {o-vvrjyopoi) afforded assistance to the logist8e^"^
Any person who neglected to render his account could be prose-
cuted by a particular action {BUtj dXoylovY^K

From what has been said it is evident that there was no
want at Athens of well-conceived and strict regulations; but
what is the use of provident measures, where the spirit of the
administration is bad? Men have at all times been unjust and
covetous and unprincipled, and above all the Greeks distin-
guished themselves for the uncontrolled gratification of their
own desires, and their contempt for the happiness of others.

had been once brought before court,
the decision immediately ensued, with-
out the defendant being able to delay
it by objections or cross suits.

'^3 Pollux ut sup.

^^* iEsch. c. Ctesiph. p. 395 sqq. and
408 ; Suidas in v. €v6vpt], Lex. Ehet.
(Seg. p. 245, also Lex. Seg. p. 310, C);
EtjTn. and Phot, in the passages
quoted by Ruhnken ad Tim. p. 126.
See Petit ut sup.

'^^ EvBvvos' apxh V" '■^^' '^^ €Kd(TTr]S
fie (jyvXiis eva KXrjpoixrt, tovtco be dvo
TTapebpovs: in which passage the ev6vvoi
are falsely represented as chosen by
lot, which is only true of the logistae.
Hesychius in v. €v6vvas only speaks
incidentally of the assessors of the
archons, the word €v3vpas occun-ing
in a passage of Aristotle concerning
the latter officers: no one should
therefore be led into error by tliis
article.

'«« Lex. Seg. p. 301.

'^7 Suidas, Hesychius, Etymol. in v.
uXoylov StKT/, Pollux viii. 54. To ap-
prove the accounts is called ras cvBvvas
iuLo-qfiaiveaOai. Deraosth. pro Co-
rona, p. 310, 21. 'Emar}p.aive(r6ac
means to approve, eVaii/eti/ (cf. ^sch.
TTfpl Trapanpea^. p. 230. Harpocrat.
in V. €7naT]fiaiv€(rOai, and thence Suidas
and Zonaras, p. 848, cf. p. 830, and
the editor's note) because that which
is signed and sealed is approved of by
him to whom the decision belongs :
however it may be possible that after
the accounts had been found to be
correct by the proper authorities, the
testimony of their correctness was
added in writing and confirmed by a
seal, so that eTnarjfxaiveaBai ras evBvvas
may signify the approval of them
which was vouched by being sealed iu
this manner.

194 SYSTEM OF PUBLIC ACCOUNTABILITY [bK. II.

If any competent judge of moral actions will contemplate their
character without prejudice, and unbiassed by their high intel-
lectual endowments, he will find that their private life was
unstable, and devoid of virtue; that their public life was a
tissue of restless intrigues and evil passions ; and, what was the
worst of all, that there existed to a far greater degree than in
the Christian world, a want of moral principle, and a harshness
and cruelty in the popular mind. The display of noble actions,
it is true, has ceased, and will never re-appear with the same
brilliancy; but the principles of the majority of mankind have
been elevated, even if we allow that some distinguished indi-
viduals in ancient times were as pure as the most exalted cha-
racters of modern days; and in this general elevation consists
the progress of mankind.

When we consider then the principles of the Greeks, which
are sufficiently seen from their historians and philosophers, it
cannot be a matter of surprise that fraud used by public officers
at Athens against the state, was of common occurrence : in the
early times of the republic Aristides, the contemporary of The-
mistocles, complained of it; it was even the common opinion
that there existed a certain prescriptive right to the commission
of this fraud, and a person who had scruples on the subject
was censured for his too great strictness '^^ Every where
we meet with instances of embezzlement of money by public
officers; even the sacred property was not secure from sacri-
legious hands. The Romans had at least a period in which
fidelity and honesty were practised and esteemed: but among
the Greeks these qualities will be sought for in vain. The
former were bound by a solemn oath to administer without
peculation the money entrusted to their care; "but if in
Greece," says the faithful Polybius'^% "the state entrusts to
any one only a talent, and if it has ten checking-clerks, and as
many seals and twice as many witnesses, it cannot ensure his
honesty." The officers of finance were therefore not unfre-
quently condemned to death or to loss of property and imprir
sonment; sometimes indeed unjustly, when money had acci-

^^^ Plutarch. Aristid. 4. i89 ^,j g^^

CH. VIII.] AND AUDIT. 195:

dentally been lost'*^; but the logistse allowed themselves to be
disgracefully bribed in order to enable the offender to evade the
legal penalty^^'.

Even the great Pericles does not appear to have been free
from the charge of peculation, if at least the story is true which
represents Alcibiades to have said, on hearing that Pericles was
occupied in preparing his accounts for the people, that he would
be better occupied in endeavouring to render none at air*^ The
comic poets, who undermined the fame of every distinguished
person, have also brought against him charges which are doubt-
less exaggerated; for example, Aristophanes in the comedy of
the Clouds misunderstands and ridicules an item in the account
of Pericles which he had rendered in his capacity of general,
although in this instance he was free from all blame. The
truth is that he had charged 10 talents, without specifying the
particular object to which they had been applied; but the
charge was allowed by the people, as it was well known that
they had been used for purposes of bribery, and that the names
of those who had received them could not be mentioned with-
out oiFending Pleistonax the king of Sparta, and the harmost
Cleandrides'^^ There is however a very general tradition that
Pericles was in great difficulties with his accounts. Before the
breaking out of the Peloponnesian war, Phidias the sculptor
was subjected, by means as, it appears, of a conspiracy, to an
examination respecting some gold which he was accused of
having embezzled' ^^; on that occasion Pericles extricated him-
self and Phidias from the difficulty. But other attacks were
made upon him for the purposes of annoyance; and at last
when the Athenians were dissatisfied with his lavish expendi-

'^^ Comp. e. g. Demosth. c. Timoth.
p. 1187, 1197; c. Timocrat. p. 742 sqq.

'3> ^schin. c. Timarch. p. 126.

'^^ Plutarch. Alcib. 7; Diod. xii. 38.
. '^3 Aristoph. Nub. 856, and the
Scholiast, and thence Suidas in v.
8eoVy *E(^opoi, els deoVy els to 8€0V,
Lex. Seg. p. 234. The Scholiast of
Aristophanes says 20, Suidas in one j other things,
place 15, in another 50 talents ; I have

followed the statement of Plutarch
(Pericl. 22, 23) which has greater pro-
bability.

' ^* Plutarch. Pericl. 3 1 . This cause
instituted against Pericles is alluded
to by Plato Gorg. p. 516 A. where see
Heindorf: the Scholiast of Aristo-
phanes and Suidas confound this with

o 2

196 SYSTEM OF PUBLIC ACCOUNTABILITY [bK. II.

ture'®^, they required an account of his financial administration.
The importance of this transaction is evident from the proceed-
ings which were proposed for it: the account was to have been
referred to the prytanes; and according to the decree of Dra-
contides, the judges were to vote from the altar upon the Acro-
polis, which was the most solemn method of deciding. This
last ceremony was dispensed with by the interference of Hag-
non, and it was directed that fifteen hundred judges should sit
in judgment upon this case, in which it was uncertain whether
there had been peculation or some other ofFence^^^ In order to
put an end to this contest, in which he was in danger of falling
a sacrifice both to party rage and his own dishonesty, Pericles is
said to have engaged his country in a war^®^; a severe accusa-
tion, which however will be in some degree diminished, if it is
considered that several causes contributed, and that this selfish
motive might only have added strength to other inducements.
I am the less inclined wholly to acquit Pericles of this charge,
because Aspasia is also said to have contributed to the under-
taking of the Samian war.

In order that the accounts rendered by persons who had
filled public offices should have the greatest possible publicity,
and that it should be in the power of every one to bring for-
ward accusations, these accounts were, like the decrees, engraved
on stone and exposed in public. Thus Lycurgus set up the
account of his administration before the wrestling-school which
he had built a short time previously'®^; a fragment of a similar
account of the treasurer of the administration and manager of
the public revenue, and probably of this very one made by
Lycurgus, has been preserved to our days^. In like manner the
treasurers of the goddess and of the other gods were obliged to
have an account of what they had received, disbursed, and

'" Plutarch. Pericl. 14.

'^« Plutarch, ibid. 32.

'»7 Pint. ibid. 31, 32 : Diod. xii. 38

war, and Pleyne (Antiquarische Auf-
satze, i. p. 188 sq.) who lias well exa-
mined the question. Concerning the

sqq.; Aristoph. Pac.604 sqq. andSchol. ' Samian war see Plutarch. Pericl. 25.
Concerning the difficulties in arranging i '®'' Life of Lycurgus at the end, in
the date see Dodwell Annal. Thucyd. } the Lives of the Ten Orators,
in the sixth year of the Peloponnesian » Inscript. 157.

en. VIII.]

AND AUDIT.

197

delivered to their successors, engraved upon stone and set up
in the AcropoHs'^^: Chandler has published three inscriptions
of this kind, and saw still more in the Parthenon""", and some
have been brought to England by Lord Elgin. Several docu-
ments of this description, some money-accounts, some lists of
treasures belonging to temples, delivered over to other trea-
surers, which were accurately weighed, have come down to our
days; among which may be mentioned the remarkable account
given by the Amphictyons of Delos, of their revenues, ex-
penses, and outstanding debts. Lastly, we know that the
poletse also fixed up lists of confiscated property {BrjjjLtoTrpara),
(whether before or after the sale is uncertain,) upon tablets of
stone, some in the Acropolis, some at Eleusis^"', and doubtless
also in other places; and probably a fragment of an inscription
now extant was a part of a document of this nature^.

Monuments of this kind are necessarily destroyed by length
of time; but it is much to be lamented that we should not be
possessed of those which had been collected by Greek antiqua-
rians. The Attic epigrams of Philochorus w^ere probably only
j^oetical inscriptions; but the traveller Polemon, who from his
fondness for inscriptions had acquired the surname of Stelocopas
{arrjXoKOTras), wrote four books on the sacred offerings upon

'9« Inscript. 76, § 7, 8.

^°° Chandl. Syllab. p. 17, of his In-
script. Antiq. besides those which 1
have published. The inedited inscrip-
tions occur in Lord Elgin's collection,
as stated by Visconti in his Me'moire,
No. 36, upon two sides of a stone, upon
one side of which there are forty, on
the other more than fifty lines, of the
writing before Euclid. The authori-
ties are the treasurers of sacred money
(^raniai Ta>v Upav ■)(^prjiiaraiv), the
articles enumerated partly weighed,
partly unweighed {aarad^xoi). The
first line contains the words ex Hava-
QTjvaidiv €S Uavadrjvaia : which is to be
explained from what is said in the text.
No. 37, also a fragment, written in the
ancient manner, upon both sides of the
stone, each of Avhich contains more

than forty lines. The first side begins
with eBldocrav top \6yov, the other with
H H H H A A. This inscription is
evidently allied to Nos. 109 and 141 ed.
Boeckh. No. 38, another fragment of
the same description in the ancient
manner of writing, written in the same
way. No. 46, a fragment of the same
kind as the two inscriptions just men-
tioned, but very imperfect : there are
forty-five lines remaining. No. 50, a
later inscription which contains a cata-
logue of treasures belonging to a tem-
ple of great length. Concerning these
inscriptions see also The Earl of Elgin's
Pursuits in Greece^ p. 17, 18.

*'»' Casaub. ad Athen. xi. p. 476 E.
Hemsterh. ad Poll. x. 96.

^ Boeckh. Coip. Inscript. No. 161.

198

SYSTEM

OF PUBLIC ACCOUNTABILITY, [bK. II.

the Acropolis"*, as well as copiously upon other inscriptions,
and collected decrees'"' Engraved upon stone, particularly at
Athens; a collection of decrees, most of them doubtless taken
from inscriptions, was given to the world by Craterus*"*.
Another collection of the registers of the demioprata was like-
wise extant, and is frequently quoted by Pollux in the tenth
book"*, and once by Athenseus; from this source the former
writer drew his information respecting the confiscated property
of Alcibiades"'; and in this collection of the demioprata there
were also accounts of the treasurers of the Acropolis concerning
the cession of the sacred treasures, probably from the work of
Polemon; among others one which by chance has come down

2"^ Athen. vi. 234 D, and Casaubon's
note.

^^^ An example occurs in Athen. vi.
p. 234 E. From him also the inscrip-
tion in the Anaceum (p. 235 B) is no
doubt taken.

^* Plutarch. Cim. 13. From some
such collection the decrees which occur
in the Lives of the Ten Orators are
borrowed.

''^^ The tables of the goods sold or
confiscated by the state {to. dTjfjuoTrpaTo),
which were affixed in different places,
contained various articles of household
furniture, and are therefore often cited
by Pollux in his lOtli book, in which
he treats of utensils ; he himself had
not seen them, but followed a "vvritten
collection. Thus he mentions iv^oxKia
a-ih-qpa, where the v before /x betrays
the inscription (23); also 6vpa bid-
npia-Tos and 6upai avvdpopd^es C24) ;
from the confiscated property of Alci-
biades -x^apfCvq napaKoXXos Koi kXivtj
iip.(t)iKve(f)a\os (36); furthermore, Kve-
<f)dkov Katvbv and KvecpaXov naXaiov
(.39), XovTTjpiov Koi vnoaTarov (46, 79),
rf)idaKv\s, a wine vessel (74), Tpdne^a
fiovoKVKXos (f{l); likewise paintings,
Kai TTLva^ TToiKiXos ott' 6pocf)r]s Koi niva^
(Tfpos yfypapptfos ; and plates or
"iTLvaKis fia^ypol (84), Kuvaarov and

KawcTTpov (86), XeKOS (87), p.axaipia
€X€(})dvTiva, fiaxaipia Kcpdriva, also,
as it seems, x^pvi^a, Xe^rjres, itpoxovSy
X^pvi^iov (89, 90), Kvpivo6r)KT) (93),
apTTjKia o^eXicTKOiv (96), fioXv^doKpa'
TevToi, or leaden stands for spits (96-7),
(TKd(Pr] iiaKpa and (TKd(fiT) arpoyyvXr] (1 03 ) ,
devTTjp^lOb), Tjdpos vTTOKprjrqpidios (I08)y
mere kitchen and table utensils; also
i other implements, as Kocricii/o? kplOottoios
I (114), VTToXrjuiou (130), fKTruoTqpiov
I (135), Ki/Scoros BvpiboiTq (137), paKia
1 and KTjpcoTo. (150), KaXim-nipes Kopiv-
I Biovpyels (157), aXoii/ rpia r}p.i<j>6ppt.a
(169), napcoXevides (171 Jj KXipaKtou
(182), K€pap,os ^Attlkos and K€pap.6s
KopivOios (182). These examples suffi-
ciently prove the similarity of the
j inscriptions which were included in
the collection of the Demioprata, with
Inscript. No. 161, ed. Boeckh. ; al-
though it is not to be denied that lists
of offerings and temple utensils were
also included in it. It may be ob-
served that Pollux doubtless cited
many words from the Demioprata in
his 10th book, without mentioning
his authority; at least many words
occur in the inscription just quoted
which are also to be found in Pollux.
^"^ Pollux X. 36.

CH. IX.] PUBLIC REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE.

199

to our time and is now in England'^^ Probably the list of
the sacred offerings upon the Acropolis quoted by Pollux*°%
was set up during the archonship of Alcibiades, that is, a
memorial of the treasurer's accounts^ of whom he was the first,
borrowed from these demioprata.

Chapter IX.

How far a regular comparison of the Public Revenue and Expen-
diture was instituted. On the Heads of Expenditure,

But however essential the settlement of accounts may be to a

regular administration of finance, it is not of itself sufficient.
The first requisite is a correct estimate of the revenue and
expenditure, in order that the former may be sufficient to meet
the latter. It can hardly be said that this estimate was made
regularly in any Grecian state; at the same time they must
have been able from experience and a comparison of the public
accounts, to form a tolerable judgment as to the amount of the
regular income and expenditure, and how far the former was or
was not sufficient, and the latter necessary or superfluous.
Aristotle says*''^ '^ Whoever wishes to deliberate upon matters
of finance must be acquainted with the revenues of the state.

^7 See the remark on 1. 37 of No.
loljin Corp. Inscript. Gr. vol. i. p.
242.

^^^ 'Avaypa<pT] rcov ev 'AxpoTToXei dva-
BrjfMdTtov, X. 26. The quotations that
are made from this catalogue occur in
two inscriptions still extant. See
Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 150, and
the remark, vol. i. p. 236. There is
no mention of any Archon Alcibia-
des. Pollux probably confounded
the first treasurer of the goddess or
of the gods, whose name stood at
the head of the inscription, with the
archon. If Alcibiades had not been a
treasurer upon the Acropolis, how could
it have come to pass that he, as Plu-
tarch relates in the Life of Alcibiades,

had in his house many gold and silver

ornaments for processions belonging to
the state, which he used as his own
property; if he held the office of trea-
surer upon the Acropolis he would
have had the means of doing this.
The account given by Andocides (cont.
Alcib. p. 126, 127), is different from
this story of Plutarch taken from
Phseax, where he speaks of ornaments
for processions, which Alcibiades had
borrowed from the architheori of
Athens for the sake of his triumphal
festival. This has been also observed
by Ruhnken Hist. Crit. Orat. p. 138,
vol. viii. of Reiske's Orators.

•^«^ Rhet. i. 4; cf. Xenoph. Mem.
Socrat. iii. 6, 4 — 6.

200 PUBLIC REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE. [bK. II.

what and how great they are; in order that if any branch of
them is deficient, it may be added, and if too small, it may be
increased. He should also know all the expenses of the state,
in order that if any one is superfluous, it may be retrenched,
and if too large, be curtailed. For wealth is augmented, not
only by increasing revenue, but by diminishing expenditure,
and these things a man cannot learn from his own individual
experience; but it is also necessary in order to deliberate upon
subjects of this nature that he should have the habit of inquir-
ing into the discoveries of others.^^ Here the questions are
clearly laid down which a minister at the head of the public
revenue should undertake to consider; it may, however, be
fairly questioned whether the Athenians always went correctly
to work in the difficult application of these simple principles.
The necessity, and afterwards the habits or convenience of the
people, introduced certain expenses; the time soon came when
the revenues were not sufficient to defray them, and then the
former were to be diminshed or the latter increased; of these
alternatives it must be supposed that they generally took the
latter, and this without previously making any correct estimate.
This was the case to a greater degree in their extraordinary
expenses, and after the public treasure had been exhausted, all
the great enterprises were checked by a want of supplies.

With regard to the Athenian revenue we have its amount at
difi'erent periods of the republic; but of that of the expenditure
we know but little, though it must have varied very much at
different times. I shall treat of the latter first; but as it is a
subject branching out into many different directions, it will for
that reason be impossible for me to give so complete and satis-
factory an account of it as of the revenue, and I must be con-
tent with touching upon the chief points.

The regular expenditure may be arranged under the follow-
ing heads: expenses of buildings, police, celebration of festivals,
donations to the people, pay for certain public services in time
of peace, maintenance of the poor, public rewards, and the pro-
viding of arms, ships, and cavalry, in time of peace. Extraor-
dinary expenses were occasioned by war, of which I shall speak
at the end of this book.

CH. X.] THE PUBLIC BUILDINGS. 201

Chapter X.

The Public Buildings.

The public buildings, the magnificence and splendid execution
of which still excite astonishment even in their ruins, were con-
structed at so great an expense, that they could not have been
attempted without the treasure derived from the tributes: their
maintenance alone required a considerable standing expense. I
will only mention the building of the Piraeus by Themistocles,
the fortification of it together with the other harbours, the mar-
ket place of the Hippodamus, the theatre and the many temples
and sacred edifices, in the Pireeus; the wharfs, in which the
ships lay as it were under cover, cost 1000 talents, and after
having been destroyed in the Anarchy by the contractors for
three talents, were again restored and finally completed by
Lycurgus*'". A splendid edifice in the Pireeus was the arsenal
built by Philon and destroyed by Sulla [<7K€vo6rjKr], 67r\o6f]K7fY^\
The fortifications of Athens were enormous ; besides the Acro-
polis, the city and the Piraeus with Munychia were respec-
tively fortified: the two latter embraced a circumference of 8
English miles, with walls 60 Grecian feet high, which The-
mistocles wished to make as much as double this height; and at
the same time so wide that two carriages could easily pass one
another upon them; they were built of square stones, without
cement, joined together with iron cramps; the city and the
harbour were also connected by the long walls, the longer of
which was equal to 40 stadia (5 English miles), the shorter
to 35, built upon marshy ground raised with stones. And
these immense works were restored after their destruction in
the time of the Thirty Tyrants: for which purpose the Atheni-
ans were, it is true, assisted by Persian money*'*. To these
were added in time of war, ramparts of earth, trenches, and
parapets, for the strengthening of the works: together with the

2^" Isocrat. Areopiig. 27 ; Meiirs. Fort. Att. vii.
2" Meurs. ibid. ^'^ Xenoph. Uelleii. iv. 8, 12.

^0§

THE PUBLIC BUILDINGS.

[bk. II.

fortification of smaller places in Attica. Thus Eleusis was for-
tified as being an ancient, and formerly an independent city;
also Anaphlystus, as we learn from Xenophon*'^ and Scylax;
so again Sunium was fortified in the Peloponnesian war^^% as
well as Thoricus*'* and CEnoe, a stronghold upon the Boeotian
frontier"^; together with the secure defences of Phyle*^^; lastly,
Aphidna and Rhamnus, which in the time of Philip, together
with Phyle, Sunium, and Eleusis were used as places of refuge*'^
But how great was the number of splendid buildings which the
city and its environs contained; if we consider the spaces used
for the assembly, the courts of justice, and markets, the highly
ornamented porticos, the pompeum, prytaneum, tholus, senate-
house, and other buildings for the public offices: the innumera-
ble temples, the theatre, the odeum, wrestling-schools, gym-
nasia, stadia, hippodromes, aqueducts, fountains, baths, together
with the buildings belonging to them, &c.^'^ And again, how
great must have been the expense of the works upon the Acro-
polis. The entrance alone, the Propylaea, which occupied five
years in its construction, cost 2012 talents^^". Here too the
numerous temples, the temple of Victory, the Erectheum, with
the temple of Minerva Polias and the Pandrosium, and the
splendid Parthenon, all these were adorned with the most costly
statues and works of art, and enriched with gold and silver
vessels. And besides these great works, how many were the
perpetual small expenses, of which we have scarcely any notion,
that occurred in an ancient state: for example, the building of
altars, which were always erected for certain festivals***'.

Here we may also mention the construction of roads, not
only as regards the paving of streets in Athens, but the forma-
tion of the roads to the harbours, of the sacred road to Eleusis
and perhaps to Delphi as far as the boundary, since it is asserted

*'^ De Vectig. 4, 44. Scylax men-
tions four fortresses, Eleusis, Ana-
phlystus, Sunium, and Rhamuus.

^'* Thucyd. viii. 4.

2 * Xenoph. Hell. i. 2, 1 ; cf. de Vec-
tig. ut sup.

=*'« Thucyd. ii. 18.

4, 2 ; Diod. xiv.

*'^ Xenoph. Hell. ii.
32; Nep. Thrasyb. 2.

^•^ Demosth. de Coron. p. 238.

^'^ Xenoph. de Rep. Ath. 2, 10.

^^° Ileliodorus ap. Ilarpocrat. and
Suidas, and Photius in TrponvXaia.

"' Plutarch, in vit. Demosth. 27.

CH. X.]

THE PUBLIC BUILDINGS.

203

that the Athenians first opened the road to this place. I grant
that the Romans and Carthaginians expended more money upon
the construction of roads than the Greeks; but roads were
formed which were much travelled over, and intended in parti-
cular for sacred processions; these were not merely constructed
with an uneven pavement, but were made firm and smooth with
small stones taken out of the quarries*^".

For the superintendence of all these labours there were
some regular officers, and some appointed only for certain
periods. Over the wharfs and the ships that lay in them, the
inspectors of the wharfs {iTri/jLeXrjTal t6)v vewplwv) were placed**^;
for the repairs of the walls certain commissioners {TeLj(oTTOLol)
were named, the most distinguished amongst all the directors
of the public works (eTna-raral tmv hrjfjboaiwv epycovY^*, who,
like the builders of the triremes, were elected one from each
tribe'". All other buildings were under the superintendence
of a manager of public works: it was in this capacity that Peri-
cles, and subsequently Lycurgus, undertook so many works of
architecture"^ In the building of the temple of Minerva
Polias, we likewise find directors {eirccrTaTal) who had a clerk^''^
and probably every temple had directors of this kind, who
together with the priests and sacrificers {lepoiroiol) composed a
college or board''*^. Similar authorities were appointed for the
care of the roads and of the supply of water [ohoiroLol, eTrcararal
Tcov vBaTcovY^^, The astynomi composed the street police, five

**^ iKvpov as well as Xarvir-q is what
breaks off in the hewing of stone, and
sometimes even signifies mortar. From
this is derived o-KvpcoTrj 686s, of which
kind there was one at Cyi'ene for pro-
cessions (Pindar Pyth. v. 90 sqq.), con-
sequently it is not a paved road, but
made in the same manner as ours, only
with greater care. 2KvpaiTr) 6865 is
however interpreted by Xt^dcrrptoroy,
and therefore it seems to me probable
that this word does not always mean a
paved road, but one formed with stones.

*^' Sigon. R. A. iv. 3, where he also
speaks of the builders of the walls.

^^^ ^sch. c. Ctesiph. p. 400. Pollux
viii. 114, improperly includes them
among the vTrrjperai, as well as the
sacrificers {Uponoiol) and Bodnae.

'^-^' ^schin. ut sup. p. 422, 425.

^■'^ Plutarch Pericl. (cf. Diod. xii.
39), and the Life of Lycurgus in the
Lives of the Ten Orators.

'^7 See the inscription cited in note
232.

'■^'^^ At least so the passage in In-
script. 76, § 7, may be interpreted.

'-^'■^^ Sigon. ut sup. p. 17G, vol. i. of
hisAvorks; Petit Leg. Att. v. 1, 3.
Concerning the odonoiol see more par-

204

THE PUBLIC BUILDINGS.

[BK. II.

in the city and as many in the Piraeus : among other duties,
they had to attend to the cleansing of the streets, and had on
that account the superintendence of the scavengers (/cott/do-

All works of building undertaken by the pubHc were by the
proper authorities let to contractors [epjoXa^ot], as was the
case at Rome; this is particularly mentioned of the repairs of
the temples and public buildings*'^, and an inquiry was made
from time to time, probably at the change of office, how far the
building had proceeded, and what was still remaining to be
done. An inscription, in which the unfinished parts of the
building of the temple of Minerva Polias in the archonship of
Diodes (Olymp. 92, 4, b.c. 409), are recited, has been preserved
to our days*^^

The amount of money expended upon works of building was
necessarily quite undefined, and must obviously have depended
upon the quantity of disposable revenue and the necessity of
the projected work. Demosthenes received nearly 10 talents
for the repairs of the walls^^^; but it is uncertain whether, as he
was appointed only for the tribe Pandionis, he received all the
money, or whether it was divided between him and his nine
colleagues; the last supposition is rendered more probable
from the circumstance of several treasurers being mentioned:
that the expenses of building were defrayed by the state and
not by the tribes, as might appear from another passage of
^schines, is sufficiently manifest from the fact that the money
was furnished by the administration. Probably the commis-
sioner of each tribe had a particular part of the walls to repair,
and Demosthenes received the sum just mentioned for the
expense of his share; this being insufficient, he added, accord-
ing to the testimony of a contemporary decree, and of another
which was made subsequently, 3 talents of his own money,

ticularly ^schin. c. Ctesiph. p. 419,
and the comic poet ap. Plutarch. Pra^c.
Poht. 15. The Kpr]vo(PvXaK€s men-
tioned by Sigonius probably were not
public ofiicei"S (see the note of the
editor upon the passage quoted).

^^^ Aristot. ap. Harpocrat. in v.
darvpofioi.

=^3' Petit. Leg. Att. i. 2, 7-

2^^ Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 160.

'■"'^ JEsch. c. Ctesiph. p. 415, cf. p.
425.

en. X.

THE PUBLIC BUILDINGS.

205

in addition to which he caused two trenches to be drawn round
the Pireeus at his own expense^^\ Conon, the son of Timo-
theus, was obhged to repair a part of the walls at a cost of 10
talents. In general the surplus of the revenue only was applied
to building, unless necessity compelled the infraction of this
rule : thus in an ancient decree it is ordered that whatever
should remain over and above the money assigned for the pay-
ment of the public debts should be appHed to the repairs of the
wharfs and walls"\ In the time of Pericles this overplus was
extraordinarily great, on account of the large sums produced by
the tributes, and out of this fund the public treasure was formed ;
thus he was able, as Plutarch^^^ says, to build temples which
cost even 1000 talents, and in fact he used 3700 talents out of
the treasury for works of architecture and for the Potidsean
war"^, besides what he may have added from the current reve-
nue. Before his time, not only Pisistratus, but Themistocles
and Cimon had spent much money in building; after these,
Conon deserves to be mentioned, as the restorer of the walls,
and Lycurgus, who completed the many works that had been
left unfinished, the wharfs, the arsenal, and the theatre of
Bacchus; it was he who laid the foundation of the Panathenaic
stadium, the gymnasium, odeum, and lyceum, embellished
the city with several other works, and moreover furnished many
decorations for processions, and for the temple of Minerva,
golden statues of Victory, and gold and silver ornaments for 100
canephoree"^

But upon the whole the public buildings of this age were
inconsiderable when compared with those of earlier times, while
the splendour of private buildings had increased. " In ancient

'^* Decret. ap. Demos tli. de Cor. p.
266, aud decrees after the Lives of the
Ten Orators. In iEsch. c. Ctesiph. p.
405, only 100 minas are mentioned, but
evidently from a confusion with the
sum which he contributed as manager
of the theorica (de Coron. p. 266) ; he
is followed by the author of the Lives
of the Ten Orators (p. 263, ed. Tu-

bing.). Concerning Ccnon see Nepos
Timoth. 4.

^" Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. ^6, § 9.

^« Pericl. 12.

2^7 Thuc. ii. 13.

^° See the passages in Meursius
Fort. Att. p. 58 of the 4to edition,
where nothing is omitted but the ori-
ginal source, viz. the third decree after
the Lives of the Ten Omtors.

206

THE PUBLIC BUILDINGS.

[bk. II.

days/^ says Demosthenes*^", " everything that belonged to the
state was costly and splendid, and no individual distinguished him-
self from the multitude; and the proof of it is, that if any of you
know the houses of Themistocles and Miltiades, and the famous
men of that time, he will see that they are not more magnifi-
cent than those of other people; but the buildings and construc-
tions of the state were of such grandeur that it is not in the
power of succeeding generations to surpass them — the Propy-
leea, the wharfs, the porticoes, the Piraeus, and the other works
with which you see the city adorned. But now all who are
concerned in the management of public affairs have such a
superfluity of riches, that some have built private houses more
magnificent than many public edifices ; and some of them have
purchased more land than all of you w^ho are sitting in the court
are together possessed of; but your public buildings and works,
it is digraceful to tell how scanty and contemptible they are.
What indeed can be said of your works ? what of the parapets
which we throw up ? of the roads which we construct, and the
fountains and the trifles at which we labour ?" Thus speaks
the ardent enthusiast for the happiness and fame of his
country; his speeches of admonition might with a few alter-
ations be adapted to the present age, in which such vast sums
have been squandered away without producing anything great
or durable.

Chapter XI.

The Police. The Scythian Bowmen.

It is evident that the police could not possess that distinct and
important character among the Greeks, which it has in the
states of modern Europe, as from their republican government,
judicial decisions were always preferred to the operations of
police. It is indeed wholly impossible for such an institution

239 C.Ari8toc.p.689, 11-24. Olyntli.
iii. p. 35, 36, which two passages I have
combined. See tlie spurious speech

iT(pl (rvvTd^eu>s, from p. 174, 17, to p.
175, 12.

CH. XI.]

THE POLICE.

207

as a secret police to exist as a separate establishment in a
democracy: but a strict and vigilant inspection was produced
by the privilege which the citizens possessed of coming forward
as accusers in all things which affected the public interest,
though this right was not exercised without malignity, envy,
and calumny. There existed a system of watching and
espionage, which was not less oppressive and formidable than
the worst institutions of modern despots; although it had the
double advantage over these, that no person could be con-
demned without a public trial, and that it cost the state
nothing.

The only kind of police which existed as a distinct institu-
tion in ancient times, was that to which was entrusted the per-
formance of certain needful services, such as the street-police,
which was in the charge of the astynomi, together with that of
the market and traders, which latter did not cause any expense:
and finally, some institution must have been indispensable as
well in respect to the aliens, as to the maintenance of order and
security in the city, particularly in the public assembly. In all
the Grecian states, notwithstanding their hospitality, foreigners
were considered as enemies, and for that reason they were at
Athens under the jurisdiction of the archon polemarchus, as at
Rome under that of the praetor peregrinus : it is not improbable
that the foreign police as well as some establishment for grant-
ing passports was under his direction, of which a slight indica-
tion occurs in a passage of Aristophanes^*". For the mainte-
nance of security and order there was a city-guard composed of
public slaves {hrj/xoo-LOLy*^: these persons, although they were
of low rank, enjoyed a certain consideration, as the state em-
ployed them in the capacity of baihfFs. Such public slaves
were sometimes also appointed for the trade-police^"^; and sub-
ordinate places, such as heralds and checking-clerks, together
with other offices in the assembly and courts of justice, were
filled by persons of the same description. The public slaves

**» Av. 1209, and Schol. ad 1214.
The name is cr^payif, cru/x/SoXoi/.

^*^ Concerning these see Hai'pocrat.
Suid. Etym. Pollux ix. 10, and Hera-

sterhuis' note, also Maussac ad Harpo-
ci-at. in V. brj^xoaios, Lex. Seg. p. 234.

*^^ Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. 123, § 5
sqq.

208

THE SCYTHIAN BOWMEN.

[bK. II.

who composed the city-guard must be looked upon as a body-
guard of the Athenian people; which thus resembled Poly-
crates the t}Tant of Samos, who kept 1000 bowmen about his
own person*". They are generally called bowmen (rofoTat), or
from the native country of the majority, Scythians, also Speu-
sinians; they lived under tents in the market-place, and after-
wards upon the Areopagus***. Among their number there were
also many thracians and other barbarians. Their officers had
the name of Toxarchs {ro^apxoiY^^ Their number increased
progressively: in the first instance 300 were purchased soon
after the battle of Salamis^*^; subsequently it rose, according to
the Scholiast to the Acharneans of Aristophanes and Suidas, to
1000, according to Andocides and ^schines, to 1200**^ It is
evident that these troops might, if necessary, be used in the

2^3 Herod, iii. 39, 45.

^^■^ Pollux viii. 132, and his com-
mentators, Aristoph. Lysistrat. 437;
Acham. 54; Schneider ad Xenoph.
:Mem. Socrat. iii. G; Lex. Seg. p. 234;
Photius in To^orai.

^*^ Corp. Inscript. No. 80.

2^® iEsch. nepl Tvapanpea^. p. 335.

2^' iEschin. ut sup. p. 336, x'^'oi^s"
5e Kal diaKoaiovs imreas KareaTTjO-apev
Kol To^oras €T(povs TocrovTovs. Hiero-
nymus Wolf asks whether 300 or 600
are meant, as he makes irepovs roaov-
Tovs refer to the 300 mentioned in p.
335, which were first bought: it is
clear to me that erepot roaovToi used
in this manner can only refer to the
number which immediately precedes,
and therefore in this place only to
;j(iXiovs Kal diaKocrlovs, and that here
the whole number of the bowmen is
meant, including those that were first
bought, most of whom might besides
have died and their vacancies been
filled up. It is undeniably true as
Hier. Wolf observes, and as Viger has
said after him, that once as mayiy is
often said, when the preceding num-
ber is reckoned, and tlie same number
is added. But unquestionably, taken

in its original and strict sense, it means
! jvLst as many, as ef^os roiovroSf another
! person of the same kind, as in ^sch. c.
Ctesiph. p. 488, ck niKonovvrjaov fiev
TrXeiovas rj 5tcr;(tXtou? onXiTas, e£ 'A/fap-
1 vavias de irepovs toctovtovs . That
, this is the force of it in the present
'. passage is shown more particularly by
Andocides de Pace, p. 93, x'-^'-^^^ ''^
Kal diaKOcriovs Imreas, Kal To^oras roaov-
Tovs erepovs KaT€(TTr}o-ap.€v, where the
preceding number fixes the meaning
of TOCTOVTOVS. This also agrees the
best with Suidas and the Scholiast.
There were 1200 horsemen at Athens,
but Xenophon only speaks of 1000.
The same account is given by Suidas
and the Scholiast in reference to
^schines. The only thing that can
be remarkable is the word erepovs,
since bowmen were not cavalry ; this
however is e\ndently according to tlie
same idiom, by which Xenophon says,
Tovi oTrKiTas Kai tovs (iKkovs vmreas.
Moreover the rest of the narration
shows that the author is not speaking
here of bo>vmen in general but of the
slaves, since the first .300 are distinctly
said to have been bought.

en. XI.] THE SCYTHIAN BOWMEN. 209

field, although the Athenians had also free bowmen, of whom I
shall presently speak.

The expense which this regiment occasioned may be nearly
ascertained. As it was necessary for them to be strong, able-
bodied men, upon whom dependence could be placed, the
purchase-money cannot be fixed at less than 3 or 4 minas
apiece: and as the whole number would have required renewal
about every 30 or 40 years, exclusively of any increased
number of casualties which might have been produced by war,
30 at least must have been purchased annually, which would
have caused an expense of from 1^ to 2 talents. Their pay
doubtless amounted to 3 oboli a day^^% making altogether
about 36 talents a year.

Chapter XII.
Celebration of Festivals and Sacrifices,

The celebration of festivals produced in the early times of
the Athenian republic, a profuseness of expenditure in no way
inferior to that of the courts of luxurious princes : this republi-
can system however possessed several advantages over the latter
sort of useless expenditure. For, in the first place, all the
citizens partook in these solemnities, and not a select few; in
the second place, they were founded upon the duties of religion;
and again, the public games or contests, which had a powerful
influence in forming the national mind, awakened and improved
the taste and spirit of the people. To expend large sums of
money on the fine arts, which appeared in the highest perfec-
tion at the sacred festivals, upon costly but lasting ornaments
for the temples, upon choruses and musical entertainments, and
upon a theatre, which was so perfect that it excelled equally in
tragedy and comedy, were considered as acts of a liberal and
noble mind. And while the Athenians were led by their reli-
gious obligations to these costly practices, the Spartans were
satisfied to manifest their piety by offering small sacrifices to

From the traces in Inscript. No. 80.

210 CELEBRATION OF FESTIVALS [bK. II.

the gods. That the person who provides the sacrificial feast
should receive a share of the offering, appears both natural and
reasonable; but when the principal revenues of the state were
wasted upon public banquets, and the sacrifices were maintained
at the public expense, not so much for the purposes of religion,
as for the support of the poor^*% the policy of the Athenians
was alike unjust and inexpedient, inasmuch as the continuance
of it without oppressing the allies was impossible, and the state,
being deprived of the means of self-defence in a most frivolous
and unpardonable manner, was led on to certain destruction.
The Athenians not only had twice as many festivals as other
Grecian states**", but everything was considered secondary to
them. "The Panathensea, the Dionysia,^^ says Demosthenes**',
" are always celebrated at the proper time, festivals on which
you expend more money than on any naval enterprise, and for
which you make such preparations as were never heard of else-
where; but when you send out a fleet it always arrives too
late.^^ Even Plutarch, by nature of an admiring and laudatory
turn of mind, w^ho with his beautiful style and amiable dis-
position has misled the understandings of many readers by
engaging their feelings, in his Essay upon the Glory of
Athens"*, perceives this weak point. For after having enume-
rated the various splendour of the tragedies, he thus proceeds.
" Gazing upon this the Lacedaemonian justly remarked that the
Athenians erred greatly in making serious matter of trifles, that
is, in expending upon the theatre sums sufficient for the equip-
ment of large fleets, and for the maintenance of great armies.
For if it were calculated what sum each play cost the Athe-
nians, it would be found that they had spent more treasure
upon Bacchses, and Phoenissses, and CEdipusses, and Anti-
gones, and the woes of Medea and Electra, than upon wars
undertaken for empire and for freedom against the Barbarians. ^^
With the exception of the theoricon, the most considerable
expenses of the festivals were those for sacrifices, plays, and
processions. In many festivals all these three were combined.

2*« Cf. Xenopli. de Rep. Ath. 2, 9. I "' Philipp. i. p. 50, 3.
"■^^ Xenoph. ibid. 3, 8. I ^" Cap. fi.

en. X

••]

AND SACRIFICES.

811

as, for instance, at the great Dionysia^ and such festivals must
therefore have been extremely expensive"". The sacrifices
were of very different kinds ; a number of small offerings, con-
sisting either of young pigs, sheep, cocks, &c., or of cakes, and
fruits, were sacrificed to some god or object of worship: of this
description were the sacrifices performed before every public
assembly and every sitting of the senate and the courts of jus-
tice; and, in the second place, more expensive sacrifices, which
had been in use from early times. The ancient and most sacred
offerings were called paternal sacrifices {irdrptoi, Ovaiat), and
were opposed to those which were made at the more recent, or,
as they were called, the additional festivals {eiriOeTov eoprat).
In the bad times which ensued, the former were at most but
sparingly solemnized, or were sometimes entirely discontinued:
at the celebration of the latter great banquets were given, for
which perhaps three hundred oxen were slaughtered at the
public cost, and the paternal sacrifices were paid for out of the
rents of the sacred estates, or rather they were furnished by a
contractor for a certain sum, who was indemnified out of these
rents"^ It is easy to judge of the immense number of these
great sacrifices, from the fact, that the money received for skins

253 ^jj account of the costliness of j
the Dionysia, especially on account of
the sacrifices, is given in the second
book of Pseud-Aristot. CEcon. sec. G,
where it has been thought that Athens
was meant. It is however by no
means certain that it relates to that
town, as may be seen from Schneider's
note. It seems to me most probable
that it should be referred to Antissa,
as the man is called 'Ai/ncro-aios, who
is mentioned as the originator of the
proposal there cited.

^^* Isocrat. Areopag. 11. Oi»S' 6i
TTore ^€V do^eiep avrois, rpiaKocriovs
^ovs eirefXTTOv' oTTore be rvxoiev, ras
narpiovs Ovalai e^eXinoV ov8e ras pev
eniderovs eopras (cf. Harpocrat. in h.
v.), ais etrriacrls ris Trpocreir], p.(ya\o-
Trpencos rjyoVy iv fie rots' ayicoTarois Tav
UpSiv ano fJLi(T6(0fxdTa)v fSvov. That

OTTO piaOcopcLTCiv mcaus eK Tcov repevt-
Kcov TTpoaodcoVf we learn from Harpo-
cration in this phi-ase. That the
sacrifices were let to contractors is
shewn by the last words of this
article : ov yap kut fixre^eiav Z6vov to.
lepe^a, dWa piadovpevoi, and more dis-
tinctly in Lex. Seg. p. 207, of which I
only transcribe the end : cSos yap ^v
Tois ^ovXopevois pia-6ova6ai ras OvalaSt
Ka\ reXoy rjv Toiv Bvcriatv TVOiXovpevov rai
jBovXopeva: an incorrect expression,
for how could it be called a WXof, when
a contractor undertook any thing at
the expense of the state ? Concern-
ing the neglect of the Trdrpioi Bvcriai^
see also Lysias c. Nicomach. in the
passage quoted below, and concerning
the public banquets in the temples
Petit i. 2, 1.

P 2

212

CELEBRATION OF FESTIVALS

[bk. II.

(hepixaTLKov) in Olymp. 111.3 (b.c. 334), amounted to 5148f
drachmas for only seven months^. Thus live hundred young
kids were sacrificed to Diana Agrotera alone at the festival for
the battle of Marathon"*: but the frequent sacrifices of oxen
were particularly designed to allure the people, on which
account Demosthenes"^ connects this donation of oxen with
the theoricon. A hecatomb alone cost upon an average a
talent"^; and many other expenses were necessarily connected
with these solemnities. The law of Solon upon the sacred
tablets [Kuppei^] had fixed the amount of the sacrifices and of
other solemnities; a single one was rated at 3 talents. But this
in the age of Lysias appeared very inconsiderable: a secretary
named Nicomachus, who was employed to transcribe the laws,
fixed it upon his own authority at 9 talents, and moreover at
a moment when the state had from poverty suflfered the walls
and docks to fall out of repair, and was unable to pay 3
talents to the Boeotians, as an indemnity for the reprisals made
against them: by which means the state lost 12 talents in
two years, and was incapable of performing the paternal sacri-
fices^*^. Demosthenes, when he was manager of the theoricon,
contributed 100 minas to the sacrifices, which he paid out of
that fund^*^; a proof that, though for the most part well filled,
it did not satisfy the people.

Besides the sacrifices furnished by the state {BrjfiOTeXrj lepa),
there were many others provided by particular corporations and
societies, such, for instance, as those furnished by the demi
(hrjiioTLKa lepa) and by the societies of orgeones {opyeco-
rt/tfa)""; not to mention the feasting of the tribes, of which I

•= See Boeckh.Corp.Inscript. No. 157.

'■^" See the passages in my Preface
to the Catalogue of the Lectures in
tlie University of Berlin, Summer,
1816, p. 4.

"« Olynth. p. 37, 6. These were
presents from the public coflfei-s. Those
referred to in the second Prytaneia
of Inscript. No. 147. are quite dif-
ferent.

"7 Book i. ch. 14.

2-^ Lysias c. Nicomach. p. 850 — SCO,

which passage has not been entirely
understood by the commentators.

^^^ Decret. ap. Demosth. de Coron.
p. 266, 23. Lives of the Ten Orators,
p. 263, where the words dircdcoKe Se Kal
6eo)po7s (a singular expression) fxvpias
refer to this circumstance.

^^^ Lex. Seg. p. 240;. Hesychius and
Harpocration in v. dTjfioreXTJ lepa.
Some of these expressions occurred in
the Laws of Solon, as e. g. the drfp-orfXij
lepii. See yEsch. c. Timarch. p. 47,

CH. XII.]

AND SACRIFICES.

213

will speak in a subsequent part of this work*. The entertain-
ments at the festivals were either musical or gymnastic, both
being attended with considerable expense. The choruses, both
in and out of the plays, their teaching, maintenance, and dresses,
the cost of the musicians and actors, together with the decora-
tions, machinery, and dresses, and in the gymnastic games, the
maintenance of the combatants of all kinds, and the preparation
of everything which belonged to their exercises and contests,
required a considerable outlay of money : and although this was
in part provided by direct Liturgies, the Choregia and Gymna-
siarchy, it all came at last from the same source ; and it makes
no essential difference whether the state raised the money and
gave entertainments for it, or whether private individuals pro-
vided the games instead of paying the money in the shape of a
tax. To these must be added the prizes awarded to the success-
ful competitor, of which some had no great value, while others
were costly, and were given either in money (in the ayoyves
apyvptrai), crowns, or tripods, which either the state or who-
ever defrayed the costs of the festival provided, or the conqueror
himself furnished at his own expense"'. There occurs in an
inscription^^^ a golden crown of victory weighing 85 drachmas,
which must at the least have cost 1000 or 1200 drachmas of
silver. At the games of Neptune in the Pireeus, the first Cyclic
chorus that gained the victory, received, according to a regula-
tion of Lycurgus, at the lowest a reward of 10 minas, the second

p. 176, c. Ctesiph. p. 566. These words
also occur in the speech against Nesera
(p. 1374, 2, p. 1374, 4,) in the Formula
elcrievai els to. drj/jLoriKT] iepa, which
induced Reiske, in the Index to De-
mosthenes, and Buttmann ad Mid.
p. 125, to think that the temple was
meant : but elauvai els to. lepa evi-
dently refers in particular to the ad-
mission to the sacrifices, although it
also includes permission to enter the
temples in which the sacrifices were
held. To these passages all the inter-
pretations of the grammarians refer,
and pcrliups to the words of the Dodo-
na'an oracle excellently emended by

Buttmann ad Demosth. c. !Mid. p. 531,
24. Buttmann also quotes from Pol-
lux the ^TjfxoTeXels ioprai, from which
these sacrifices were bought. Thyatir.
Inscript. in Spon's Travels, vol. iii.
parti, p. 110, Tas drjfioTeXus Ovaias
Koi iopras dcjiOovcos Koi dwTrepKpiTcos
eTTiTeXeo-avra. Thucydides (ii. 15,) has
iopTTjv S77/iorfX^, Dio Cassius (xLiii.
25,) and Herodotus (vi. 57,) OvcriTjv
dT]p.0T€Xrj.

^ B. iii. ch. 23.

'^^'- Lysias pro Aristoph. bonis, and
Inscript. 158, § 5.

^'^^ No. 150, § 15.

214

CELEBRATION OF FESTIVALS [bK. II.

8, and the third 6'"'; and even Solon granted to the Athe-
nians who gained the prize in foreign sacred games, (^. e, in the
four great contests,) rewards of a certain sum of money, which
for that age were not inconsiderable, to the conqueror at the
Olympic contests 500 drachmas, at the Isthmian 100, and to
the others in proportion"\

Lastly, something may be said upon the splendour of the
Athenian irofxirai, or sacred processions. These indeed yielded
in nothing to the theatrical representations: no expense was
spared for them, and even the cavalry was partly maintained
in time of peace for their sake. Another expense connected
, with this subject were the public burials {Srj/jLoatac racfyal)^
which indeed only occurred in time of war. Again, the greater
and less theorias, or sacred embassies, were of frequent occur-
rence, which were sent, after each of the four great Grecian
games, to Delos and to other sacred places, for the purposes of
festivals, and united in themselves sacrifices and processions.
One part of the expense was borne by the architheorus as a
liturgy, another part by the state : thus the Delphian theori,
according to an ancient law, received money for their journey
and all their other expenses ; and thus Aristophanes mentions
the wages of a theorus to Paros of so small an amount as 2
oboli*"; thus also the Delian architheorus received a talent
from the public purse*^^ The theori were obliged to appear
"with a splendour and dignity suitable to the character of their
nation ; they themselves, wearing splendid crowns, drove into
the city upon crowned chariots, which were often expensively
painted, gilt, and hung with carpets^^^ When Nicias went as
architheorus to Delos, he built a bridge from Rhenea to Delos,
for his entry, 4 stadia in length*^^ The passage of the theori

•^3 Lives of the Ten Orators, p. 252. at all suit the context; in the latter

^* Petit Leg. Att. i. 1, 29, 30.
^' Concerning the former see An-
drotion ap. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 1545

case a soldier would have been called
in joke a theonis, which is very im-
probable.

(comp. above book ii. ch. G); concern- ^^^ Inscript. l5o, § 5.
ing the latter see Aristoph. Vesp. ^"^ Hesych. in v. decopiKos and his
1183, where neither the entrance-
money into the theatre, nor the pay of
the soldiers, can be meant, as the
Scholiast tliinks. The first does not

commentators, and Plutarch. Nic. 3.

268 i>i^tarch. ut sup. See Taylor ad
Marm. Sandw. p. 18.

CH. XII.]

AND SACRIFICES.

215

and choruses from Athens to Delos, cost on a later occasion
7000 drachmas^^^^ and the quadriennial Delian festival, which
was celebrated entirely at the expense of this theoria, cost,
according to the accounts now extant, inclusively of this latter
expense, but with the exclusion of many other items which have
been lost, 4 talents 43 drachmas, although they were not paid
out of the funds of the state, but from those of the temple of
Delos. From all that has been said, it is easy to conceive that
the state expended much money upon the celebration of fes-
tivals ; and at times it even became necessary to resort to the
public treasure for money to defray those expenses. Thus in
Olymp. 92, 3, 5 talents and 1000 drachmas were paid out of
the treasure for the athlothetae, at the celebration of the great
Panathensea, and 5114 drachmas to the sacrificers for the heca-
tomb, and an Olympiad earlier the athlothetse received at the
same festival 255 Cyzicenic staters (7140 drachmas)^'"*. A
large part of the other payments in Olymp. 92, 3 (410 B.C.),
appear, according to an account of the money disbursed from
the public treasure, of which the destination is not specified, to
have been also for festivals*^^

For the administration and superintendence of all religious
solemnities certain unpaid authorities were appointed, who
ranked among the principal public officers. Of this description
are the managers of the mysteries, and of the Dionysia (eVt/i-e-
\7)Tal Tcov /jLvo-rrjplcov, rcov Alovvctlcov) : to particular archons
certain sacrifices also belonged^'^, as well as to the generals*'^,
together with the collectors of the people (avWoyets tov
ByfjLovY^*, and all sacred rites at Delos were managed by the
amphictyons ; but the most numerous officers were the yearly
and monthly sacrificers, the former of whom were ten in num-
ber ; and again there were sacrificers for the revered goddesses

2f« Inscnpt. 158, § 5.

270 Inscript. 147, 2d Pry tan. In-
scnpt. 144; Pryt. 3, Item 3.

^7' Barth^lemy Mem. de I'Acad. des
Inscriptions, torn. xLviii. p. 378, calcu-
lates the money supplied out of the
public treasure for the festivals, as

given in the Choiseul Inscription, upon
perfectly false suppositions ; for which
reason I have made no use of his com-
putation. (Ibid. No. 147.)

272 Sigon. R. A. iv. 7.

2?=* Inscript. 157, § 2, 3.

2'^ Inscript. 157, § 2.

216

FESTIVALS AND SACRIFICES.

[bk. II,

or the Eumenides {lepoirotol Kar iviavTov, iiri/JL'qvtoL, lepoiroioi
ral^ crefivals OealsiY'^, For the games there were tlie athlo-
thetae, who had the particular care of the great Panathensea
(though probably with the exception of the sacrifices) *'% as also
the agonothetae, ^c. Lastly^ the /Socovac, or purchasers of oxen^
were considered among the highest officers ; Demosthenes ranks
them with the sacrificers, and Libanius with the sitonee, gene-
rals, and ambassadors: they were elected by the public assembly,
and provided the cattle and animals which were slaughtered at
the sacrifices and feasts*''; a proof how important to the people
these institutions were, which suited equally their appetite and
their principles of religion, and by which we are forcibly reminded
of the roast beef of old England.

Chapter XIII.
Donations to the People.

The public donations, or distributions among the people (htavo-
fial, ^taS6aeL9), were of frequent occurrence. To these belong
the distributions of corn, which have been mentioned before"%

*'' Hesychius in v. iepoTroioi, and
his commentators, ■who quote Photius
and other grammarians, Pollux, viii.
107, and his commentators. Lex. Seg.
p.265,they also occur particularly often
in Inscript. 157, i. P- 250. See also
Bai-thelemy ut sup. p. 342. The iepo-
Troioi Tcov aep-vav Oeatv^ quoted by
Photius, are taken from Demosth. in
:Mid. p. 652, 6. Whether they, as
Creuzer represents them (SjTnbolik,
vol. iv. p. 518), were properly priests
for sacrifices, might appear imcertain,
if Demosthenes did not show that they
at least performed the commencement
of the sacrifice, or the immolation of
tlie victim (to Kardp^aadai tcov Upcov).
The grammarians also consider the
tepoTTotoi as having actually performed
the sacrifice. Aristotle Polit. vi. 8,
expresses himself too generally to
allow a safe conclusion to be drawn.
That they had however certain duties

of administration to perform is evident
from Inscript. Nos. 147 and 158. That
the aepval deal are the Eumenides
is remarked by Ulpian, Photius, and
Harpocration, in v. a envoi $ealj and
Lex. Seg. p. 303.

2"« See Inscript. No. 147, Pryt. 2,

although the grammarians assert, (see

Barthe'lemy and Photius, and Lex.

Seg.) that the sacrificers had nothing

to do at the great Panathenaea.

i 277 Demosth. c. Mid. p. 570, 7, and

] there Ulpian. Liban. Declam. viii.

; Harpocrat. Suid. in v. ^oa>vT)Sj Lex,

j Seg. p. 219, Harpocration: on Xa/x-

TTpos rjv 6 ^oa)V7]s Kal al fxeyiarai apxai

I enl rovTto ex^eiporovovm-o. Pollux viii.

114, incorrectly includes them among

, the inferior offices, or offices of service

I {vTnjpeaiai). They occur frequently

I in Inscript. 157-

^'' Booki. ch. 15.

CH. XIII.] DONATIONS TO THE PEOPLE. 2lJ

the cleruchige, and the revenues from the mines, which before
the time of Themistocles were divided among the citizens ; and
lastly, the money of the theorica, for the introduction of which
Pericles is chargeable. For this statesman, finding himself
unable by reason of the scantiness of his fortune to vie with
other public leaders and demagogues in liberality, thought of
supplying his private incapacity (according to the testimony of
Aristotle, at the suggestion of Demonides of CEa), by a distribu-
tion of the public revenue, and bribed the multitude partly with
the theorica, partly with the payment of the dicasts, and sala-
ries of other descriptions*'^: while he at the same time main-
tained himself in popular favour by processions, feastings, and
other solemnities.

The admirers of the Lacedaemonian customs, who, like Plato
and his master, formed a correct judgment in a moral point of
view, perceived that Pericles had made his countrymen covetous
and indolent, loquacious and effeminate, extravagant, vicious,
and unruly, by maintaining them at the public expense with
donatives, salaries, and cleruchiee'^^*', and by flattering their sen-
suality and love of enjoyment with sumptuous festivals. Peri-
cles indeed had too acute a mind to overlook the consequences
of his own measures ; but he thought that there was no other
means of maintaining his own and the people^s sovereignty in
Greece, than by supporting the populace in this manner ; he
was aware that with him the power of Athens would cease, and
he endeavoured to preserve it as long as was possible; but upon
the whole his contempt for the people was as great as his libe-
rality towards them. In the mean time the people, so long as
Pericles Uved, were neither wanting in activity nor public spirit,
which tended to make these measures more harmless ; and as
long as neither injustice abroad, nor negligence in the national
enterprises, nor disorder in the state, resulted from them, it
might even appear just that the citizens should enjoy the fruit
of their exertions and valour. Besides which Pericles could not
suspect that, twenty Olympiads after his death, the multitude
would rather consume the public revenues in feasting, than

^'5 Plutaich. Pericl. », cf. 11. '^^'^ Plat. Gorg. p. 515 E. Plutaicli. Peiicl. 9.

218 DONATIONS TO THE PEOPLE. [bK. II.

equip an armament in defence of their freedom, a corruption
which was first produced by the avaricious and treacherous
demagogues of later days, who flattered every whim of the
twenty-thousand-headed hydra. These considerations might
then appear to palhate the conduct of Pericles. But he must
have been aware that the unavoidable result of his measures
was to increase the oppression of the allies, the dominion of the
multitude, and the injustice towards the opulent citizens. While
Pericles himself only raised the tribute by a small amount, his
successors were forced to augment it to a far greater extent, in
order to keep up his profuse expenditure. The surplus of the
tributes was brought by talents at the Dionysia into the orchestra
to be distributed : here the aUies were shown in what light their
property was viewed'^^'. The oligarchical party was well aware
that the abolition of these payments would be a severe blow to
the democracy ; and accordingly, during the government of the
Five Thousand (Olymp. 92, 1,412 B.C.), which was only of
very short duration, no superior office received any salary ^^*.
Aristotle^^^ has indeed already remarked, that the different kinds
of salaries, for example, the wages of the public assembly, are
dangerous to the chief persons in the state, for that they occa-
sion the imposition of property-taxes, confiscations of joroperty,
and bribery of justice. Not only was it the practice to adjudge
property to the state, in order to increase the revenue^^*, but the
demagogues publicly declared in law-suits, that if judgment was
not given in some certain manner, the salaries could no longer
be paid to the people^^^ ; and therefore the wealthy, in order to
prevent every jealousy, made voluntary- donations of their posses-
sions^^^ It sometimes happened that the proceeds of confiscated
property were distributed among the citizens without authority;
and even Lycurgus divided in this manner 160 talents, which
the property of Diphilus had produced. Thus they were not
satisfied that by these distributions the state was deprived of its
most powerful resources for useful and advantageous objects.

*«> Isocrat. (TVfiiJiax. 29. i ^* Lys. c. Nicom. p. 8G1.

'"-^^ Thucyd. viii. 1)7. ^" Lys. c. Epicrat. init.

2** Polit. vi. 5. I

CH. XIII.] DONATIONS TO THE PEOPLE. 219

but those who profited by these measures encouraged in the
people a desire to obtain the property of others, and widened
the breach between the rich and poor, which in the states of
antiquity was an incessant and highly dangerous evil. Aristotle
justly compares these ii^stitutions to the perforated vessel of the
Danaides, as the Athenians were perpetually receiving taxes,
and then paying them away, and were then compelled to raise
fresh supplies*^; but the moral corruption which they caused
was a far more pernicious consequence; the Athenians were
themselves, to make use of an illustration of Plato's, the
vessels of the Danaides, which were continually receiving the
gratification of their desires, without ever being completely
satisfied.

The distribution of the theorica, which, as we have seen,
produced such fatal consequences to the Athenians, had its
origin in the entrance-money to the theatre. The entrance
having been at first free, and crowds and tumults having arisen
from the concourse of many persons, of whom some had no
right to enter, it was to be expected that in a theatre con-
structed of wood, which was the only one that Athens then
possessed, the scaffolding would break; and this accident in
fact took place; to avoid which evil it was determined to sell
the seats for 2 oboli; but in order that the poor might not be
excluded, the entrance-money was given them, on the delivery
of which each person received his seat*^". Persons of high rank
doubtless at first disdained this as well as other donations ^^^;
though in the age of Demosthenes they received the theo-
ricon^^^. It is possible that the entrance-money for the theatre

•286 jierald. Aniraadv. in Salmas.
Observat. ad I. A. et R. vi. 3, 13.

'^ [Aristot. Polit. vi. 5, "Onov 8' elal
npoaoboi, fiT] TTOieiv o vvv oi Sjy/xaycoyoi
TToiovfXL' TO. yap TrepLovra vep^ovai. Aafi-

wliere, as in Photius, there is a mix-
ture of the articles occurring in the
other grammarians. The account given
in Lex. Seg. (Sik. ovo/j..) p. 1«19, 29,
does not deserve to be mentioned.

ftdvov(Tt be ap.a kul naXiv beovrai t5)v \ ^^^ See Herald. Animadv. in Salmas.
avToiv' 6 rerpTjiievos yap ecTTL ttlOos rj Obser. ?id I. A. et R. vi. 3, 11.
ToiavTT] ^oTjdeia rots aTTopois.] ^^^ Philipp. iv. p. 141, 18, Avhich ora-

^^^ Liban. Argnm. ad Demosth. ' tion, as Yalckenaer and Wolf have
Olynth. 1 ; Schol. Lucian. Timon. 49. justly remarked, is not the production
Suidas in the first article of OiwpiKov, of Demosthenes, but is composed of
and Etymol. in v. OecoptKou apyvpiov, different passages of this orator, and is

220 DONATIONS TO THE PEOPLE. [bK. II.

was introduced before the theoricon was first paid by the state;
it may be fairly supposed that, the citizens having for a time
defrayed it at their own expense, the state undertook to pay
for the poor ; and the introduction of the entrance-money may
be fixed without improbability as early as the 70th Olympiad
(B.C. 500), at which time the scaffolding fell in suddenly, when
Pratinas, and probably also ^schylus, were representing in the
theatre'"'. But the payment of the theoricon out of the public
money was first introduced by Pericles'''; and when Harpo-
cration calls Agyrrhius the author of the theoricon in the
extended sense of a distribution of money, he refers to an
increase of it made at a later period, of which I shall speak pre-
sently"'. This distribution of the theoricon filled the theatre*'^
We may observ^e, that the entrance-money was paid to the
lessee of the theatre (deaTp(ovr,<^^ dearpoircoXrjs, apxt'Te/cTcovY^*,
who was bound to keep the theatre in repair, and who paid
something to the state for rent, as we see in the case of the
theatre at the Piraeus. Ulpian, a writer on whom very little
dependence can be placed, affirms that 1 obolus was given to
the lessee of the theatre, or, as he calls him, to the architecton,
and that the citizens received the other for their support ; this
statement is however without foundation, for, according to
Demosthenes, the regular entrance-money was 2 oboli"^;
although it is so far true, that a separate payment of theorica
was made for the banquet of the citizens *"^ It might also be
supposed that, as Demosthenes reckons the entrance-money
among the smaller revenues of the state, the payment was

written in the style of a sophist. The
defence of the theoricon in 'particular,
which occurs in p. 141, is in direct
contradiction with Demosthenes.
^^'^ Yid. Gra?c. Tragoed. Princip. p.

2^3 Plutarch de Sanit. Tuend. p. 373,
vol. i. ed. Hutt.

29^ Ulpian. ad Demosth. Olynth. 1 ;
cf. Casaub. ad Theoph. Char. 11.

235 De Corona, p. 234, 23.

38, and particularly Hennann de Choro j '^® Harpocrat. in v. decopiKop (from
Eumenidum jEschyli Diss. ii. p. viii. j Philinus), from which the second ar-
xiv. tide of decopiKo. in Suidas, and the

''^^' Ulpian. ad Demosth. Olynth. 1 ; ; third in Photius, is transcribed. As
Plutarch. Pericl. 9. this is frequently the case, I shall not

^'^ Petit iv. 10, 9, imjustly charges ( always quote Suidas and Photius,
the grammarian with confounding this where they have nothing new.
with the pay of the assembly.

CH. XIII.]

DONATIONS TO THE PEOPLE.

221

received on the public account, and not for the lessee ; but
even though the tenant received it, it might have been enumer-
ated among the national profits, inasmuch as he paid a rent to
the slate; so that this example from Demosthenes, who only
speaks in general terms, and without any great precision, proves
nothing in contradiction to my opinion.

The privilege of receiving the theorica was obtained through
registration in the book of the citizens {Xrj^capxi'fcbv ypafi/jba-
retovY^''; the distribution was made both individually and by
tribes*^*, absentees receiving nothing"^; and it took place in
the assembly'"'', which was sometimes held in the theatre,
particularly when the business related to the celebration of
the Dionysia^"'. The application of the theorica was soon
extended, and money was distributed on other occasions than
at the theatre^°^, though always at the celebration of some
festival; and as either a play or procession was invariably con-
nected with it, the name still continued applicable. Under the
head of theorica were also comprised the sums expended upon
sacrifices and other solemnities^*'^ Not only at the Panathe-
naea^"*, but at all the great festivals {lepo/jLrjvLacy^^, theorica were
distributed. In the Choiseul Inscription we find that in Olymp.
92, 3 (b.c. 410), from the public treasure alone (probably how-
ever on condition of repayment) in the first seven prytaneias 16
talents 4787 drachmas were paid to the hellenotamise, under
the name of diobelia, which formed a part of the theorica. The
citizens were thus to be enabled to celebrate the festival with
greater luxury; and from this altered destination of the money
there has arisen an uncertainty whence the theoricon took its
name; and Ammonius, in direct contradiction to Csecilius,
denies that it had reference to spectacles {deaty^^. From this

'^' Demosth. c. Leochar. p. 1091 sq.

^^8 Herald, ut sup. vi. 3, 10, also
Lucian Timon. 49.

S.99 Hyperides ap. Harpocrat. \\t sup.

300 ^sch. c. Ctesiph. p. 642.

30' Lex. ap. Demosth. c. ^lid. p.
517. Compare Isocrat. avfifiaX' 29.

^0- Libanius ut sup.

303 Hesych. in v. deaptKa ;^pi7/iara,
6ea>pLKov dpyvpLov, and 6€(opo\, and his
commentators. See above, chap. 7-

30^ Hesych. in v. OecopiKu ;^pi7/xara.
Dem. 0. Leochar. ut sup.

305 Ulpian. ad Demosth. Oljnith. iii.

306 Ammonius in v. decopos, where
he falsely derives it from decov ^puv :

222 DOXATIOXS TO THE PEOPLE. [bK. II.

uncertainty the question suggests itself^ whetlier the rate of the
theoricon for the separate festivals was not raised when its
objects were multipUed^ and whether the difference in the state-
ments of ancient writers may not be thus explained. The
grammarians speak in general of 2 oboli''^; the inscription above
referred to mentions the diobelia, as also Aristotle and the
Lexicon Rhetoricum''^ In an oration falsely indeed attributed
to Demosthenes, but not on that account undeserving of
credit^" % the theoricon, for the distribution of which a nominal
assembly was held, is estimated at 2 oboli. On the other hand,
Philochorus, as quoted by Harpocration, states, that " the
theoricon was originally a drachma for the theatre, whence in
after times it received its name,^^ and the grammarians mention
the same amount^'"; Lucian^^' speaks of the drachma and the
3 oboli, where from the context the former can only be referred
to the theoricon, and the latter to the pay of the assembly or of
the dicasts; and in the spurious Prooemia to the Public Speeches
of Demosthenes'''^ it is said, "with the drachma, and the chus
(of wine probably), and the 4 oboli (which latter I confess I
cannot explain), the orators prolong the life of the people, as
physicians do of the dying,^^ The difficulty appears to vanish
if we admit that the theoricon was very variable, which seems
to be pointed at by Harpocration; nor will I deny that this was
the case: since however 2 oboli are mentioned both in ancient and
recent times, it does not appear to have been raised by increasing
the regular rate; the change was probably effected by doubling or
trebling the same 2 oboli for festivals which lasted several days,
in such a manner that for a festival of three days a drachma was

Bia TO iv Tols eoprals els rovs deovs j ovs Kadrjfjievos 6 drjuos efiKrBocjjopei.

cvo-e^e'iv koX eTndveiv (as Valckenaer ^'^^ Uepl crvvrd^. -p. 1G9, 1.

corrects for iiriQeiv) koI evcjipaiveadat. ^^^ Hesych. and Suid. in v. dpaxp-f]

'^^"^ Ulinan, Libanius, Suidas, in the i xaXa^wfra, Zenob. iii. 27-
first article, Etymol. Pliotius in the j ^^' Deniosth. Eulog. 36, where J. M.
first article, Schol.Aristopli.Vcsp. 1183. [ Gessner thinks that the drachma is the

^"^ Aristot. Polit, ii. 5 (ii. 4, 11, ed. pay of the orators, which however is
Schneid.), who calls it dioi^oXia, al- ' too small a sum for the regular stipend,
though he speaks of it with another ■ to be meant here. He should have
view. Schneider has not examined ' rather instanced the pay of the senators
the subject with sufficient accuracy, i ^'^ P. 1459, 27.
Lex. Seg. p. 2:'>7, f^tw/yeXta- o/3oXot dvn, ]

CH. XIII.]

DONATIONS TO THE PEOPLE.

223

given, and for one of two days 4 oboli, to which the above-cited
passage of the pseudo-Demosthenes may be referred. Hesychius,
Suidas, and Zenobius, indeed, assert, that in the archonship of
Diophantus the theoricon amounted to a drachma; but this is
not contrary to my supposition. Diophantus was archon in
Olymp. 96, 2 (b.c. 395), according to Petit's correct remark,
against which it is needless to object that the nation could not
at that time have given so high a theoricon, as it had not yet
recovered from its impoverished state; for it was precisely at
this moment that the condition of Athens began to ameliorate;
and with the democratic constitution which then existed, it
would undoubtedly have been the first object to restore the
theoricon: and this probably was in fact the case; so that for
the great festivals of three days a diobelia was paid three times.
From a passage of Harpocration^^^ rather obscurely expressed,
it may be inferred that its renewal was effected by Agyrrhius,
who flourished at this period, and who, as will be presently
shown, tripled the pay of the assembly about the same time.
Moreover it may be observed, that in the age which followed
the anarchy, the price of an ordinary place in the theatre
remained at 2 oboli^''*; the price of the best places at the
representation of comedies was at the highest no more than a
drachma^ ^^

^'^ In V. BeaptKci : BecopLKo. rjv riva
iv Kotvw ;^pj7/xara otto tc5i/ r^y TroXfoos'
7rp6crob(ov crvvayofxeva' ravra be Tvpore-
pOV p€U els TUS TOV TTokipov )(p€ias
e<pv\dTT€TO Kal eKaXeiro "STpaTio^TiKa,
vcrrepov Se KaTerideTO e'ls re rcis drjpoaias
KaracTKevas Kal diavopas, av npcoTos
TJp^aTO 'AyvppLos 6 8T]fxaya)y6s. Pliotius
has the same article, only he omits tlie
most important part, the mention of
Agyrrhius.

^'* Demosth. pro Corona, p. 234,
where he says if it had not been ordered
that the architecton was to assign a
place to Philip's ambassadors, they
must have sat ev rolv bvoiv oftoKoiv,
which should not be taken with Hier.
Wolf for bvoiv 6(36\oiv, for in that case

what woiild be the use of tlie preposi-
tion and the article ? Reiske cor-
rectly refers it to a particular place ;
it means however a common, as op-
posed to a good, seat ; such for instance
as the place of those who had the pri-
vilege of proedria (cf. iEschin. c. Cte-
siph. p. 4G6), which the ambassadors
occupied: what Ulpian (p. 281, ed.
Bekker.), or rather the collection of
scholia composed of various kinds of
notes, says in this place about a trio-
bolon and an obolus, is mere absurdity.
^^^ Plat. Apol. Socrat. p. 26 E.
Suidas also and Pliotius (in the second
article) in v. decopiKa, and Schol. Lu-
cian. ut sup. assert that a drachma was
the highest sum which was given for a

224 DONATIONS TO THE PEOPLE. [bK. II.

If we reckon that 18^000 people received the theoricon —
and the number cannot have been well less — the diobelia
for one day amounted to a talent; and since it was without
doubt paid on twenty-five or thirty days in the course of a
year, the lowest rate at which we can estimate the annual
expense of it, is from 25 to 30 talents. They were not however
satisfied with allowing it to remain at this point, but, as I have
before remarked, they squandered away as theorica all the
money destined for the uses of war. It was by this means that
the Athenians delivered themselves to the power of Macedon.
"With the death of Epaminondas," says Justin"^ who pro-
bably avails himself of an idea of Theopompus, " perished also
the virtue of the Athenians. For after the excitement which
had been produced by the emulation existing between the Athe-
nians and Epaminondas had ceased, they resigned themselves
to indolence and inactivity, and squandered away on festivals
and shows the public revenue which formerly had been used for
the equipment of fleets and armies. Then were the taxes, with
which soldiers and sailors used to be maintained, distributed
among the inhabitants of the city. Thus was Philip able to
gain the ascendancy .^^ AVhat in Pericles indeed originated from
no motives of patriotism, was employed by profligate demagogues
to work upon a depraved multitude; and w^e may here remark
that nothing can be a more striking proof how destructive the
immorality of the governors is to the welfare of the governed.
For is it not the fact that the chief promoters of the theoricon
were men distinguished for their effeminacy, immorality, and
general depravity ? Agyrrhius, who by his profuse administra-
tion of the public revenue obtained so great popularity, that
after the death of Thrasybulus (Olymp. 97, b.c. 389) he was
appointed to succeed him as generaP'^, was notorious for his
effeminacy, farmed the taxes like an usurer, and was in prison

place; but to suppose that a lower sum ^'® \i. 9. He says at the end, Dj-
was never given, as they assume, with vidi coeptum est, wliich is not entirely
tlie exception of Photius, is absurd, correct.

since it would contradict what occurs I ^'^ Xenoph, Hell. iv. 8, 31 ; Diod*
before. I xiv. 99.

CH. XIII.]

DONATIONS TO THE PEOPLE.

225

many years for embezzlement of public money^'". Eubulus of
Anaphlystus, by his distribution of the theorica^ arrived at the
highest pitch of popular favour^ '% and after his death great
honours were decreed him (as had been done to Lycurgus and
Demosthenes), which Hyperides spoke of in his oration Trepl
Twv Ev^ovXov BcopeMv; but he was strongly suspected of being
in the pay of Philip, and was actively instrumental to the
downfal of his country. The severe but impartial Theopompus
gave his character with perfect justice, " that he was a celebrated
demagogue, active and indefatigable in his vocation, but that
during his administration and by his distributions of money,
Athens sunk to the lowest state of inactivity and indolence,
exceeding even Tarentum in extravagance and debauchery^^"/'
Lastly, what shall we say of Demades, who promised each
Athenian 50 drachmas for the Choeis in order to hinder the
equipment of a fleet against Alexander for the support of the
common safety of Greece^*' ; and carried his effrontery to such
a pitch as to call these distributions the cement of the demo-
cracy^*^? Even ^schines^*^ did not go so far as this, for he at
least declared himself hostile to the distribution of the revenue;

^^^ Concerning him see Harpocra-
tion in v. 'Ayvpptos, and there Valesius
and Suidas, also Demosth. c. Timo-
crat. p. 742, 16, and Andocid. deMyst.
p. 65, who ironically calls him top
Kokov KayaObv, and the passages col-
lected by Meursins, Lect. Att. vi. 4.

^'^ See book ii.c.l and 7- Concerning
the theorica which he distributed, see
more particularly Philinus ap. Harpo-
crat. and Photius in v. Oeapim.

3*® Theopompus in the tenth book
of the History of Philip had treated
of the Athenian demagogues, and par-
ticularly of Eubulus. Some account
from that source is given by Harpo-
cration in v. Ev^ovXos, and more by
Athen. iv. p. 166 E, according to whom
he had called him aa-coTos. But the
passage of Theopompus quoted as a
proof refers to the Athenian people
and not to Eubulus: koI too-ovtov

acTCOTia Kol TrXeove^ia dievrjvoxe rov
Brjfiov Tov TapavTivcov, oa-ov 6 p-ev nepi
Tcis i(TTLa<jei9 eix^ p.6vov aKpaTTjSy 6 Se
tSv 'ABrjvaicov Koi ras TTpoaodovs Kara-
piaBo(f>opav diareTeXeKcv. Casaubon
perceived this, but Schweighseuser
confuses it all again, although the
passage of jEschines (c. Ctesiph. p.
300), which he had already quoted
upon the word KaTap.icr6o(f)op€7p might
have taught him that the people is
meant. Theopompus however had
e-vddently censured Eubulus severely,
and compared him to his disadvantage
with Callistratus, the son of Callicrates,
whose luxurious life he indeed blamed,
but appears to have praised his poli-
tical conduct.

^^^ See book ii. ch. 6.

3-^ Plutarch. Qu. Plat. x. 4.

3^ iEschin. c. Ctesiph. p. 642.

226 DONATIONS TO THE PEOPLE. [bK. II.

although his professions and his real opinions probably disa-
greed. What however was the public and private life of De-
mades ? Though a man of such splendid qualities of mind that
an ancient said of him, that he was above the state, while he
could only call Demosthenes worthy of the state, he yet
became openly a traitor to his country, indulging only his own
appetites, and his principles were as loose as his wit was
unscrupulous. It is vain to urge in extenuation of his public
conduct that a fragment only of the vessel of the state was left
to his charge, which was scarce worth preser^dng from ship-
wTCck; he himself was, as Plutarch happily expresses it, the
shipwreck of the state^^*. How disgracefully he yielded himself
to the will of Antipater; how did he delight in every unlawful
practice, and in dissolute opulence, fragrant with perfumes and
walking in a costly chlamys ! He lived in such a manner that
Antipater could never supply him with money sufficient for his
purposes, and aptly said of him when he grew old, ^that like a
dressed ox upon the altar, nothing remained of him but belly
and tongue^". His profligate life hardly allows us to bestow
upon his mournful death the compassion which common huma-
nity would dictate.

Chapter XIV.
Pay of the Members of the Public Assembly, and of the Senate,

The salaries at Athens were of various kinds, but the most
important were the wages of the assembly, the senate, and the
dicasts.

The nature of democracy requires that all public affairs
should be determined upon by the whole people in an assembly^
and that the business and decrees be prepared beforehand by a
select body, which should have the management of them, and
execute the resolutions of the popular assembly; and unless

'2^ Plutarch. Plioc. 1, where he calls | there is however no other word by
him the vavayiov ttjs noXeois, which , which it can be translated into our
does not however signify shipwreck, | langxiage.
but a fragment of a vessel wrecked ; | ^^^ Pint. Plioc. 20, 2fi, 30.

CH. XIV.] PAY OF THE PUBLIC ASSEMBLY. ' 22?

the governing power is to fall into the hands of the mob, the
people should receive no pecuniary compensation for their
share in the government, an expense which it is impossible to
defray by revenues justly raised; it is a condition requisite for
good government, that all who wish to partake in the ruling
power should support themselves upon their own property.
Athens was not, however, the only state in which the people
were paid for governing; a similar system of salaries had been
introduced at Rhodes by the demagogues^^^ As to the wages
of the dicasts, it is right that some compensation should be
allowed for the performance of judicial duties, and it has been
at all times customary; oligarchies, indeed, were enabled to
compel the rich by the threat of punishment to execute these
duties, whereas in democracies the poor were paid for their
labour^^^ But from the number of judges in a democratical
court of justice, this practice could not exist without the
expenses being defrayed by a tax, which it was impossible to
raise without oppression. And if Athens, like other states, had
only decided her own law-suits, it would not have been neces-
sary to pay the dicasts; the citizens would have remained at
their business, active and industrious. But to the great injury
of the allied states, Athens, in order to insure her own power,
usurped the jurisdiction over them, and the people were well
pleased that the custom-duties became by these means more
productive, that the judicial fees were multiplied, and that the
rent of houses and slaves was increased^^^ Under these cir-
cumstances the number of causes was so much augmented that
there were more to decide in Athens than in the whole of
Greece; and the law-suits, particularly as the festivals produced
so large a number of days on which no business was done, were
extremely protracted, unless indeed they were accelerated by
bribery^*', which was carried on at Athens, as well as at Rome,
in an open and systematic manner. Nearly the third part of
the citizens sat as judges every day; hence that passion for

'^ Aristot. Polit. v. 5.

327 Aristot. Polit. iv. 9 and 14.

32« Xenoph. de Rep. Ath. 3, Aris-
toph. Av. 1430, 1465.
3^^ Xenoph. ut sup. 3, 2.

Q 2

228

PAY OF THE MEMBERS OF

[bK. II.

judging necessarily arose^ which Aristophanes describes in the
Wasps, and the citizens were thus not only made averse to
every profitable and useful employment, but were rendered
sophistical and litigious, and the whole town became full of
pettifoggers and chicaners, who were without any real know-
ledge of law or justice, and on that account only the more rash
and thoughtless. According to the expression of the comic
poet, they sat like sheep, muffled up in their cloaks, and with
their judicial staff, for 3 oboli a day, thinking indeed that
they managed the affairs of the state, while they were them-
selves the tools of the party-leaders.

The wages of the assembly {/jLcadbs eKKKr^cnaa-TLKos) the
sovereign people paid to itself. The honour of inventing this
salary is contended for between Callistratus and Agyrrhius,
and fortunately both claimants can be satisfied. Pericles, as
far as we know, had no share in it, and it may be asserted with
sufficient probability that this payment had not been intro-
duced in the early part, at least, of his administration. " When
the noble Myronides ruled,^' observes Aristophanes^^", with
reference to the wages of the ecclesiasts, " no one administered
the affairs of the state for money .^^ Now Myronides was an
early contemporary of Pericles^^'; after the time then of this
Myronides, and consequently long after the beginning of the
influence of Pericles, the payment of the ecclesiasts was intro-
duced, which at first amounted to 1 obolus, and afterwards
to 3. Callistratus Parnytes first introduced the obolus as the
pay of the ecclesiasts^^^, and this was a considerable time before
the Ecclesiazusae of Aristophanes, which was acted in Olymp.
96, 4 (b.c. 393); but at what particular period we are ignorant,
since who this Callistratus was is wholly unknown. The most
celebrated of the persons of this name is Callistratus, the son of

^'^ Eccles. 302.

331 Myronides was general in the
80tli Olympiad (b.c. 400-57), Thiicyd.
i. 105, 108, iv. 95; Diod. xi. 97, 81 ;
cf. Plutarch. Pericl. 10. The Myro-
nides in Deniosth. c. Timocrat. p. 7-12,
25, is a different person.

^^* Append. Vatic. Proverb, iii. 35,
'0/3oX6j/ evpe Tlapvvrrjs. That Petit
should suppose (iii. 1, 3,) that the ec-
clesiasts here mentioned miglit be the
orators, is quite natural, as he always
hits upon the most improbable expla-
nation.

CH. XIV.]

THE PUBLIC ASSEMBLY

229

Callicrates, of Aphidna, the near relation of Agyrrhius'^% a
famous orator and general in the 100th and 101st Olympiads^^*
(B.C. 380-73), censured for his private life by Theopompus,
but praised for his zeal in the public service^"; he is said to
have excited Demosthenes to the study of eloquence by the
famous law-suit concerning Oropus^^% and having been at first
acquitted, was afterwards condemned to death in Olymp. 104, 3
(B.C. 362); he lived in Macedonia, chiefly at Methone, and was
the "founder of Datum^^^, and is doubtless the person to whom
the improvement in the system of custom- duties in Macedonia
is ascribed^-^^; finally, after his return from exile he was put to
death. This person, however, lived at too late a period to have
been the introducer of the obolus; and still less can we suppose
it to have been the Callistratus, who wasarchon in Olymp. 106,
2 (B.C. 355). Not then to mention less] noted persons of this
name, it is more probable that Callistratus, the son of Empedus,
is meant, who in Olymp. 91, 4 (b.c. 413), perished as com-
mander of cavalry in the Sicilian expedition^^^; or perhaps Cal-
listratus of Marathon, who in Olymp. 92, 3 (b.c. 410), was
treasurer of the goddess^***, and probably is the same person
as the knight of the tribe Leontis (to which Marathon be-
longed), who was killed during the anarchy by the party in the
Piraeus^'''. The increase in the wages of the ecclesiasts to 3
oboli evidently took place but a short time before the Ecclesia-
zusae of Aristophanes, perhaps in Olymp. 96, 3 (394 b.c.)^*S

^^^ Concerning him see Demosth.
pro Corona, p. 301, 18, c. Timocrat. p.
742, 23, de Fals. Leg. p. 436, 13,
Orat. c. Neser. p. 1353, 19, and p.
1359, 18, c. Timoth. p. 1187, 7, p. 1188,
10, p. 1198, 10. The latter speech,
together Avith that against Neaera, is
probably not the work of Demosthe-
nes, according to the suspicion of the
ancients ap. Harpocrat. in v. kgko-

'''^* See book iii. ch. 18. He also
occurs in Xenophou's Hellenics.

335 Ap. Athen. iv. p. 166 E.

^^« Cf. Ruhnken. Hist. Crit. Orat.
p. 140, vol. viii. of Reibke's Orators.

337 Demosth. c. Polycl. p. 1220, 1221;
Scylax p. 27, Isocrat. crvn^ax- 9, comp.
Niebuhr, Transactions of the Berlin
Academy for 1804—1811, p. 93, 94.

3^« Pseud-Aristot. CEcon. 2, 22.
This he did in his exile, not for Athe-
nians, as Schneider appears to think,
but for the Macedonians.

3^^ Pausan. vii. 16. In the Lives of
the Ten Orators (Demosth. ad init.)
this one is strangely confounded with
the celebrated Aphidnean.

3^0 Inscript. No. 147, at the begin-
ning.

3*1 Xenoph. HeU. ii. 4, 18.

3^^ Aristoph. Eccl. 302, 380, 392,

230

PAY OF THE MEMBERS OF

[bk.

when Agyrrhius re-established the theoricon; to him also the
Scholiast upon Aristophanes^'^ ascribes the first introduction of
the wages of ecclesiasts; from which it is evident, as Petit
remarked^", that he was the person who increased them.

The number of the Athenian citizens cannot be taken on
an average, as has been before shown, at more than 20,000; it
is absurd then to suppose that there were assemblies of 30,000
persons. But of these 20,000 many were absent in the coun-
try on military service, or upon mercantile business; or even if
they were in the city, they did not attend the assembly; so that,
particular cases being excepted, it is impossible to imagine that
the assembly ever contained a very large number. But after
the introduction of the 3 oboli, there was a more numerous
attendance of the poor citizens, " Formerly when the eccle-
siasts only received 1 obolus,^^ says Aristophanes in the
Ecclesiazusae, " the people sat talking; now that they receive
3 oboli they crowd in numbers^^^; and jostle against one
another for this small sum^^^" But the wealthy usually were

543. This increased pay also occurs
in the Plutus, vs. 329, which passage
is therefore from the second edition
produced in Olymp. 97, 4 (b.c. 389)j
the date of the first is Olymp. 92, 4
(B.C. 409). The triobolon in the
ccclesia is also mentioned by the
Schol. Aristoph. Tlut. 171.

3^3 Eccl. 102.

"^^ Leg. Att. iii. 1, 3. The Scholi-
ast of Aristophanes (Plut. 329, 330,)
speaks of the pay being raised to 3
oboli, which was said to have been
done by Cleon, but we must avoid
understanding this of the wages of the
ecclesiasts, which arc there confound-
ed with the pay of the dicasts, although
the words are ambiguous ; it refers to
the wages of the dicasts. Both have
'been frequently confounded with one
another by both ancient and modern
interpretei*s ; for instance, by Span-
heim upon Aristophanes, and by the
Scholiiist to the same poet. The
author of the note to the 8Glst verse

of the Clouds even explains the
o^oXos TjXiaaTLKos as the pay of the
ecclesiasts, which passage is not to be
be corrected, but the mistake is solely
to be attributed to the ignorance of
the writer. I may also mention that
I have intentionally omitted Pollux
viii. 11 3, as his words are too indefinite
to allow us to infer from them witli
Mein-sius (Lect. Att. v. 12, vi. 4,) that
the wages of the ecclesiasts ever were
an obolus; it is even preferable to refer
the three words that occur there,
rpico/SoXoj/, dioo^oXov, and o/3oX6$-, all
to the pay of the dicasts.

3^5 Aristoph. Eccl. 302 sqq. Com-
pare with this the opinion of Aristotle,
(Polit. iv. 15,) that where the nation is
Avealthy or the ecclesiasts receive pay,
the people being unoccupied fre-
quently assemble and decide every-
thing, without the senate having any
great influence.

^*^ Aristoph. Plut. 329.

CH. XIV.]

THE PUBLIC ASSEMBLY.

231

glad to stay away from the public assemblies, so that Aristotle^''^
recommended that a fine should be imposed upon them if they
did not attend, and to give wages to the poor alone, in order to
produce a salutary mixture of both classes ; the rich therefore
always composed the minority. It is probable that we should
not err much if we took an assembly of the people at about
8000^; we know that in certain cases, particularly for the
ratification of a decree relating to an individual {privilegium) ,
such as ostracism or the admission of a fresh citizen, 6000
votes were requisite^^^, in order to secure a large majority; in
general then not many more than 6000 could have been pre-
sent. If we suppose 8000, the wages of an assembly taken at
3 oboli amount to about 4000 drachmas. Now there wxre
forty regular assemblies in a year; the extraordinary meetings
(which were numerously attended) at very disturbed seasons
exceeded the number of the regular^' ^; but upon an average
not more than ten can be fairly assumed, one being reckoned
to each prytaneia. Consequently the wages of the assembly
cannot be estimated at more than 30 or 35 talents, and thus
it is not true that they fell more heavily on the public than
the wages of the dicasts^^". The money was paid to each per-
son as he entered the assembly by the thesmothetee^^', which

3^7 Polit. iv. 14 ; cf. iv. fi.

e The author says in the Addenda
that " the number of citizens attend-
ing the ecclesia is estimated too high.
According to the oligarchs in Thucy-
dides viii. 72, there never was an as-
sembly of 5000 to deliberate on the
most important questions: kuItoi ov
TTWTroTC ^ABrjvaiovs dia ras arpaTeias kol
TT]v vTvepopiov dcrxo^iav es ovbev 7rpdyp.a
ovTco p-^yo. eXdelv ^ovKevcrovras, iv <a
nevraKiaxi-X^ovs ^vvikQciv. According
to this passage then it must be assumed
that the 6000 votes, which was the
number prescribed for certain ques-
tions, was not the number of those who
voted for the particular subject in de-
bate, but only of the citizens who voted
both ways on the question, which in-
deed is expressly stated to have been

the case with regard to the Ostracism,
although when I wrote the passage in
the text it appeared to me improbable.
The accurate investigation of this point
must however be deferred to some
other occasion."

3^« Petit. Leg. Att. ii. 1, 8 ; ii. 3, 10;
Sigon. R. A. ii. 4. The remarks that
Petit has made in different places (ii.
1,8; iii. 1,3; iii. 3, ad fin.) concern-
ing this majority of the votes, which
was not by any means necessary for all
decrees, arise from mere misapprehen-
sion and delusion.

3^9 ^sch. de Fals. Leg. p. 251.

^^^ As Meiners says in his Geschichte
des Urspr lings, Fortgangs, und V erf alls
der Wissenschaften, vol.ii. p. 150.

2^1 Aristoph. Eccl. 290.

232

PAY OF THE SENATE.

[bk. II.

officers received it from the treasurer of the administration:
those who came too late received nothing^^^.

Of nearly equal amount were the wages of the Senate of
Five Hundred (fnaOos ffovXevTiKos). These amounted to a
drachma for each day on which the senate assembled'*^. Now
the senate sat mostly on the same days as the courts of jus-
tice; that is to say, every day, with the exception of the festi-
vals, which were the only holidays the senators had; and con-
sequently the number of days on which they sat was about
three hundred"^ The annual expense therefore amounted to
25 talents. In what manner the wages of the senate were paid,
we are not informed; probably by prytaneias. When the Four
Hundred abolished the democracy, and drove the senate out of
the senate-house, they gave the senators the whole pay for the
rest of the year in advance^^^

Chapter XV.

Pay of the Courts of Justice,

The largest item among the salaries regularly paid in time of
peace was the wages of the dicasts {fMccrOos BiKaarLKos). The
introduction of these is ascribed to Pericles by Aristotle"% on

^^^ Aristoph. Eccl. 290 and 381.

^^^ Hesych. in v. ^ovKrjs 'Kax^'iv, Xe-
noph. Hell. ii. 3, 18, and his commen-
tators.

^^* Cf. Aristoph. Thesmoph. 85. The
senate originally sat on some feast-
days, and was not released from these
duties till later times, as is shown by
the document in A then. iv. p. 171 E.

3'** Thucyd. viii. 69.

356 Polit. ii. 10. It is therefore xm-
necessary to refute the Append. Pro v.
Vatic, iii. 35, which attributes the first
institution of this pay to Callistratus.
[The passage in the Politics referred
to, TO. de 8iKa(TTr]piajiiardo<p6pa Karea-
TTjCTf HepiKkrji, is from a chapter which
appears not to be the production of

Aristotle (see Gottling ad loc. p. 345 ;
another statement in the same chapter
is called in question by the author him-
self, vol. ii. p. 261); the fact is how-
ever confirmed by Plutarch. Pericl. 9,
Kai Toxy BecopiKols Kol diKacTTiKols ^rjp.-
fxatri .... crvvbeKaaas to TrXrjdos, &c.
The testimony of the Scholiast to
Aristophanes (Vesp. 682), cited in the
next note, seems to be unfairly made
use of. It is as follows : tov <f)6pov
Xeyei d(fi (ov ibiboro to Tpi<a^o\ov.
TovTO be tiWoTC aWas cbiboro, twp br}-
fxayayyo^v Tci 7r\r}dr] KoXaKcvovTOiPf as
(f>Tjcnv ^ ApKTTOTfXrjs ev IloXiT flats, i.e,
wages were given to the dicasts at dif-
ferent rates at different times, the dema-
gogues flattering the populace ^ as Arts-

CH. XV.]

PAY OF THE COURTS OF JUSTICE.

233

whose accurate acquaintance with antiquity perfect rehance can
be placed. And from the testimony of the same writer we
learn that the wages of the dicasts did not remain the same^
but underwent some change^". What then were these altera-
tions, and when did they take place?

Strepsiades says in the Clouds^^^ that he had given the first
heliastic obolus to his son, when he was six years old, to buy a
little cart; hence we learn that originally the pay of the dicasts
amounted to an obolus; and since in Olymp. 89, 1 (b.c. 424),
the child is represented in the Clouds as a practised rider, this
obolus must have been introduced for at least four Olympiads.
The Scholiast tells us that the wages of the dicasts amounted
to 2 oboliin the time of the Frogs of Aristophanes; it is also
stated that they were a drachma at the same period^". With
regard to the latter statement, there is evidently a confusion
either with the drachma of the diaetetse, or with the pay of the
advocates {^lctOo^ crvvrjyopLKos), of which latter Aristophanes
speaks in a passage that the Scholiast perhaps referred to the
wages of the dicasts. But no traces occur of their wages ever
having been 2 oboH, except a vague report in the Scholiast to
the Birds, that the dicasts had for a time received 2 oboli;

totle says in the Politics j viz. iv. 4, 6 dr]-
fiayaryos Koi 6 Koka^ ol avTol Koi dva-
\oyou, &.C.; aud v, 11, dio Koi 6 KoXa^
nap' afj,(poT€pois evTifios' rrapa p.kv rots
hr]p.ois 6 dT}p,aya>yos, ecrri yap 6 br^p-a-
yoiyos tov drjpov KoKa^. No objection
can be made from the use of the plural
IloXiretatj; for Aristotle himself says
iv. 7, cl)(77rep nXdrcov iv rals EToXtre/ais.
The same expression with regard to
the variable rate of the dicasts' wages
is used by Hesychius, without any
mention of Aristotle : diKaariKov'
'ApiaTO(pdvT}s €v''Q,pais rpiw^okov (Prjcriv
fiuai' ov pevTOL €(TTr)Kev, aXX' aXKore
aXXcoff ibihoTO. Transl.]

^^' Schol. Aristoph. Yesp. 682, fi-om
Aristotle's State of Athens; Schol.
Nub. 861; Plut. 329; Av. 1540; He-
sych. in v. diKaariKov, Suidas in v.

rjXiacrTal. Concerning the expression
of the grammarians compare Hem-
sterhuis ad Plut. ut sup. Petit as
usual (iii. 1, 3,) founds a false view of
the subject upon a false interpretation
of the Scholiast of Aristophanes.

3'« Vs. 861.

^'^ Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 141, (Cf.
Schol. Vesp. 658, concerning the
drachma.) Welcker, at the above
passage in the Frogs, allows that the
triobolon may have been introduced
previously, but he prefers adhering to
the explanation of the Scholiast, as he
thinks that Aristophanes mentions 2
oboli according to the ancient usage,
although they received 3 at that
time. This is not very probable, and
I do not doubt that he will prefer my
interpretation.

234

PAY OF THE COURTS OF JUSTICE.

[bK. II.

either the grammarian inferred this from the words of Aristo-
phanes (w9 fjue^ya BvvaaOov Travrap^ou rco Bv^ o^oXoo), or he had
heard something of the diobeha, and supposed it was the wages
of the dicasts. But the words of Aristophanes unquestionably
refer to the diobeha. That this was in full force in Olymp. 92,
3 (b.c. 410), we know from the Choiseul Inscription, and why
should it not have been equally so in Olymp. 93, 3 (b.c. 406),
the year in which the comedy of the Frogs was acted? If the
wages of the dicasts had been raised before this time to 3
oboli, no one will suppose that the Athenians would have
lowered this rate in opposition to their pecuniary interest; and
in fact we find that it had been introduced previously. In the
Birds of Aristophanes^^**, which was acted in Olymp. 91, 2
(b.c. 415), the triobolon occurs as the wages of the dicasts, as is
proved by the connexion with the Colacretse; and indeed it is
mentioned at a much earlier date, viz., in the Knights (Olymp.
88, 4, B.C. 425), and the Wasps (Olymp. 89, 2, b.c. 423)^'^
In both plays Cleon is the chief object of ridicule, and in the
Knights he is distinctly mentioned as the favourer of the trio-
bolon^^^; in the latter comedy he boasts that he would always
take care that it did not fail; and he flatters the people by tell-
ing them that, according to ancient oracles, the pay of the
dicasts would be in Arcadia as high as 5 oboli; i. e. as the
Scholiast adds, when the Peloponnese should be conquered^^^
If we add to this the testimony of the Scholiast to the Plutus^***,
it follows with certainty that none other than this noxious
demagogue, at the time of his greatest power, about the 88th
Olympiad (b.c. 428), raised the wages of the dicasts from 1
to 3 oboli ^ From this it seems that the rate of payment

360 Vs. 1540.

3«i Eq. 51, 255; Vesp. 607,682,688,
797,1116.

^^■' Eq. 257.

3^3 Eq. 797- This passage has been
strangely misunderstood by Spanheim
(ad Nub. 861,) who has inferred from
it that in Arcadia the pay of the
dicasts amounted to 5 oboli. The
Arcadians probably never thought of

the dicasts' wages ; but Cleon forcibly
represents to the Athenians the exten-
sion of their jurisdiction to the middle
of the Peloponnese, and its conse-
quence, a plentiful harvest of money.

2^^ Vs. 330, which, although ad-
duced in an improper place, should be
referred to the pay of the dicasts.

' [Zcnobius and Photius in v. vnep
Tct KaWiKparovs — ^ ApKTToreXrjs 6c

CH. XV.] PAY OF THE COURTS OF JUSTICE.

235

never was at 2 oboli ; yet Pollux^", as well as the Scholiast to
Aristophanes^ appears to have believed in its existencQ, Other-
wise the grammarians^ in speaking of the wages of the dicasts,
generally mention 3 oboli^ at the same time recognising their
mutability^^^ The hero Lycus, under whose protection the
system of judicature was placed^ regularly received his 3 oboli,
if he had a sanctuary in the court of justice^^^.

The payment of the wages of the dicasts, which was the
duty of the colacretse, took place at each sitting of the court^®%
in the following manner. Besides the judicial staff, each person
received at his entrance into the court a small tablet (called
avfM/3o\ov) ; at the close of the sitting he gave this to the pry-
tanes, and received the money for it; whoever came late into
court ran the risk of receiving nothing^^^ The prytaneia were
first appointed for defraying the expense ; if these were not suf-
ficient (and how could they ever have been so), the other branches
of the revenue contributed, particularly the fines, and probably
in ancient times the tributes^^**. Aristophanes reckons the
annual amount at 150 talents, assuming 300 days on which the
courts sat, and 6000 dicasts a day who received the triobo-

(})r](nv iv Tji *A9T]vaia)v TroXireia KaXXt-
Kpdrrju Tiva npoiTOV Tovs biKaariKovs
fiKxdovs {diKaarcov tovs yuaOovs Zen.)
€is vrrep^oXrjv av^rjaai. From tlie ex-
pression " a certain Callicrates, KaX-
XiKpdrrjv TLva,'^ it seems that the in-
creaser of the dicasts' wages could not
have been a well-known person. Cal-
listratus, the son of Callicrates, flou-
rished about the 100th Olympiad (see
above p. 229); his father therefore
might have earned this measure ten
Olympiads before that time; which
nearly agrees with the date given in
the text for the supposed increase by
Cleon. — Transl.]

^^^ viii. 113. According to the ex-
planation of Spanheim ut sup., which,
as I have above mentioned, I prefer to
that of Meui-sius, without however
believing the account of Pollux, as
Spanheim does.

366 Pollux viii. 20 ; Hesych. in v.
diKaa-TiKov ; Suid. in v. rjXiaa-Tai and
^aKTqpla ; Schol. Aristoph. in the pas-
sages quoted above and Plut. 277;
Suid. and Phot, in v. crvp-^oXov ; Schol.
Demosth. in Reisk. Demosth. vol. ii.
p. 131; Lucian. Bis Accus. 12 and 15.
Several other passages, as e. g. Hesy-
chius in v. o^okoi, I omit, as they con-
tain nothing to make them worth
quoting.

^^'^ See Hudtwalcker von den Diii-
teten, p. 14.

^^^ Lucian. ut sup.

369 Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 277, whose
infoiTuation is chiefly taken from Aris-
totle's State of Athens quoted by the
Scholiast at v. 278; also Suidas in v.
/SaKTiypta; Etymol. in v. avfi^oXov ;
Pollux viii. 16; Aristoph. Vesp. 710.

^70 Cf. Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 682.

236

PAY OF THE COURTS OF JUSTICE.

[bk.

Ion"' ; and that the expense was not small we learn from other
sources. It is, however, to be remarked, that Aristophanes, in
forming his calculation, has taken the dicasts at 6000, their
highest number, who did not perform their duties every day.
Six thousand were appointed for each year ; and from these the
dicasts were first selected for each particular cause, and it was
not till they were actually assigned to some court that they
received pay. The ten regular courts of justice at Athens, con-
sisting each of 500 dicasts, required only the daily attendance of
5000^'^ Now it is true that large tribunals occur of 1000,
1500, 2000, and even 6000 dicasts; but, on the other hand,
small ones of 201, 401, &c.^". It is therefore possible that the
expense was something less than Aristophanes states it ; I am
willing however to allow his estimate to pass as an approxima-
tion to the truth, when applied to the times preceding the
anarchy, and to compute the expenses of jurisdiction generally at
150 talents, particularly as many small expenses, in addition to
the pay of the dicasts, must necessarily have been incurred in
the courts ; but after the archonship of Euclid, when the allies
had revolted, it is not possible that there could have been so
many dicasts, and the cost must therefore have been less.
And as in time of war the courts did not always continue sit-
ting^'*, these expenses occasionally ceased.

The wages of the disetetae were not provided out of the
public money ; these persons were paid for each separate cause
by the litigant parties themselves. The dieetetee received a
drachma from the plaintiff at the commencement of the suit,
and again the same sum from both parties at the Antomosia, and
at every Hypomosia^"'. A grammarian of mean authority

37^ Vesp. 660 sqq. and the Scholiast.
About sixty holidays, on which the
courts did not sit, are not too many for
Athens; this leaves 300 sitting-days.
But I am not able to find any con-
firmation of Hudtwalcker's supposition
(von den Diateten, p. 30), that the
courts did not sit through the whole
of Scirophorion.

=»7=2 See Matthias Miscell. Philog.
vol. i. p. 2oI sqq. ; comp. also p. 158.

^^^ Besides Matthiae see Polhix
viii. 53 and 48; Lex. Seg. p. 310, 30,
and p. 189, 20 ; Phot, in v. TjXiaia.

^'^ Lys. Trepi 8r]iJ.ocr. ddiK. p. 590.

^'* This is the TrapdaTacris or napa-
Kardorao-ty, Pollux viii. 39, 127; Har-
pocrat. in v. Trapdaracns, and thence
Suidas, Photius, and Lex. Seg. p. 290,
298. IlapaKaTdo-Taa-ii occurs in Pho-
tius, EtymoL, and Lex. Seg. See
Hudtwalckcr von den Diiit. p. 14 sqq.

CH. XV.]

PAY OF THE COURTS OF JUSTICE.

237

states^^' that the disetetae arbitrated many law-suits, and that the
public authorities employed every possible means to prevent
the sitting of the courts, in order that the state might not be
compelled to expend so much money upon the wages of the
dicasts ; but, judging from the disposition of the Athenians, we
can at the most believe that such a motive might have influenced
them at seasons of the greatest national distress; for in ordinary
times it was customary to allow pecuniary largesses for the main-
tenance of the people.

Chapter XVI.

On certain other Persons receiving Salaries from the Public
Revenue.

The wages of the public advocates or orators [fxia-Oos o-vvrjyo-
pLKos) occasioned a small expense, which amounted every day,
i. e, for the 300 days of business, to a drachma, and not for each
speech, as the Scholiast of Aristophanes erroneously asserts^".
As these advocates were ten in number, the whole expense
amounted to half a talent a year.

The ambassadors also received a stipend in ancient times ;
and although resident embassies (a practice first introduced by
the French) were unknown, they may nevertheless be reckoned
among the regular expenses, since ambassadors were very fre-
quently despatched to foreign states ; and when they travelled
to a distance, as, for example, to Persia, were necessarily absent
for a long time. The ambassadors to Philip of Macedon
attended him even on marches and journeys^'^. Ambassadors,
during the time that they were able to have a fixed residence,
were never compelled to live at their own expense ; they were
supported by presents which they received both in free states^^^
and in countries where the government was monarchical. It

^''® Schol. Demosth. ap. Reisk. ut
sup. to which statement Hudtwalcker
assents, p. 34.

377 Aristoph. Vesp. 689, and the
Scholiast.

^'« Demosth. Philipp. iii. p. 113, 18.

379 Demosth. de Fals. Leg. p. 393,
25 ; Lys. pro Aristoph. bonis, p. 629 ;
^lian. Var. Hist. i. 22 ; Decree of
the Arcadians in Crete in Chishull's
Ant. Asiat. p. 118.

238

ON CERTAIN OTHER PERSONS RECEIVING [bK. II.

may be seen from the speech of Demosthenes for the Crown, that
in the Greek cities they were not only honoured with the first
l^lace in the theatres, but were hospitably entertained, and gene-
rally resided at the house of the proxenus, although an instance
occurs of an embassy to Phihp having for particular reasons pre-
ferred the public inn^^°. The treasurer, however, usually paid
them a sum in advance for thirty days, as travelling money
(icpoScov, TTopeiovY^K In the time of Aristophanes, the ambas-
sadors received 2 or 3 drachmas a day^^^ The highest pay
which we meet with, such indeed as never was given in any
other state, is 1000 drachmas, which was received by five
Athenian ambassadors who were sent to Philip. These ambas-
sadors remained absent three months, although they might have
equally well returned at the end of one^°^ In general the
Athenians sent ten ambassadors, but occasionally not more
than two or three.

The sophronistae, or inspectors of the youths in the training
schools, of whom there were ten annually elected by chei-
rotonia, one from each tribe, received a daily stipend of 1
drachma^^"* ; the episcopi also, who were sent to subject states.

'»<» Orat. de Halon. p. 81, 19;
Xenoph. Hell. v. 4, 22 ; Dem. de Fals.
Leg. p. 390, 26.

^^' Casaub. and Tlieoph. Char. xi. ;
Etymol. in v. iropiiov, Chand. Inscript.
ii. 12.

^^■^ Acliarn. 65, and from the con-
text 602.

383 Demosth. de Fals. Leg. p. 390.
That there were only five of them is
evident from the decree in Demosth.
pro Corona, p. 235. Demosthenes was
indeed one of the number, but his
name is not in the decree, and there-
fore the 1000 drachmas should only be
referred to the five mentioned in it,
unless a subsequent decree was framed,
and other ambassadors were appointed
in addition to the fonner. ;My space
liowever does not permit me to treat
of this point at full length, particu-
larly as there are gi-eat chronological
difficulties connected with it.

^«^ Lex. Seg. p. 301 ; Phot, in v.
aaxppovio-Tai, cf. Etym. in v. in the
two latter read iKaar-qs cj^vX^s eh. The
words of the Etjinologist are both in
Phavorinus and Stobseus. See Fis-
cher's Ind. ^scliin. in v. acocfipovLcrTai,
where however, together with Hem-
sterhuis ad Pol. viii. 138, he falsely
assumes that there were 100 sophro-
nistae, from the incorrect reading in
the gi-ammarians above quoted. In
the times of the emperors there were
only 6, and probably the same number
of hyposophronistae, who entered their
office together at the beginning of the
month Boedromion, as may be con-
cluded from Corp. Inscript. No. 276,
cf. 271, 272. The Gloss refers to De-
mosth. de Fals. Leg. p. 433, 3, where
however there is only an allusion to
this office, which is also mentioned in
the Axiochus, p. 367 A.

CH. XVI.] SALARIES FROM THE PUBLIC REVENUE.

239

received a salar)^, probably at the cost of the cities over which
they presided^"^.

The nomothetee, a legislative commission consisting of 501,
1001, or 1501 persons, who w^ere selected from those who had
been dicasts, also perhaps received a stipend ; for in their
former capacity they had been accustomed to the triobolon ;
and the senate was commanded by law to administer the money
for the nomothet8e^^^

The collection of the public revenue did not require any paid
officers, as it was let out in farm ; even when the senate found
it necessary to appoint a collector, in order to enforce payment
of the farmers, he could scarcely have been paid.

All the servants of the different authorities received salaries,
for example, the prometretce^^' ; it is however probable that
these officers w^ere paid by the sellers of the commodities mea-
sured. Originally there was an important distinction between
service [virTjpeG-ia) and an office of government {dpxv) 5 the
former received a salary, the latter none. The heralds and
clerks particularly deserve notice ; since certain heralds, as well
as the clerk of the senate, the clerk of the senate and people,
and the checking-clerk and under- clerk of the senate, were fed
at the cost of the state in the tholus or prytaneum^°% where
doubtless they also resided.

To the transcribers of the laws a stipend was allowed for a
fixed time, mthin which they were bound to complete their
labours^^^ ; and a particular sum of money was set apart for
engraving the decrees^^".

The large amount of the salary of the physicians and the pay ot
the singers and musicians at Athens and in other places, has been
shown in the first book^^^ And how great must have been the
number of persons whom the state remunerated for their services
(either by its own means or by those of subordinate corporations),
such as citharists, gymnasts, and others of the same description.

3^5 Aristoph. Av. 1023 sqq.
2«« Petit Leg. Att. ii. 1, 1. See Wolf
Proleg. ad Lept. p. cxLvii.
^^' Harpocrat. in it pokier p-qrai
^^^ See the inscriptions quoted in

book ii. ch. 8, and Demosth. de Fals.
Leg. p. 419, 25.

^^^ Lysias c. Nicom.

^s*' Book ii. ch. 6.

3^1 Chap. 21

240

ON CERTAIN OTHER PERSONS RECEIVING QbK. IT.

The poets also received a salary, which was allowed them by
the Senate of Five Hundred ; and we have reason to suppose
that its amount was not inconsiderable ; for Agyrrhius having
been offended, as it seems, by the ridicule of comic poets,
thought it worth while to persuade the people to reduce it^®*.

Lastly, several hundred sailors received regular pay in time
of peace. In early times the Athenians had two sacred tri-
remes, the Paralos, the crew of which bore the name of
Paralitse [TrapaXiraL, also TrdpaXoc), and the Salaminia or
Delia (sometimes simply called Theoris), and its crew were
named Salaminians'^' : the latter vessel belonged to the De-
lian theoria; and both these triremes, as being quick sailers,
were used for other theorias, as well as for embassies and
for the transport of money and persons; in battles also,
and then they conveyed the admiral. That the crew of the
Paralos, though it w^as mostly in harbour, always received 4
oboli a day, we know from distinct testimony^^*; and as the
Salaminia performed the same services, we may without any
hesitation assume that the Salaminians received the same pay.
The pay of the trireme-crews having been generally calculated
by estimating the wages of 200 common sailors, the pay of
two triremes at 4 oboli a man per day: for a year reckoned at
365 days (the intercalary month being divided among the
several years) will amount to 16 talents 1333 drachmas 2 oboli.
In latter times we meet with a trireme named Ammonis, which
is undoubtedly different from the two first ; and an Antigonis
and a Demetrias, so called no doubt from the names of those
much honoured kings ; and finally, a Ptolemais^®*, of which it is

392 Schol. Eccl. 102; Aristoph. Ran.
370 ; and the Scholiast. Archinus is
mentioned in the last Scholium; but
the Scholiast on the Ecclesiazusae ap-
pears better informed ; and perhaps
Archinus is only an error of the tran-
scriber for Agyrrhius.

393 Concerning both these vessels see
Sigon. R. A. iv. 5. In Photius (in v.
TrapaXoi) the Salaminia and the Pa-
ralos are stated to be the same ship,
which is false. But in the word nd-

paXos, and in the first article of irapa-
Xoi, they are correctly distinguished.
Concerning the name of the crew see
Pollux viii. 116; Hesych. in v. Trapa-
XiTTjs. Concerning the Delia vid. ad
Inscript. 151, § 1.

39* Harpocrat. and Phot, in v. nd-
paXos.

39* Harpocrat. and Suidas in v. 'A/x-
fi<ovh, and there Maussac, Lex. Seg.
p. 267 ; Phot, in v. ndpaXoi and nd-
paXos.

CH. XVI.] SALARIES FROM THE PUBLIC REVENUE.

241

probable, that like the tribe Ptolemais, it only succeeded in the
place of the Antigonis or the Demetrias. We are not informed
how the pay of these vessels was regulated; but as the
Ammonis had a treasurer, it is probable the others had the
same, and since the Ammonis served in time of peace, it must
occasionally have had sailors w^ho then received pay.

I -will presently speak of two other kinds of salaries paid in
time of peace, the pay of the cavalry, and the maintenance of
the infirm, which was also called ^icrOos or pay^^^; all these
taken together caused a considerable expense. In order, how-
ever, to produce some diminution in the amount, and to prevent
any person from obtaining greater emoluments from the state
than was fair, the law ordered that no one should receive pay
from more than one source [firj hixoOev fJnaOocfyopelv) ^^\ Thus
the wages of the dicasts, orators, ecclesiasts, senators, soldiers,
sailors, cavalry, in short all salaries whatever, precluded any
person from receiving pay for other services upon the same day.

The grammarians assert that pay was given out by pry-
taneias^^% a statement which is incorrect in this general sense.
For the dicasts and the assembly were (as well as the theorica)
paid by the day, the soldiers and sailors in war by the month ;
but of all other persons receiving salaries it may have been
true. Nothing seems more natural than that the Senate of
Five Hundred, the orators, clerks, and other inferior officers,
should have been paid by prytaneias ; with regard to the main-
tenance of the infirm, this was certainly the regulation, and
for the cavalry and sailors in the time of peace we may suppose
that it was adopted for the sake of uniformity. This mode of
payment was also the most convenient for passing the accounts,
which took place in every prytaneia.

35" ^sch. c. Timarch. p. 123.

397 Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 739, C-
Petit alone (Leg. Att. v. C, 2,) has be-
lieved the absurd idea of Ulpian, that
this means a prohibition to follow
more than one occupation at the same
time.

"^^ Ammonius and from him Thomas

INIag. in v. npvTavelov. Hesychius in
the same word savs that t] eVt {x-qvi
fiiado(f)opia is also called TvpvTave^ov,
which probably means the pay of the
prytanes and the other senators, which
was paid by prytaneias, for in later
times the prytaneias coincided with
the months.

242

RELIEF OF THE DESTITUTE.

[bk. II.

Chapter XVIL

Relief of the Destitute.

The maintenance of those citizens, who on account of bodily-
defects or infirmities were unable to obtain a livelihood [ahv-
varoi), was a laudable institution. This practice however, as
well as the custom of supporting children whose fathers had
died in war, until they reached the age of manhood'^% belonged
exclusively to the Athenians, as charity was a virtue rarely met
wdth among the Greeks.

With regard to the maintenance of persons who had been
mutilated in war, Pisistratus is mentioned as the originator of
this custom"'^ ; an account which has every probability, since
Pisistratus was of a mild disposition, and usurpers are generally
glad to seize every opportunity of conferring a benefit, with a
view to make themselves popular; nor would the Athenians
with their hatred of tyranny have attributed this honour to him,
if he had not deserved it. According to others'*"^ this provision
derived its origin from a law of Solon, who certainly gave the
example to Pisistratus by the proposal being made, as Hera-
clides in Plutarch informs us, for the benefit of an individual.
In early times Athens could boast of having no citizen in want
of the necessaries of life, nor did any one ever disgrace the
nation by begging''"^; but after the Peloponnesian war, poverty
made itself everywhere manifest ; and no small number stood
in need of this assistance, if they were infirm or maimed. The
bounty was restricted by law to persons whose property was
under 3 minas"*"^ ; but even in the age of Socrates an income of
this amount was very inconsiderable ; and, accordingly, all

355 Aristid. Panath. vol. i. p. 331,
ed. Cant. [Aristotle however (Pol.
ii. 5,) states that in his time this last
institution existed in other states ex-
cept Athens : eort 8e Koi iv raty 'A^^-
vais ovTOS 6 vofios vvv Koi iv ire pais

TbiV TToKeOOV. TllANSL.]

^"'^ Plutarch. Solon. 31.

^"^ Schol. yEschin. ap. Taylor, ad
Lys. vol. V. p. 739, ed. Reisk. et ap.
Reisk. vol. iii. p. 738.

^^^ Isocrat. Areop. 38.

"^"^ Ilarpocrat. Suid. Hesych. and
the above-quoted passages of tlie
Lexica in Taylor, ut sup. and tlie
couimcntators upon Ilcsychius.

CH. XVII.]

RELIEF OF THE DESTITUTE.

243

those who received this bounty were in fact nearly destitute.
The Athenians however do not seem to have been very sparing
of this donative ; the individual for whom Lysias""^ wrote his
speech in order to prove that he was deserving of this support,
carried on certainly some trade^ although he asserts it was not
sufficient to maintain him, and it appears that he rode occasion-
ally, although indeed not upon his own horse, and also because
he was unable to walk without the help of crutches. This
bounty was awarded by a decree of the people*"*; but the
examination of the individuals belonged to the Senate of Five
Hundred*"^ ; the payments were made by prytaneias ; conse-
quently, if any one deferred his examination in one prytaneia
he was obliged to wait till the next"^

The unpublished Scholiast to iEschines, who is quoted by
Taylor in his notes, states that this bounty amounted to 3
oboli a day ; here then we again meet with the triobolon of the
dicasts, which is always crossing the path of the grammarians.
The money paid to the infirm was never more than 2 oboli or
less than 1 : between these two rates ancient writers are
divided; the obvious supposition is that some received more
than others, according as their necessities were more or less
urgent ; but a closer consideration teaches us that the difi'erence
refers only to the times. In the time of Lysias 1 obolus was
given*"^ ; afterwards, when the difficulty of procuring subsistence
had increased, this rate was doubled. The time at which this
increase took place may be nearly ascertained from the gram-
marians. Harpocration*°^ states " that the infirm or impotent
(dBvvaToi) received 2 oboli a day, as some say, or 1 obolus, as
Aristotle in the Constitution of Athens states; but, as Philo-

^"* Ilfpt Tov ddwdrov. This speech
is written in such a jesting tone, that
I consider it to be a mere rhetorical
exercise, which was never deUvered:
at least the Athenians must have been
very much astonished at the jocu-
larity of this poor man when petition-
ing for a pecuniary allowance.

405 Herald. Anim. in Salm. Observ.
ad I. A. et R. iii. 8,4.

^»« iEschin. c. Timarch. p. 123 ; ITar-
pocrat. Suid. Ilesych. ; and a Lexicon
in the Bibl. Coislin. p. G03, p. 238.

'"'^ yEschin. ut sup.

''•'« Lys. ut sup. p. 749, p. 7^8.

^^^ In v. dbvpciToi, where the right
reading is preserved in the Paris AIS.
in Bast's Epist.Crit. p. ,176, 8vo o^oXovs
rrjs rjixefjai ol fiev ^acriv eKdarijs.

R 2

244

RELIEF OF THE DESTITUTE.

[bK. II.

chorus says, 9 drachmas every month.'^ Suidas gives the
same account from Philochorus^'" ; Hesychius mentions 2
oboli without any further limitation. In Suidas and other
lexicons"";, it is stated that some received 1, and others 2 oboh;
but Bast has proved that the reading in Suidas is erroneous; and
according to the true reading the grammarian says that some
writers mention that they received 1, and others 2 ; it is evi-
dent, therefore, that the error should be corrected in the same
manner in the other Lexicons. We see from these passages that
Aristotle, as well as Lysias, spoke only of 1 obolus"'^ ; and we
may thence infer that up to the time of the latter this bounty
was not greater; it must therefore have been subsequently
raised, perhaps, between the times of Aristotle and Philochorus,
who was a youth when Eratosthenes was an old man. For the
statement of Philochorus is the same in substance with the other
account, that they received 2 ol^oli a day ; which for the month
of twenty-nine days gives 9 drachmas 4 oboli; the latter the
grammarians omit. Philochorus^s computation by months
proves of itself that he is speaking of later times, when the pry-
taneias coincided with the months ; it does not however follow
from this that the increase did not take place before the intro-
duction of the twelve tribes.

If we could now ascertain how many upon an average were
in need of this bounty, an estimate of the expense might be
made ; but the assumption of Meursius that they amounted to
500, is founded upon a false reading in Suidas" '\ Considering,
however, the necessitous condition of most of the Athenian

^'" In V. aBvparoi, comp. Zonaras in
V. ddvvaToi. The Lexicon in the Bibl.
Coisl. p. G03, falsely charges Philo-
chorus Avith saying that they received
5 oboli a day ; but there is an error of
the copyist, viz. e' instead of eWea
8paxfJ.cis, as Albei'ti has shown by the
comparison and correction of Bibl.
Coisl. p. 2.38.

*'^ Suid. in v. ddvvaroi, Zonaras,
and the Lexicon in Bibl. Coisl. p. 230.
In Suidas it should be written ol fxev
(paaiv iKuarr)^ rjfiepas U/SoXovs dvo, ol

Se 6l3o\6v. See Bast's Epist. Crit.

p. no.

^'^ For although the Lexicon in
Bibl. Coisl. p. G03, represents Aris-
totle to have said that they received 2
oboli, -without making any mention of
one, this is an evident error, which is
not worth the trouble of refutation.

"'^ :Mcurs. Lect. Att. vi. 5. The
passage in Suidas which others thought
that they had corrected, was first in-
geniously emended by Bast. Epist.
Crit. p. 17G.

CH. XV

•]

RELIEF OF THE DESTITUTE.

245

citizens^ and the frequency of wars, 500 may be assumed as he
lowest number of the old, blind, lame, sick, and maimed, who
were to be maintained ; and the expense of their maintenance,
according as we reckon it at 1 or 2 oboli a head, may be at the
lowest estimated at 5 or 10 talents. To this must be added
the support of the orphan children, whose fathers had perished
in war ; for whose instruction also the state provided until their
eighteenth year, in order that their education might be com-
pleted before they were sent forth, provided with a complete
suit of armour"' \ That the number of orphans, after so many
wars, was considerable, might have been assumed without the
authority of Isocrates*'\

The support which private individuals procured by means of
a particular agreement which they made by entering into a
society [epavos] differed from public maintenance""'. The
society itself and the money subscribed were each called Eranos,
the members Eranistse, their whole number, the community of
the Eranistse [to kolvov twv epavto-rcov), and their president an
Eranarch. Their objects were of the most various description;
if some friends wanted to provide a dinner, or a corporation to
celebrate a solemnity, to give a banquet, or forward any parti-
cular purpose by bribery"'^, the expense was defrayed by an
eranos. Associations of this kind were very common in the
democratic states of Greece, and to this class the numberless
political and religious societies, corporations, unions for com-
merce and shipping, belonged : many of them, more particularly
the religious associations {6 tacroi), were possessed of land'''^ and
like states and subordinate corporations they had power to make
decrees, which they recorded upon stone"' ^; and lastly, there
were laws concerning these societies {kpavuKol vofxoi), and law-

^'•» Comp. Petit Leg. Att. viii. 3, 6.

*^^ Su/A/xax- 29.

^^'^ I only mention this subject in a
few words : several early writers have
treated on it at full length, who mu-
tually correct one another, of Avhich the
chief are, Tetit Leg. Att. v. 7, 1 ; Sal-
masius de Usuris chap. 3; Defens.

Misc. chap. 1 sqq.; Herald. Observ.
chap. 43 ; Animadv. in Salmas. Observ.
ad I. A. et Rom. vi. 1 — 8.

^'7 Demosth. pro Corona, p. 329, 15.

^'» Pseud- Aristot. CEcon. ii. 2, 3.

"^^ See for example Corp. Inscript.
Nos. 109,110.

246

PUBLIC REWARDS.

[bk. II.

suits called after their name [ipavLKoX hUai), in which, as well
as in the commercial causes, a more rapid course of justice was
prescribed'^*'. A peculiar kind of eranos is that which was made
for the support of the destitute citizens ; it was founded upon
the principle of mutual assistance, and it was expected that the
members who had l^een relieved should pay the money back
again when they had raised themselves to better circum-
stances**'.

Chapter XVIII.

Public Rewards,

A SMALL expense was occasioned by one part of the pubUc
rewards and marks of honour. Under this head may be men-
tioned the public entertainments {airrjcns iv irpvTaveia)), which
many others, besides the fifty prytanes and certain inferior offi-
cers, received as a mark of distinction, and which must have cost
2 or 3 talents a year. The donation of the golden crown {are-
<f>avos) was by no means a rare occurrence ; the Senate of Five
Hundred, if it performed its duties honestly, was presented with
a crown every year*^^; nations gave crowns to one another, and
private individuals were frequently crowned by the state : how
great was the weight of these golden crowns has been already
shewn''^^ In ancient times however they were not frequently
given ; those who after the anarchy brought back the people
from Phyle to Athens, only received chaplets of leaves ; the
value of which at that time was greater than of golden crowns in
the age of Demosthenes***. The erection of a metal statue
(elKcov) to a person who had deserved well of the state, was in
early times still more unfrequent ; after Solon, Harmodius, and
Aristogiton, this honour was first conferred upon Conon, as
having liberated his country from the intolerable yoke of the
Spartans**\ But in later times, this reward ceased to confer

^■^^ See book i. ch. 9, Pollux viii.
144.

•'^' Isacus dc Ilagn. Ilcrcd. p. 204 ;
Tlicophiast. Char. 17.

*^ Dein. c. Andiot. cf. .Escliin. c.

Timarch. p. 130.

^" Book i. ch. 5.

^^^ TEscli. c. Ctosiph. p. 570 sqq. aud
particularly p. 577.

■*" Demosth. c. Lept. p. 47iJ.

CH. XVIII.]

PUBLIC REWARDS.

247

any distinction 5 Chabrias^ Iphicrates, and Timotheus received
crowns in honour of their services, as well as others, although it
was offensive to the people to ascribe their actions to them"'-^
But in that age, trifling or even negative services were highly
celebrated, and in the time of Demetrius Phalereus this practice
was carried to such a pitch, that in one year they erected to him
360 statues, in chariots, on horseback, and on foot'*^^

This frivolous expenditure partly owed its origin to the
theoricon, by which the demagogues had made the people indo-
lent, and had induced them to flatter their corruptors"*" and
partly resulted from the general decline of the state and of
morals, and the loss of that simplicity and honesty, which dis-
daining outward splendour, finds a sufiicient reward in the exer-
cise of virtues. Athens, from her republican constitution,
which would always have prevented this corruption from attain-
ing its utmost height, only displays a feeble shadow of what in
monarchies or despotisms, in which the moral state of the
people and the government is at a low ebb, appears on a larger
scale. Then are the citizens, both for the state and for them-
selves, covetous of titles and rank, as may be seen remarkably
in the eastern and western Roman empire : titles of every
description were created and lavishly distributed ; regulations
concerning rank, and the splendour of the Oriental courts, were
introduced into the West ; outward show and pageantry, which
render the mind vain and slavish, became the substitutes for
intrinsic excellence ; and as no claims could be advanced on the
ground of personal merit, all consideration was derived from the
favour of the ruling power.

On particular occasions, pecuniary rewards were bestowed
at Athens. After the return of the people from the Piraeus^

*^^ lEsch. c. Ctesiph. p. 635. See
the oration nepl (rvvrd^eois^ p. 172.

'^^'^ Diog. Laert. v. To, and the pas-
sages there quoted by Menage.

■'^ Comp. Nepos. Miltiad. Of these
and of other marks of honour the
learned K. E. Kcihler has treated at
full length in his excellent dissertation,
of which the title is Etwas zur Bcant-

wortnng der Frage^ gab cs bei den Allen
Bclohnungen des Verdienstes urn den
Staat, welche den Ritterorden neuerer
Zeit 'dhnlich waren, third book, in the
Dorptische Beitrage for 1814, first and
second half; which dissertation I have
not been able to make use of, as I did
not meet with it till after the com-
pletion of this work.

248 PUBLIC REWARDS. [bK. II.

those who at Phyle had undertaken the restoration of the
democracy, received 1000 drachmas for sacrifices and sacred
offerings, which however did not amount to 10 drachmas
apiece**'. According to Isocrates 10,000 drachmas were given
to Pindar for his splendid praise of the Athenians, for whicli
the Tliebans had subjected him to a fine ; according to others
the reward given was the double of the fine which he had been
condemned to pay*^\ Lysimachus, the son of Aristides, re-
ceived in honour of his father, upon the proposal of Alcibiades,
100 minas of silver, 100 plethra of wooded land, and as much
unplanted land in the island of Euboea, and in addition 4
drachmas a day*^*, a most absurd expense for an insignificant
and worthless individual. With better reason they gave 3000
drachmas to the two daughters of this distinguished man, and
to the daughter of Lysimachus the privilege of being maintained
m the Pr^'taneum, like the victors at the Olympic contest ; and
other donations in money were granted to the successors of
Aristides down to the time of Demetrius Phalereus''^^ These
examples, to which many others might have been added,
prove that the Athenian people were not illiberal in bestowing
pensions. Lastly, rewards for the discovery of offenders
(firjvvTpa) deserve to be mentioned ; thus in Andocides"^ two
rewards of this kind occur, one of 10,000 and another of 1000
drachmas, which were both actually paid.

*^^ ^sehin. c. Ctcsiph. p. 57G.

'*^° Isocrat. de Antidosi p. 87, ed.
Orell. The other account is given by
the author of the fourth epistle of
iEschines, p. 669. Tzetzes and others
state that the fine itself was only
1000 drachmas. See the Fragments of
Pindar, p. 74 ; Heyn. Schneider's Life
of Pindar, p. 39, and the Life of Pindar ' set upon the heads of offenders. Cf.
which he has published before the ' Aristoph. Av. IO72 sqf|.

Theriaca of Nicander.

^^^ Dem. c. Lept. 95, and Wolf's
note.

■*^^ Plutarch. Aristid. 27, an obscure
passage, the interpretation of it how-
ever would lead me too far.

*33 De Myst. p. 14. Of the nature
of rewards were the prices Avhich were

CH. XIX.] ARMS, SHIPS, AND CAVALRY. 249

Chapter XIX.

Ai'^ms, Ships, and Cavalry, provided by the State,

Although the most opulent citizens equipped themselves at
their own expense, there is no doubt that the Athenian state
was under the necessity of providing a store of arms, as well in
time of war as during peace, that in case of need it might be pos-
sible to arm not only such citizens as from poverty could not pro-
vide for themselves, but the resident aliens, and even the slaves.
That such was the practice is rendered highly probable, by the
circumstance that large sums were expended upon naval prepa-
rations in time of peace. In the Piraeus was the" marine store-
house, which contained sails, ropes, leather-bags for provisions,
oars, and other articles for the equipment of vessels ; and the
building of ships of war was carried on unceasingly both in peace
and war. Themistocles passed a law that twenty new triremes
should be built every year : Diodorus"*^* indeed relates this event
under Olymp. 75, 4 (b. c. 477), but it is probable that he, hke
many other historians, has on this occasion put together insti-
tutions of different periods, in order to introduce the circum-
stances which in the narration immediately follow; and that
Themistocles had in fact carried the law at a much earlier
period, viz. when he obtained the decree which directed the
money derived from the mines to be applied to the buildino- of
ships for the ^ginetan war'". We are not informed whether
subsequently the same number of ships was built every year;
but we cannot well suppose that they provided a less number ;
for the triremes would be faUing into decay, and there were
generally three or four hundred in existence. The Senate of
Five Hundred had to superintend the building of the triremes'^^;
if this was not done, the customary crown was denied them ; the
personal superintendence was delegated to commissioners called

*^* Diod. xi. 43. j sqq. where there is also the account of

•'^^ See my dissertation upon the ; the paymaster who ran away. The

silver-mines of Lamion. I following story of Demetrius is given

^""^ Demosth. c. Androt. p. 5U8, 20, ' by Diod.xx.4G; Plutarch.Dcmetr. 10.

250 ARMS, SHIPS, AND CAVALRY, [bK. II.

the builders of the triremes. In the time of Demosthenes the
building ^yas stopped for a year, the treasurer of the trireme-
builders having eloped with 2^ talents : from the smallness of
this sum it would be natural to conclude that not many triremes
were building at the time ; but as it is probable that the timber
and other necessaries had been previously laid up in store, the
stolen money may have been applicable only to the payment of
the labourers: even this sum too may have been destined only
to some i^articular portion of the labour : and therefore it would
not be safe to infer from this fact that less than twenty triremes
were built every year. After the time of Alexander the building
nearly ceased, as the supply of timber from Macedonia then
failed. Demetrius Pohorcetes in Olymp. 118, 2 (b.c. 307)^ pro-
mised the Athenians timber for 100 triremes, a proof that there
was a scarcity of it at x-Vthens.

Another part of the military force for which Athens incurred
some expense in time of peace, was the cavalry. This was
maintained partly on account of the sumptuous appearance
which from the beauty of the riders and horses and the magnifi-
cence of their trappings it produced at processions; and partly
because the Athenians were well aware that if both men and
horses had not gone through previous training, they were
unserviceable in war. The particular superintendence of this
body belonged to the Senate of Five Hundred, who also exa-
mined the horses and riders"*^'; the rich were bound by law to
serve in it. The pay of the cavalry in time of peace was called
catastasis''^^, by which name the examination of the horsemen
made by the senate is also stated to have been called; probably
because the distribution of the pay and the examinations were
connected with one another; it was however a regular pay, and
not an extraordinary donative, as Reiske supposed. In the
speech of Lysias for Mantitheus it is mentioned, that the
horsemen who had served during the anarchy, were compelled

*^' Xenoph. de Re Equestri, 1, 8; poc Said. Phot, in v. Karacrracrty, Lex.

CEcon. 9, 15, and in the Hipparchus.
Also Lycurgns ap. Ilarpocrat. in v.

^^" Lys. pro Mautith. p. 074; Uar-

Seg. p. 270. Reiske's erroi- in his
note upon Lysias had been already
conected by Larchcr MJni. dc TAcad.
des luscript. toin. xlviii. p. 02.

CH. XIX.] PROVIDED BY THE STATE. 251

after the restoration of the democracy to refund the money
which they had received during that time : hence the gramma-
rians by a false generahzation of a particular case have inferred,
that if the state dismissed the cavalry and appointed others, it
required them to refund their pay to the phylarchs*^^ But the
state would probably have preferred giving none at all. The
truth is, that this measure was effected by a special decree, and
only on that single occasion, as the knights had been the chief
attendants of the thirty tyrants, and had incurred the public
hatred to such a degree, that to have been a knight under the
thirty tyrants was reckoned a disgrace. The expense of the
cavalry in time of peace amounted, according to Xenophon^""*, to
40 talents; which agrees with the Choiseul Inscription, in which
it is stated that there were paid out of the public treasure in
four prytaneias, 16 talents 2148 drachmas 3|- oboli, viz. in the
first 3 talents 3328 drachmas Si oboli, in the third 5 talents
4820 drachmas, in the fourth 3 talents, in the seventh 4 talents;
the rest of the pay appears to have been defrayed out of the
current revenue. The object of these payments was to supply
the provender of the horses; Ulpian expressly says that pay
was given for the keep of the horses""^, and in the above-men-
tioned inscription this money is accounted for under the name
of provender for the horses {alros lttttols). The amount which
each person received out of this grant has been differently
determined by modern wTiters, according as they assumed 1000
or 1200 as the number of knights at Athens"^ In the latter
case it has been calculated that they received 16 drachmas a
month or about 3 oboli a day, in the former, 20 drachmas a
month or about 4 oboli a day. Both estimates appear to be
too low; for even the sailors who were paid in time of peace
received 4 oboli a day, while the knights w^ere not only obhged
to keep a servant, but also two horses. The provision of a
horseman in war cost the Athenians a drachma a day**^

439 pioperly it was collected by the
dcmarchs ; vid. ad Inscript. 80, ed.
Boeckh.

*^" llipparcli. i. 19.

■*^i Ad Demostli.c. Timocrat.p. 400.

^^^ Petit Leg. Att. viii. 1, 2; Bar-
thel. Anacliars. T. H. p. 184; Larcher
ut Slip. p. 1)2. See Jiiscript. No. 147.

'" See book ii. c. 22.

252 ARMS, SHIPS, AND CAVALRY. [bK. II.

Doubtless the same sum was allowed in peace, and the only
difference was, that in war they received provision-money in
addition to their pay. This view is confirmed by the fact that
the catastasis (which was in truth nothing more than the
knights' allowance for provision in time of peace, and which
they were forced after the anarchy to refund) amounted to a
drachma. I state this solely upon the authority of an inscrip-
tion, with respect to which however I entertain no doubt that it
refers to and establishes this fact. It thus appears to me pro-
bable, that the whole cavalry did not receive pay in time of
peace, but only about 600; and for a time Athens had not more
than this number. Now the pay of these, reckoning the year
at 360 days, as Xenophon does in another place, would exactly
amount to 36 talents for that time. Xenophon too only says
that the state paid annually to the cavalry nearly 40 talents;
nor can the payments made out of the public treasure, according
to the above-quoted inscription (which are moreover unequal in
different prytaneias) be adduced against my hypothesis, for they
were contributions which might in part have been paid for
arrears of preceding prytaneias. Lastly, Barthelemy"*^ asserts
that the knights frequently kept their own horses, an error into
which he is led by referring to the pubhc cavalry a passage
which relates only to those citizens, who expended money upon
horses either from fondness of the animal, or in order to contend
for the prize at the public games.

Chapter XX.

Apj)roximate Estimate of the Ordinary Expenditure, Of the
Extraordinary Expenses in general.

These expenses when taken together, if the lowest estimate be
made of each item, did not amount annually to less than 400
talents; to these however, if great works of building, extraordi-
nary distributions of money, and large sums for festivals were
added, the state might have easilv consumed 1000 talents in a

■•" Mem, dc rAciul. dcs Inscriptions, loni. xlviii. p. 351, referring to Lycurg.

in Leocrat.

CH. XX.] ESTIMATES OF EXPENDITURE. 253

year, even without carrying on war, the expenses of which are
unhmited. 400 talents, which are equal to about 97,500/., were
in ancient times at least worth three times as much as at the
present day, if the value of the precious metals is compared
with that of the common necessaries of life; with this view then
we may consider that the former sum is equal to triple its
amount, or in the currency of modern times to about 290,000/.;
which is in fair proportion to a population of 500,000 souls, or
indeed if we consider the high rate of interest, low in comparison
with the incomes of the inhabitants.

If, however, in consequence of war or some particular extra-
vagance, the amount was increased (an event which was unques-
tionably of no unfrequent occurrence) to 1000 talents or more,
and as the citizens were at such a period (as indeed at all
others) forced to serve the liturgies required by law, the expense
was evidently incommensurate with the means of the state, and
could not be well defrayed without oppressing the more wealthy
classes by property-taxes, and without the help of tributary
allies. Now war, it is certain, produced unusually large and
inevitable expenses. At the present day indeed the equipment
of armies costs the state immense sums of money; an expense
from which the Greeks were very nearly exempt; for every
citizen carried with him clothes and arms into the field, which
indeed may be considered as a tax levied in another form; the
mercenaries also came completely armed; sometimes perhaps
it happened that poor citizens, foreign settlers, or slaves, were
sent into the field, and assistance on the part of the state was
necessary; a point however on which we have no accurate
information. Another considerable expense in modern warfare
is caused by artillery and ammunition; but as in ancient days
the heavier engines of war were on account of their cumbrous-
ness seldom brought into the field, they in general only had to
provide them upon the occasion of a siege or of the defence of
fortified places: the expense for light darts or javelins was
inconsiderable. The equipment of fleets, which was necessary
for maritime warfare, created a separate branch of expenditure;
for which it was altogether impossible that such effectual provi-
sion could have been made during peace as to leave nothing to

254 ESTIMATES OF EXPENDITURE. [bK. II.

be provided at the breaking out of war. Lastly, the infantry
and cavalry, together with the persons attending upon them,
and the crews of the different ships, were to be supplied with
pay and provisions: and if the total expense of providing for
these services should appear to be less than would be necessary
in the times in which we live, it must be remembered that
though the Greeks maintained no standing army, and the funds
for the pay and provision of their troops were required only
for a short time, yet on the other hand the soldiers were not
only better paid, but also that during the most flourishing periods
of Athens war was almost incessant.

In order to enable the reader to take a general survey of
these subjects, I will treat of them separately, after having in
the first instance acquired some general knowledge of the mag-
nitude of the military force of Athens.

Chapter XXI.
Military Force of Athens,

Although the numbers of which the armies consisted were in
ancient Greece very different, according to circumstances and
the necessities of the occasion, and although to state any one
precise number of men is less possible than in the case of
European nations, yet it can be safely asserted that no modern
state, even up to the latest times in which the greatest armies
have been sent into the field, maintained so large a regular force
in proportion to its population, as was supported by Athens.
And it is equally true that her military force was not only on a
par with that of all the other states of Greece, but with the
exception of Sparta, it was superior to them. What Demosthe-
nes""'^ says of Athens at the period at which he is speaking, that
of all the Grecian states it had the most numerous naval force,
heavy-armed infantry and cavalry, and the greatest quantity of
money, must have held good in a higher degree when the
strength of Athens had not been broken^ except that Sparta

Pliilipii. i. p. 51, 20.

CM. XXI.]

MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS.

255

could send into the field a more numerous land force. Upon
the irruptions into Attica at the beginning of the Peloponnesian
war. the Peloponnesian and Boeotian forces, which were then
assembled there, amounted in heavy-armed soldiers alone to
60,000 men"'*", and consequently the whole army was more than
double this number. We meet indeed with far more numerous
armies in the Grecian states of Sicily and Italy. According to
Diodorus, 300,000 Sybarites contended with 100,000 inhabitants
of Crotona; Philistus stated the military force of Dionysius at
100,000 foot, 10,000 horse, and 400 ships of war, which required
an equipment of 80,000 men. The first of these accounts is an
evident exaggeration; but whether the latter is possible, I leave
to others to decide. Hume*''^ has already exposed the exagge-
rations in numbers committed by the ancients, and on the
whole, not without success, though he may have erred in parti-
cular points.

It is not enough to know that Athens had about 20,000
citizens who were bound to serve in war: were we to estimate
its military strength merely from this datum, we should form a
very incorrect judgment. The safest way to arrive at a satisfac-
tory result is, without pretending to a complete enumeration, to
collect the principal accounts of the land and sea forces at the
different periods.

First, it is needless to speak of the Trojan war, at which the
Athenians appeared with 50, or according to another report,
with 60 ships'*''^: a somewhat more certain account may, how-
ever, be given of the times of Solon. Before the constitution
of Cleisthenes, Athens had 12 phratrias, and in each of them 4
naucrarias or naucarias, which, as public corporations, were
originally the same that the demi were afterwards; they must
indeed have been in existence before the time of Solon, as the
presidents of the naucrari {7rpvTdv€i<; tcov vav/cpdpcov) are men-
tioned before the period of his legislation''*^ and probably all

"^^ Plutarch. Pericl. 33.

'''*'' Essay upon tlie Populousness of
Ancient Nations, vol. ii. p. 230, Lond.
17C0.

^^8 II. B. 500, Eurip. Ipliij?. Aul. 24?."

See Grsec. Tiagoed. Princip. p. 238.

•*^^ Herod, v. 71« Instead of these
Thucydides (1. 12G) mentions the nine
arclions, who probably wore at the
head of the prytaneias.

256

MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS.

[bk.

that Aristotle'"' means when he ascribes their institution to
Solon is, that the existence of their office was confirmed by that
lawgiver. Now each naucraria furnished 2 horsemen, amount-
ing altogether to 9G, and 1 vessel, making therefore in all 48, and
the whole military system, in respect to defraying the expenses,
was doubtless regulated according to naucrarias'*'. When Cle-
isthenes afterw^ards introduced the demi, the naucrarias were
still retained, probably for financial and mihtary purposes; but
he so far altered their constitution, that he created 50 naucra-
rias, 5 in each tribe''^% and consequently they now furnished
100 horsemen and 50 ships. This is perfectly consonant with
the fact mentioned by Herodotus"", that the Athenians in the
war against the ^Eginetans, anterior to the Persian war, could
only send out 50 ships of their own, and received 20 ships from
the Corinthians in order to increase their force; and we may
oljserve that in this case triremes and not smaller vessels are
meant, as is proved by their connexion with the Corinthian
ships, the Corinthians being the first who had triremes.

Miltiades after the battle of Marathon undertook the expe-
dition against Paros with 70 ships''^^ But it was precisely at
this time that Themistocles increased the naval force, and
brought it to the height at which we find it in the Persian war,
after the battles of Artemisium and Salamis. In the former
action 271 triremes were engaged, among which there were 127
belonging to Athens, which were in part manned with Platseans,
they having no ships of their own: besides these, the Athenians
gave 20 to the Chalcideans'". To these were added 53 other
Athenian vessels, so that Athens numbered 200 vessels among
those engaged at Salamis, although the whole Grecian fleet pre-
sent at that battle only amounted to 378 triremes*"^ Demos-

*^^ Ap. Phot, in V. vavKpapia.

^*' Pollux viii. 108, from which pas-
sage Zouiie ad Xenoph. ITipparch. 9,
:i, has drawn some eiToneous conclu-
sions; Ilesycli. in v. vavKXapos; Phot,
ut suj).; Scliol. Aristoph. Nub. 37; Am-
nion, in V. vavKKrfpoi ; Ilarpocrat. and
Suidas in v. vavKpap'ia.

■•'^ Clcidomus ap Pliot. ut sup.

*^3 vi. 89.

^5* Herod, vi. 132.

^^* Herod, viii. 1. Herodotus in
this and in nearly every place where
he speaks of ships of war, means tri-
remes, as is shown by their being op-
posed to penteconters. Comp. also viiL
42—48.

'■'" Herod, viii. 14, 42-48. If,

CH. XXI.]

MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS.

257

thenes in the oration for the crown"" agrees exactly with these
statements of Herodotus, as far as the Athenians are concerned;
for out of 300 Grecian he reckons 200 Athenian triremes: how
it came to pass that in the speech upon the Symmoriee*^® only
100 Athenian vessels are mentioned among 300 Grecian, I am
unable to explain: this circumstance might indeed lead one to
suspect that this oration is spurious, if there was not such strong
internal evidence in favour of its authenticity. We may observe
further, that the manning of 180 triremes required 36,000 men,
of whom only a few were Plataeans; but as the Athenians had
at that time wholly deserted their country, it would not have
been difficult to man that number of triremes solely with citi-
zens, and aliens, taking both young and old, even without
slaves; land-forces, as such, were for the moment not in exis-
tence. And how numerous these were, we learn from the bat-
tles of Marathon and Plataese. In the first of these 10,000
Athenians were engaged, including of course none but hoplitse;
we cannot suppose that in those times there were any slaves
among the regular forces; and although Pausanias'*^^ asserts
that slaves fought for the first time in the former battle, it may
be inferred from his words that they were in the ranks of the
Plataeans; so that as far as Athens is concerned, his testimony
does not apply. Athens could not then have raised a larger
number of troops, otherwise it would have done so at a time of
the greatest necessity: for probably only the three superior
classes were hoplitse, and the thetes were light-armed: subse-
quently the thetes were employed as hoplitse, although this is
pointed out as an uncommon event in the times of the Pelo-
ponnesian war*^°. The Athenians had not any bowmen or

however, all the sepai-ate numbers are
added together, the sum is only 366 ;
something therefore must have been
lost in the text, as others have already
remarked. Concerning the 200 tri-
remes, or 180 without the Chalcidean,
compare also Herod, vii. 144, viii. 61,
Plutarch. Themistocl. II. 14. The
more vague passages of Isocrates
(Paneg. p. 79, 82, ed. Hall.) I pass

over. [See Thuc. i. 74. Transl.]

^^' P. 306,21.

*5« P. 186, 5.

■*^^ i. 32, 3. They appear to have
been runaway Boeotian slaves, who
lived at Plataeae. [See also x. 20, 2.
Transl.]

^^^ Harpocrat. in v. ^^res-. Thucyd.
vi. 43.

258 MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS. [BK. II.

cavalry in this battle'''; even the small number of horsemen
which should have been there according to the former regula-
tions, were not in a condition to appear, and the whole order of
knijrhts was at that time no more than a name. Attica, from
the nature of the country, was little suited for cavalry*''; and
as this species of military is powerful among undisciphned
masses of infantry, the aristocracy or oligarchy in ancient days
was generally composed of horsemen, a form of government
which the Athenians of all the Grecian States were most averse
to. Boeotia, Phocis, Locris'''^ and Thessaly, were the chief
countries in which the cavalry was numerous: even the Pisis-
tratidse had 1000 Thessalian horsemen^ which a Thessalian
prince had sent to support them against the Spartans"'"*; and
according to an ancient alliance, the Thessalian cavalry came to
the assistance of the Athenians before and during the Pelopon-
nesian war"". At Platseee the heavy-armed infantry of the
Greeks amounted to 38,700 men, together with 69,500 light-
armed troops, besides 1800 light-armed Thespians: among
them there were 5000 Spartans, with 35,000 light-armed Helots
and 5000 Lacedeemonian hoplitse, with 5000 light-armed troops;
the Athenians had only 8000 hoplitse, together with the same
number of light-armed troops, for Herodotus expressly reckons
upon an average one light -armed man to each hoplite, with the
exception only of the Spartans, of whom each one had 7 'VNdth
him"''. The allied Grecian army appears not to have had any
cavalry, as the equestrian nations were on the side of the Per-
sians; but the Athenians at this battle had bowmen for the first
time on land"'^, who were doubtless citizens belonging to the
light-armed troops, and of the class of thetes; by sea more than
700 bowmen had already been employed at the battle of Sala-

Ilerod. vi. 112. I ciilty caunot be solved. I pass over

the accoxints of Diodorus and Pausa-
nias, which cannot have much weight.
Plutarch (Aristid. 11) agrees in the
number of the Athenian hoplitse.
*'"' Ilerod. ix. 28 sqq. cf. Gl. In the ^^r Herod, ix. GO, cf. 22. Concern-
number of the light-armed troops ing the bowmen in the battle of Sala-
Herodotus reckons 800 more than mis see Plutarch. Themistocl. 14.
results from liis own data : tlii.s diffi-

461

*^^ Herod, ix. 13.

^" Thuc. ii. 9.

"^-^ Herod, v. 63.

^" Thuc. i. 102, 107, ii. 22.

CH. XXle] MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS. 259

mis. The Athenians would without doubt have had more
troops for the battle of Plataeae, if they had not at the same time
been compelled to furnish crews for the fleet which was engaged
at Mycale, and consisted, according to Herodotus, of 110,
according to Diodorus^ of 250 triremes^ under the command of
Leotychides, and on the side of the Athenians, Xanthippus*^*.

In the next age the Athenian force remained nearly the
same : Cimon commanded 200 Athenian and 100 allied triremes,
according to one account; but according to the more credible
statement of Thucydides,both taken together amounted to 200 tri-
remes: by land they were not stronger than before. In the battle
of Tanagra (Olymp. 80, 3, b.c. 458), the whole Athenian land
forces were present, excepting what were at that time in Egypt ;
1000 Argives were on their side, together with other allies, and yet
altogether they made up only 14,000 men''^^ that is, exclusively
of the light-armed troops, which were usually not taken into the
account. At the same time there was a fleet of 50 ships cruising
against the Spartans at sea, which likewise required 10,000 men.

The Athenians endeavoured at all times to improve and to
increase both the land and sea forces. It is stated by Ando-
cides, and also ^schines in a most obscure passage"'" (from
which, however, after the errors have been corrrected, some
truth may be extracted), that in thirteen years preceding the
^ginetan war (from the 77th to the 80th Olympiad, b.c. 472 —
60), 100 new ships were added to the 200 which before existed;
besides which they had formed a regiment of 300 horsemen,
and had purchased the first Scythian bowmen, to the number
of 300. During the armistice, which was shortly afterguards
concluded with Sparta, in Olymp. 83, 3 (b.c. 436), and which
was observed up to the time of the Peloponnesian war, the
Athenians again made great exertions in the building of ships,
so that in Olymp. 87, 2 (b.c. 431), they were enabled to decree
that 100 new triremes should be reserved for particular pur-
poses*"'; the cavalry was also raised to 1200, and the same

*^^ Herod, viii. 131, Diod. xi. 34. cides de Pace.

-•^^ Time. i. 107; Diod. xi. 80. *'^ See below, chap. 23. It was

"70 Msch. de Fals. Leg. p. 334—337, : this that floated in the mind of the
taken from the beginning of Ando- | orator.

S 2

260

MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS. [bK. II.

number of bowmen appointed*'' Also after the peace of Ni-
cias (Olymp. 89, S, B.C. 422), JEschines states that they pro-
cured 300, or, according to Andocides, 400 triremes. The esti-
mate of Pericles at the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war
agrees sufficiently well with the principal statements which
hare been here quoted'^^ According to his account, Athens
had not at that time more than 13,000 heavy -armed men fit for
active service; besides these, 16,000 of the oldest and youngest
of the citizens, and as many of the resident ahens as were
heavy-armed, were appointed to defend the fortifications of the
city; to which must be added 1200 cavalry, including the
mounted bowmen, 1600 bowmen who served on foot, and 300
triremes ready to put to sea; and, according to Xenophon*^*,
there were in harbour and on service altogether 400. Isocrates,
with the amplification of an orator, gives the numbers at double
the amount stated by all the other writers.

If we reckon that 300 triremes were manned with 60,000
men, the sum total of the crews does not amount to less than
91,800 men, — a number incredibly great for a population of
500,000 souls, nearly four-fifths of which were slaves. It might
indeed be said that Athens was not able to man 300 triremes, if
all the hoplitee were deducted; but even if about 10,000 hop-
litce are reckoned as included in the ships^ companies, the
number which remains is still very considerable. This fact
may however be accounted for by the following considerations.

The number of hoplitse is larger than we find in the accounts
of earlier times, as persons of greater or less age were included,
who only served on garrison duty and not in the field; and it was
farther increased by the addition of some resident aliens. All
indeed were regularly armed; but the whole together was not

"*7^ See above, chap. 11. Piraeus were calculated for 400, as

*7^ Thuc. ii. 13. The inaccurate j Strabo mentions in the ninth book,

Diodonis (xii. 40.) disagrees in some adding at the same time that the Athe-

points, and is not so explicit as Thu- nians had sent out that number. Whe-

cydides. ; ther the 400 trierarchs who were for-

■•7* Cyr. Exped. vii. 1, 27. Isocrat. merly appointed every year refer to this

Panegyr. p. 85. With regard to the circumstance may be questioned. See

number 300 compare Aristopli. Acharn. book iv. ch. 12.
544. The places for the ships in the

CH. XXI.] MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS. 261

essentially unlike the rising in mass of a population on the
alarm of invasion: and it comprised every individual capable of
bearing arms, from eighteen to sixty years of age. The resident
ahens were originally, when armed as hoplitee, only used as
garrison soldiers; in later times they also served in campaigns,
to which even ahens not domiciliated were occasionally sum-
moned'''^ but they were prohibited from serving in the
cavalry*^^ ; nor could there have been many among the hoplitae ;
for several Athenian demi supplied a large number of these.
Acharnse (by which we are not to understand the little village
of the charcoal-burners, as is generally supposed, but a more
considerable town which was celebrated for the heroism of its
sturdy inhabitants) ^^^ alone supplied 3000'"'^; consequently a
greater number of aliens could be spared for the fleet; for this
class of persons was probably more numerous in Attica at the
time of Pericles than in that of Demetrius Phalereus; and it
is well known that they chiefly served in the fleet^^^ In addi-
tion to these, the state also took into its service the out-dwellers
(ol %«/3fc9 oLKovvTe^;) as they were called, by whom we must
either understand with the grammarians, freedmen, or else
persons, who, though still slaves, lived apart from their masters,
and supported themselves by their own labour*^". If it is
borne in mind that the Spartans brought their Helots with
them into the field, that the Thessahan mounted penestee were
bondsmen, that a considerable number of slaves was always
employed in war as attendants on their masters, who were
sometimes even manumitted*^', that slaves are said to have
fought as early as at the battle of Marathon, and afterwards at

^"'^ Thuc. iv. 90. ' Rep. Atli. i. 12; Demosth. Philipp. i.

"76 Xenoph. de Vectig. 2, 2, 5 ; cf. p. 50, 22, and others.
Hipparch. 9, 6. That the resident ; ^" Demosth. ut sup. and Hier. Wolf's
aliens frequently went into the field is note, but more particularly Harpocrat.
also observed by Ammonius in v. tVo- Suid. and Photius in v. tovs X"P''^
TfXTyy, and I have remarked various oiKoOi/T-as', Lex. Seg. p. 316. The author
passages in diiferent authors to the of the speech against Euergus and
same purpose. Mnesibulus, p. 1161, 15, says of a

*77 Pmdar Nem.'ii. 16. j freedman, X'^P'-^ cok^i..

*78 Thuc. ii. 20. " ! "^^ See book i. ch. 13.

^79 Thuc. i. 143, iii. 16; Xenoph. de '

262

MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS.

[bk. II.

Cheeronea when the Athenians granted them their liberty'"', it
cannot excite any surprise that a large proportion of the rowers
were slaves. It is remarked as an unusual circumstance, that
tlie seamen of the Paralos were all freemen'"'. At the successful
sea-fight of Arginusae there were many slaves in the Athenian
ileet'"'; and it equally redounds to the honour of both parties,
on the one hand that victory was chiefly owing to the slaves,
and on the other that the Athenians immediately emancipated
them, and made them Plateean citizens'"^ This must have
taken place at an earlier period of the Peloponnesian war; for
according to Hellanicus, who could not have been alive at the
time of this action, slaves that had been engaged in sea-fights
were made Platseans'"^ A large number of slaves was con-
sidered not as useful only, but as necessary to a state which
possessed a naval force^". The Athenians also employed many
foreign seamen who served for hire, and who remained as long
as they pleased, so that if the enemy offered better pay they
immediately changed sides. Thus the Athenians were able to man
far more ships than appears to have been possible if we merely
judge from the numbers of the free population. It was only on
some pressing emergency that citizens were employed as
rowers; except indeed in the sacred triremes, in which the
rowers were generally thetes; knights were however so em-
ployed on rare occasions, and at times even pentacosiomedimni.
Lastly, they sometimes pressed sailors in the countries of the

^82 Dio Chrysost. xv.

*^^ Thuc. viii. 73.

*^' Xenopli. Hell. i. C, 17.

*^^ Scliol. Arlstoph. Ran. 33, cf. 193.
A clearer reference to it is made by
Aristophanes himself, ibid. 706. This
play was produced in tlie year (Olymp.
93, 3, B.C. 400) in which the battle was
fought, but later in the year, in the
month Gamelion. Concerning the fact
comp. also Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 6.
Diodorus expresses himself inaccu-
rately xiii. 97.

^^^ Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 706. tovs
cyuunvfia^ritTnuTas 8ov\ovs 'EXXuvikos

(prjcTLV iXevOepatOrfvai Koi eyypa<p€VTas
Q)? nXaraifts- (rv[j.7roXiT€V€cr6ai. Sturz
(Fragment. Hellan. p. 119) has wholly
misunderstood this passage, as he was
not aware that Plat£eans were a kind
of Athenian citizens. The Plataean
rights of citizenship were first intro-
duced at Athens in Olymp. 88. 1 (b.c.
427), consequently this occurrence
cannot be placed earlier, nor can it by
any means be referred with Sturz to
the battle of Salamis.

*^^ Xenoph. de Vectig. 4, 42 ; de
Rep. Atheu. i. 11.

CH. XXI.]

MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS.

263

allies^ and made compulsory levies of troops, as for instance
before the battle of Arginusse, and for the Sicilian expedi-
tion^^^; and this even in the subject states, although they had
long redeemed their obligation to serve in war^^^. Upon the
whole, then, it would be assuming too much, if we reckoned,
according to the usual computation, a serv^ant for each hoplite
over and above the ship^s company; there can be no doubt that
we must consider those who served at sea in the capacity of
rowers, as analogous to the servants who attended the heavy-
armed soldiers by land.

The cavalry was composed of the order of knights, but as a
military force it at first increased slowly; the numbers of 100
and 300 I have already quoted: afterwards, according to the
Scholiast on Aristophanes and Suidas"®", the number amounted
to 600, and last of all there were 1200 knights at Athens,
according to the statements of Thucydides and ^schines. The
ratio of the cavalry to the infantry w^as among the Greeks as
1 to 10, and 1200 horsemen are consequently nearly in this
ratio to 13,000 hoplitae; but were all the 1200 composed of
Athenians, and of the order of knights ? That this order might
have contained 1200 persons no one will deny; and even if it
contained fewer, there might have been that number of horse-
men, for probably there were many pentacosiomedimni among
them. But Aristophanes reckons only 1000 knights^^', and
this too in the comedy called by their name, which was pro-
duced in Olymp. 88, 4 (b.c. 424); the same number w^as given
by Philochorus in the fourth book of the Atthis''', who did not
however omit to mention that their number occasionally varied;
Demosthenes states the very same number^^^; and Xenophon
proposes, in order to bring the cavalry more rapidly and easily

Xenoph. Hell. i. 6, 18; Thuc. vi.

43.

"«» Thuc. i. 99; Plutarch. Cim. 11.
This had been brought about by the
management of Cimon himself.

^9" Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 624, and
thence Suidas in v. iTnrels. Diod. xiii.
72, cannot be referred to this with
safety, as there may be auxiliary troops

among his 1200 Athenian cavalry, for
instance ThessaHans. The passage of
Harpocration quoted by Zeune ad
Xenoph. Hipparch. 9, 3, has nothing to
do with this point.

^^' Eq. 225.

■^^^ Ap. Hesych. in v. Itttttjs.

^^^ De Symmor. p. 181, 17.

264

MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS.

[bk. II.

to 1000 men, which he evidently considers as the usual
number, that 200 foreign horse soldiers should be main-
tained'"'. Larcher*'" very properly rejects the supposition of
Petit''% that the ancient writers had made use of 1000 as a
round number, upon the ground that 1200 would have equally
suited their purpose; and he supposes that the origin of the
diiference in the statements was, that from the beginning of the
Peloponnesian war, until the date of the Knights of Aristo-
phanes, they had been diminished about 200; which supposi-
tion appears to be untenable. My opinion coincides rather
with Schneider^s"*^", that in the 1200 the mounted bowmen are
included, as Thucydides expressly states; it is possible that
besides these bowmen there were 1000, viz., 100 from each
tribe, who were Athenians, and armed in the Greek mannner;
while the 200 mounted bowmen were doubtless Scythians, like
those who served in the infantry, and with reference to the
cavalr)' must be regarded as light-armed. In this capacity they
rode in front, even before the hipparch'^^; and in an oration
attributed to Lysias, it is considered degrading to an Athenian
to serv^e in the cavalry among the bowmen'^^ It is no objection
to the above hypothesis, that Xenophon not only makes no
mention of the existence of the foreign cavalry at Athens, but
himself first proposes that such a body should be formed; for
these bowmen, being light-armed soldiers, did not come into
consideration when he was treating of the maintenance or
improvement of the cavalry, which was composed of citizens.

Thucydides mentions 1600 bowmen who served on foot, the
orators only 1200; this difference also may probably be ac-
counted for by the fact that the mercenary Scythian bowmen
were at most 1200*^% but that the others were either citizens of
the poorer classes, or resident aliens, who were light-armed, and

*^* Hipparch. ut sup.

*^^ In his otherwise superficial Me-
moir on the Class of Knights in Greece,
M^m. de I'Aead. des Inscript. torn,
xlviii. p. 92.

"" Leg. Att. viii. 1,2.

*'7 Ad Xenoph. Hipparch, ut sup.

•'^^ Xenoph. Socrat. Mem. iii. 3, 1.

^^^ Lys. c. Alcib. XftTToral, ii.p. 565.
This passage is decisive, although the
speech is probably not the work of
Lysias, but of some other contempo-
rary.

''' See book ii. ch. 11.

CH. XXI.j

MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS.

265

chiefly trained in shooting. Bowmen were present in the
battles of Salamis and Platseae, before any Scythians had been
procured; and it may be distinctly seen from an inscription
still extant, that a difference was made between foreign bowmen
and those who were citizens {^eviKol and aariKoiy: finally, the
bowmen, who occur in two Athenian military lists'*^ ^, appear to
have been citizens, especially as in one immediately after
the bowmen a new division begins with the superscription
"foreigners'^ (feVot). The Athenians also had sometimes
Cretan bowmen in pay, as Thucydides and Pausanias mention.
The accounts of the mihtary force which was in action during
the Peloponnesian war appear to coincide with the numbers
here ascertained; and of this I will now adduce some examples.
At the very beginning of the war, Pericles sent 100 ships to the
Peloponnese, to which 50 Corcyreean and other allied ships
were added; at the same time 30 vessels were sent to Locris,
and some must without doubt have been reserved for the
defence of Attica itself ^°^ So again, in the second year of the
war, while the enemy's troops were in the country, Pericles
went to Epidaurus with 100 Athenian and 50 Lesbian and
Chian triremes, having on board 4000 hoplitee and 300 horse-
men. In the fourth year of the same war, the Lesbians having
revolted, 40 triremes were sent against them ; at the same time
30 were sent to the Peloponnese, and 100 others were equipped
in order to protect Attica from invasion; these were manned
with Athenians, who were however neither knights nor penteco-
siomedimni, and with resident aliens^°^ At the end of the
summer 1000 hoplitse were sent to Lesbos, who themselves
rowed the ships thither'"*. Thucydides remarks, that at that
time the number of ships in use was very large, but that it was
still greater at the beginning of the war, when Attica, Salamis,

' Corp. Inscript. No. 80.

s"! Corp. Inscript. Nos. 165 and 171.
[In his remarks on the latter inscrip-
tion, vol. i. p. 305— 6, the author re-
tracts the opinion expressed in the
text, that the bowmen mentioned in
these two inscriptions were Athenian

citizens, and states his reasons for con-
sidering them to be foreigners. —
Transl.] The passage of Pausanias
i. 29, 5, refers to the Cretan bowmen.

5"^ Thuc. ii. 24—26.

503 Thuc. ii. 56, iii. 3, 7, 16-

5«^ Thuc. iii. 18.

266

MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS.

[bk. II.

and Euboea, were guarded by 100 ships, 100 had been de-
spatched to the Peloponnese, and 50 more to Potidsea and to
other places, amounting altogether to 250 ; besides these there
were 4600 hoplitcE before the walls of Potideea (only 1600 how-
ever for some time), and an equal number of attendants*''\
Thus we find in this instance, in addition to the land forces
that remained in Attica, a body of 60,000 men in service. In
the expedition to Sicily the numbers were not inferior^*'^ Al-
though the war was continued in Greece, the Athenians decreed
that 60 ships should be sent to Sicily, under the command of
Nicias and Alcibiades; but Nicias, rightly estimating the mag-
nitude of the enterprise, saw that it would be necessary to have
land troops in addition to a powerful naval armament, and
counselled them to send a large number of hoplitee, bowmen,
and slingers, both of their own and of the allies, together with
provision ships and apparatus for baking. He disapproved
however of the war altogether; but in consequence of his
advice the people sent 60 swift-sailing triremes with 40 military
transports, to which were also added 34 allied triremes and the
provision ships: the hoplitee were 5100 in number, of whom
700 were thetes created for the occasion, and 1500 Athenians
from the list of citizens; the others were mostly subject allies
and a few mercenaries ; also 480 bowmen, of whom 80 were
Cretans, 700 Rhodian slingers, 120 light-armed Megarian exiles,
and 30 horsemen. If we reckon the crews of 134 triremes,
each at 200 men, and the attendants of the hoplitae and cavalry,
we find that they amounted to 38,560 men: 250 dismounted
horse soldiers followed at a later period, who were to have been
mounted in Sicily, and also 30 mounted bowmen^". And yet
they were able at the same time to send 30 ships to the Pelo-
ponnese*"^, and other small fleets were dispersed about in
various places. Nor was this all; for 10 ships were sent as a
reinforcement under Eurymedon to Sicily, and 20 for the
blockade of the Peloponnese ; where soon afterwards 30 more

*«* Thuc. iii. 17.

'»« Time. vi. 8, 21, 22, 31 s<i<i. 43.

''' Time,
cib. 20.
''^ Thuc.

vi. 94: cf. riutarcli. Al-

vi. 105,

CH. XXI.] MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS. 26/

were sent under the joint command of Charicles and Demos-
thenesj with 60 Athenian and 5 Chian vessels, together with
1200 hophtee from the Hst of the citizens, and others from the
islands ; the Thracian peltasts, who arrived too late, were sent
home again on account of the scarcity of pay; fresh troops
however were received in different places ; other ships were
also provided, but some of them were again dismissed. When
Demosthenes and Eurymedon arrived in Sicily they had 73
triremes, 5000 hoplitee, together with a number of Grecian and
Barbarian javelineers, sHngers, and bowmen^*'^ Now if we add
together the whole number of men of all descriptions who went,
after the departure of the first fleet, to Sicily, viz., cavalry, hop-
litee, light-armed soldiers, and ships' crews, together with the
servants of the cavalry and hoplitse, it gives about 26,000 men ;
so that the whole military force which was sent to Sicily
amounted to about 64,000 men. In this, moreover, the Sicilian
auxiliaries are not included, but only the Grecian and Italian.
But in the decisive sea-fight at Syracuse only 110 ships were
engaged, and some of these were in very bad condition*^";
40,000 men survived the battle, as Thucydides informs us" '; of
whom many were destroyed by land, 18,000 were put to death,
7000 made prisoners in a body; of the rest some were kept as
slaves by the soldiers, and others sold"^ Diodorus therefore
makes Nicolaus underrate the number, when he states the
Athenian forces in Sicily at more than 200 ships, and above
40,000 men^^^ ; he might have said above 60,000 men.

This loss was the greatest that the Athenians had ever
experienced ; although nearly equal reverses had been sustained
in earlier times. " In Egypt,'' says Isocrate&^'^, whose account

*°^ Thuc. vii. 16, 17, '20, 27,42. Dio- for exaggerating : see his Sparta, vol.
donis is less precise in his statements ii. p. 455.

than Thucydides ; but he agrees with ^'"* Ivp-jxax, 29. To what the loss of

him in the main. See xii. 84, xiii. 2, 7, 1<>,000 hoplitse in the Pontus refers I

8,9,11. am wholly ignorant; but hardly to

^'" Thuc. vii. 60. the auxiliary troops of Cyrus, which

^•' Thuc. vii. 75. had nothing to do with the Athenians.

•^'^ Diod. xiii. 20. yEiian V. H. v. 1 1, transcribes this pas-

^^^ Diod. xiii. 21. Manso misrepre- i sage of Isocrates, but purposely omits

sents Diodorus, and then censures him | these 10,000 soldiers. The manner in

268 MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS. [bk. II.

of the defeats of Athens, although inaccurate, is very remarkable :
"200 triremes were lost, with all their crew, 150 off Cyprus;
and in the Pontus 10,000 hoplitae of the Athenians and the
allies; in Sicily 40,000 men, and 240 triremes; and afterwards
in the Hellespont 200 more : but as to the triremes which had
been lost by tens and fives, and the men who had been destroyed
by thousands and two thousands, who could enumerate them V
In consequence of these calamities, the phratrias and the
register of the Lexiarchs were filled with aliens, in order to
replenish the number of the citizens ; and the races of the most
celebrated men and the noblest families, which had hitherto
preserved an unbroken descent through internal troubles and
disturbances, and through the vicissitudes of the Persian war,
were at length sacrificed to their struggles for dominion, and
became extinct. Perhaps no country ever adopted so many
strangers as Athens : hence that mixture of languages soon
arose, which Xenophon complains of in his Essay upon the
Athenian state; but whatever may have been the inconve-
niences resulting from thi§ practice, no other means would have
sufficed, after such great and repeated losses, to keep up the
numbers of the citizens : with regard indeed to the defeat in
Sicily, many strangers were involved in it ; the greater part of
the citizens were at home : for as at that precise period, after
Alcibiades had been recalled from Sicily, the Spartans occupied
Decelea, and kept it constantly garrisoned, it was impossible to
leave the city in a defenceless state. The fact of there having
been only 5000 hoplitee admitted into a share of the govern-
ment which was introduced in Olymp. 92, 1 (b.c. 412), imme-
diately after the Sicilian expedition^'*, may indeed in part have
been occasioned by the misfortunes of war, but is chiefly to be
accounted for from the circumstance that the thetes are not
comprised in this number; for by law they were prohibited
from serving as hoplitae ; and in this instance they would have

which Isocrates counted the 240 ships
has been shown by Perizonius upon
^.lian. Cneius Piso justly observed
that the population of Athens in later

times was a conflux of vagabonds and
rabble, Tacit. Annal. ii. 55.
''^ Thuc. viii. 97.

CH. XXI.]

MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS.

269

been still more strictly excluded, as the registration was made
in reference to an aristocratical constitution, in which the hop-
litse were to compose the pubhc assembly ; for which reason
many citizens, even who were not thetes, were unquestionably
debarred from a participation. The same holds good of the
3000 in the anarchy^'% who were hoplitse; but it is impossible
that these were the only persons of this description, and we
must suppose that they were selected arbitrarily from among
the citizens who remained at home.

By these means Athens sustained herself in the years
immediately following the Sicilian expedition; and notwith-
standing her unfavourable condition, defeated the Lacedaemonians
off Abydos (Olymp. 92, 2, B.C. 411), with 86 ships'^^; and soon
afterwards for the second time, off Cyzicus"^ Then Alcibiades
appeared with 100, and afterwards Conon with 70 ships'*'^; and
this fleet being unsuccessful, the Athenians, in Olymp. 93, 3
(B.C. 406), equipped 110 ships within 30 days, the crews of
which were composed of all persons who were able to serve in
war, both slaves and citizens; and there were even some knights
who went with them. To these were added 10 Samian and
more than 30 other allied vessels, and several which had been
detached to different places were recalled, making altogether
more than 150; while Conon retained 70 under his immediate
command, of which 30 were lost'^". The crews of the ships
that fought at Arginusae alone amounted to more than 30,000
men; those of Conon's fleet to 14,000, and many persons capa-
ble of bearing arms must necessarily have remained at home.
Lastly, in the battle of ^gospotamos the Athenian force
amounted to 180 triremes, which would require alone 36,000
men^^'.

Even after the unfortunate termination of the Peloponnesian
war, the Athenians soon recovered themselves, and in Olvmp.

"'^ Xenoph. Hell. ii. 3, 12, 13, 4, 2.

"^ Time. viii. 104, and Diod. xiii.
under Olymp. 92, 3.

*i« Xenoph. Hell. i. 1, Diod. xiii.
under Olymp. 92, 2.

'^^ Xenoph. Hell. i. 5, Diod. iinder

Olymp. 93, 1, 2.

5^" Xenoph. Hell. 1. 6, Diod. under
Olymp. 93, 3.

"' Xenoph. Hell. ii. I, 13, Diod,
under Olymp. 93, 4.

MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS.

[bk.

IT.

100, f (B.C. 377)j were enabled to think of equipping, according
to Polybius, 100 ships and 10,000 hoplitae; or according to
Diodorus, 200 ships, 20,000 hoplitee, and 500 cavalry''^ The
forces of Chares, Timotheus, Chabrias, and Iphicrates, were
not inconsiderable, as we learn from the historians; according
to Isocrates, the state possessed 200 triremes even at a later
period than this; Demosthenes in the 106th Olympiad (b.c.
354), reckons the naval force at 300 vessels, which could be
sent to sea on an emergency, together with 1000 horse-soldiers,
and as large a number of hoplitee as might be wished^"; Lycur-
gus provided the state with 400 triremes^^*, and so completely
filled the docks that they could not contain any more; the
Athenians sent to the assistance of the Byzantines not less than
120 ships, together with hoplitae and a supply of missiles*";
and before the battle of Chceronea, they decreed to send 200
ships to sea''^^ At this time, however, the military force was
in a continually declining state, as the citizens were unwilling
to serve, and preferred carrying on war with mercenaries, while
they were squandering away the public revenue at home in
shows and banquets. It is true that mercenaries had been fre-
quently employed in the Peloponnesian war, both in the fleet
as rowers, and by land as heavy and light-armed troops; but it
had not then become a principle, that the whole war should
depend on the services of mercenaries. Isocrates^^^ at the time
of the Social war, complains that his countrymen no longer
exerted themselves; so far from it, that they employed refugees,
deserters, and other criminals, who would immediately turn
their arms against Athens if any body offered them higher pay;
and this the Athenians did at a time when they were hardly
able to defray the expenses of the administration; whereas for-
merly, when there was abundance of treasure in the Acropolis,

*" Diod. XV. 29, Tolyb. ii. 62, Comp.
book iv. ch. 4.

"' Isocrat. Areop. 1, Demosth. de
Symmor. p. 181, 17, p. 183, 15, p.
18G, 8.

'"'" See Meurs. Fort. Att. vii. and
more particularly the tltird decree

after the Lives of the Ten Orators.

^'^^ Decree of the Byzantines in
Demosth. pro Corona, p. 25G.

^^^ Decree in Demosth. pro Corona,
p. 290.

^^' ^vfxfiax. 16.

CII. XXI.]

MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS.

271

the citizens themselves served in war. It was a common prac-
tice to write down 10^000, 20,000 mercenaries; but it was a
force which existed only on paper, and nothing more than a
decree to that effect went out with the general: they chose 10
generals, 10 taxiarchs, 10 phylarchs, and 2 hipparchs; but with
the exception of 1, they all remained at home, and together
with the sacrificers, superintended the processions. Every
general was two or three times put on his trial for life or
death, and when defeated with his mercenaries, was made the
object of party accusations. In order to diminish this evil,
Demosthenes counselled the Athenians that the fourth part of
the standing army which he advised them to form, should be
composed of citizens. In addition to this it often happened
that the foreign leader of the mercenaries was a general, the
equipments of the army were never ready at the right time, and
that the war was carried on upon unsound military principles'^*.
The greatest number of mercenaries which Athens collected at
this time against Philip was, according to the statement of
Demosthenes, 15,000, together with 2000 cavalry, which were
furnished by the Euboeans, Achaeans, Corinthians, Thebans,
Megarians, Leucadians, and Corcyrseans, in addition to the
other force composed of the citizens of these nations^": others
than these Athens was forced to maintain at her own expense.

The total numerical amount of the land army must always
be estimated at twice the number of men which is stated by
ancient authors, when they merely mention hoplitae and cavalry.
For each hoplite had an attendant (vTrrjpirrj^;, crKevo<ji6pos)
who carried his baggage and provisions, and also his shield;
the horseman, too, had a servant who attended to his horse
[liriTOKoixosy^^, This regulation diminished the labour of the
soldiers ; but it must necessarily have produced a regular and

5^ Demosth. Philip, i. p. 45, 47, 53.

*^^ Demosth. pro Corona, p. 306.
And thence Plutarch, in his Life of
Demosthenes, 17. The statement in
the first decree at the end of the Lives
of the Ten Orators and in /Esch. c.
Ctesiph. p. 488, is lower, Cf. ibid. p.

536. ^schines states a less number,
as he does not include the Theban
mercenaries.

^3° Thuc. iii. 17, viL 75,78, Xenoph.
Hell. ii. 4, comp. Barthel. Anacliar.
vol. ii. p. 145.

272 PAY AND PROVISIONING OF [bK. IT.

continual system of depredation. That the armies were also
attended by a large train of carriages and asses"' and of suttlers
does not require to be stated.

Chapter XXIL

Pay and Provisioning of the Army and Navy.

In ancient times the troops received no pay, excepting such
foreign soldiers as engaged themselves in the service of a
state; a practice which the Carians were the first to introduce,
and which among the Greeks the Arcadians, who resembled the
Swiss in their mercenary habits, were particularly prone to.
Pericles first introduced the pay of the citizens who served as
soldiers"^

The payment was made under two different names; one
being the wages {ijlktOos) paid for actual service, which the sol-
diers, when the cost of their arms and clothes had been
deducted, were able to lay by; and secondly, the allowance for
provisions {a-cTrjpea-cov, o-LrapKeca, alro^), which were seldom
furnished in kind. The soldiers being free citizens, it was
thought that the state was bound to pay them highly, and that
if freemen undertook this hazardous service and discharged
their duties at the risk of their lives, they were entitled at least
to a maintenance: the generals and commanders were, however,
proportionally ill paid, as their distance from the common
soldiers was not so great as at the present day; the honour of
their situation was also considered as sufficient indemnification,
and they had the chance of being remunerated by booty and
contributions. The pay was generally given out in gold; by
the Athenians probably for the most part in their own silver ;
the provision-money was also given at the same time, which
for that reason has not always been properly distinguished by
ancient writers from the pay, and consequently it will be

"^^ Xenopli.(Econ. 84, and frequent- | "^ Ulpiau ad Demosth. Trepi o-vi/raf
ly in the Historians. | p. 50 A.

CTI. XXII.J THE ARMY AND NAVY. 2^3

impossible for us always to ascertain the difference. The pay
of an hoplite never amounted to less than 2 oboli a day, and
the provision money to the same sum : which was still the
common rate in the age of Demosthenes ; since this orator
reckons 10 drachmas a month for the provision money of the
hoplitee, and 30 drachmas for that of the cavalry, together con-
sequently they amounted to 4 oboli a day for each hoplite ;
the attendants were not always paid separately. The life of a
soldier was proverbially called, on account of this rate of pay,
the life of a tetrobolon {rerpw^oXov ^io<;y^^. At the same
time higher pay was frequently given. In the beginning of the
Peloponnesian war, the hoplitse who besieged Potideea received
daily 2 drachmas a head, one for themselves, the other for their
servants"''; in which instance the pay was doubtless rated at 3
oboli, and the provision at the same sum. In the Acharneans
of Aristophanes"' some Thracian soldiers are introduced de-
manding 2 drachmas for pay, including of course the provision
money: the Thracians who were sent back in the Sicilian war
on account of a scarcity of money, were to have received a
drachma each day"^; this was the rate of pay for every descrip-
tion of force in the Sicilian expedition. If here again we reckon
one half for the pay, and the other for provision, each amounted
to 3 oboli ; and this was the sum which the bowmen at Athens,
who composed the city-guard, received, and as they were
bondsmen it was probably paid not as wages, but provision
money"'. Cyrus the younger at first gave a daric a month to
the Grecians in his service, and afterwards li"^ the former
pay would amount to 20, the latter to 30, drachmas of silver,
reckoning the ratio of gold to silver as 1 to 10, which is pro-
bably far too low for that age. Seuthes gave a Cyzicenic stater
a month to the common soldiers, twice that sum to the lochagi.

^^ Eustath. ad Odyss. p. 1405, ad II.
p. 951, ed. Rom. A passage of the
comic poet Theopompus, where he
speaks of a pajment of 2 oboli, can
only be understood of the pay, without
the provision. See book i. ch. 22.

"* Thuc. iii. 17, to which Pollux
iv. 165, refers.

535 Vs. 158. The date of this play
is Olymp. 88, 3 (b.c. 426).

"6 Thuc. vii. 27.

53' Comp. above b. ii. ch. 11.

5-*« Xenoph. Cyr. Exped. i. 3, 21.

274

PAY AND PROVISIONING OF

[bk. II.

and four times that sum to the generals"*: this same gold coin
is also mentioned in other places as monthly pay'"*'; the double
and four-fold scale for the commanders was probably the esta-
blished rate of payment ; thus Thimbron offered the common
soldiers a daric a month, and the commanders in the same pro-
portion as Seuthes^*'; sometimes indeed common mercenaries,
if they particularly distinguished themselves, received from
those who understood how to purchase their favour, two-fold,
three-fold, and four-fold pay {^LfioLpla, rpi/jLOipia, TerpajMOi-
pLaY*^, In these cases the provision money is included,
without its being particularly specified. After the destruction
of Mantinea, the Spartans and their allies having decreed to
raise an army, the allies were permitted to contribute money
instead of troops, at the rate of 3 ^ginetan oboli a day for each
foot soldier, and four times this sum for the cavalry ^''^; now 3
^ginetan are 5 Athenian oboli, which were in this case evidently
to be given for pay and provision together. In the time of the
Peloponnesian war, the same sum was stipulated for provision
alone. For in the alliance of the Athenians, Argives, Manti-
neans, and Eleans, it was fixed that the state affording assist-
ance should provide the troops which they sent with necessaries
for thirty days ; and that if the troops remained longer, the
state to whose assistance they came should give the infantry 3
-iEginetan oboli a day, and the cavalry twice this sum, for pro-
vision (o-fcTo?)^'"'. It follows at the same time from these facts,
that the cavalry were treated very differently from the infantry,
as their pay and provision money sometimes amounted to twice
and even three or four times the pay received by the latter ; at
Athens the three-fold scale was adopted ; if the hoplitse received
2 oboli for provision money, the horsemen received a drachma*".
This latter proportion also existed among the Romans*"*^

These examples show that during the Peloponnesian war.

"^ Xenoph. Cyr. Exped. vii. 3, 19,
cC viL 6, 1.

^*^ Xenoph. ibid. v. 6, 12.
^^ Xenoph. ibid. vii. 6, 1.
^*^ Xenoph. Hell. vi. 1, 4. Ai^oipT-

rat is interpreted incorrectly in Lex.
Seg. p. 242.

^" Xenoph. Hell. v. 2, 14.

5" Thucyd. v. 4?.

*^^ Demosth. Philipp. i. p. 47.

^*^ Lipsius Milit. Rom. v. 16.

CH. XXII.] THE ARMY AND NAVY. 275

the soldiers who served on land were the best paid ; afterwards,
and particularly in the time of Philip, less was given, as the
multitude of adventurers and mercenaries had increased, and
the wealthy citizens seldom served, who would have required a
higher pay to have enabled them to live in a manner suitable
to their habits. The pay of the naval forces was in like manner
variable ; although it does not appear to have fallen off in a
degree at all corresponding to that of the land service ; but it
was first higher, then it became lower, and then something
higher again. As the statements given are generally of the sum
total of the pay of the whole ship^s company, it will be neces-
sary first to ascertain the numbers of the crew of a trireme.
In the sea as well as in the land service a distinction was made
between pay and provision {acrrjpeacovy*'^; in the sea service
the latter was frequently given in money^^% and was supplied at
the public expense; although if it happened that the generals
had no money, the trierarch perhaps would either contribute
some part, or voluntarily engage the whole number of seamen
at his own cost^*^. Demosthenes reckons 20 minas a month as
the provision money of a trireme""; which, upon the supposi-
tion that the 200 men in a trireme were paid according to the
same rate, or rather that 200 times the pay of a common sailor
was required for the payment of the whole crew, would come to
2 oboli a head, the same sum that a common land soldier was
to receive according to the plan of Demosthenes. Now since
the pay and provision money used to be equal, the common
soldier received at that time 4 oboli for both, the sum paid to
the paralitse as wages in time of peace"'. On the other hand,
the Athenians in the beginning of the Peloponnesian war gave
the seamen as much as a drachma a day"*; which was the case
afterwards in the expedition against Sicily ; when the trierarchs
also made additional allowances to the thranitse, and to certain

5^7 Demosth. c. Polycl.p 1209, 12.

5^8 Orat. c. Timoth. p. 1187, 21 ;
Demosth. c. Polycl. p. 1223, 19, p.
1224, 1.

^*^ The latter for example in the

case in Demosth. c. Polycl. p. 1208, 15.
5 5" Philip, i. p. 47, 48.
"1 Book ii. ch. 16.
"2 Thuc. iii. 17.

T 2

276 PAY AND PROVISIONING OF [bK. II.

other persons employed in the ship, such as the steersman, &c."'
If at this rate of payment we again reckon the crew at 200
men, the monthly pay amounted to a talent; according to
which the Egestseans, for the purpose of promoting the war
against Syracuse, sent 60 talents to Athens as monthly pay for
60 vessels"''. In general however the Athenians at that time
only gave 3 oboli, which, it clearly appears, were both for the
daily pay and provision of a sailor; if they gave a drachma, it
was for the purpose of stimulating the exertions and augmenting
the numbers of the men. Thus Tissaphernes promised to the
seamen at Sparta an Attic drachma a da)^, and at first he kept
his word (Olymp. 92, 1, B.C. 412), although afterwards at the
instigation of Alcibiades he refused to give more than 3 oboli,
until the king had allowed the whole drachma, as even Athens
only gave 3 oboli. In withholding this he was not influenced
by want of money; but, in addition to other reasons, he feared
lest the possession of so much more money than they wanted
should produce insubordination amongst the seamen, and lead
them into dissolute habits, by which their bodies would be
enfeebled. At the same time he consented, instead of 3 oboli a
day for each man, to give 3 talents a month for 5 ships, i. e. for
every ship 36 minas; if therefore we reckon 200 men to a
trireme, 18 drachmas a month or 3f oboli a day would be the
pay of each man"\ In the agreement between Sparta and
Persia the rate fixed had been only 3 oboli"% and Tissaphernes
gave the rest merely as a voluntary addition, and without the
approval of the king. Again, at a subsequent period, the
Spartans demanded a drachma of Cyrus the younger, and main-

*" Thuc. vi. 31, with the SchoUast. rrevre vavs nXeov dv8p\ UanTarj rpels

"^ Thuc. vi. 8. o/3oXoi a)^oXoyj7^7;o-ai/ contains the same

'^^ Thuc. viii. 45, 29. The latter sense, since Tzapa TreVre means, by every

passage Palmei-ius and Duker have five ships, and the following sentence

alone nghtly understood : the note of from kul toIs aXXois down to ediboroy

the latter is the best worth consulting, shows the justness of this correction.
It should evidently be written, eV yap **^ Concerning the agreement see

TTePTcuaviTpiaraXauTaedidovTov iJLTjvbs, Thuc. viii. 5. That only 3 oboli was

and the words kuI nevT^Kovra are an the sum fixed in it is evident from

imintelUgible addition from viii. 26. Xenopli. Hellen. i. 5, 3.
The preceding sentence op.a>s Se napa

CH. XXII.]

THE ARMY AND NAVY.

277

tained their unreasonable claim by saying that the Athenian
sailors would desert to their side, as they only received half as
much 3 in answer to which Cyrus appealed to the agreement, by
which each ship was to receive only 30 minas a month, or 3
oboli for each man; however, Cyrus allowed himself to be
prevailed on by their entreaties to give to each sailor an addi-
tional obolus, after which they received 4 oboli a day"^. In
this instance also 200 men are reckoned to the trireme. It
may be farther observed that the seamen, when they were first
engaged, received bounties and advances of money, that they
generally made considerable demands, and after all were with
difficulty retained in the service. The travelling expenses of
those who went away either by land or water were frequently
paid, and particularly by private individuals"^.

The foregoing statements relative to the pay of the sailors,
concur throughout in the fact that there were 200 men to be paid
in each trireme : and in these accounts the marines or soldiers,
as well as the sailors, must have been included, since otherwise a
separate payment for them would have been somewhere men-
tioned; and they are evidently comprised among the ship^s
company, when the ancients speak of the pay of the seamen.
But as a doubt has been raised whether a trireme did in fact
contain so large a crew, it appears necessary to produce addi-
tional testimony in order to confirm our supposition.

According to Herodotus, Cleinias, the son of Alcibiades,
served in the battle of Salamis with a trireme of his own and
200 men"^ The same author^^" estimates the whole force of
Xerxes, which consisted of 1207 ships, at 241,400 men, taking
200 for each as the regular number, inclusive of the marines
that belonged to them ; the 30 epibatse who were also on board,
did not belong to the regular complement, but were added to
the full crew from the Persians, Medes, and Sacse. Plato in the

557 Xenoph. Hell. i. 5, 3, 4 ; Plut.
Lysander, 4 ; Alcib. 35.

558 Demosth. c. Polycl. p. 1208, 16,
p. 1212, 9, 19, de Trierarch. Corona, p.
1231, 10; Time. vi. 31; Lysias pro
Mautith. p. 579.

559 Herod, viii. I7.

560 Yii. 184, of. 96. Duker ad Tlmcyd.
viii. 29, unjustly blames Meibomius
(de Fabrica Triremium) for not in-
cluding tliese 30 epibatse in the calcu-
lation .

278 PAY AND PROVISIONING OF [bK. II.

Critias**' gives a sketch of a military force for the inhabitants
of Atlantica according to the custom prevalent in his own time,
excepting that he speaks of military chariots, which were but
seldom used even in the interval between the Persian and
Peloponnesian wars. Of the 60,000 lots into which he divides
the country, each is to supply, besides the chariots and their
drivers, 2 hoplitse, 2 bowmen, 2 slingers, 3 light armed soldiers
for throwing stones, and the same number for throwing javelins,
and lastly, 4 seamen for the manning {ifXriptoixa) of 200 ships,
which gives 200 a-piece. There is however one statement
which does not agree with this number. In the Lexicon
Rhetoricum^*^^ the complement of a penteconter is stated at 50
men, or 1 lochus, and the trireme at 300 men, or 6 lochi. It is
possible that the rowers of the triremes were distributed into 6
lochi, each row upon either side being separately considered a
lochus ; but that each lochus amounted to 50 men is unques-
tionably false; it is more probable that the number was 25 men
or thereabouts, if the lochus was numerous, and that the
marines made up the rest of the crew. But it may be said, if
there were 200 men to each trireme, how could the pay of the
whole crew have been exactly 200 times that received by the
common sailor; a talent a month, when the common sailor
received a drachma, and a half talent when he received 3 oboli ?
must not the commanders and the experienced seamen have
received more than the common rowers ? To this I answer as
follows; that in the payment of a ship^s crew it was settled
once for all, that the pay of a trireme should be 200 times the
wages of a common seaman : it must at the same time be con-
sidered as probable, that the rowers received less than the
average rate of pay, and that the able seamen received some-
what more, so that what was deducted from the former was
added to the latter. The Schohast of Aristophanes'" distinctly
asserts that the thalamitae received lower wages, because they
had the shortest oars, and consequently the lightest labour : the
thranitee on the other hand from having the largest oars had
the greatest fatigue, and for this reason in the Sicihan expedi-

P. 119 A sqq. *" Lex. Scg. p. 298. ^^^ Acliarn. 1100'.

CH. XXII.]

THE ARMY AND NAVY.

279

tion the trierarchs made them an additional allowance, together
with some other inferior persons in the vessel, probably the
steersman, the proreus, &c.; but that their regular pay was
higher we are neither told by Thucydides nor his interpreter^^^,
who have been adduced as authorities for the assertion. But
even if the pay was graduated according to rank, we could not
apportion the different rates for each description of seamen ;
especially as we are not able to ascertain with accuracy the
respective numbers of each class. It is indeed scarcely possible
even with the aid of conjecture to determine the proportion
which the sailors in a ship bore to the soldiers ; I will therefore
make some addition to what has been already observed on
this point with a view to render more intelligible our assump-
tion respecting the numbers of the crew of a trireme.

Triremes were of different kinds, either swift (ra^etat), or
military transports (o-rpaTtcwTiSe?, oTrXcTayayyol) : the latter
were completely filled with land forces, who, as they were put
on board solely for the purpose of being carried from one place
to another, were for this reason ineffective in battle, and there-
fore never called on to fight except on emergencies^^^; the
former kind however took on board no more than the full com-
plement of men {ifKrjpcofxa) which was necessary for working and
defending the ship. The troops on board the military trans-
ports in addition to the proper crews were, like all persons who
travelled by sea, called epibatee; 5100 men were transported in
40 such vessels, according to the account of Thucydides, making
altogether with their respective attendants more than 200 men
to a trireme; the Thebans sent 300 men to Pagasse in 2 tri-
remes^^% whose motion was consequently much retarded. The
hoplitse upon a few occasions transported themselves, per-
forming the labour of rowing with their own hands (avTepiraiY^K
The crews of the swift triremes however consisted of two
descriptions of men, of the soldiers or marines appointed to

^«* vi. 31.

^®5 Thucyd.i. 116, aiFords an instance
of this.

^«« Thucyd. viii. 43 ; Xenoph. Hell.

V. 4, 56. There were 300 citizens who
were on board the triremes as epibatae
and no rowers.

^"7 Thiic. iii. 18, cf. vi. Dl.

280 PAY AND PROVISIONING OF [bK. II.

defend the vessels, who were also called epibatee ; and of the
sailors. These epibatse were entirely distinct from the land
soldiers, such as hoplitse, peltasts, and cavab-y'"' ; and belonged
to the vessel: but if it was an object to increase the usual
number, it was easy to give an additional quota of land soldiers,
as for instance the 30 to each trireme in Xerxes^ fleet. The
seamen, under whom I include the whole crew with the excep-
tion of the soldiers, are called sometimes servants (vTrrjpeTac),
sometimes sailors {vavTat): in a more limited sense however
the rowers {ipirai, KcoTTTjXdrac) are distinct from the servants
and sailors, and only comprise those who were employed at the
steerage, sails, cordage, pumps, &c. Finally, the rowers were
of three kinds, thranitse, zygit6e, and thalamitse.

If now the regular crew of the swift triremes amounted to
200 men, how was this number divided ? Meibomius reckons
180 rowers in three rows, so that there were 30 upon each bank,
on either side. This is a most singular hypothesis. For if
there were 180 rowers, there would only remain 20 for all the
rest of the crew, whereas the navigation of the ship alone would
have required this number, if we consider only the steersman,
the proreus, the celeustes, the trieraules, the nauphylax, the
toicharchs, the diopes, the eschareus, and the many others that
were unquestionably employed; and what room do we then
leave for the marines ? The supposition of Meibomius is
borrowed from the quinquireme, to which Polybius assigns
300 rowers, and 1 20 fighting men ; the former in five rows of
60 men, 30 on each side ; but his reason for crowding as many
rowers into the long side of the trireme, which he reckons at
105 feet, as into that of the quinquireme which measured 150
feet, is arbitrary. Not to go into farther details, the rowers
could not have amounted to more than 130 or 140 men, if we
leave a sufficient number for that part of the crew which
worked the ship, and for the epibatee. In the quinquireme the
rowers were to the marines in the ratio of 5 to 2 ; in a pente-
conter there were 30 men besides the 50 rowers"^ most of
whom were undoubtedly soldiers, as the number required for

Xenoph. Hell. i. 2, 4. i«9 Herod, vii. 184.

CH. XXII.] THE ARMY AND NAVY. 281

the working of the vessel must in this case have been smaller ;
probably only about 10 men, so that the ratio of the rowers to
the fighters was again as 5 to 2. If therefore we reckon that
there were in a trireme 130 or 140 rowers, and 40 or 50
epibatee, in addition to 20 other seamen, the number of rowers
assumed is proportionally large.

I know only of two definite accounts of the number of the
epibatse which refer to particular occasions. Herodotus^"" tells
us that the Chians having revolted from Persia, and equipped a
hundred ships, distributed 40 opulent citizens as epibatee in
each trireme, which agrees perfectly with my computation.
Plutarch"' informs us that only 18 men fought upon deck on
board the Athenian triremes at the battle of Salamis; that of
these, 4 were bowmen and the others heavy-armed ; this esti-
mate is however singularly low.

With regard to the mode of fighting it may be observed,
that the rowers struck their opponents with oars, the epibatse
used arrows and darts at a distance, spears and swords in close
combat"". It must not however be supposed that the rowers
were so nearly defenceless. Isocrates"^ indeed in the passage
in which he complains that foreigners were then serving as
fighting men, and citizens as rowers, remarks, that in descents
upon the enemies' territory, the former fought as hoplitee, while
the latter landed with the cushions on which they sat; from
which it might be inferred that the rowers were unprovided with
any weapons of defence ; there can however be no doubt that
they were armed, only not in any regular manner, every one
providing for himself as he could, or as accident determined for
him, some as peltasts, bowmen, &c., that is, the thranitse and
zygitae"^, and probably the thalamitee also. They were there-
fore able to serve on land, which was necessarily the case with
the hopUtse who rowed themselves*'*. Since then the arming
of the rowers was irregular, some preparations were frequently

570 Herod, vi. 15.

571 Themist. 14.

'72 Compare for example Diod. xiii.
46.

'7<» 2vfxfiax. 16.
^'* Thuc. iv. 3, 2.

7 5 See the passages referred to in
note 367.

282

PAY AND PROVISIONING OF

[bK. II.

required in order to make them serviceable on land. Thus
Thrasyllus armed 5000 seamen belonging to his 50 triremes as
peltasts'''; and on an occasion mentioned by Thucydides'" the
sailors were obliged to be provided with shields before they
could serve upon land. This irregularity in the equipment of
the seamen is the less surprising, as we find that even the
hoplitse and the epibatee were not armed with perfect uni-
formity^ ; for, had this been the case, there would have been no
foundation for the story which Herodotus relates of an hoplite
in the battle of Plateese, who brought an anchor with him, in
order to fasten himself to the ground^^^; or an epibates, who
made use of a spear sickle [BopvBpeTravov) instead of a spear, as
Plato"^ mentions.

The land and sea forces generally received their pay and
provision at the same time ; if any portion of it remained in
arrear, it was commonly the pay; and the provision money,
as being necessary, was usually supplied first. In the expe-
dition of Timotheus against Corcyra, the mercenaries had
received three months^ provisions in advance, but no pay had
been supplied; so that there would have been considerable
danger of their going over to the enemy, if Timotheus had not
inspired them with confidence in his pecuniary resources by
making them a present of the provision money which they had
received in advance^^^ Demosthenes^^^ mentions another in-
stance, in which the trierarch had received the whole of the
provision money for his crew, though he obtained no more than
two months' pay for the whole time of his trierarchy.

Here too should be mentioned a suggestion of the same
statesman in the first Philippic, which however was never put
into execution. He proposed to maintain a standing army, in
order to carry on war against Macedon without intermission ;
10 ships and 2000 infantry, at an expense for each of 40 talents;
and 200 cavalry, at 12 talents a year: these sums however
were only to be given them as provision money ; he would not
allow any pay, but they were to have unlimited permission

57« Xenoph. lIcU. i. 2, 1, cf. i. 1, 24.

*'7 iv. 0.

*7" llurod. l\. 74.

^79 Laches, p. 183 D.

^»" Pseud-Aristot. (Ecou. ii. 23.

*«' C. Polycl. p. 1209, 12.

CH. XXII.] THE ARMY AND NAVY. 283

to plunder. This proposal is worthy of remark, as having
no parallel in any Grecian author ; it is the outline of a plan
for embodying a military force to maintain itself at free
quarters, and at the same time to form a permanent standing
army; though its continuance was indeed limited to the dura-
tion of war. A standing army in time of peace would not only
have utterly ruined the finances, had it received pay, but, if it
had consisted of citizens, would have led to a military govern-
ment ; as the Thousand at Argos, who were required to devote
themselves exclusively to the exercise of arms, and received
pay for their services, took forcible possession of the supreme
power, and changed the democracy into an oligarchy^^^. The
Greeks were well aware that a standing army obtained a
greater degree of skill in the art of war ; but they were pre-
vented from introducing it by the nature of their constitutions :
for neither were they able to realize the ideal state of Plato, in
which the standing army, formed according to philosophical and
moral principles, is at the head of the government ; nor could
they return to the oriental form of castes, an institution of
universal adoption in remote antiquity, and under which Attica
had in early times had her military caste ; nor, lastly, could they
have endured the oppression of a military government. The
Romans were of the same opinion : even after their government
had declined into a barbarous military despotism, it was never-
theless considered indecorous that an armed force should reside
in the capital, for the purpose, as it were, of overawing the
people ; and in order to preserve the decorum to which they
owed the continuance of all ancient forms, and even of the
senate itself, the imperial guards at Rome were compelled to
wear the civil toga, and their helmets and shields were kept in
the armoury^°^

With regard to the scheme of Demosthenes mentioned
above, it seems strange, according to our notions, that the
soldiers were to have first received money merely for provision,
and to have had no pay whatever ; as it appears more natural to

^^'■^ Diod. xii. 75, 80; Time. v. 81 ; Puusaa. ii. 20 ; Aristot. Polit. v. 4.
'^-' See Lipsius ad Tacit. Hist. i. oC.

284 PAY AND PROVISIONING OF [bK. II.

have given them pay, and have suppUed provisions by means of
requisition and quartering: but the former method was too
tedious and difficult in an enemy's country, if it was to be
exacted regularly; and the latter was very rarely practised in the
Greek states. In the first place, it was unnecessary, war being
generally carried on in the favourable time of year, and the life
of a camp in so mild a climate was healthy and pleasant ; in the
second place, it was inadmissible upon military in a foreign, and
on political principles in a friendly, country. The ancients, on
account of the freedom of their governments, would not, any
more than England, have submitted to an institution from
which every sort of oppression and injustice is inseparable, and
which endangers the very existence of liberty; considering too
the greater dissoluteness of their morals (particularly with
regard to the intercourse of the sexes and their proneness to
unnatural vices), the susceptibility of their passions, the want of
discipline in the armies, and the great claims and pretensions of
the soldiers, the necessary consequences of such an institution
would have been murders, insurrections, and revolutions. In
the case of friendly states it was first necessary to ask whether
an army in march or a naval force could be received into the
city alone, and even this was frequently denied : if permission
was granted, everything was paid for on the spot. When
Athens sent an army to the assistance of the Thebans, they
received it in so friendly a manner, that the hoplitee and cavalry
being encamped without the city, the Thebans admitted them into
their houses : but in how marked a manner does Demosthenes
boast that no disturbance ensued, " The three most splendid
encomia of your virtues,^' he says' ^% " the Thebans showed on
that day to all the Greeks; the first of your courage, the second
of your justice, the third of your moderation: for by giving
into your power what with them and all people is guarded with
the greatest sanctity, their wives and children, they showed that
they had a firm assurance of your continence : and in that they
judged rightly, for after the army had entered the city, no
inhabitant made any complaint against you, no, not even an

^"* Tro Corona, j). 2'J'J, extr.

CH. XXII.] THE ARMY AND NAVY. 285

unjust one/' The Persians however managed their army in a
different manner : in their expedition to Greece they encamped
indeed in the open fields, but were supported by the inhabitants :
the reception and maintenance of Xerxes' army cost the
Thasians alone, for their towns situated upon the main-land,
400 talents, which were paid out of the public money, so that
individuals did not directly bear the burden; and the Abderite
said with justice that the whole state would have been destroyed
if Xerxes had breakfasted as well as dined there^^\ Datames
the Persian provisioned his troops in the same manner in a
foreign country^^\ The Romans oppressed the provinces most
grievously with their armies, especially for winter quarters ; the
praetors, when bought off by one city, were not ashamed to
burden another : these bribes were called the Vectigal Presto-
rium, whence in subsequent times the Epidemeticum arose^".

Whether the allowance for provision was given out in
money or in kind, it was the imperative duty of the generals to
attend to the provisioning of the troops, especially for voyages,
when food could not be purchased day by day. It usually hap-
pened that a large market established itself in any place where
the armies either remained for a time, or were expected. Here
the soldiers supplied their wants, and upon a march their
servants and beasts of burden carried provisions in the rear ;
suttlers and handicraftsmen followed for the sake of their own
gain : Datames the Persian even supported a number of these
traffickers, in order to have a share in their profits, and pro-
hibited all others from entering into competition with them^^^.
With great armies the supply of provisions was necessarily on
a large scale : the Grecian army at Plataese was followed by
large stores from the Peloponnese, the care of which belonged
to the attendants"^; in like manner the Persian army was
followed by whole fleets of store-ships. The provident Nicias
stated it as an indispensable requisite to the undertaking of the
Sicilian expedition, that wheat and roasted barley should be

^^^ Herod, vii. 118 sqq. ; tioned by Tacitus, Hist. i. 66".

=^^ Pseud- Aristot. CEcon. ii. 24. | ^^^ Pseud- Aristot. ut sup.

5^7 Burmann de Yect. Pop. Rom.xii. \ ^^^ Herod, ix. 39, cf. 50.
An action of similar oppression is men-

286

PAY AND PROVISIONING OF

[bk. II,

sent from Attica to Sicily, and that they should take with them
hired bakers, who were procured from the mills by a compul-
sory levy'''; the provision fleet collected at Corcyra, consisting
of 30 corn vessels, with the bakers and other handicraftsmen,
such as stone-masons and carpenters, and the implements
required for a siege; also 100 smaller vessels were constrained
to attend the store ships, and many others, both smaller and
larger, followed the army for the sake of traffic^^'. When such
was the case, however, the soldiers doubtless purchased their
provision either from individuals or from the state, which had
only the care of procuring supphes, without anything being
given freely to the soldiers, unless perchance no provision
money had been paid them. When Timotheus besieged Samos,
a scarcity of provisions was produced by the concourse of so
many strangers; he therefore prohibited the selling of ground
corn, and did not allow it to be sold plain in less quantities than
a medimnus, or any liquids in less quantities than a metretes;
by these means the strangers were obliged to bring their provi-
sions with them, and they sold whatever remained unconsumed;
while the taxiarchs and lochagi bought food by wholesale, and
retailed it among the soldiers^'^ The same must be con-
sidered to have been the case in the Sicilian expedition, and
other similar occasions. If the provision was supplied in kind,
which was necessarily more general with the sea than with the
land service, the commanders received the siteresion, and with
that money they purchased a store of provisions. The trierarchs
supplied their inferiors with barley-meal (aX(j>tTa), cheese, and
onions^^% or garlic, which were carried in nets"*^*; the maza was
baked from the barley-meaP®% with water and oiP'^; and if it

**' Thuc. vi. 22, -where the bakers
are called T]vayKa(Tix€voL cfifxiadoi, as,
although they received pay, they had
been pressed into this expedition.
npos fiepos Duker rightly interprets
pro rata portione : it is not however in
reference to the corn, but means that
a proportional number should be taken
from each mill, eV tcov fivXavav rrpos
fjifpos, for example, two out of each.

23 ; Polyjen.

591 Time. vi. 30,44.

^^^ Pseud-Aristot. ii.
iii. 10, 10.

593 Plutarch, de Glor. Ath. fi.

59^ Thence the saying, (XKopohov eV
bLKTvois, see Suidas in v. crKopodiois.

•95 Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 1105.

59« Hesychius and Zonaras in v.

CH. XXII.]

THE ARMY AND NAVY.

287

was wished particularly to stimulate the rowers^ wine also was
added^^^ Probably each man received a choenix of barley-meal
a day : a comic poet indeed says of a man, who boasted of
eating 2i medimni in a day, that he would consume the pro-
visions of a long trireme^®% although what he ate was in fact
only 120 choenices; but who will require of a jester accuracy
on such a subject as this ? Ptolemy gave the Rhodians, for
the provision of 10 triremes, 20,000 artabse of corn'^% probably
of wheat, making 10 artabse a year for each man, if we reckon
200 to a trireme; which amounts to almost 1^ choenix a day,
if large artabee are meant, and if small, only three-quarters of a
chcenix.

To estimate the amount of the pay and provision money
required for a war, another datum is necessary besides the
numerical force of the army and the rate of the pay, viz., the
length of the campaign. As soon as the campaign was over,
the payment of the troops ceased ; even mercenaries did not
constantly receive wages, but were paid for a portion only of
the time®°^ In early times war was carried on with the Lace-
daemonians for four or five months ; but Philip made no differ-
ence between summer and winter^"'. Yet as early as in the
Peloponnesian war, armies were paid in winter, as in Sicily
and elsewhere ; and Pericles used regularly to keep 60 ships
eight months at sea, and to pay them for the whole time*"*:
these alone must have cost 480 talents a year, if each man
received a drachma a day. But how could Athens have raised
pay and provision money for more than 60,000 men in the
Sicilian expedition, the cost being 3600 talents in a year ? We
must not therefore wonder that, notwithstanding the high
tributes and the oppression of the allies (though the indepen-
dent confederate states in great measure paid their own troops),
a scarcity of supplies quickly arose; nor need we be surprised

^^7 Thuc. iii. 49 ; comp. ScheflFer
Mil. Nav. iv. 1. This [xd^a is the
olvovTTa, Athen. iii. p. 114 F.

59« Athen. x. p. 415 C.

f,93 Polvb. V. 80.

^'•^ For an instance of this see Thu-
cyd. viii. 45.

«'*i Demosth. Philipp. iii. p. 123.
^''■^ Plutarch. Pericl. 11.

288 EQUIPMENT OF THE FLEET. [bK. II.

that Pericles, who, in the beginning of the war, kept an equally
large force on foot, although not throughout the whole year,
was compelled to have recourse to the public treasure.

Chapter XXIII.

Equipment of the Fleet. Implements for Sieges.

The expenses of war were also considerably increased by the
equipment of fleets, and the preparation of machines used in
war, and of instruments for sieges.

Besides the ships which were built in time of peace, they
were accustomed, as soon as any severe struggle was apprehended,
to apply themselves with extraordinary zeal to the construction
of vessels ; yet, before the ships could be ready to sail, there re-
mained always much to be done in order to complete their equip-
ment ; part of which was furnished by the state, and part by the
trierarch at his own cost. Besides the swift triremes, it was also
necessary to provide many transports (oX/taSe?), auxiliary vessels
{vTTTjpeTt/ca TrXota), and cavalry transports {iTrirayeoya irXoia);
which latter, although the Greeks had taken horses with them to
the siege of Troy, and the Persians had employed many ships of
this description in the war against Greece, were yet for the first
time regularly introduced at Athens in the second year of the
Peloponnesian war, and were afterwards frequently used^°\ On
rare occasions only it happened that the Athenians had a fleet
equipped and ready for battle, such as that appointed in Olymp.
87, 2 (B.C. 431), when it was decreed that every year the 100
best triremes should be selected, to which trierarchs were imme-
diately assigned, in order that Attica might be defended in the
event of an attack from the sea; and at the same time 1000
talents were ordered to be laid by for the same object'"*.

Thuc. ii, 56, iv. 42, vi. 43, and Fals. Leg. p. 336 ; Andoc. de Pace, p.

elsewhere; Demostli. Philipp. i. p
46, 5 ; Plutarch. Pericl. 35. Concerning
the Persians see Diod. xi. 3 ; Herod,
vii. 97.

•^^^ Thuc. ii. 24, viii. 15 ; ^sch. de

92 ; Suid. in v. a^vaaos. The money
was laid by only once, and not annu-
ally, as some writers have erroneously
supposed.

CH. XXIII.] IMPLEMENTS FOR SIEGES. 2S9

The preparations for sieges were particularly expensive,
since much carpenters' work and masonry, and many handi-
craftsmen, were required for these purposes: machines for
attack and defence were used in early times, not only in the
Peloponnesian war, but even at an earlier period, as, for ex-
ample, by Miltiades at Paros, and by Pericles at the siege of
Samos; although the art of besieging did not attain its greatest
perfection among the Greeks until the time of Demetrius
Poliorcetes. That considerable outlays were made for missile
weapons is evident from several passages in ancient writers.
With regard to Athens, it will be sufficient to mention the two
decrees®"^ by which honours were conferred on Demochares and
Lycurgus; the former, for having procured arms, darts, and
machines; the latter, for having brought arms and 50,000 darts
into the Acropolis.

Chapter XXIV.

Estimate of the War Expenditure of Athens.

If these several heads are added together, it will be at once
evident how vast must have been the whole expenses of
a war after the time that Pericles had introduced the pay of the
forces; whereas in earlier times the building and equipment of
the fleets alone caused any expense to the state. The fine of
50 talents, to which Miltiades was condemned on account of
the failure of his expedition with 70 ships against Paros, might
therefore have been taken as equivalent to the whole expense,
as Nepos''' thinks it was, did we not know that this sum was a
common fine, without any regard to a particular compensation.
The siege of Samos in Olymp. 84, 4 (b. c. 441), appears,
according to Diodorus, to have cost 200 talents; for Pericles
required a contribution to this amount, as an indemnification
for the expenses which had been incurred^". Pericles must
however have reckoned very leniently in this case; for a nine

««5 At the end of the Lives of the 1 ^"^ Miltiad. 7.
Ten Oratore, ii. iii. 1 ''' Diod. xii. 28 ; cf. Thuc. i. 1 17-

290

ESTIMATE OF THE

[bK. II.

months' siege by land and sea, in which, according to the
account of Thucydides, not less than 199 triremes were em-
ployed, or at any rate a large part of this number for a consi-
derable time, must evidently have caused a greater expense;
and the statement therefore of Isocrates and Nepos'*^^ that
1200 talents were expended upon it, 'appears to be by no
means exaggerated.

But the expenses of the Peloponnesian war are the most
extraordinary in the financial history of Athens. If we assume
that the ships employed at the beginning of the war received
only six months' pay, they must have cost 1500 talents; and in
this number the forces employed at the siege of Potidaea are not
included. This siege was extremely expensive, having been
continued uninterruptedly during both summer and winter for
two years; Thucydides reckons the expense at 2000^°^, Iso-
crates at 2400 talents, a part of which Pericles took from the
public treasure*'^^ A separate war tax of 200 talents was levied
for the siege of Mytilene, and 12 ships were dispatched for the
purpose of collecting money from the allies^''. No enterprise
went so far beyond the resources of the Athenian state as the
Sicilian expedition. The annual pay alone amounted, as we
have already seen, to 3600 talents, nearly the double of the
whole annual revenue of Athens, if we take it at the highest
estimate; and at how great an amount must we reckon the
other expenses of this war ? By these means both money and
provisions soon almost wholly failed; nor were the subsidies
furnished by the Egestseans at all considerable, viz. 60 talents

^''^ Thiic. i. IIG, 117; Isocrat. de
Antidosi, p. C9; Nepos Timoth. 1.

^°^ Thuc. ii. 70, where the reading
XiXta is undoubtedly false, Isocrat. de
Antid. p. 70. Diodorus (xii. 46)
reckons the expenses some months
before the surrender at more than
1000 talents.

«•<» Thuc. iii. 17, ii. 13. According
to the latter passage 3700 talents were
taken out of the troa-sury, wliicli Dio-
dorus (xii. 40) less accurately calls

4000. Barthelemy reckons 3000 for
the public works of Pericles, and 700
for the first part of the siege (Anach.
torn. i. note 8), This assumption is
however quite arbitrary ; Potidaea and
the works of building and art might
have cost more than 5000 talents, and
those 3700 have been only an advance
from the public treasure, in addition
to what was paid for out of the current
revenues.

"" Thuc. iii. 10.

CH. XXIV.] WAR EXPENDITURE OF ATHENS.

291

given at the very commencement, as monthly pay for 60 ships,
and 30 talents sent at a subsequent period^ '^ There was little
plunder taken, although 100 talents were once obtained from
that source® ^^: the remittances from Athens were by no means
large, 20, 120, or 300 talents, and these, as it appears, eveii
came, in part at least, from the public treasure^ ^*, to which, both
then and afterwards, they were compelled to have recourse, in
order to support the expenses of the war, for which purpose
indeed it had been originally collected. Nothing but a fortu-
nate issue could have put Athens in a condition to defray the
immense sums required for pay; without which however it
would have been impossible to adopt so vast a plan. If Pericles
had not introduced the pay of the soldiers, Athens could not
have carried on the Peloponnesian war for so long a time; nor
again, could the youthful imagination of Alcibiades have con-
ceived the lofty notion of obtaining a footing in Sicily, as a new
centre from which they might subdue Carthage and Libya,
Italy, and, finally, the Peloponnese®^'; the people and the
soldiers were moreover favourably inclined to this expedition,
because they hoped to receive money immediately, and to make
conquests, by which they would be enabled to receive their pay
without intermission^ ^^.

In the age of Demosthenes, also, much treasure, levied
chiefly by property taxes, was applied to the uses of war; but
with a large expenditure little was eflfected. A fruitless expe-
dition to Pylse cost, together with the expenses incurred by
private individuals, above 200 talents*''; Isocrates complains
of the loss of more than 1000 talents, which had been given to
foreigners*'®; Demosthenes of the squandering of more than

«'2 Diod. xiii. 6.

«'3 Diod. ibid.

^^* See Corp. Inscript. No. 144, with
the remarks, p. 208.

^^^ Thuc. vi. 15, 90; Isocrat. 2u/i-
/xax- 29; Plutarch. Alcib, 17- The
idea was new; for althoiigh in the
Knights of Aristophanes (vs. 174, 1300)
a plan is '^hinted at for attacking Car-

thage, it only owes its existence to a
false reading. In both places KaX^j;-
Scop should evidently be read for Ko/j-
XV^^^f as the Scholiast at vs. 1300
writes, and as the sense requires in vs.
174.

«io Thuc. vi. 24.

«i7 Demosth. de Fals. Leg.p.367,21,

^''^ Isocrat. Areopag. 4.
U 2

292

ESTIMATE OF THE

[bk. II.

1500, which, as iEschines remarks, were expended not upon
the soldiers, but upon the ostentatious splendour of the gene-
rals'", at the very time they lost the allied cities and their ships.
The state had been impoverished by the theorica, while indivi-
duals had enriched themselves; there was not in the miUtary
chest money enough for a single day's march"'"; and if any
funds were collected for war, the mismanagement and maladmi-
nistration would surpass all belief, did we not know that the
same mischief has recurred in all times. Commanders or
demagogues, who received pay for the troops, drew it for
empty j)^aces^^\ as was the expression; in the same manner that
in modern times generals have received pay for what were termed
men of straw, or soldiers that existed only on the roll. To
ascertain the extent of these practices, commissioners were sent
out to discover whether there were as many mercenaries as the
generals reported; these inquirers, however, frequently allowed
themselves to be bribed'". The trierarchs, as early even as in
the time of the poet Aristophanes, were accused of embezzling
the pay of part of the crew, and stopping the unoccupied aper-
tures for the oars in their ships, in order that it might not be seen
that there was a deficiency of rowers'^^

In the mean time the public money was squandered away
by generals such as Chares and many resembling him, who
were distinguished by every kind of profligacy. If in an age of
simplicity and decorum, Themistocles was not ashamed to drive
through the Ceramicus in the morning with a carriage full of
courtesans'*^, it is easy to understand how Alcibiades, who,

'^3 Demosth. Olynth. iii. p. 36, 8,
(and thence nepX a-vvrd^. p. 174, 11,)
jEsch. de Fals. Leg. p. 249.

'^^'^ Demosth. c. Aristocrat, p. 690.

^■^' This is the meaning of fiio-Oo-
<j>op€7v iv TO) ^fviKa Kevais x^^pats"?
TEschin. c. Ctesiph. p. 536. Others
cheated the soldiers, as e. g. Memnon
of Rhodes and Cleomenes. See Aris-
tot. CEcon. ii. 29, 39.

°'^^ These are the e^eraaTolj ^Esch.
c. Timarch. p. 131, nepl napanpecr^i. p.

339, Lex. Seg. p. 252. The passage
in the oration Trepl (rvvrd^eas p. 167,
17, seems also to refer to the exetastae ;
those, however, mentioned in the de-
cree published by Chishull Ant. As. p.
164, from Ains worth, which probably
belongs to Athens, are of a different
description.

^"^ Schol. Aristoph. Pac. 1233.

'" Heraclides ap. Athen. xii. p. 533
D.

CH. XXIV.] WAR EXPENDITURE OF ATHENS. 293

notwithstanding his extraordinary talents, was a man of the
most immoral and irrehgious character, did not scruple (as at
least his enemies said of him**^) to carry women about with him
in his campaigns, and to embezzle 200 talents; how Chabrias,
according to Theopompus, was not able to remain in Athens on
account of his debauched habits; and how, according to the
same authority, Chares had with him in the field women even
of the lowest description, and applied the public money to uses
wholly at variance with its proper destination. But the Athe-
nians could not censure such a course of habits, for they them-
selves lived in an equally depraved manner, the young men
with female flute-players and courtesans, the old in gambling;
while they consumed more money in public banquetings and
distributions of food than for the real service of the state, and
allowed themselves to be entertained in the market place at
a triumphal festival for a battle won over the mercenaries
of Philip with an expense of 60 talents, which Chares had
received from Delphi^^^ Theopompus is described as censori-
ous for having painted from nature the dissolute manners of a
corrupt age : for most people are inclined to look at everything
on its fairest side, especially if they view it from a distance,
when all the passions are silent, and the benevolent feeling
which is implanted in the heart of man is not contradicted by
immediate and personal experience; but honour is due to the
historian who knows how to distinguish the covering from the
substance, and, like the judge of the infernal regions, drags the
souls before his judgment seat, naked and stripped of all pomp
and pageantry.

Timotheus, the son of Conon, deserves to be honourably
mentioned as a warrior equal to his father, and among all the
Athenian generals of being that one who knew how^ to carry
his enterprises into execution with the least outlay of money,
and therefore without burdening the allies, and making himself
and his country odious through extortion. I pass over his

625

Lysias c. Alcib. XetTTOTo^. i. p. I ^'^^ Theopompus ap. Atlieu. xii. p.
548. I 532 B, sqq.

294

ESTIMATE OF THE

[bK. II.

other merits, which will be mentioned hereafter; but his skill
in maintaining his soldiers ought not to be left unnoticed.
Timotheus generally received little or nothing in the beginning
of the campaign; though there arose the greatest scarcity in the
army, he was still successful in the war, and paid his soldiers to
the last obolus*^^ He subdued four and twenty states with less
expense than the siege of Melos had occasioned in the Pelopon-
nesian war^"; the siege of Potidsea, which had cost such vast
sums in the time of Pericles, he carried on with money which
he had raised himself, together with the contributions of the
Thracian cities"*; according to Nepos he gained in the war
against Cotys 1200 talents of prize-money®'". In the expedi-
tion against Olynthus, having no silver money, he issued a
coinage of copper tokens, which he induced the merchants to
take by promising them that they might use it in paying for
whatever property either in land or plunder they might pur-
chase, and he pledged himself to redeem whatever should
remain over^^'. In the expedition round the Peloponnese to
Corcyra, there was likewise great scarcity; for Timotheus had
received only 13 talents®'^ He accordingly compelled each of
the trierarchs to give pay to the sailors to the amount of 7
minas, for which he pledged his own property®*'; afterwards
being unable to furnish any more pay to the troops, he gave them
provision-money for three months in advance, in order that
they might believe he was in the expectation of large sums
which were only detained by the unfavourable state of the
weather®'*; and in the mean time he sent for a fresh supply of
money from Athens for his numerous fleet®". But he and
Iphicrates also paid away some of the prize-money on this
occasion®'®. Lastly, Timotheus kept 30 triremes and 8000 pel-

**' Isocrat. de Antidosi, p. 72, ed.
Orell.

"'^^ Ibid. p. 70.

«='» Ibid. p. 70.

"^o Nepos Timoth. i.

"^ Pseud-Aiistot. CEcon. ii. 2,23;
Polyjen. iii. 10, 1 .

^^* Isocrat. ut sup. p. 68.

"^^ Orat. c.Timoth. (in Demosthenes)
p. 1187, 1188.

^^* Pseud -Aristot. (Econ. ut sup.

^^^ Xenoph. Hell. v. 4, 66,

^^ Diod.xv. 47,cf.xvi.57. Xenophon
indeed (Hell. vi. 2, 23) relates the ac-
counts, which Diodorus ascribes to
both, of Iphicrates alone, and uudoubt-

CH. XXIV.] WAR EXPENDITURE OF ATHENS.

295

tasts in pay (with which he besieged Samos for eleven months),
sustaining them wholly from the enemy's country, whereas
Pericles had not been able to take the same island without
incurring a vast expense^".

edly with more con-ectness ; but it can
be safely asserted of Timotheus that
he assisted himself at that time with

plunder.

^^^ Isocrat. ut sup. p. 69; Aristot.
(Ecou. ut sup. Polyajn. L 10, 5, 9.

20(1

BOOK III.

ON THE ORDINARY REVENUES OF THE ATHENIAN STATE.

Chapter I.

The different branches of the Public Revenue in Athens and other
Greek Republics,

The revenues of the Athenian state may, in like manner with
its expenditure, be classed under two divisions; the one com-
prising the ordinary income, from which were defrayed the cur-
rent expenses in time of peace; the other including all extra-
ordinary resources for mihtary preparations and the carrying
on of war.

The present being the first attempt which has been made to
investigate this subject^, it will be necessary at the outset to
ascertain what species of revenues were thought by the Greeks

^ In the following inquiries I have
been nearly unassisted by the labours
of any predecessor, with the exception
of what had been written on the sub-
ject of the liturgies, and what Manso
(Sparta, vol. ii. p. 493—505), had ad-
duced in reference to the period of
the Peloponnesian war. The errors
of this last dissertation I have some-
times mentioned, and others I have
passed over in silence, as they are not
of great importance in a Avriter who is
treating of a totally different subject.
After the comi)letion of my labours,
the second volume of Becker's " De-
mosthenes as Siatosman and Orator"
appeared, which contains something on
the subject of finance, as well as on
tlie judicial and military systems:
without annoying the intelligent and
imassumiiig author wiili uusca-sonable

censure, or wishing to raise myself
unjustly above others, I may assert
with truth, that I derived no informa-
tion from it, nor did I feel myself in-
clined to refute any of his statements,
as I am convinced that the author will
himself perceive the incompleteness
of his investigations. The following
singular production may also be men-
tioned : " De I'economie des anciens
gouvememens comparee a celle des
gouvernemens modemes, par Mr. Pre-
vost, ]SIemoire lu dans I'assemblee
publique de I'acade'mie royale des sci-
ences et belles-lettres de Prusse, du 5
Juin, 1783. Berlin, 17o3, 8vo." The
autlior of this Memoir, wlio has distin-
guished himself in other departments
of literature, here, from want of know-
ledge, wanders into vague generalities,
and loses himself in idle dibquisitioua

CII. I.]

THE PUBLIC REVENUE.

297

to be the best^ and what taxes to be most easily borne by the
people.

Of all taxes, none are more repugnant to notions of liberty
(not in a general sense only, but also according to the princi-
ples entertained by the ancients), than taxes upon persons.
At Athens it was a recognised principle, that taxes were to be
imposed upon property, and not upon persons^; and even the
property of the citizens was only taxed on occasions of emer-
gency, or under an honourable form. In the state of Athens,
and doubtless in all the other Grecian republics, no direct tax
was laid upon property, except perhaps a duty on slaves, and
the extraordinary w^ar taxes, together wdth the liturgies, which
latter were considered a mark of distinction. In republics
there was no regular land tax or tithe {BeKdrrj), and, with the
exception of the sacred and national property, no land in Attica
was, after the early times of this state, ever subject to a ground
rent; and even at that remote period, this tax was not paid
into the public treasury, but to the nobles, in their right of
proprietors of the soil. The Greeks, moreover, were equally
unacquainted with a house tax, of which the existence has been
supposed from the misconception of a passage in an ancient
author"*. The best and most popular revenues were necessarily

without value or foundation. In this
Memoir, publicly read before an aca-
demy of sciences, I do not remember
to have met with anything of import-
ance, but the truly anti-Xenophontean
and philanthropic proposal, to change
a number of Sundays into working
days, in order to promote the prosperity
of the people !

^ Demosth. c. Androt. p. 609, 23.

3 See below, chap. 3. A single pas-
sage, from which it might be supposed
that there existed a land tax, I will
examine in this note. In an inscrip-
tion in Coi-p. Inscript. No. 101, ac-
cording to which, by a decree of the
demus Piraeus, certain honours and
privileges are granted to Callida-
mas of CholUdae, an Athenian, the
following words occur : TeXeli/ 6c avrov

TO. axiTCL riKr} iv ra Sjy/xo), anep av koI
nftpateiy, Kai. fj-rj cKXeyeiv Trap avTov
Tov bT]fxapxov TO iyKrqTiKov. From this
it is evident, that whoever possessed
landed property in a demus to which
he did not belong, paid something for
the eyKTT](Tis or cyKrqpa: this, how-
ever, was a tax paid to the demus, and
not to the state ; and the reason of its
being paid was, that the proprietor
was not a member of the particular
demus. "With regard to the reX?;, they
refer undoubtedly to the liturgies and
the extraordinary taxes, together with
certain duties raised by the corpora-
tions. Taxes on houses and land only
existed in states under the govern-
ment of a tjTant. Of the word Tikos
more is said in book iv. cli. 5.

298

THE DIFFERENT BRANCHES OF

[bK. III.

those which arose from the pubHc lands or domains: in addition
to these rents there were indirect taxes which fell upon. all the
inhabitants, and direct taxes which fell upon the aliens; there
were also the justice fees and fines. But over and above these
domestic imposts, Athens contrived in the tributes of the con-
federates a peculiar source of regular revenue, which at its first
establishment was the chief means of her power, though after-
wards it became an accessory cause of her destruction.

All the ordinary revenues of Athens may thus be brought
into the following four classes: duties (reX??), arising partly
from public domains, including the mines, partly from customs
and excise, and some taxes upon industry and persons, which
only extended to the aliens and slaves: fines {TLfjb7]fiaTa), toge-
ther with justice fees and the proceeds of confiscated property
(BTj/jLLOTrpara): tributes of the allied or subject states {cf>6poL):
and ordinary liturgies (Xecrovpylat iyKVKXtoi). These comj^re-
hend nearly all the diff'erent kinds of revenues which Aristopha-
nes* ascribes to the state of Athens, when he mentions duties
(reXi]), the other hundredths {Ta9 dWas eKaroaTds), tributes,
prytaneia (in which, with the inaccuracy of a poet, he includes
the fines), markets, harbours, and confiscations: besides these
he specifies one other head of revenue, respecting which no
certain information can be given.

With the single exception of the tributes, this enumeration
would apply with equal truth to the other states of Greece.
Even the liturgies, which for a time were considered as an
institution peculiar to the Athenians, and the extraordinary
property taxes, were common at least to all democracies, and
were even established in certain aristocracies or oligarchies.
Aristotle' states in general terms, that under a democracy the

* Vesp. 657j sqq., where fiiadovs
creates a difficulty. Perhaps it might
mean pay for the soldiers, -which Athens
received from foreign nations in addi
tion to the tributes, as e. g. in the
Sicilian war from the Egestaeans: it
might, however, signify the rents of
lands, as /iirr^oifor fiLaOaxras is correct
Greek. The jjlictOoI Tpirjpaij^ias (Xe-

noph. (Ecou. 2, 6), cannot be meant,
since it would not have suited the
pmposo of Aristoplianes to mention
these any more than the elcrf^opd.
[Compare the author's dissertation on
the silver mines of Laurion, note 114.
Transl.]
•• Polit. V. 5.

CH. I.]

THE PUBLIC REVENUE.

299

chief persons will be oppressed either by dividing their property,
or consuming their incomes by liturgies. That the Athenian
colonies, as Potideea for example, collected property taxes*b;
that we meet with liturgies at Byzantium, the population of
which was in part Athenian" ; with property taxes, choregia,
and other liturgies, in Siphnos^; is nothing more than might
naturally have been expected ; but at -^gina the choregia was in
existence even before the Persian war'; at Mytilene during the
Peloponnesian war®; at Thebes in the time of Pelopidas and
Epaminondas^"; and at Orchomenus at a very early period*'.
At Rhodes the wealthy citizens performed the trierarchy in the
same manner as at Athens, their expenses being partly compen-
sated by those who were less rich than themselves, by which
means the latter became their debtors, as at Athens in the case
of the advance of the property tax {'Trpoet,cr(f>opdy'^', and, lastly,
we find the institution of liturgies widely extended through the
Greek cities of Asia Minor.

What I have here said upon the different sorts of revenues
in the Grecian republics, is confirmed by the introduction to
the Treatise on Political Economy attributed to Aristotle. The
author distinguishes economy into four kinds; the royal eco-
nomy, the economy of satraps, the political, and the private.
The first of these he calls the greatest and most simple; the
third the most various and easy; and the last the most various
and least considerable. To the royal he assigns four depart-
ments, coinage, exportation, importation, and expenditure. With
regard to money, he tells us, the king must consider what
description of coin is to be issued, and when it is to be made
current at a higher or lower rate. With regard to exports and
imports, what quantity it is profitable to take from the satraps
as a tax in kind'% and at what time, and how the goods so

*b See book iv.,note 220.
^ Decree of the Byzantines in De-
mosth. de Corona, p. 265, 10.

7 Isocrat. ^ginet. 17.

8 Herod, v. 83.

® Antiphon de Herod, caede, p. 744.

Concerning this passage, see book iv.
0. 5.

'<> Phitarch. Aristid. 1.

'^ Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1579, 1580.

'=^ Aristot. PoUt. V. 5.

*^ Tayr) is the tax appointed to be
paid to the king. See the passage of

300

THE DIFFERENT BRANCHES OF

[bk.

ol)tained should be disposed of. With regard to expenditure,
what branches should be retrenched, and at what time, and
whether the king should pay in money or in kind. The
economy of satraps comprehends six descriptions of revenues,
arising from land; from the peculiar products of the soil; from
places of trade'*; from duties {oltto reXcav) ; from cattle; and from
sundries. The first and best is the land tax, or tithe {eK(f)6piov^%
heKarn) ; the second is from gold, silver, brass, &c.; the third re-
lates to harbour dues and other port duties; the fourth compre-
hends tolls taken by land and at markets {airo tcov Kara yrjv re
Kol dyopaicov reXcov) ; the fifth the tax upon cattle, or the tithe
(iTTiKapTTia, BeKaTT)), by which we are not to understand the
money paid for the right of feeding cattle upon the public pas-
tures, but a duty upon the animals themselves; of which nature
was a tax collected by Dionysius the elder, tyrant of Syracuse,
with almost incredible harshness and effrontery^®; the sixth
item comprises a poll tax {eTTiKecpaXacov) and a tax upon
industry {xeopcoyd^cov). On the subject of the political eco-
nomy, which has particular reference to the question now under
consideration, the inaccurate author is very brief. He thinks
the best kind of revenue is in this case that derived from the
peculiar products of the country, mines therefore in particular;
also tolls levied in harbours, and duties of a similar descrip-
tion'^; and lastly, the receipts arising from the common things
(aTTo TCOV iyKUfc\LO)v) ; which expression, on account of its many
meanings, some have understood as referring to the census,
some to the ordinary liturgies, or have wished to remove the
difficulty by conjecture'^; but it evidently means the common

Hesyclnus in Schneider's prefaxje, p.
ix. The explanation there given by
the editor is in my opinion incorrect.

** I read utto e/x7ropicoi/.

>* Cf. Lex. Seg. p. 24?.

^^ The transaction is related at full
length in Tseud-Aristot. (Econ. 2, 20.

'^ Atto ffinopiw Koi 8i dyoypcou.
Tlie last words are evidently corrupt :
for to understand tlie public games,
because they were usually connected

with markets, is manifestly out of the
question. Ileeren (Ideen. vol. iii. p.
333) proposes dyopav; Schneider dyo-
paloiv ; but then hi.a must be omitted.
I conjecture Staycoywv, and understand
transit duties (Siaywytoi/, Polyb. iv.
52), which, from their not falling upon
the inhabitants, might occupy a very
high station in the Political Economy.
'" See particularly Schneider's pre-
face, whose conjecture, eyKTrjixdrcov, is

CH. I.]

THE PUBLIC REVENUE.

301

inland traffic of commodities, upon which indirect taxes were
imposed. In the same manner, in speaking subsequently of
the private economy, after having stated that the best revenue
is that which arises from the land, he mentions first the income
from the other common things (aTro tmv dWcov iyKVKXrjfjLaTwv),
that is, from the profits of trade, and afterwards the income
accruing from money placed out at interest.

It is upon the whole manifest from these observations, brief
and unconnected as they are, that revenues derived from public
property and indirect taxes, were considered as best adapted
for the political economy, to which the economy of the Greek
republics belongs. In how great a degree indirect taxes were
detrimental to morality, a subject which has been often dwelt
upon in modern times, the ancients were not aware; and
if these duties are moderate, as was the case in ancient
times, the amount of injury cannot be considerable. Man
always finds an opportunity for doing evil, and if one is
removed he will seek for another: the cause of virtue is ill
promoted by making vice impossible. On the other hand,
direct taxes imposed upon the soil, upon industry, or upon
persons, excepting only in cases of emergency, were looked upon
in Greece as despotic and arbitrary, it being considered as a
necessary element of freedom, that the property of the citizen,
as well as his occupation and person, should be exempt from all
taxation, excepting only when a free community taxed itself,
which power is obviously an essential part of liberty. The
most ignominious of all impositions was the poll tax, a tax paid
only by slaves to their tyrants*, or by the deputy of the slaves
to the satrap; or required from subjugated nations by their
conquerors: of this description were the taxes levied by the

extremely improbable. The Political
Economy is the public economy of cities,
which as such, and without reference
to satraps or kings, to whom they
might be subject, were free corpora-
tions : in these therefore the land tax
could not have been considered as one
of the best sources of revenue. In

addition to which he must also write
eyKTTjfxaTcov in the following part,
where it does not make any sense.

* [In Pseud- Aristot. (Econ. ii. 2, 5,
it is stated that on one occasion the
Athenians at Potidaea, who had no
land, paid a poll tax of 2 minas a head.
— Transl.]

302

THE PUBLIC REVENUE.

[bk,

III.

Romans upon the inhabitants of the provinces'". "As the
land," says Tertullian*'% " has less value if it is subject to an
impost, so are men more degraded if they pay a poll tax; for it
is a token of captivity." All persons who were not citizens of a
free state, were compelled either to pay a capitation tax, or to
forfeit their lives. When Condalus, appointed by Mausolus as
governor over the Lycians, a people who dehghted in wearing long
hair, ordered them to pay a poll tax, in case they failed to sup-
ply the king with sufficient materials for the false hair which he
pretended to want*', the demand was in reality most lenient.
With equal right he could have required their lives or money as
a substitute: for the Great King was sole possessor of the
persons of all his subjects.

Chapter II.

Rents accruing from Lands, Houses, and other immoveable
Property of the State and of Public Bodies.

The term duty [riXos) has sometimes a wider and sometimes a
more limited signification: almost every tax, with the exception
of the justice fees and fines, is denoted by this name. In this
place, where the liturgies and property taxes do not come into
consideration, we include under it all revenues arising from
the property of the state, from the custom duties levied in the
harbours and markets, and the taxes upon persons and industry.
All property was either in the hands of individuals, or
belonged to corporations, companies, temples, or to the state
itself. We also find that the property of certain temples
belonged to the demi; as, for example, the demus of Pireeus
was possessed of the theseum and other sacred lands; and the
state itself must also be considered as the owner of much sacred
property; so that sacred property and the property of the state

'* Cic. ad Attic, v. 16.

*" Tertull. Apolog. 13. The indic-
tion by capita, which from the time of
Diocletian, as it appears, and more
particularly after Constan tine the First,

caused great oppression in the Roman
empire, was not a poll tax, but a tax
upon landed property, cattle, and
slaves.
*' Pseud- Aristot. (Econ. 2, 14.

CH.

I.]

RENTS OF THE STATE.

303

frequently coincide. But whatever may have been the right by
which sacred property of this description was held, the original
object for which the sacred demesnes (re/xeV?;) had been set
apart was retained, viz. that the sacrifices and the other expenses
should be defrayed out of the proceeds; for which purpose,
unless the cultivation of it was prohibited by some malediction,
it was always leased out^^ The property of the state and of the
corporations or temples consisted either in pastures for cattle, or
in forests, over which particular inspectors {vXcopol) were set^^,
or in tillage-land, houses, salt-works, water'*, mines, &c. : what
number of possessions of this kind belonged to the state of
Athens, besides the property of the temples and the several
corporations, it is impossible now to ascertain. The demesnes
which once belonged to the kings, cannot be supposed to have
come into the possession of the state after the abolition of the
kingly office; it is more probable that they remained the private
property of the royal family; much land indeed became the
property of the state by confiscation, conquest, and ancient pos-
session; but they frequently sold the confiscated, and lost the
conquered territory.

All property, both of corporations and of the state, as well
such as was sacred as such as was not [lepa koI ocna and
hrj^ocna), was leased out either permanently or for a term of
years; and the rent accruing to the state was made over to a
farmer-general. The latter fact is most distinctly seen from
the instance of Cephisius, mentioned by Andocides"^: this

-^ Harpocrat. in v. utto fxicrOoifidTcov^
referring to Isocrat. Areopag. 1 1 . Ex-
amples of this occur in many inscrip-
tions.

23 Aristot. Polit. vi. 8.

2* An instance of sacred institutions
possessing property in water occurs in
Strabo xiii. p. 442, which refers to
Asia. At Byzantium the salt and
fisheries belonged to the state; at
Athens, in part at least, to the demi.
[The latter assertion appears to rest
upon an erroneous reading in an in-
scription ; see Note A at the end of the

book. — Transl.]

■^^ De Myst. p. 45. Kr](f)Laios fxiu
ovTOcrl Trptdfiepos dovrjv €K tov drjfjLoaiov
Tas €K ravrqs iTTiKapirias twv iv rfj yrj
(scil. 8r]fj.o(rLa) yea>pyovvToov ivevqKovra
fxvds f/fXe^ay, ov aare^aXe rf] troKei Kai
e(})vy€V' el yap rjXOev, eSeSer' av iv rto
^liKco' 6 yap v6p.os ovrtoseix^ Kvpiav eivai
TTjv [re] ^ovXtjV^bs av nptdpevos reXos p.r}
KaTo^akri, belv els to ^v\ov. The words
iv TTJ yfj have been suspected, but they
appear to be genuine; Sluiter's con-
jectures are wholly inadmissible.

304 RENTS OF THE STATE, [bK. III.

person had taken a lease from the state, by virtue of which he
collected a tax of 90 minas from the cultivators of the public
lands, and was to pay over this money to the state. In like
manner a farmer of the pasturage money {vofMcovr]^, scrip-
turarius) existed in Orchomenus*% as well as in the Roman
empire, who collected the duty from individuals: the state, for
the sake of avoiding trouble, and of obviating the necessity of
any paid officers, collected none of its own revenues directly,
with the exception of the fines and the extraordinary war taxes;
whereas in the case of the property of temples and corporations,
the duty was never leased to a farmer-general.

At Athens the rent appears to have been usually fixed in
money; exceptions, however, occur in leases which were held
by the tenants on condition of paying a tithe, or of furnishing
certain sacrifices for a particular temple, and also in the case of
certain kinds of property which were burdened with an obli-
gation to pay a tax of a tenth to the state, probably because
they had originally been public property, and been transferred
to private individuals as usufructuary possessors; these tithes
of the produce were sold by the state to a farmer-general*^. We
find that in other countries besides Attica, payments of rent in
kind were of very frequent occurrence in ancient days. Thus,
for example, they occur in the Heraclean tables, which contain
a lease of the property of the temple of Bacchus and Minerva
Polias granted by the state.

The duration of leases was probably very unequal in different
cases; the Orchomenians, in an instance which has been pre-
served to our days, granted the usufructuary right to the public
pastures for a term of four years ; the demus of Piraeus let its
property for ten years. Upon the whole, however, we have not a
sufficient number of individual cases to enable us to draw any
general inference; for the number of accounts upon this ques-
tion which we now possess, is extremely scanty; and we have

^ Corp. Iiiscript. No. 1569. Thu- | -^^ The only mention that I have as
cydides (v. 53) mentions that the Epi- j yet met with of a similar tax of a
daurians paid a duty of this kind to j tenth belonging to the state, occurs in
the I'ythian Apollo. ; Corp. Inscript. No. 76.

CH. II.]

AND OF PUBLIC BODIES.

305

scarcely any information on the subject of lettings, except those
which regard the sacred property of the state. An example, in
addition to that quoted from Andocides, is given by ^Elian^%
who relates, that Athens had let the public domains of the
Euboean Chalcis, with the exception of the land dedicated to
Minerva, and necessarily of that which had been granted
to the cleruchi: the public documents of this transaction
were preserved at Athens in inscriptions set up in front of the
royal porch.

Over many possessions of this kind separate officers were
placed, as, for instance, the managers chosen from among the
Areopagites (iTnfieXrfral, iTnyvcofjuopes)^ who were appointed
to the care of the sacred olive-trees ffiopiac), the produce of
which was paid as a rent^^. According to Demosthenes^ % it
was the duty of the demarch to enforce payment of the rent for
the property of the temples ; this statement however doubtless
refers only to the property of the demi. Other rents were
received by officers employed by the state or the temples,
according as they arose either from public or sacred property.
As prior to the introduction of the demarchs, the naucrari per-
formed the duties of this office, we find that the exaction of the
public monies, as well as the letting of the public property, are
enumerated among their duties^'.

Xenophon expressly mentions houses among the tenements
which were rented from the state^^; the same description of

28 V. H. vi. I. It may be also
thought that the revenue from public
lands in Attica is signified in Thucyd.
vi. 91, by the words dno y^? ; but the
incomes received by private indivi-
duals from their estates may be under-
stood there with equal reason.

■'^ Lys. Apolog. vnep tov cttjkov p.
260. Comp. Markland's notes, p. 269,
282. The decree of the Emperor Ha-
drian, with regard to the pajnnent of
the third or eighth part of the pro-
duce of the olive-trees (Corp. Inscript.
No. 355) refers not to public but to
private property, of which that part

was to be allotted to the public use,
and was of course to be paid for. It
is therefore a forced sale to the state
of Athens, as was the case in the
Roman empire with wine and com in
the time of the emperors. Cf. Bur-
mann. de Yectig. P. R. 3.

30 Cont. Eubulid. p. 1318, 20.

3^ Ammon. in v. vavKXrjpot, Phot, in
V. vavKpapoi.

2^ De Vectig. 4, repevrj, lepa, olKias.
The middle word is obscure. Might
not the revenue derived from the sa-
crifices have been let in farm, and been
signified by the word lepa l^sacra, tem-
X

306

RENTS OF THE STATE,

[bK. III.

property was also sometimes held by sacred corporations, and
let by them to tenants, having been in many cases derived from
free-gift or confiscation. Thus the temple of Apollo at Delos
let property of this kind together with its other domains"; and
other bodies probably did the same. The Mendeeans, says the
author of the (Economies' % applied the harbour duties and
other taxes to the uses of government ; the taxes on land and
houses they did not collect, but kept an account of those who
possessed such property ; and when there was a want of sup-
plies, they raised it from these debtors, who profited by this
indulgence, having had the use of the money in the mean time,
without paying any interest. From this it has been inferred
that both a land and a house tax existed; but it is evident that
the writer only means the public lands which were held in lease
from the state, and that the rent was left unpaid without interest,
in order that a fund might accumulate which could be used on
occasion of need, and at the same time a greater profit be allowed
to the tenants. It may be moreover observed that the houses
at Athens were let to contractors {vavKXypoc) ; which name also
signifies landlords [a-raOfiovxoi) ; for they afterwards sublet the
houses to lodgers, in the same manner as private proprietors".
This is probably the meaning of the singular expression of the
grammarians^^ who state, that persons were called by the same
appellation [vavKkTjpoi), who were hired to attend to the collec-
tion of the house-rent. The truth is, that the subletting was
transferred to them as contractors, from which they obtained
their profit, and so far they might be considered as hired ser-
vants of the proprietor. It has been already remarked that the
tenants of houses paid their rent to the state by prytaneas, and
not by the month^^; whether however in every prytanea, or
only in some prytaneas, as the other farmers of duties, I will
not attempt to decide.

All these lands were let by auction to the highest bidder; and

pies or sacrifices) ? At least the theatre
was let out in this manner, which to a
certain point was sacred property.

88 Corp. Inscript. No. 158, § 4.

»< 2, 21, ed. Schneid.

3' Comp. above book i. ch. 24.
3* Harpocrat. Suid. Amnion. Lex.
Seg. p. 282, &c.
37 i. 24.

CH. If.] AND OF PUBLIC BODIES. 30?

for this purpose the conditions of lease were previously engraved
upon stone, and fixed up in public. The names of the lessees
could be subsequently added ; so that the document which had
been originally exhibited then became a lease, or, if not, a fresh
agreement was afterwards set up.

A notice or advertisement, the date of which is either Olymp.
114, 4, or 115, 3 (b.c. 321 or 318), mutilated at the end, by
which the demus Piraeus offers some property to be let, may,
as far as it is intelligible, be translated nearly word for word as
fbllows'«.

^^ In the Archonship of Archippus, Phrynion being Demarch,

'^ The Pireeans let Paralia and Halmyris and the Theseum
and all the other sacred lands, upon the following conditions.
That the tenants for more than 10 drachmas are to give suffi-
cient security for the payment of the rent, and those for less
than 10 drachmas are to provide a surety, whose property shall
be liable for the same. Upon these conditions they let the
lands tax and duty free. And if any property-tax be imposed
upon the farms according to their valuation, the burghers will
pay it. The tenants shall not be allowed to remove wood or
earth from the Theseum and the other sacred lands, nor [da-
mage] whatever wood there is in the farm. The tenants of the
Thesmophorium and the Schoenus and the other pasture lands,
shall pay half the rent in Hecatombceon (the first month), and
the other half in Posideon (the sixth month). The tenants
occupying Paralia and Halmyris and the Theseum, and any
other grounds that there may be, shall cultivate them for the
first nine years in whatever manner they please, and is accord-
ing to custom ; but in the tenth year they shall plough the half
of the land, and no more, so that the succeeding tenant will be
able to begin preparing the soil from the 16th of Anthesterion
And if he shall plough more than half, the excess of the produce
shall be the property of the burghers/^ After this there fol-
lows a stipulation that the tenant shall receive a house con-
nected with one of the farms in good repair.

In another fragment containing conditions of lease, in one

2^ See Note A at the end of the book.

X 2

308

RENTS OF THE STATE, AND OF PUBLIC BODIES. [bK. III.

of which a tribe proposes to let some lands, probably sacred
lands'% the payment of the rent is divided into three instal-
ments, at the beginning of the year, in the seventh and in the
eleventh month. The theatres were let in the same manner as
landed property, a proof of which is given in another Pirsean
inscription^". According to this document, the lessee of the
theatre is bound to keep the building in proper repair, for which
reason he is called the chief architect''^; his receipts were doubt-
less derived from the entrance-money of such citizens as were
furnished with it by the state, and of all aliens, who had not, like
the ambassadors, free admission. The rent paid by the tenant
of the theatre of Piraeus, was, in the instance which has come
down to us, 3300 drachmas : the demus of Pireeus, as owner
of the theatre, presents with crowns the lessees and a person
named Theiseus, who had succeeded in increasing the rent by
300 drachmas'*.

Another item deserving of mention is the money bearing
interest, which not the state only, but temples, and perhaps also
corporations, were possessed of. Thus from the funds belong-
ing to the Delian Apollo, large sums of money had been lent to
states, and bankers, or other private individuals"^; some Corcy-
rsean nobles consecrated a considerable sum for sacred uses, that
the interest which it produced might be expended in the cele-
bration of games to Bacchus'**; and the temple of Delphi also
appears, according to Demosthenes, to have lent out some of
the sacred money "^.

8» Corp. Inscript. No. 104.
''<' Corp. Inscript. No. 102.
■" Comp. above book ii. ch. 13.

500, and CEnophon with 1100 drach-
mas.

■•^ Corp. Inscript. No. 158.

*'^ At the end of the inscription the j ''^ Coi-p. Inscript. No. 1845.

names of the farmers, and how much
each gave, are mentioned : the uivrjToi
are, Aristophanes with 600 drachmas,
Melesias with 1100, Arethusius with

••= Demosth, c. ]Mid. p. 561, in the
account of the Alcraaeonidae. Of this
fact, however, Herodotus (v. 62 sqq.)
knew nothing.

CH. 111.] REVENUE FROM MINES OF THE STATE. 309

Chapter III.

Revenue arising from the Mines of the State,

The mines {ixeraWa) belonging to the state of Athens were
partly native and partly foreign.

The former were the silver mines of Laurium*% from which
the nation derived very considerable advantages, as by their
means Themistocles first raised the naval force of Athens to a
state of importance. They extended from coast to coast, in a
line of seven EngUsh miles, from Anaphlystus to Thoricus.
The working of them had been commenced at an early period,
and it appears to have been very profitable in the time of The-
mistocles; they had however become less productive in the age
of Socrates and Xenophon, and before the age of Strabo had
been so entirely exhausted, that in his time they only used the
earth which had been previously extracted, together with the
old scoriae, and all farther mining was discontinued. The ores
contained silver and lead, with zinc, and possibly copper ; but
no gold, at least not enough to allow the ancients, mth their
imperfect processes of separation, to have extracted it with
profit. At Thoricus spurious emeralds occurred in combination
with the ore ; also the cinnabar, which was found there, and the
Athenian sil, a substance much prized for dyeing, were equally
valuable. The mines were worked with shafts and adits, and by
the removal of whole masses, so that supports alone {fjueaoKpivels;)
were left standing. The processes of fusion carried on in the
furnaces appear, upon the whole, to have been the same as those
employed in the other mines which were worked in ancient
times. The people or the state was sole proprietor of the mines;
but they were never worked at the public expense, nor did the
state ever let them for a term of years, like other landed pro-
perty; portions of them were sold or demised to individuals
with the reservation of a perpetual rent, and these leases were

■*® See the Dissertation on the Silver Mines of Laiirion^ [at the end of the
volume.]

310 REVENUE ARISING FROM [bK. III.

transferred from one person to another by inheritance, sale, and
every kind of legal conveyance. The sale of the mines (that is,
of the right of working them) was managed by the poletce ; this
right was purchased at an appointed price, in addition to which
the possessor paid the twenty-fourth part of the net produce as
a perpetual tax. The purchase-money was paid directly to the
state; the metal rents were in all probability let to a farmer-
general. The amount of the money obtained from both sources
(to which must also be added a small income accruing to the
state from the market and the public buildings,) necessarily
depended on a variety of circumstances ; such for example as
the number of mines let in the course of the year, the compara-
tive richness or poverty of the veins discovered, or the degree of
activity with which the mining was carried on. In the time of
Socrates, these mines produced less than at an earlier period :
when Themistocles proposed to the Athenians to apply the
money accruing from the mines to the building of ships, instead
of dividing it, as before, among the people, the annual receipts
appear to have amounted to 30 or 40 talents; although the
accounts relating to this point are extremely obscure and uncer-
tain. Citizens and isoteles were alone entitled to the posses-
sion of mines. The number of the possessors was evidently
considerable ; and, like the agriculturists, they were considered
as a separate class of producers ; sometimes they possessed
several shares, sometimes only one. The common price of a
single share was a talent, or rather more; occasionally several
partners occur as the joint possessors of a mine. The manual
labour was performed by slaves, either belonging to the pos-
sessors of the mines or hired; the slaves thus employed by the
mine-proprietors were extremely numerous, and although the
cheapness of their labour diminished the expenses of mining, the
improvements of art in facilitating and abridging the processes
of labour were retarded. The security of this possession was
firmly guaranteed by severe laws ; and the rights of the state
were strictly maintained. There was a mining law {fjL6raWcK6<;
vofjLos), and a peculiar course of legal proceedings in cases relat-
ing to mines (BUao fieTaWtKal), which, for the greater encou-
ragement of the mine-proprietors, were in the time of Demos-

CH. III.]

THE MINES OF THE STATE.

311

thenes annexed to the monthly suits. The mines were also free
from property taxes, and did not subject the possessor to the
performance of liturgies, nor were they transferred in the avri-
So<rt9, or exchange of property; immunities, which did not
arise from any wish to encourage the working of mines, but
were founded upon the nature of their tenure from the state ;
for they were considered as public property let to usufructuary
possessors in consideration of a fixed rate of payment, like the
duties paid by the farmers ; and no property which was not
freehold, and exempt from rent or duty, subjected the posses-
sor to liturgies and property taxes.

In what manner the stone quarries were regulated, in which
the finest varieties of marble were found*'', and which by the
ancients*^ were also considered as mines, I have been unable to
ascertain.

That Athens usurped possession of the mines of her subject
allies, cannot be assumed in conformity with the whole system
of her foreign policy: we must suppose that they everywhere
remained the property of the persons to whom they had belonged
previously to the dominion of Athens.

The mines in Thrace appear however to form an exception,
and to have been immediately dependent upon Athens; it is
probable that they were let in the same manner as the Athenian
mines, although we have no certain information as to this point.
The Thracian gold mines had been first worked by the Phoeni-
cians, together with the mines of Thasos, and afterwards by the
Thasians of Paros. The gold mines of Scapte Hyle upon the
main-land brought to the state of Thasos an annual revenue of
80 talents. Those of Thasos were less productive; but they
yielded so large a sum, that the Thasians, with a complete free-
dom from all land-taxes, derived from the mines of the island
and of the continent, together with the custom duties collected
in the harbours, and perhaps the rents of some lands in Thrace,
an annual income of 200 or 300 talents*^ When the Athenians

*' Caryophilus de Marmoribus p. 4
sqq.

^« E. g. Strab. ix. p. 275; Pollux

vii. 100.

4» So Herodotus vi. 46*, must be un-
derstood.

312

REVENUE FROM MINES OF THE STATE. [bK. HI.

had established themselves in Thrace, they entered into a contest
with the Thasians for the possession of the mines and harbours
of the main-land. Cimon captured 33 of their ships in a naval
engagement, besieged and reduced the city, and gained for his
country the coast, together with the gold mines*". Thus the
Athenians obtained possession not only of Scapte Hyle, but
also of other cities on the main-land, for which, as belonging to
the Thasians, these islanders had, in the expedition of Xerxes,
borne the expense of provisioning his army*': Stryme also, a
Thasian commercial town", may be referred to this number, for
which, when the power of Athens in those regions was broken,
Thasos contended with Maronea*^; doubtless also Galepsus and
CEsyme, colonies of the Thasians**; likewise Datum, which was
also a Thasian town, situated between Neapolis and Nestos,
where the Athenians, at the same time that the battle against
Thasos took place (Olymp. 79^ 1? b. c. 463), fought with the
Edoni for the possession of the gold mines'*. Crenides how-
ever does not appear to have belonged to the Thasians in early
times, although this town was under their dominion in the
105th Olympiad (b.c. 360). It is highly probable that the
Athenians at this time, as Thasos had before them, received
the revenues of all these towns, as well as of the gold mines :
the latter were perhaps partly granted to Athenian tenants,
while some of the ancient possessors remained in undisturbed
occupation. If as many names of proprietors of the Thracian,
as of the Laurian mines, had been preserved, we should be able
to speak wath more certainty on this point; but the extent of
our knowledge is, that Thucydides was possessed of gold mines
in Thrace*^ Even, however, with regard to Thucydides, it
remains doubtful in what manner he became possessed of them.
If they were situated at Scapte Hyle (at which place Thucy-
dides lived, wrote, and died in exile*', after it had passed from

*" Plutarch. Cim. 14; Thucyd. i.
100, 101; Diod. xi. 70.
*' Herod, vii. 18.
»^ Herod, vii. 118; Suid. in. v.

" The Epistle of Philip in the Ora-
tion attributed to Demosthenes.

*^ Thuc. iv. 107. Concerning Ga-
lepsus comp. also v. 6.

" Herod, ix. 75; cf. Thuc. i. 100,
iv. 102 ; Diod. xi. 70 ; xii. 68; Pausan.
i. 29, 4.

*« Thuc. iv. 105.

^' Plutarch. Cim. 4, and in the

CH. IV.] THE CUSTOM DUTIES. 313

under the dominion of Athens), they could not have made part
of the inheritance of Hegesipyle, the daughter of the king of
Thrace*% from whom Thucydides was descended; for Scapte
Hyle belonged not to Thrace, but to Thasos: it is more pro-
bable that they were derived from Athens, after Cimon, Thucy-
dides' near relation, had conquered the Thasian territory: but
the account most deserving of credit, is, that Thucydides
obtained them by marriage with an inhabitant of Scapte Hyle,
whose predecessors had been perhaps long in possession of
them'^

Chapter IV.

The Custom Duties, and particularly the Duty of the Fiftieth,
or Two per Cent,

The custom duties were partly raised from the harbours,
partly from the markets [air ifjuTropiov koL dyopd<i). The
former word signified the places for wholesale trade in com-
modities carried by sea, and the taxes there raised were custom
duties upon exports and imports together with certain fees paid
for foreign ships lying in the harbour. The markets were
attended by the countrymen and retail-dealers {dyopaloL, KaTrrj-
\ot), and the revenues derived from these are the taxes upon
the sale of goods consumed in the country, and the fees paid
for the right of selling in the market^". The latter were pro-
bably paid by aliens only, the citizens having liberty to sell

Essay de Exilio, Marcelliims' Life of
Thucydides, p. 724, 729, in the gi-eat
Leipsig edition of Thucydides.

^8 This is the opinion of Phitarch
and Marcellinus, p. 722, although the
contrary statement occurs in the latter
Avriter, the life which bears his name
being a mixture of different accoimts.
Hegesipyle was the wife of Miltiades
the younger.

^^ Marcellin. p. 723. 'Hyayero de
yvvniKa dno SKOTrr^ff vXrjs rTJs OpoKrjs
TrXovcriav cr(j)6bpa Kai fxiraXXa kckti]-
HfUTjv iv TT) OpaKj],

^" Upon the difference between
merchants {efiTropoi) and retail dealers
Salmasius treats at full length in liis
Book de Usuris. I only mention one
important passage, Plat, de Repub. ii.
p. 370 E, sqq. Whether there were
really two kinds of empoiia, for fo-
reigners and natives {^eviKov and
daTLKov), as is stated in Lex. Seg. p.
208, seems to me doubtful. In the
same Lexicon, p. 255, in v. eVt/zeXjyrat,
'Attckov should be restored from Har-
pocration. 'E/x7ropioi/ ^Attikov fre-
quently occurs in Demosthenes.

314

THE CUSTOM DUTIES.

QbK. III.

their goods there without being subject to any tax. An exemp-
tion from the custom duties was also granted in some instances
to private individuals, probably however only for their own
consumption; and the persons who possessed it must have
been very few in number, for Demosthenes asserts in general of
the immunity from duties {aTeXeia) that it detracted nothing
from the public revenue, whereas if it had been given to many
persons, it must have considerably diminished the rent derived
from this source^'. In addition to these taxes, all imports
and exports were subject to a small duty of 2 per cent., or
the fiftieth {irevTr^KoaTrj) ; the grammarians^* state expressly
that all commodities imported into the Pirseus from foreign
countries were subject to this duty: that this was the case with
imported corn, and manufactured commodities, such as woollen
garments, drinking- cups, and other vessels, we know for certain
from ancient writers^^; that it was paid upon exported cattle,
and even on such as belonged to an Athenian theoria, we learn
from the Sandwich inscription^*: and if the fiftieth had not
been laid upon all exports, how could Demosthenes have referred
to the books of the pentecostologi, to prove that the cargo
of a ship which had cleared out from Athens, was only worth
5500 drachmas"? Ulpian^' affirms that arms were imported
duty free; an assertion which is doubtless correct, if we under-
stand it to refer only to arms which the soldiers used for pur-
poses of war, but can hardly be true of those which were
imported as saleable commodities; Ulpian^s testimonies gene-
rally prove nothing, for they are merely inferences from pas-
sages of Demosthenes which he misunderstood. Concerning
the import and export by land, I have met with nothing except
a passage which will be mentioned presently; they cannot

8' Demosth. in Lept. § 21, ed. Wolf.
Concerning the exemption from cus-
tom duties see also book i. ch. 15.

^'^ Etymol. in v. TTevTrjKotrTokoyov-
ficpov, Lex. Seg. p. 297 ; Lex. Seg. p.
192,30. Neither llarpocration, Pol-
hix, nor Photius, liave any thing of
in)portajice on the fiftieth.

«3 Orat. 0. Neaer. p. 1353, 23; De-
mosth. c. Mid. p. 558, 16.

^* Corp. Inscript. No. 158.

^5 Demosth. c. Phorm. p. 909. The
export duty is called napayayiov in
Philippides the comic poet, Pollux ix.
90. [Mein.Fr. Com. Gr. vol. iv., p. 472.]

•^^ Ad Demosth. c. Mid. ut sup.

CH.

IV.]

THE CUSTOM DUTIES.

315

indeed have been considerable; for in Greece, and Athens in
particular, the intercourse with other states was chiefly carried
on by sea. The duty was paid upon imported commodities at
the unlading®^: and upon exported commodities probably at the
shipping; it was collected by the pentecostologi, who have been
mentioned already*^ in money and not in kind, as is proved by
the Sandwich inscription, and by the circumstance that the
value of the commodities was entered in the books of the custom
duties. As the duty upon corn {TrevTijfcoa-TT) rov <tItov),
which was only imposed at the importation, was leased out to
individuals,^^ the fiftieth must have been sold in separate lots to
several farmers, according to some very general distinction of
the commodities.

To ascertain what sum the state annually received from the
fiftieth, is a problem of difficult solution. If the imported corn
amounted annually to about a million medimni, as has been
assumed in a former part of this work*; and if the price of a
medimnus is taken upon an average at 3 drachmas (although it
is not known upon what principles the custom-house valuation
was made), the farmer of the corn duty received 10 talents a
year, of which a part must be deducted for his trouble, the
expense of collection, and profit.

With regard to other commodities little information can be
afforded. The only passage on the amount of the fiftieth occurs
in the speech of Andocides concerning the mysteries '% but it

^^ Demosth. Paragr. c. Lacrit. p.
932, 25 sqq. Plant. Trinumm. iv. 4, 15,
where however the Roman custom
may be meant.

*^ Besides other passages already
quoted with a different view, compare
upon this point A then. ii. p. 49 C.

*^ Orat. c. Neser. ut sup.

* Book i. ch. 15.

'^^ P. 65 sqq. This passage has for
the most part been rightly corrected
by Reiske. Cf. Valck. Diat. Eurip.
p. 293, and Sluiter's Lect. Andocid. p.
158 sqq. Agyrrhius must evidently
be read instead of Argyrius; apxaav

els should be altered to apx^vi^s, and
then write fxerea-xov d* aira and XevKtjv.
ToTTos is manifestly a gloss, and should
be omitted, and read ouy, and then
oXiyov for oXiyov from the Breslau
MS. The words (wy ttoWov a^iov are an
interpretation of oFov, and they appear
to me to be a gloss. Concerning yva>vai
I will not decide. I believe however
that it might be underetood if taken for
eScrrc yvSivat, j if not, axxre must be
added, or the word be altered to yvovres.
'Anekda-as koL I would alter with
Reiske into dniKatras Se, a various
reading, which Sluiter quotes from a

316

THE CUSTOM DUTIES.

[bK. 111.

admits of so much doubt in the interpretation, that it will be
better to let him speak in his own words. " For this Agyr-
rhius, this model of excellence, was two years ago chief farmer of
the fiftieth, which he purchased for 30 talents; and all those
persons who were collected round him under the white poplar,
had a share in the concern. Upon their characters it is unne-
cessary for me to make any comment. Their object in assem-
bling there was, as far as I can judge, both to receive money for
not bidding higher, and to have a share in the profits, when the
duty was sold under its proper price. Aftenvards when they
liad gained 2 talents, and discovered that the concern was of
considerable value, they all combined together, and, giving the
others a share, they purchased the same duty for 30 talents;
then, as no one offered a higher sum, I myself went to the
senate, and bid against them, until I obtained it for- 36 talents.
Then having driven away these persons, and provided sureties
for myself, I collected the required sum, and paid it to the
state: nor was I a loser by the speculation, for the sharers in it
even made a small profit. Thus I was the means of preventing
these persons from dividing among themselves 6 talents of the
public money .^^ According to this account the lease was taken
by companies: Agyrrhius, and afterwards Andocides, had an
association of this kind: at the head of each company there
was a chief farmer {ap^covij^), by whose name it was called. It
was sold to the highest bidder by the poletee, with the proviso
of the approbation of the senate, near the white poplar tree: in

manuscript, and is also the reading of
the Breslau MS. Lastly, /xei/ should
be added after ^pax^a from the Bres-
lau MS., and the colon after fieraa-
Xoin-es changed into a comma. 'Apx<iivr}s
lias passed into the grammarians from
this passage. Etymol. and Lex. Seg.
p. 202. ^Apxoivrjs, 6 cipxcov wvrjs OVTI-
voaovu scil. Trpdy/xaroy, for example
TfXovs. llesychius ^Apxoovq^' 6 Trporj-
yovp-fvos cpyoXdjSojv, as has been rightly
corrected. To this also the neuTTjKoa-
rapxos belongs (as a friend has cor-
lectcd for nfVTTjKouTupx^^s) iii Lex. Seg.

p. 297j O apXfOV TTJS TTeVTrjKOCTTrjS TOV

reXovs Koi tcov TrevTrjKocTTcciv (1. TrevTrj-
KocTTcovcov). Cf. Phot. p. 301. With
regard to the emendation afterwards
proposed in the text of l| for hvo, which
was first edited by Reiske, it may be
observed that it is confirmed by Slui-
ter's and the Breslau MS., which read
Tpia for bvo : it was no doubt originally
written TI, from which II and III could
easily be derived [Tpi'a is also the
reading of four manuscripts collated
by Bekker, Orat. Alt. vol. i. p. 142.]

CH. I.J THE CUSTOM DUTIES. 3l7

this instance however it was not the tax on any particular com-
modity, but the fiftieth in general, which therefore these persons
had on this occasion farmed in one lot, and not divided into
separate portions. Agyrrhius held the lease in the third year
before the delivery of the speech; Andocides received it in the
following year, for he took it from Agyrrhius, and in the next
succeeding year was involved by the party of this person in the
law suit concerning the mysteries. It has been incorrectly
supposed, that a three years' lease is intended, a meaning of
which the expression of the writer does not admit'^^ Andocides
indeed says, according to the present reading, that Agyrrhius
and his company had made a profit of 2 talents: he himself
offered 6 talents more than the former company; but unless he
wished to expose himself to evident loss, the highest offer he
could make, was what the company of Agyrrhius had paid and
gained at the former letting. From this it might be supposed,
that these 2 talents were an annual profit; and that the com-
pany of Agyrrhius had gained 6 talents in three years, with a
rent of 30 talents, which in that case must have been a three
years' rent; for Andocides states that the three years' profit
upon this rent, was as much as 36 talents. But, not to men-
tion that the idiom of the language compels us to understand a
letting which was taken for the third year before the delivery of
the speech, and not a three years' lease, it is not possible that
an orator should have made use of such inaccurate language, as
to state the rent for three years, and the profit of the lessee only
for one, without marking the difference. It is better to correct
the number, which is for other reasons uncertain, and to sup-
pose that the profit of the company of Agyrrhius was 6 talents
instead of 2. Moreover, if this profit and the rent were for
three years, the fiftieth would be extraordinarily low, particu-
larly when we consider the export of corn, although even this
did not compose the largest part of the whole receipts; the
other exports and imports, of cattle and other necessaries, salt

'^ De Pauw (Reclierches Philos.
vol. i. p. 356) understood it to mean a
rent for three yeara; Manso (Sparta,

vol. ii. p. 504) for one year. Tpirov eras
means the third year before, or /tw "years
ago.

318 THE CUSTOM DUTIES. [bK. III.

fish and flesh, oil, wine, honey, hides, leather, wood, metals,
vessels, ointment, rigging, and other kinds of raw and manu-
factured commodities, would have far exceeded the amount of
the duty upon corn: the slaves also must have produced a con-
siderable sum, upon whom, as was the case in the Roman
customs, an import duty was also levied^^ And if the fiftieth,
inclusive of the cost of collection, only produced about 14
talents a year, the value of the commodities imported and
exported could not have amounted to more than 700 talents,
which is evidently too small a sum. In addition to this, the
only duty of which we know with certainty the duration of the
lease, viz. the tax upon prostitutes, was only let for a term of
one year. We must therefore suppose, that the same was the
case with the general letting of the other duties, and assume,
according to the words of Andocides himself, that the fiftieth
produced to the state from 30 to 36 talents a year; so that the
imports and exports, allowing for the profit of the letting and
the cost of collection, amounted to about 2000 talents'^ It
must however be remembered, that at this period Athens was
not in a flourishing condition, as it was the first years after the
anarchy : in prosperous times the custom duties were probably
far more productive.

In several other countries the custom duties were equally
considerable, and in some places they yielded a much larger
sum. In Macedonia the harbour duty was generally let for 20
talents; Callistratus raised the rent to 40 talents, by lessening
the amount of security; for whereas before his time, each
person was obliged to furnish security amounting at the lowest
to a talent, which none but the wealthy were able to procure,
he permitted the farmer to give security only for the third part,
or for whatever smallest portion of his rent he could persuade
the people to accept security^*. Can there be any doubt that a
yearly lease is here meant? The harbour duty of Rhodes
amounted before Olymp. 153, 4 (b.c. 165) to a million drachmas

''^ Lex. Seg. p. 297, 21 , I exports not very differently at ten mil-

'^ Barth^lemy (Anacharsis, vol. iv. lions of livres.
p. 505) reckons the annual imports and ' ^* Aristot. CEcon. 2, 22.

CH. IV.] THE CUSTOM DUTIES. ^19

(166 talents) a year: after it had considerably fallen off, it still
amounted to 150,000 drachmas (25 talents)". Cersocleptes of
Thrace received an annual income of 300 talents from the
harbour duties, at times when commerce was not impeded^^.

Whether Athens collected port duties in other countries,
for example, in the harbours of Thasos, which she had obtained
by conquest, or whether they were transferred to the states of
the cleruchi, I am unable to decide. On the other hand,
custom duties must necessarily have been established by land
against Megaris and Boeotia; for at certain times a total pro-
hibition existed against those countries: nothing determinate
can however be ascertained. It is related of Oropus, upon the
boundaries of Attica and Boeotia", that the inhabitants were all
plunderers and toll gatherers, and also raised a duty upon im-
ported goods, being men of the most immoderate avarice. This
might certainly be referred to a duty paid upon entrance into
the country, which the Boeotians and the Athenians had at
different times collected at this spot: but as Oropus was
situated on the sea, and as the importation from Euboea into
Attica originally went by way of Oropus, the meaning remains
uncertain.

Chapter V.

The Harbour Duties, and the Duty of a Hundredth, orOneperCent,
The Market Tolls.

In addition to the fiftieth which was imposed upon imports and
exports, it is probable that a separate duty was levied upon all
vessels (whether they were unladen or not) for the use of the
harbours, which had caused so large an expense to Athens ; as
we know that a duty was collected for permission to deposit
commodities in the warehouses and magazines^°. A harbour

'* Polyb. xxxi. 7, 12. | Com. Gr. vol. iv. p. 596. — Trans l.]

7« Demosth. c. Aristocrat, p. 657, 9. ! ^^ From Xenophon's proposals (de
'' Dicaearchus in the Description of Vectig.3,) we are justified in assuming

Greece, and the verses of Xenon which that this was the usual custom.

he has preserved. [See Meineke, Fr. ■

320

THE HARBOUR DUTIES.

[bk. III.

duty (iXkLfievcov) and collectors of the harbour duty (iWifMevta-
ral) are often mentioned. The latter, however, appear to have
been considered by Pollux^' as identical with the pentecosto-
logi. The pentecostologi at Athens, like the collectors of the
harbour duties in the Bosporus and elsewhere, and the Roman
portitores, examined the goods, valued them, and entered them
in their books^" : the term harbour duty is however a general
expression, which also comprehends import and export duties^
as in the case of the harbour duty of the Rhodians. Neverthe-
less this fact does not prove that a separate duty was not im-
posed for the use of the harbour. I am induced to assume the
reality of such an impost, by two apparent traces of its exist-
ence. In a fragment of Eupolis^', a harbour duty is mentioned
which was to paid before the passenger embarked: it thus
appears that a duty was imposed in the harbour, even upon
individuals. In Xenophon's Essay upon the State of Athens^%

7^ viii. 132. Other passages in the |
grammarians, e. g. Lex. Seg. p. 251,
give no definite information concerning ;
the ellimenistse.

«" Demosth. c. Phorm. p. 917, 10,
cf. Jul. Afric. Cest. p. 304.

81 Ap. Poll. ix. 30. 'EXKifxeviov, 6
dovvai npiv elcr^r)vai ere Sei. 'Eta^rjvai
can evidently be only understood of
going on board a ship, as KUhn has
already remarked.

8^ i. 17. Sclmeider (Opuscul. Xe-
noph. p. 93) considers this hundredth to
be a custom duty, which was after-
wai-ds succeeded by the twentieth.
Neither to this notion however, nor to
that of Manso (Sparta, vol. ii. p. 496),
can I accede. With regard to the
twentieth, of which I have given the
true explanation in chap. 6, Manso
(p. 502) understands it to be an in-
creased custom duty upon commo-
dities levied in the Piraeus ; he com-
bines however passages wliich have
no reference to one another. Among
other things, lie assumes that the
Athenians only remitted to the allies
tliat part of the tribute wliich was in-

creased by Alcibiades, which he incor-
rectly states at 300 talents, and that
instead of it, a custom duty was col-
lected in the Piraeus. This duty was
not however levied upon the allies
alone, but upon all traders, whether
Athenians, allies, or not ; and who
compelled the allies to come to the Pi-
raeus with their commodities ? Athens
would manifestly by this increased
duty in the Piraeus have injured her
own imports, and raised the prices of
commodities, which would have been
against her own interest. The twen-
tieth was not collected in the Piraeus, but
in the countries of the allies. Manso
again, proceeding upon the amount of
the fiftieth, calculates the increased
duty at 90 talents : but is it conceiv-
able that the Athenians would have
established a duty producing only 90
talents, part of which moreover was
before received, instead of the tributes
which brought in so large an income,
in order to increase their revenues,
and yet, while it caused a precisely
opposite effect, have allowed the twen-
tieth to exist for so long a period?

CH. v.]

THE HARBOUR DUTIES.

321

it is remarked that the necessity of trying their causes in Athens,

to which the aUies were subject, increased the productiveness of
the hundredth (exaToarr]) in the Piraeus. We are not justihed

Enough however of these errors. I
may observe that with this a main
argument of Schneider's falls to the
ground, that the Treatise upon the
State of Athens is as old as this pe-
riod, and consequently not the pro-
duction of Xenophon.

I have already remarked in book i.
ch. 8, that I will not answer for its
being the work of Xenophon; but
the proofs to the contrary I con-
sider as insufficient. That the domi-
nion of the sea did not belong to
Athens after the 9Srd Olympiad (b.c.
405) is not entirely true. The battle
of Cnidos brought subject allies again
under the power of Athens (book iii.
ch.l7), and why should not the Athe-
nians have again introduced their com-
pulsory jurisdiction ? Isocrates (Areo-
pag. 1) speaks in the most unambiguous
manner of the naval dominion of the
Athenians and of their numerous allies
after the victories of Tiraotheus : elpf)-
vrjv 8e Kal to. nepi tt]v x.'^pav dyovarjs,
Kal tS)U Kara OdXaao-av dpxovarjs, en
de avixp.a.)(Ovs ixovarfs, ttoWovs fxev
Tovs €ToifJiovs T]p.1v, fjv Ti dcTj, jHorjdr]-
(TovTus, TToXv di TrXciovs Toiis ras crvv-
rd^eis vnoTekovvras Koi to npoa-raT-
TOfxcvov noLovvras. It is certainly
remarkable that the tributes shoidd be
called <j)6poL; the name avvra^is was
not however introduced till Olymp.
100, 4 (B.C. 377): Xenophon may
either have written this treatise a short
time before, or, as appears to me more
probable, the ancient and customary
expression was retained in use later.
Comp. book iii. ch. 17-

That the tributes were valued every
four years is also an account to which
it is difficult to assign its proper place,
particularly in reference to earlier
times. According to book iii. ch. 11

and 15, the tributes were not altered
until the «9th Olympiad (b.c. 424),
and about Olymp. 91, 2 (b.c. 415) they
were entirely abohshed, and changed
into a custom duty, in which state
they remained until the dissolution of
the whole connexion by the battle of
yEgospotamos. Here then it might
be preferable to understand the times
after the battle of Cnidos, or after the
100th Olympiad (b.c. 377). When the
author speaks of the Athenians giving
up their own country, we are indeed
forcibly reminded of the first period of
the Peloponnesian war; but is it not
possible that ideas of this kind may
have been principles which were de-
rived from the earlier history of
Athens?

But the most singular passage of
all is the assertion of the writer, that it
was not allowed to ridicule the people
of Athens in comedies, but only indi-
viduals. In the Knights of Aristo-
phanes, which was acted in Olymp.
88, 4 (b.c. 424), and in the Wasps,
which was not brought forward till
later, the people, as Schneider remarks,
is ridiculed; but for this reason to
attribute to this writing a greater
antiquity than Olymp. 88, 4, would
be a bold assumption, nor would it
indeed be of much service. Aristo-
phanes had previously ridiculed the
state in the Babylonians (see Acharn.
502, and the schohast), and likewise
in the Acharneans, though qualified
with an apology which was produced
by particular circumstances, that he
only speaks against individuals, and
not against the state (vs. 514, 515).
The freedom of comedy was indeed
for a short time abridged, particularly
by a decree passed in Olymp. 85, J
(B.C. 440), which was however abro-

322

THE HARBOUR DUTIES.

[bk. III.

in assuming that this hundredth was an import duty, which was
levied at a particular period in place of the fiftieth ; for we find
the fiftieth mentioned both in the earUer time of Andocides
(whose lease of the custom duties, as well as that of Agyrrhius,
falls in the first years after the anarchy), and also in the time
Demosthenes ; and an alteration in this tax cannot be assumed
without any proof. May we not suppose that another harbour
duty was imposed in addition to the tax upon persons just men-
tioned, amounting to one per cent, on the cargo ? The more

gated in Olymp. 85, 4 (b.c. 437).
(Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 67.) Ac-
cording to the scholiast to Ai'istoph.
Nub. 31, it was expressly prohibited to
ridicule the archon in comedy: and
according to the scholiast on Acharn,
1149, Antimachus, at the time when
he was choregus, had proposed a de-
cree that no one should be ridiculed by
name. All these accounts appear to
refer to the law passed in the archon-
ship of Morychides, and prove no more
than that it was forbidden to attack
anybody by name ; a prohibition which
was not long in force. On the other
hand, to ridicule the people, although
Cleon threw it out as a reproach
against Aristophanes (Acharn. 501),
and it would naturally produce hatred
against the poet, appears to have been
always allowed until after the time of
the anarchy. By this overthrow of
the democracy the Athenian demus
was rendered suspicious and mistrust-
ful ; and the parabasis, in which public
matters were discussed, was omitted.
Of this however want of space pre-
vents me from treating; with regard
to the passage in question, it agi-ees as
well with the time which succeeded
the anarchy as with the beginning of
the Peloponnesian war.

Lastly, Schneider was justly sur-
prised at the following passage : oXt'yot
de Tiues Ta)V Trfvr]T(i>v Koi tcov fir;ju.orcoj/
KO}^to8ovvTai, KCil ovS' ovTOi, iav fxrj 8ici
iroXvnpayfiocrvvriv koi dia to Cr]Tf7v

irKeov €\eiv tov br]fiov: which, it ap-
pears, could not have been said after
the ill treatment of Socrates by the
comic poets, and least of all by Xeno-
phon. If however Xenophon wrote
this essay perhaps forty years after the
representation of the Clouds, when all
the circumstances of the times had
been changed, was it necessary that he
should refer to Socrates in an ironical
accoxmt of the principles of the Athe-
nians ? And could the best friend of
Socrates, or even Socrates himself,
deny that he wished to raise himself
above the people, he who came for-
ward as the ameliorator of the people,
and was not only a declared enemy of
the demus, but entertained purely aris-
tocratical principles? I may also make
a remark upon the observation occur-
ring in 1, 10, that slaves at Athens were
not allowed to be beaten, for which
regulation a false reason is ironically
assigned. The true reason appears
to have been forgotten at the time
when the author wrote, namely, the
war. (Aristoph. Nub. 7.) When the
Clouds were acted, the circumstance
was evidently new, and the reason well
known. Consequently, this circum-
stance likewise seems to prove that
tliis writing had a later origin than the
Clouds of Aristophanes at the earliest.
I do not indeed consider the question
to be set at rest by these arguments ;
but the space does not allow of a
more detailed investigation.

CH. v.] THE MARKET TOLLS. 323

strangers came to Athens^ the greater was the intercourse ; if a
larger number of vessels arrived, even without bringing any
commodities for importation, the harbour duty was increased by
the influx of foreigners. At the same time I only throw out
this notion as a conjecture, for we know nothing certain of the
hundredth. Aristophanes speaks of many taxes of a hundredth
collected by Athens^% which, according to the scholiast, the
states paid for the duties {reXTj) ; an explanation more obscure
than the thing explained. It is however possible that this small
tax was le^^ed in Attica upon several occasions, a question which
we shall presently reconsider.

Duties levied in markets are mentioned in Attica, as well as
in other countries of Greece^*, and were considered as a tax of
importance, so that they could not have been mere fees paid
for permission to erect booths. It is more probable that they
were an excise duty upon all things sold in the market ; but in
what manner the rate was estimated we are wholly unable to
state. The grammarians^^ mention a tax upon sales (eiroiVLov,
iircovta)^ but they did not themselves know accurately what was
its nature. Harpocration conjectures that it was the tax of a
fifth (77 irefiiTTn), a duty of which he appears to have obtained
some knowledge from other sources ; other grammarians copy
this account from him ; but, if we consider the moderate rate
of the other duties, it is not credible that so high a tax should
have been imposed upon all sales, which would have fallen
chiefly upon the home consumption. In another account, which
in all probability is equally founded on mere conjecture, certain
duties of a hundredth are cited as instances of this tax. At
Byzantium we meet with a tax of ten per cent, upon sales, but
only imposed for the moment, and not intended for any long

83 Vesp. 656. fVt rfi oivrj TrpoaKara^aWofieva, aairep

** Xenoph. de Vectig. 4, Aristoph. 1 eKaToarai rives. The sale of duties
Acharn. 904, ed. Invern. Demosth. cannot here be meant, although the
Olynth. i. p. 15, 20. I grammarian classes the KrjpvKeia, the

"* Pollux vii. 15. Harpocration, pay of the criers at the sale of the
Suid. Etymol. Phavorinus. The fol- j duties, together with the enavia, the
lowing less valuable statement occurs ! former being a fee which was perliaps
in Lex. Seg. p. 255, 'Enavia fiev to. exacted in all sales by auction.

Y 2

324

THE MARKET TOLLS.

[bk. iir.

continuance"": other examples of large excise duties of this kind
I omit to enumerate.

Whether this tax was collected at the gates or in the market
I do not find anywhere stated^; toll-gatherers were, however,
appointed for the collection of it. A story preserved in Zeno-
bius and other compilers of proverbs^^, of a countryman named
Leucon, leads to this conclusion. The story is, that this Leu-
con used to place leathern bottles of honey in a panier, upon
the top of which he laid some barley, and brought it to Athens
on an ass, which he represented to be loaded with nothing but
l)arley. One day the ass fell down, and the toll-gatherers,
coming to his assistance, discovered the honey, and seized it as
contraband. This story indeed is in all probability a fiction,
and did not actually happen to any Leucon. Leucon was an
Athenian comic poet, perhaps the son of Hagnon^^ the con-
temporary of Aristophanes and Pherecrates, and he had repre-
sented the misfortune of the peasant upon the stage, in a play
called the Ass which carried the leathern bottles. This does not
however invalidate the argument; for even if it was not founded
upon any real fact, it must, in order to be made the subject of a
play, have been at least a possible occurrence according to the
existing usages at Athens.

"^ Pseud- Aristot. (Econ. 2, 3, in the
words roTs S' wvovfievois ri era^av
X^P^s TTJs Ti^rjs didovai einbeKaTov,

" The author mentions in the Ad-
denda, that having left it undecided
where the duty was paid upon goods
that were brought for sale into the
city, he afterwards considered that it
Avas probably taken at the gates, and
that the passage duty, or dcanvXiov, re-
fers to this. " The only account of it
is found in Ilesychius. ALunvXiov (as
has been rightly corrected) reXos tl
Trap"" ^Adrjuaiois ovrcos e/caXetro, where
consult tlie notes of the commentators :
the word is used in a somewhat differ-
ent meaning in Pseud- Aristot. fficon.
ii 2, 14, from whence it might be con-
cJiul'wl tlitit tlie money was ouly paid

for passing through the gate; but
at Athens the word might have had
any other signification, and that the
diaTTvXtov was some kind of admit-
tance money, appears to me hardly
conceivable."

^'' Zenob. i. 74; Mich. Apost. ii. 08.
Comp. Diogenianus and Suidas vol. i.
p. 98.

^^ Suid. in v. AevKav, and particu-
larly Toup Emend, in Suid. vol- ii. p.
252, ed. Leip. against the commenta-
tors. Respecting the time at which
he lived, see Athen. viii. p. 343 C.
llis ^pdropes is quoted by Athenseus,
Hesychius, Photius, and Suidas; the
latter mentions two other pieceSj^Ovos
and ' A(rKo<fi6pos ; both however are
one, viz. "Ovos aaKn<f)6poi.

ch. vi.j tithesj their different sorts. 325

Chapter VL

The Duty of a Twentieth part. Tithes ; their different sorts.

In addition to these regular duties, the Athenians began, about
Olymp. 91, 2 (b.c. 415), to substitute in the room of the tri-
butes, which up to this period had been periodically paid by
the allies, a duty of a twentieth {eUoarr)) upon all commodities
exported or imported by sea in the states of the subject allies ;
hoping to raise a greater revenue by that means than by the
direct taxation of these states^^• and it cannot be doubted that
this tax, as Aristophanes mentions no less than 1000 tributary
cities, must have produced a very considerable revenue. It
was, according to the usual practice, let out in farm ; the collec-
tors had the name of eicostologi [elKoaroXo^oiY^ , From a
reference made by Aristophanes in the comedy of the Frogs
(Olymp. 93, 3, B.C. 405), to an unfortunate eicostologus, who
sent some contraband commodities from ^gina to Epidaurus,
it may be inferred that this duty had not been abolished, but
lasted until the end of the Peloponnesian war.

But the tenth {SeKaTij) raised by the Athenians at Byzan-
tium was a mere extortion. It was first imposed in Olymp. 92, f
(b.c. 409), when Alcibiades, Thrasyllus, and the other Athe-
nian generals who came from Cyzicus, fortified Chrysopolis in
the territory of Chalcedon : a station for the reception of those
duties [heKarevrripLov) was built, and thirty ships were sent out
under two generals, in order to tithe the commodities on board
all ships which came out of the Pontus, as Xenophon relates^'.
Polybius mentions the ships going to the Pontus ; both accounts
are doubtless correct, and the tenth was levied upon the cargoes
of vessels both coming in and going out of this sea. That this

"^ Thucyd. \ii. 28. To this twen-
tieth and to the Byzantine transit
duties, Avhich will be presently men-
tioned, the following passage refers in
Lex. Scg. p. 185, 21, Aexar/; Kcti elKOdTi]'

iXdfx^avov.

^<> Pollux ix. 30; Aristoph. Ran.
366.

»' Hellen. i. 1, 14, with which Dio-
dorus xii. 64 agrees.

326 tithes; their different sorts. [bk. hi.

tax produced a large revenue may be readily conceived, for the
rate of duty was high, and this channel was very much fre-
quented. " Byzantium," says Polybius'% " is most favourably
situated upon the sea of any known place ;'^ against the will of
its inhabitants, it was not possible either to go out of or to come
in to the Pontus, on account of the rapid current in the straits;
for that reason it was far more fortunately situated than Chalce-
don, the City of the Blind, w^hich at first sight appears to have
possessed an equally advantageous position: a large supply of
leather, the best and the greatest number of slaves, came from
the Pontus; also honey, wax, and salt meat; oil, and every kind
of wine, were carried from Greece into the Black Sea; corn it
sometimes exported and sometimes imported. The only good
passage however, as the same historian remarks, was by Bus and
Chrysopolis, for which reason the Athenians, upon the advice of
Alcibiades, had chosen this latter city as the station for collect-
ing the duties. Of this tax they were deprived by the defeat
at ^gospotamos. Thrasybulus however reestablished it about
the 97th Olympiad (b.c. 390), and let it out in farm*^; at that
time the Athenians derived great resources from it for the carry-
ing on of war. The peace of Antalcidas (Olymp. 98, 2, b.c.
.387)^ probably produced its second abolition; and a long
time afterwards (Olymp. 139, b.c. 224), the Byzantians, to
assist a pecuniary difficulty, introduced the same transit duties
{Btaywyiov), which were the cause of the war waged against
them by the Rhodians®\

AVherever houses or stations for the collection of tenths
(heKarevrripta, heKarrfKo'yLa) are mentioned", tolls collected at
sea are always to be understood, which required particular esta-
blishments of this description. Therefore Pollux mentions the
erection of them as an event which only happened on particular
occasions. But w^hen farmers of tenths, and collectors of

«^ Polyb. iv. 38, and afterwards 43,
44.

" Xeuopli. Ilelleu. iv. 8, 27, 31 ;
Demosth. c. Leptin. § 48, and there
Ulpian's and Wolf's notes. 44, 46; iii

''' Polybius in the following chap- ^' Tollux viii. 13

ters. Comp. Heyne de Byzaut. p. 15
sqq. To compel a person to sail to the
place where the duties were collected
was called Trapayatyid^eLv, Polyb. iv.

CH. VI.] tithes; their different sorts. 327

tenths (Se/caTMvaL, BeKarrjXoyot, BeKarevral) are mentioned^%
duties of different descriptions may be understood. In the
first place there were the tenths of the produce of the soil; we
know^ for example, that this tax was collected in the govern-
ments of the satraps, as a distinct branch of revenue; it was
also universally extended in the tyrannies of Asia, and probably
w^as the most ancient tax paid to the kings. Thus too the
Romans collected tenths from conquered countries; and this
same duty was also very common in Greece, but only as a tax
upon property which was not freehold, the tenths being paid for
the use. Consistently with this the tyrant demanded the
tenths from all his subjects, as lord and master of the whole
country, which he only permitted to be occupied by his subjects
upon the payment of these taxes. Of this kind are the Sicilian
tenths, which were received by the kings before that country
fell into the hands of the Romans ; and many cases of the same
duty occur in Greece Proper, as, for example, the tithes of the
corn at Cranon in Thessaly^^; thus Pisistratus, as tyrant or
usurping proprietor of the country, subjected all the lands of
the Athenian citizens to a tithe, and incurred the hatred of his
people by this despotic measure; although as a sophist sup-
poses him to say in a spurious epistle, he might excuse himself
by alleging, that the tithes were not paid for himself the tyrant,
but for defraying the expenses of the sacrifices, with the other
branches of the administration, and the costs of war®^. The
Pisistratidae did not abolish this tax, but they lowered it to a
twentieth^ ^

®° AeKarcovai are farmei-s of the I Kareveiv, reXKovetv, not to quote other

tenths, deKarrjXoyoi, collectors of the
tenths ; both of which callings were
often united in the same individual:
d(KaT€VTa\ appears to be applicable to
either. Cf. Harpocrat. in w. 8eKa-
Tevras and deKaTrjXoyos, Pollux ix. 28 ;
Demosth. c. Aristocrat, p. 676, 26.
Also Hesychius in v. deKarqXoyoi, Ety-
mol. in V. SeKaTevrrjpiov, where how-
ever the statements given are incor-
rect and confused. To collect the
tenth was called deKarcvdv. Aristo-
phanes ap. Poll. ix. 31, eXXiiieviCeis ^
8(KaT€V€is ; and thence Hesychius 6e-

grammanans.

^7 Poly^en. ii. 34.

^^ Concerning these tenths see Meur-
sius Pisistrat. 6, 7,9. The spurious
epistle is given by Diogenes Laertius
in the Life of Solon.

^® 'EIkocttt] tcov yiyvofievcou, Thucyd.
vi. 64. In the free constitution of
Athens nothing of this kind occurs.
That the Roman tenths were copied
from those of Attica is the singular
notion of Burmann de Vect. P. R. ii,
and v.

328 tithes; their different sorts. [bk. hi.

In the same manner that, with reference to a tyrant, all
lands were subject to a tithe, so in a republic many estates were
subject to this tax, as not being the freehold property of the
possessor, but only held by him as occupier. Thus the state of
Athens owned the tithes of public demesnes, and let them in
farm; the temples also frequently enjoyed property of this kind,
of which many examples are extant: thus, for instance, the
Delian Apollo received a large amount of tithes from the
Cyclades'""; and in the island of Ithaca, the temple of Diana
received the tithes from an estate, the possessors of which were
bound to keep her temple in repair^"'; and Xenophon had for-
merly devised the very same regulation at Scillus. Obligations
of this nature arose in great measure from the piety of indi-
viduals, who dedicated their property to the gods, and thus gave
up the ownership or dominion, retaining at the same time the
use of it for themselves in consideration of a fixed payment;
the temples may also on certain occasions have received the
right of tithes by conquest. Thus the Greeks promised that
after the fortunate termination of the Persian war, all states
who had afforded any protection to the enemy, should pay a
tithe to the Delphian Apollo, that is to say, that they would
make their lands subject to a tribute'"*. At Athens, moreover,
Minerva of the Parthenon received the tithe of the plunder, and
of captures'"^, and also of certain fines ^''■'; while others were paid
to the temples without any deduction, together with the tithe
either of all or of a large proportion of confiscated property '"\
The tithes of Minerva are mentioned in connexion with the

^'^ Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn.
Del. 278 ; Coi-sini Gr. Diss. \i. p. cxvi.

'•" Coi-p. Inscript. No. 1926. See
Paciaudi Mon. Pelop. vol. i. p. 142,

^0^ Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 741, 3;
Diod. xi. 62; Lysias c. Polystrat. p.
686; Ilarpocrat. in v. deKareveiv,
Comp. Paciaudi ut sup. p. 172 sqq.;

and his diflPuse notes, where tlie ge- ■ Lakemacher Ant. Grrec. Sacra, p. 400.
nuinoness of tlie inscription is proved. , '*^^ Cf. e. g. Demosth. c. IMacart. p.
Xenophon sot up the very same in- 1074, 24.

scription at Scilhis (Cyr. Exped. v. 3, ' ^"^ Decree in the Lives of the Ten
3,) and this inscription of Ithaca is a I Orators, p. 226 ; Andocid. de Myst. p.
somewhat modem imitation of it, but . 48. Xenoph. Hellen. i. 7, 10. Com-
unquestionably not a forgery. | pare book iii. eh. 14. Photius men-

'"Mlerod. vii. 132 ; Diod. xi. 3 ;' tions a tenth received by tlie gods in v.
Polyb. ix. 33, concerning Thebes. Cf. i aBeKarevrnvSy without however speci-
Xenoph. llellcn. vi. 3, U. I fying which.

CH. VII.]

TAXES UPON ALIENS.

329

fiftieths of other gods^ and of the heroes of the tribes [kirciivv-
fioi)^^^; the latter were probably similar per ceiitages, and must
not be confomided with the custom duty of the fiftieth.

Chapter VII.
Taxes upon Aliens, Taxes upon Slaves, and other Personal Taxes,

Among the direct and personal taxes^ the protection money of
the resident aliens {fjuerolKiov) is most generally known, an
institution by no means peculiar to the Athenian state, but
which was introduced in many'"^, and perhaps in all countries.
At Athens every resident alien paid twelve drachmas a year, as
we learn from the testimony of Eubulus and Iseeus"^^; according
to the latter, the women paid 6 drachmas, if they had no son
of sufficient age to pay for himself. If however the son paid the
protection money, the mother was exempt; consequently no
woman paid it, excej)t those whose families did not contain any
adiilt male; and as the son exempted the mother, there can be
no doubt that the husband exempted his wife. For that the
wives of the resident aliens had to make a separate payment is
improbable for this reason, that otherwise a widow, even if her
son paid this tax, would also have been required to pay for her-
self; whereas it is stated in the most general terms, that if the
son paid, the mother did not, nor consequently the widow.
The protection money was also farmed out; since farmers of
duties (reXwva^) are mentioned in connexion with it; for example
in the Life of Lycurgus, who threatened a farmer of duties with
imprisonment, for arresting Xenocrates for not having paid his
protection money^''^ and also in the grammarians. It is main-

106 Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 738, 5,
and Ulpian's note.

i"? Besides the two passages of Ly-
sias and Lycurgus which Wesseling
quotes ad Petit, ii. 5, 1, see Demosth.
c. Aristocrat, p. 691, 3, and c. Aphob.
^l^evSo/x. p. 845, 19.

'°^ Harpocration in v. fxeToUiov, cf.
Lex. Seg. p. 280, Hesychius in v. fxe-

TotKOL, Photius, who transcribes Har-
pocration, in V. jieToiKoi and fxeroiKaiu
XeiTovpyioL, Polhix iii. 55, Nicephor.
ad Syues. de Insomn. p. 402. The
other statement of 10 drachmas in
Hesychius v. fieToUiov and Ammonins
V. la-oreXrjs only rests upon an error of
the copyist.

^09 Yit. Dec. Orat. vol. iv. p. 253,

330

I'AXES UPON ALIENS. [bK. III.

tallied by some writers, that tlie payment of the protection
money was made by the patron (Trpoo-rarTy?) ''% which agrees very
well with his character of surety for the resident aliens, but is
directly opposed to the testimonies of the ancients. For the
state looked for security to the body of the resident ahen him-
self, and if he was convicted before the poletae of non-payment
of the duty, he was immediately sold''\ It is also to be obsers^ed
that Harpocration, who is followed by Photius, proves from the
comic poets in particular, that the freed men also paid this pro-
tection money; Menander, however, he proceeds to state, says
in two plays, " that besides the ] 2 drachmas, the latter also paid
3 oboli, perhaps to the farmer of the duties.'^ According to the
context the ^^latter" can only be the freed men, as Petit rightly
understood it''^; and, as is so frequently the case, Pollux and
Hesychius generalize this account of the payment of the trio-
bolon, and extend it to all resident aliens. But they go still
farther than this, for the latter informs us that it was paid to
the farmer of the duties, the former, that the clerk received it.
The general accuracy and information of Harpocration prove
that no grammarian could know it for certain, and to what pur-
pose should it have been paid to a clerk, or even to a farmer
of the duties, if the tax was farmed out ? This triobolon paid by
the freed men must therefore have had a different character, to
which point I will presently return. On the other hand many
resident aliens, as is implied in the story of Xenocrates, enjoyed
an immunity from the protection money [areXeca fMerocKvov)

cd. Tubing. ; also Plutarch in the Life tliere is an instance of the sale of an
of Q. Flaminimis, and Photius in the ; unmarried woman. The place where
Life of Lycurgus. Concerning Xeno- j this sale took place was called the tto).
crates see also Plutarch's Phocion 29, ! XrjTTjpiov tov fieroiKLov. The sale was
and Ste. Croix in his ^Memoir on the j carried on under the direction of the
fxeroiKoi in the Mem. de I'Academie ] poletse, Pollux viii. 99, comp. above
des Inscriptions, torn. xLvii. p. 184 sq. I book ii. ch. 3. The protection money

"•^ Petit ubi sup. and Lex. Seg. p. j was naturally sold by auction in the
298. j same place. In the Lives of the Ten

'" Harpocration, from the Oration Orators fieroiKiov is incorrectly used
against Aristogiton i. p. 787, 27, which j instead of ncokijTrjpLov tov fifToiKiov.
if not written by Demosthenes him- "=^ Leg. Att. ii. 6, 7.

self, is of considerable auti(iuity, where

CII. VII.j TAXES UPON SLAVES. 331

without being isoteles, at Athens as well as in other countries"^
Many were even exempted from custom duties' '*, and other
payments, as will be shown below; yet these preferences appear
to have been very rare; for, according to Demosthenes "%
scarcely five persons were exempted from the regular liturgies,
and what Diodorus''^ supposes Themistocles to say with regard
to the immunity of the resident aliens and the artificers, must
have arisen from some misunderstanding, which perhaps origi-
nated in the circumstance that Themistocles had encouraged this
class in some other manner. If then we take the sum of the
resident aliens in the time of Demetrius Phalereus, which was
10,000, as an average amount, and reckon about 1000 women
who paid this tax, the protection money would have amounted to
about 21 talents: the freed men are included in this estimate,
although in Xenophon^s Treatise upon the State of Athens'",
this class of persons is distinguished from the resident ahens.

Xenophon says"% that '^ whoever remembers how much the
slave duty produced before the Decelean war, will allow that it
is possible to maintain a large number of slaves in the country.^"*
At that period great numbers eloped; Thucydides reckons more
than 20,000; the maritime wars destroyed a very large number,
and as it was easy for them to escape from Attica, the Athenians
probably reduced their establishments, or exported their slaves
to foreign markets. In short, Athens had more slaves before
than after the Decelean war, and this duty was consequently
more productive. But by means of what? was it merely by the
duty of a fiftieth upon their importation? In that case the
expression slave duty could scarcely have been used. It is more
probable that a tax upon the slaves themselves existed: and this
would in that case be the only direct and regular taxation of a
part of the property of the citizens, excepting the liturgies;
although this duty, in so far as slaves cannot be considered as
mere property, but as servants also, may be viewed in the light

"^ Corp. Inscript. No. 87, ad fin. "'' i. 10; see b. i. ch. 7.
Demosth. c. Aristocrat, p. 691, 3. I ns y)q Vectig. 4, ocrov to reXos ev-

"■* Book i. ch. 15. . picKe t5>v avbpanoboiv npo tcou iv

"* C. Leptin. § 16, 17. AcKeX^ia.

116

XI. 43.

3.32

TAXES UPON SLAVES. [bK. III.

of a tax upon servants. Now the supposition that a slave tax
of this nature was in existence, appears to be confirmed by the
triobolon which was paid by the freed men. The rate of taxa-
tion for slaves could not indeed have been high, if it was not to
press too heavily upon the property of persons who employed a
large number, and particularly of the mine proprietors; but
3 oboli a year for each slave was a tax that would easily have
been borne; and it is probable that the possessors paid this
sum for every slave; of which the triobolon paid by each freed
man in addition to the protection money, was probably the
result: the latter he paid by virtue of his new station; but the
state would not consent to renounce what it had formerly
received from him. If this supposition is well founded, and we
reckon 400,000 slaves in Attica, the tax produced to the farmer
of the duties 200,000 drachmas, or about 33 talents a year.

From this example it may be perceived how limited is our
knowledge even of the Athenian antiquities. Obliterate the few
and indistinct traces of this tax upon slaves, and there is
nowhere an indication of its existence. How many similar
duties and revenues may Athens have possessed, of which we
know nothing? In the state of Byzantium, fortune-tellers (who,
as may be seen from Isocrates and Lucian, carried on a profit-
able trade), quacks, jugglers, and other itinerant impostors paid
the third part of their profits for permission to follow their
callings^ ^^, and traders of this description were also taxed in
other countries in ancient times^^"; it is fair to suppose that
Athens likewise levied a similar tax.

Even retail-dealing in the market was not permitted either
to the resident aliens or to foreigners, without the payment of
a tax, which was known by the name of foreigners^ money
(^eviKci reXetv); hence Demosthenes says of a woman who sold
ribbands, that if they wished to prove that she was a foreigner
and not a citizen, they must search the duties collected in the
market'*'; and perhaps the resident aliens j^aid a tax even for
the exercise of other trades.

'i» Pseud-Aristot. CEcon. 2, 3. | ^-^i Dcmosth. c. Eubulid. p. 130«, I),

'-*' CiLsaub. ad Suetou. Ctilig. 40. | p. 130i), 5.

CII. VII.] PERSO.NAL TAXES. 333

The most shameful of all taxes of this class is the tax upon
prostitutes {iropviKov reXos), which was likewise introduced
in Rome by Caligula, and not only continued during the reigns
of the Christian emperors '^% but to the disgrace of mankind
still exists in Christian states. At Athens it was annually let
out by the senate; the farmers knew accurately the names of
all who followed this calling' ^^, men as well as women; for even
the former, as was the case under Caligula, paid the tax. Ac-
cording to a passage of Suidas and Zonaras'^*, the agoranomi
fixed the price which each prostitute was to take: it appears
therefore that the tax was different according to their different
profits' ^^^ as was the case in the ordinance of Caligula''^^. If
persons of the rank of citizens demeaned themselves in this
manner (which the laws endeavoured to hinder, by excluding
them from sacrifices and public offices, and by other wise regu-
lations), they were also subject to the tax, although the citizens
did not pay anything for following honourable callings.

Lastly, the state had some revenues of a smaller kind, which
reverted from the expenses, and although they bear no resem-
blance to those which have been here enumerated, yet they
cannot be mentioned with greater propriety in any other place.
Among these is the hide money [hepfiaTLKov), which was
derived from great sacrifices and feasts "'^

''^^ Burmann de Vectig. Pop. Rom.
xii. Hegewisch liber die Rcimischen
Finanzen, p. 213, p. 308, sqq.

^*^ ^scliin. c. Timarch. p. 134, 135.
These fanners are also reXaivai, oi
€K\€yov(Ti TO reXos. The expression
TTopvoTcXccvaL in the comic poet Philo-

names applied to fanners of duties in
general. [See INIeineke, Fr. Com. Gr.
vol. ii. p. 421. Transl.]

^'^* In V. Stdypafifia.

^^^ Comp. above book i. ch. 21.

^2° Sue'tou. Calig. 40. Ex capturis
prostitutamm, quantum quajque nno

nides (Pollux vii. 202, and the com- ; concubitu mereret.

mentators) refers to the tax in ques- j '"'^ See book iii. ch. 19, and Corp.

tion, although PoUux (ix. 29) cites i Inscript. No. 157.

this word among the vituperative I

334 GEXKKAL UK MARKS UPON [bK. II

Chapter VIII.

General Remarks upon the foregoing Taxes, particularly upon
the mode of levying and paying them.

The government of Athens cannot be accused of having levied
any regular duties, which were so high as to be oppressive;
other states appear to have imposed far heavier taxes, as, for
example, Cersobleptes in the Chersonese laid a duty of a tenth
upon all commodities '^% and Leucon, king in the Bosporus,
imposed a tax of a thirtieth upon exported corn''^^ In Baljylon
all goods entering the town were subject to a tithe; this prac-
tice had, however, fallen into disuse long before the time of
Alexander'^*'. The Lampsacenians, on an occasion when many
triremes, and consequently a considerable sale of provisions,
were expected, laid an excise duty of half the usual price upon
all commodities^^^ It is, indeed, undeniable that the method
of collection by a farmer-general, to whom the duties were sold,
diminished the receipts of the state^^^ This custom, however,
was not peculiar to Athens: for the duties were farmed out in
all the countries of Greece, and also in the kingdoms of Mace-
donia and Rome. We have already seen from Andocides how
those persons who wished to take a lease were able to defraud
the public at the auction of the duties ; the farmers of the cus-
tom duties made a conspiracy against the state, bought off any
competitors who wished to overbid them, either by direct
bribery or by giving them a share in the letting, or even perse-
cuted those who deprived them of the lease, as was the case
with Andocides himself. The same fact is proved by another
case mentioned in Plutarch^". A resident alien, whose pro-
perty did not amount to more than 100 staters, conceived a
passion for Alcibiades, and brought him his whole stock of

^-^ Demosth.c. Aristocrat, p. 679,24. f ^'-'^ The expressions used are t^Xt)
'-^ Demosth. c. Leptin. ^^20. cKdibovai, -mnpacTK^iv, nTrofiiaBovv,

'^'" rseud-Aristot. CEcon. 2, 34. PoUux, ix. 34.

'^" Ibid. 2, 7. I '^^ Alcib. 5.

CH.

VIII.]

THE FOREGOING TAXES.

335

ready money, in order to move him to a return of aiFection.
Alcibiades, pleased with the love and devotion of this person,
invited him to be his guest; he then returned him the money,
charging him at the same time to bid against the farmers of the
duties upon the following day, towards whom he had a particu-
lar cause of enmity. When the poor man excused himself on
the plea that the letting was an affair of many talents, Alcibia-
des threatened to flog him, in case he did not comply with his
wishes : the alien then obeyed him, and upon the following day,
at the sale of the duties in the market-place, he increased the
former bidding by a talent, and Alcibiades himself provided
him with security, to the vexation of the farmers of the custom
duties. The company of farmers, who were always accustomed
with the second letting to pay oflf the debts of the first, seeing
that there was no means of extricating themselves from the
difficulty, offered the man money to withdraw his bidding;
upon which Alcibiades did not allow him to take less than a
talent.

Three separate descriptions of persons were connected with the
management of every duty, viz., tho, f manners or lessees (jeXcovat,
TTptd/jLevoL, or oDvov/jbevoL to riXo^, rarely /jutcrOovfjLevoi, except in
the letting of landed property and not of duties), the sureties,
{eyyvoL^ iyyvTjTai), and the collector's {eK\oy6ls)^^\ The last
expression has two meanings: it sometimes signifies the public
officers, who in the name of the state exacted payment of the
public money (hence the persons who collected the tribute,
which w^as never farmed out, were called by this name'"); and
sometimes it is used to signify those who collected the duty
in the name of the farmer-general: which of these two meanings
is required in the particular passage, it belongs to the commen-
tator to decide. The sureties, as is proved by the examples
already quoted, were appointed at the taking of the lease; it is
probable that they frequently had a share in the profit of the

^^* Law of Timocrates in Demosth.
c. Timocrat. p. 713, 3. The oath of
the senators in the same speech p. 745,
15.

^^^ Harpocration, Suidas in v. inXo-
yelsy Lex. Seg. p. 245. 'EKXeyeiu to

TfXos is also
meanings.

nsed in two different

336 GENERAL REMARKS UPON [bK. Ill,

contractors. More extensive lettings were taken by cotnpanies,
as may be seen from Andocides, Lycurgus^'% and Plutarch.
At the head of these associations was placed the chief farmer
(tt)0%ft)V77S', reXcovdpxv^)' Persons of noble descent, who were
proud of their station and dignity, never entered into business
of this description; but these farmers were generally respectable
citizens, and sometimes even statesmen; as, for instance, Agyr-
rhius the demagogue, and Andocides the merchant and orator.
Resident aliens were also entitled to take leases of custom
duties; but the grant of property subject to a rent, as for exam-
ple of mines, was limited to citizens and isoteles. The farmers
of custom duties (reXchvac) frequently occur in the character of
collectors, who appear to have been for the most part inferior
sharers in the letting, although hired servants or slaves of the
lessees were perhaps occasionally employed for this purpose.
According to the different duties which they farmed, these per-
sons had different names (eX/VtyLtevtcrral, SeKarTjXoyoi, elKoaro-
\6yoi, irevTTjKoaToXoyot, or less Attic, €LKocrTcovac, BeKarcovat,
Sic.y^'; and in like manner the places where the respective
duties were collected {reXcovca, irevTrjKoaToXoyLa^ BeKarijXoyca,
BeKaTevTTjpta, and others) ^^^ They kept their books '^% and
had power to seize commodities and persons'^": whether the
imposition of a seal upon the goods'", which was customary in
later times, had been introduced during the existence of the
republic, I do not undertake to decide: but all other vexations
of custom duties, such as a strict search and examination, even
opening of letters, are mentioned; the latter practice is indeed
only noticed in the Roman comedies, which is perhaps suffi-
cient testimony, as they for the most part represent the usages
of Athens'*'^ Fraud and smugghngwere however as difficult to

*^ C. Leocrat. p. 150, where an
action occurs, brought by one person
against another for defrauding him in
the company for farming the fiftieth.
Comp. also p. 179.

"7 See Pierson ad ]Stocrin p. 165.

*^» Polhix ix. 28, Lex. Seg. p. 230.

'^^ Comp. book iii. ch. 4, Pollux, ix.
31.

^^^ Not to quote more than one
passage, see Demosth. c. Mid. p. 559,
18.

*^' See Barthelemy, Anacharsis, vol.
ii. p. 1G8.

^*'^ Plant. Trinumm. iii. 3, 64 ; ^fe-
ncechm. i. 2, 5; Terent. Phorm. i. 2,
100, with the note of Douatus, and
Nonius in v. Telouarios.

CH.VIII. ]

THE FOREGOING TAXES.

337

prevent in ancient times as at the present day; in Attica the
thieves' harbour {(jxopayv Xtfirjv) was much used for these pur-
poses'^^; and that the collectors of the duties were themselves
sometimes engaged in this unlawful traffic, is proved by the
instance of the Eicostologus in Aristophanes'**. Their dishonest
practices and oppressive conduct brought them into the worst re-
pute'**: indeed the displeasure and hatred which the collectors of
the Roman customs had excited were so great, that the state was
compelled to abolish the custom duties in Italy, to the manifest
loss of its revenue' *^ The peculiar legal relations between the
farmers of these duties and the state were defined by the laws
of the custom duties {vofjuoi Te\a)vt/cot)'*^ These also doubtless
contained particular enactments, with regard to offences con-
nected with the custom duties. That commodities which it was
attempted to smuggle in without the payment of a duty (areXco-
VTjTd, dva7r6ypa<j>ay*^ were forfeited by the Athenian as well as
by the Roman regulations, is evident from the example which
has been already quoted: as, however, at Athens it was allow-
able to institute a phasis against persons who had violated the
laws connected with the custom duties'*^ — in which form of
proceeding the assignment of the penalty was arbitrary — a
severer punishment might be brought on by aggravated circum-
stances. The father of Bion the Philosopher was sold, together
with his whole family, for an offence against the laws of the
custom duties, although this did not take place at Athens"".
The farmers of the custom duties were allowed by law an
exemption from military service'^', in order that they might

>« See Palmer Exercit. p. 639 ;
Lex Seg. p. 315. Concerning the way
in which the fanners of the duties
were cheated, see Jul. Afric. Cest. p.
304.

'** See the passage quoted above,
note 90.

"* Pollux ix. 29, 32.

'*^ Concerning the farmers of the
duties at Rome, compare with this
view Cicer. ad Quint. Frat. i. 1. To
how great a nicety the system of cus-

tom duties was brought by the Romans,
has been shown by Burmann de Vec-
tig. P. R. V.

'"7 Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 739,
29, p. 731, 1.

^*^ The latter expression occurs in
Pollux ix. 31, the former inZenob. i.74.

i*» Pollux viii. 47.

^^^ HapareXdnnjadixevos ti ttuvoikios
€7rpd6T}, Diog. Laert. iv. 46.

>5' Orat. c. Neser. p. 1353 ; Ulpian.
ad Mid. p. 685 A.

338

GENERAL REMARKS UPON

[bK. Ill,

not be impeded in the collection of the duties; and although
Leocrates, as mentioned by Lycurgus, when a partner in the
lease of the fiftieth, does not appear to have availed himself of
this plea as an excuse for neglecting to serve in war'*% it is
possible that he had particular reasons for not taking that line
of defence.

The payment of the rents (Kara^oXr) reXovs, re\o9 Kara-
jSdWeLV, Karadelvac, BLoXvo-ac, airoBovvai, Kara^aXKeLV ras
Kara^oka^y^^ took place in the senate house, in the appointed
pr^^taneias'^^. If the farmer of the duties did not observe the
term of payment, it was ordered that he should at the latest
pay in the ninth pr}^taneia; if he failed to observe this term,
his debt was doubled; and if the double amount was not imme-
diately paid, his property was forfeited to the state. That this
regulation was in force before the time of the thirty tyrants, is
proved by the following words of Andocides'": "When the
fleet had been destroyed, and the siege commenced, you deli-
berated upon the expediency of concord among yourselves, and,
upon the proposal of Patrocleides, you decreed to restore to
their rights those who had been subjected to atimia. Now who
these persons that had been thus sentenced were, and what
were the circumstances connected with each case, I will men-
tion to you. They were then, in the first place, persons owing
money to the state, of whom some had filled official situations,
and had not passed their accounts; some were in debt to the
public, for obtaining wrongful possession of property {i^ovXac
in the widest sense), or in consequence of public suits (which

'•" Lycurg, c. Leocrat. p. 179.

'^ Pollux ix. 31, and frequently in
other writers.

^** Orat. c. Neaer. ut sup.

'" De Myst. p. 35. Concerning the
abolition of the atimia see Xenoph.
Hellen, ii. 2, 6 ; and for the payment
of the double amount see Liban. Ar-
gum. ad Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 696,
2, and Demosthenes himself, p. 705, 1.
With regard to the e|oCXai see below,
chap. 12. From these fines the cVi-

^oXa\ and the money paid for unsuc-
cessful ypa(f)aL are essentially different,
as every one will perceive from the
statements presently made. I may
observe that it has been inferred with
great probability (but not with abso-
lute certainty) from Andocides, p. 45
sqq. that the law relating to the public
debtors was repealed in the archonship
of Euclid ; it must however have been
again introduced, as it was indispens-
able.

CH. VIII.] THE FOREGOING TAXES. 339

the accusers had lost), and for fines adjudged by a court of
justice {eTTLpoXal) ; others having taken leases from the public
had not paid the stipulated sum, or had been sureties to the
state: all these persons, I say, were permitted to pay on or
before the ninth prytaneia, and in case of non-payment they
were to be fined double, and their possessions sold for the
benefit of the state. This was one species of atimia.'^ This
passage only leaves one point doubtful, viz. whether the atimia
was not put into force until after the omission of the payment
in the ninth prytaneia, or whether it followed immediately upon
failure of payment at the appointed period. There can be no
question but that the latter was the case; the atimia was imme-
diately inflicted, if the first term of payment was neglected;
since otherwise no one would have paid until the ninth pryta-
neia: and the debtor could moreover be thrown into prison by
an augmentation of the punishment [irpoaTL^T^fjbaY'"^,

Both these facts may be seen from the speech of Demos-
thenes against Timocrates. The latter person had proposed a
law, which enacted that the public debtors should not be put in
prison before the ninth prytaneia; by which means, says the
orator^", he makes the augmentations of punishment invalid
(that is to say, he deprives the court of the right of inflicting
that penalty), and exempts the public debtors from atimia.
Here the atimia, together with the right of augmenting the
punishment, is evidently supposed to apply to the time pre-
ceding the ninth prytaneia: the penalty of excommunication or
atimia was moreover inseparably associated with the idea of a
public debtor, which every one became from the day on which
he should have made his payment. Lastly, the law of Timo-
crates shows that the person bound to pay was liable to
imprisonment immediately after the expiration of the first
term : he thus became a public debtor, and therefore subject to
atimia. Timocrates did not include the farmers of the duties
within the operation of his law, but intended that the ancient

^^^ Concerning this see below, chap.
11.

'57 P. 729, 8. Upon the meaning of

the words aKvpa ra Trpoa-TifiTjfiara ttouI,
see Herald. Animadv. in Salmas. Ob-
serv.ad J. A. et R. iii. 3,10.
Z 2

340

GENERAL REMARKS UPON

[bK. III.

laws should remain in force with regard to them; his only
object being to favour certain persons connected with himself,
who had embezzled pubhc monies^*'; and therefore proposed,
that " if any one of the public debtors, by any law or decree,
had been, or should be, condemned to imprisonment as an addi-
tional punishment, either himself or some one for him should
be allowed to furnish sureties for the debt ; and that, when he
had provided sureties, if he paid the state the money for which
he provided the sureties, he should be released from prison :
but if he should not, either in his own person or through his
sureties, pay the money in the ninth prytaneia, that the party
bailed should be thrown into prison, and that the property of
the sureties should be forfeited to the state; but that in the
case of farmers of duties and their sureties, and collectors, and
persons renting public property and their sureties, the money
due should be exacted by the state according to the existing
laws. And if any person should become a public debtor in the
ninth prytaneia, he should pay the money owing either in the
ninth or tenth prytaneia of the following year''^^^ The right of
imprisoning the farmers of the duties, even without a judicial
sentence, which was required in other cases (imprisonment
being an additional punishment), is also contained in the oath
of the Senate of Five Hundred : '^ Neither will I imprison any
Athenian who produces three sureties having the same valuation
as himself, except he is convicted of treason against the state,
or of subverting the democracy, or has not paid the duty when
a farmer, surety, or collector^^**/^

The object of thus imprisoning the farmers was both to pre-
vent the possibility of their escape, and to terrify them from
any irregularity in their payments, which might be the occasion
of much financial difficulty to the state : and for the prevention

^^ Deraosth. passim, more particu-
larly p. 719, 26sqq.

*5» Demosth. p. 722, 17 sqq. See
Liban. in the argument, where how-
ever what he says in p. 696, 21, of the
imprisonment of the debtor in the
second year in reference to the ancient

law is manifestly false, and borrowed
from the conclusion of the law of Ti-
mocrates.

'^** Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 745,
12 sqq. Compare Andocid. de Myst.
p. 45, and Demosth. p. 731, 10 sq.

CH. VIII.]

THE FOREGOING TAXES.

341

of inadequate security, the sureties were subject to the same
penalties'®'. The property of the temples was also protected
by similar laws; for any tenant who failed to pay the rents of
the lands of the gods and heroes of the tribes, himself, together
with his whole family and heirs, was laid under atimia, until
they were paid'®^ Now that Timocrates, when he mitigated
the severity of this law, was not so much actuated by philan-
thropy as by personal views, is evident from the exception
which he made to the prejudice of the public farmers: for since
these persons, as Demosthenes'®^ remarks, were exposed to
injury, the provisions of the new law would have been extended
to them with the greatest propriety: nay, this statesman was so
little consistent with himself, that he had formerly passed ano-
ther law, which provided that the offenders who had been prose-
cuted by an eisangelia, and condemned to pay a fine, should be
imprisoned until such time as they paid'®*.

From this account of the subject (which has been inten-
tionally given at greater detail, as in most books which contain
any information on this head it is mixed and confused in end-
less contradiction), it is evident what judgment must be passed
upon the passage of Ulpian'" concerning this point. " It must
be known,^^ he says, " that the farmers of the duties were bound
to furnish sureties in the very first instance, so that if they did not
pay until the ninth prytaneia, either they or their sureties paid
the double amount; and all debtors did the same: as soon as
they were indebted to the state, they were compelled to furnish
sureties, that they would pay the same before the ninth pryta-
neia, and remained under atimia until they paid. If however
the ninth prytaneia arrived, and they had not yet paid, they
were put in prison, fined double, and were no longer allowed to
find bail.^^ The grammarian evidently confounds the existing
ancient laws with the proposal of Timocrates, which moreover

'^^ Besides the passages already
quoted see the speech against Nicos-
tratus, p. 1254 extr. and p. 1255, 1.

^^^ Demosth. c. Macart.p. 1069 extr.

i«^ P. 738, 20 sqq.

i«* Demosth. p. 720,721.

'^5 Ad Demosth. c. Timocrat. p.
449. I pass over Suidas and others,
who have nothing peculiar or important.

342

GENERAL REMARKS UPON

[bk. III.

made no mention of the public farmers; the sureties provided
by the farmers were also responsible for the first payments
before the last term : the atimia^ and the right of imprisonment,
could be adjudged immediately after the first term had been
neglected; the ninth pry taneia brought with it the payment of
double the sum then due; and if this fine was not attended to,
the confiscation of property followed: whereas the proposal of
Timocrates took away the liability to imprisonment from the
public debtors (with the exception of the farmers of the duties
and the farmers of the landed property, together with their
sureties), if they could furnish security until the ninth pry ta-
neia, and accordingly imprisonment could not take place until
after the expiration of this term; it moreover wholly abolished
the doubling of the money in causes which were not sacred, and
the increasing of its amount tenfold in sacred causes, in which
the latter was the legal penalty for the offence^^^

In what prytaneias the payments of the duties were
appointed to be made, we are not informed. According to
Suidas and Photius'^', two terms were fixed for the farmers of
the duties, the first before the beginning of their lease, and
afterwards a second; the money paid at the former term was
called the payment in advance {irpoKaTa^okrj), and that paid at
the latter was called the additional payment {Trpoo-Kard/SXTjfMa).
This statement, which is founded upon the testimony of an
ancient author, has much probability: thus we find that rents
were paid to the demi and the tribes in a similar manner, either
in two payments, in the first and sixth month, or in three pay-
ments, in the first, seventh, and eleventh months^^^: that a
payment took place in advance, at least coincidently with the
beginning of their term, can scarcely be doubted; the additional
payments were perhaps distributed over several prytaneias.

A difficulty however arises from the manner in which De-
mosthenes speaks of these additional payments {irpoo-Kara^Xri-

'*'•' Concerning these points comp,
also Demosth. p. 726, 22 sqq. p. 728,
159, p. 730, 1—4, p. 732, 24.

'^' In V. TrpoKara^oXr). According

to Lex. Seg. p. 193, 7, npoKaTa^oXrj is
npo TTJs irpo$€ap.ias didopevov.
'^^ See above chap. 2.

CH. VIIlc] THE FOREGOING TAXES. 343

fiara). For in the speech against Timocrates'^' he says, in
order to prove that the administration was endangered by the
new law proposed by this person, '^ You have an excellent law,
which enacts, that those who are in possession of money either
belonging or not belonging to sacred corporations, shall deposit
it at the senate-house. And in case of omission, that the
senate may claim it by the laws which regulate the letting of
duties. It is by this law that the administration of public
affairs is carried on. For,'^ he immediately proceeds to say, ^^ if
the money arising from the duties is not sufficient for the uses
of the administration, the remaining payments are made through
fear of this law. Is it not then manifest, that the whole fabric
of the state must be dissolved, if the payments of the duties {at
Twv reXojv Kara^okal) are insufficient by a considerable sum
for the demands of the administration? Nor even in such a
case as this could they be obtained until the conclusion of the
year. And if neither the senate nor the courts of justice are
authorized to imprison those who fail to pay the remaining
portions, but the defaulters are allowed to provide sureties until
the ninth prj'taneia, what will become of us during the inter-
vening eight ?^^

In this passage the additional payments are opposed
to the duties. The laws relating to the letting of duties
appear to have been only applied to them^^", and the duties
themselves were not paid in full until about the end of the
year. If this representation is correct, I confess that I do
not understand what these additional payments can be. By
the sacred and public money, which had been received by pri-
vate individuals from the state, nothing else can be meant than
rents of duties and lands, and fines which were owing to the
public. Among these the additional payments must be included,
according to Demosthenes' own words. That they were fines is
extremely improbable, if we may judge from the force of the
word. What then can they be, except unpaid rents of duties
and lands? Are we therefore to suppose that Demosthenes,
when he speaks of duties, only alluded to the sums that were

P. 730, 731. '70 On this point comp. also p. 732, 1, 2.

344 FEES AND PAYMENTS [bK. III.

paid in advance ? This hypothesis is hardly credible, especially
as he again says, that the duties were paid in full about the end
of the year. Or was this last remark added on the supposition
that the first payments of the public farmers were not, according
to the law of Timocrates, to be made until the ninth prytaneia,
as the farmers were to provide security up to that period? This
would be an unheard-of piece of sophistry; for Timocrates
particularly excludes the farmers of duties from the benefits of
his new law. I am therefore forced to confess my ignorance
of what Demosthenes means by those additional payments,
and must leave the statement of Suidas to rest upon its own
authority, in the hope that some acuter person may solve the
difficulty which I have pointed out.

Chapter IX.

Fees and Payments upon Legal Proceedings, Prytaneia,
Parastasis,

The second head of the public revenue comprehends the justice
fees and fines.

This source of income was not by any means inconsiderable.
Among the advantages which Sparta might expect to gain by
the fortification of Decelea, Alcibiades enumerates the loss which
the Athenians would sustain of the revenues from the courts of
Justice^'^; as a cessation of justice was caused by the existence
of a war in the country. The circumstance of Alcibiades using
this as an argument in favour of his proposal, proves that the
sum lost would not have been trifling. The productiveness of
these imposts was increased by the obligation of the allies to
try their causes in Athens, which regulation, inasmuch as it

'^^ Thucyd. vi. 91. The Scholiast j he probably means ylrevdeyypacfyris, the
upon this place ignorantly and inac- action for false enrolment among the
curately mentions the fines in seve- | public debtors), for malversations of am-
ral laM'suits, as e. g. in the action ; bassadors {Trapanpeo-^eias), and leaving
for bribery (ScopodoKiai), assault ; the army (Xfinoo-TpaTiov) : whereas
(v^pecos), sycophancy, adultery, false j upon all these offences much severer
registration {\j/cvboypa(f>ias, by which I penalties than fines could be imposed.

CIl. IX.] UPON LEGAL PROCEEDINGS. 345

increased the amount of the dicasts' wages, and consequently
contributed largely to the support of the citizens, was of the
highest importance.

The justice fees and fines which here come into considera-
tion, are, in the first place, the four mentioned together by
Pollux ^^*, parastasis, epobelia, prytaneia, and paracatabole, of
which the first and third always accrued to the state, the fourth
probably in certain cases, the second never: to which may be
added, the damages assessed for offences {rifirjiMaTa), if they
were estimated in money, and the fines imposed by law upon
unsuccessful plaintiffs or accusers.

I will first consider the prytaneia {irpvTaveta), These, as is
well known, both parties were obhged to deposit in court, before
the beginning of the suit — not however if the case was referred
to an arbitrator — like the Roman sacramentum: if the plaintiff
omitted this payment, the officers who introduced the cause
{ol elcraycojets) quashed the suit; the party which lost the cause
paid both prytaneia, that is to say, his own were forfeited, and
he replaced the sum which had been paid by the successful
party '^'. The amount was fixed according to the standard of
the cause, in the pecuniary assessment; in a suit for sums of
from 100 to 1000 drachmas, 3 drachmas was the amount to be
paid by each party; for sums of from 1001 to 10,000 drachmas,
30 drachmas'^*; for larger sums probably in the same progres-
sion. With regard to suits for less than 100 drachmas, nothing
is stated; probably no prytaneia were paid for them, a case to
which Valesius appears with justice to refer a proverb preserved
in Hesychius^^^

It is to be observed, that the statement of Pollux is con-
firmed by two cases in judicial pleadings which are still extant.

i7i viii. 37. I ''* Hesychius in v. avcv 7rpvTav€ia>Vj

'7' Demosth. c. Everg. et Mnesib. [ Vales.adHarpocrat.p.l65,ed.Gronov.

yjrevdo^. in the passage which will be : Matthiae on the other hand (MiscelL

immediately quoted, Pollux viii. 38,
Harpocration in v. Trpvravela, and
thence Suidas, Photius, and Schol.
Aristoph. Nub. 1139.
'^* PoUux \iii. 38.

Philog. vol. i. p. 262,) refers this to the
diKT] KaKaa-eois : tlie 8ikt) v^pecos might
be also understood : but of this here-
after.

346 FEES AND PAYMENTS [bK. III.

Callimachus, as mentioned in Isocrates, had instituted a suit for
10,000 drachmas against the dient of this orator, who defended
himself with a paragraphe; but he afterwards reUnquished it in
order that he might not be obhged to pay the epobeha, which
he must have done if he did not obtain a fifth part of the votes;
subsequently, however, having gained over the authorities to
his side, he again set the cause on foot, as he now thought that
he had only to fear the danger of losing the prytaneia'^'. The
defendant, on the other hand, makes use of a law of Archinus,
which was passed under the following circumstances. After the
return of the people from the Pireeus, many citizens had been
accused before the people contrary to the act of amnesty, on the
charge of having connected themselves with the aristocratical
party; in order therefore to secure these persons against fri-
volous actions, he enacted that if any one should be accused
contrar)^ to the oath of amnesty, he could defend himself by a
paragraphe, and whichever of the two parties should in that case
be found guilty, was to pay the epobelia to the other. The
orator, however, endeavours to show that CalUmachus was vio-
lating the act of amnesty, in order that he should not merely be
exposed to the danger of losing the 30 drachmas ^'^ In this
case these 30 drachmas are evidently the prytaneia: Isocrates^
client, however, only reckons the prytaneia for one party,
w^hich would be due to him from Callimachus, in case the latter
person lost the cause; of the other prytaneia, which Callimachus
had already paid, he takes no account, since his only object is
to form an antithesis between the additional payments which
would be made in either case; these being the prytaneia to be
restored to the successful party, in case no paragraphe was insti-
tuted, and the prytaneia together with the epobelia, which would
be paid by one party after the introduction of a paragraphe.

Another clearer case occurs in the speech against Euergus
and Mnesibulus for false testimony, in the works of Demos-
thenes ^^^. The plaintiff had been cast in an action for an

'76 UapaypacfiT) c. Callimach. 5 — 7. ' the sum in both places is 1403 drachmas

' '7 Ibid. 1—2, also 9 sqq. | 2 oboli, of wliich nothing can be made.

''8 P. 1 158, 20 sqq. Cf. p. 1162, 20. j It is a corruption from XHHHAIHII

In a recent manuscript of no authority, ! into XHHH HI 11 II. Petit as usual

CH. IX.]

UPON LEGAL PROCEEDINGS.

347

assault {hiKT) alKias) brought against him by Theophemus,
which was connected with a cross action, both parties having
come forward as plaintiffs; and he was forced to pay 1313
drachmas 2 oboli to him: in this sum the epobelia and the pry-
taneia amounting to 30 drachmas are expressly included : the
fine was doubtless a round sum, and probably amounted to 1100
drachmas, upon which supposition the epobelia came to 183
drachmas 2 oboli.

From this it is evident that the idea of some grammarians' %
that the prytaneia were the tenth part of the estimated damages,
does not deserve the least credit; especially as we are enabled
easily to explain how they fell into this error. They state that
the prytaneia were deposited by the plaintiff alone, whereas they
were paid by both parties; but in the case of a suit in which any
party claimed an inheritance or an heiress, the paracatabole was
paid by the plaintiff alone, which amounted to the tenth part of
the valuation; it was with this payment that they confounded the
prytaneia. This confusion is particularly apparent in the state-
ments of Suidas and the Scholiast to Aristophanes: the latter'""
informs us, that the prytaneia, which amounted to the tenth part
of the valuation, were also called paracatabole; the former'^'
applies the statement that the paracatabole was the tenth part
of the valuation, to the prytaneia in the Clouds of Aristophanes,
and particularly mentions the identity of the two. Both these

(Leg. Att. V. 1, 3) confuses the whole
passage. Palmerius understood it
rightly, but without correcting the er-
rors of the common reading. Instead
of yiKias fiev Kal eKarov dpuxfJ-ns Koi
Tpeis Koi dvco o/3oXa) rrjv enco^eXiav,
which is manifestly imj^erfect, should
be written ;^iXias' fiev Kal eKarov SpaX"
fias TTju KaradiKT^v, dydorjKovra de Kai
eKarov dpaxpas Kal rpels, Kal dva> o/3oXcb
rrjv eVcoiSeXiai', although perhaps the
right place of the words Kal rpels
is before bpaxp-as. With regard to
the position of the words, which was
chosen for a reason which will be
easily perceived, compare Dinarchus
ap. Dionys. Halicarn. in vit. Dinarch.

Xpvaiov pev ararrjpas oydorjKOvra Kal
8iaKoa-iovs Kal nevre. The epobelia in
the cross-suit was not paid from the
timema fixed by the adversary, but
from that at which the party himself
had assessed his opponent: in this
case, however, both were manifestly
the same, as the accurate coincidence
of the numbers shows.

^79 Pollux ibid. Hesychius, Ammo-
nius, and thence Thomas Magister in
V. npvravelov.

'^'^ Schol. Nub. 1258.

'^^ Suid. in napaKara^oXr}. Con-
cerning these errors comp. also Petit
Leg. Att. V. 1, 9.

348

FEES AND PAYMENTS

[bk. III.

writers are ignorant enough to assert that the creditors paid a
tenth part of the sum in suits relating to monies owing to them,
which were called prytaneia^^*: which account is in the first
place censurable for stating that the tenth part was always paid,
and in the second place for mentioning the prytaneia alone in
the Clouds of Aristophanes^". It should however be observed,
that this confusion of the prytaneia with the paracatabole is
derived from an idiomatical ambiguity of terms; for when used
in its wider sense, the latter expression denotes any sum of
money paid in court; hence again, the Etymologist explains
the parastasis and paracatabole as identical^". The prytaneia
may accordingly be included under the paracatabole in its more
general meaning, but they are not for that reason the same as
the paracatabole in its more limited signification ; and still less
can the latter, as Maussac supposed, be classed among the
prytaneia.

With the prytaneia the parastasis [irapdcTacn'^, irapaKard-
araa-is) was intimately connected. The pay of the arbitrators
or diaetetae was called by this name^^^, with which we have no
concern in this place, as it was paid directly into the hands of
the disetetse, and not into the" public treasury : and to this pay-
ment the words of Harpocration refer, when he explains the
parastasis to be a drachma, which was deposited by persons
who carried on private law-suits. On the other hand, there
was another parastasis of unknown, but probably very small,
amount, and the same in all cases: perhaps this one was not
more than a drachma, and was doubtless received by the
state' ^'. According to Aristotle''^, it was paid before a public
action to the thesmothetae, if a foreigner was accused of

^^ Schol. Vesp. 657. Suidas in npv-
ravelov and npoKaTa^oX^.

'^^ Vs. 1181, 1257. The Scholiast
on the Clouds (vs. 1192) says that the
prytaneia were a drachma paid into
the public treasury, confounding them
with the parastasis.

'^^ Isocrat. c. Lochit. 3, with the
notes of Valesius ad Harpocrat. De-
mosth. c. Tanticnet. p. 978, 20; Har-

pocration, Photius, and Suidas, in napa-
Kara/SoXi), Etymol. in TrapaKaTaa-Tacris.

'^^ See book ii. ch. 15.

'^^ From which the statement of the
Scholiast on Aristophanes (Nub. 1 192),
quoted above in note 183, may pro-
bably be explained.

'"' Ath. Polit. ap. Harpocrat. Phot,
in napdcTTacns. See Pollux viii. 8;
Phot, in napaKaTLKjTad IS .

CH.

IX.]

UPON LEGAL PROCEEDINGS.

349

having illegally introduced himself among the citizens (ypa<l>r}
^evtas), or was charged, after an accusation of this kind, with
having obtained a favourable verdict by bribery {ypacprj Bojpo-
^eviasf); again in suits concerning false enrolment among the
public debtors {yjrevB€yypa(j)rj<;), for false summoning (yjrevBo-
KXrjalas), conspiracy (ffovXevo-eaysf), false erasement from the
list of the public debtors (aypacfyiov), and for adultery {/jloi-
'X^elas). This is not a complete enumeration of the public
actions ^^^; the author however appears only to have quoted
them as examples, and it can hardly be doubted that the para-
stasis was paid in all other indictments {ypa<l)al) brought before
the thesmothetse, and in all other public actions. It appears,
however, to have been deposited by the plaintiff alone, for the
purpose of calling out his adversary, and of introducing the
action.

It is very certain that parastasis and prytaneia were never
paid together; for both of them had the same object, viz. of
commencing the cause: it may however be well inquired, in
what cases the one or the other payment was made, an inves-
tigation which has not as yet been undertaken by any writer.
Omitting then the parastasis of the disetetae, I assert, that in
private law-suits {IBUc BUat) prytaneia alone, and no para-
stasis, were paid, and conversely that in the public actions (Blfcai
hTjfioalaL^ KaT7]yopiai^ ypa(f>al) parastasis alone, and no pryta-
neia. We even learn from examples, that prytaneia were paid
in private and parastasis in public causes : thus the former
were deposited in cases of debt ; as, for example, Strepsiades'
creditor in the Clouds threatens him with depositing the pry-
taneia'^'. This regulation is quite intelligible. All private
causes, with the exception of those which were instituted for
assaults, referred to wrongs for which fines had been appointed
by law''% so that the latter could not be altered, except that in
actions for damages the plaintiff so far appointed the fine, that
he estimated his own injury'"'; in which case an alteration in

i«8 See Matthise Miscell. Philog.
vol. i. p. 247 sqq.
'«9 Vs. 1257.
'^^ The word Tifirj^a is here trans-

lated by fine, whether it had the nature
of damages or of punishment.
'^' See below chap. II.

350 FEES AND PAYMENTS [bK. III.

the estimate could only have been made by petition, and mostly
with the consent of the plaintiff. Here then the prytaneia
could be fixed with certainty.

Again, in a private cause the plaintiff claimed either a sum
of money or money^s worth from the defendant, which moreover
he was himself to receive : it was therefore fair that he should
be subject to the payment of justice fees. But in pubHc actions
the determination of the prytaneia would have been liable
to great difficulties, and in many cases have been wholly
impossible. For if either loss of life, banishment, confiscation
of property, or atimia, were assigned as the penalty, it would
have been impossible to estimate the amount of the prytaneia,
as they were always fixed according to the money in litigation.
The fines in pubUc causes were also subject to considerable and
frequent alterations, and if the payment of the prytaneia took
place in cases of this description, they could only have been
fixed according to the estimate of the plaintiff in his pleadings ;
but as we find no mention of any such arrangement, we may
safely conclude that it did not exist. When for example
^schines, in his action against Ctesiphon for illegal proceedings
{ypacj^rj TrapavofMcov), estimates the damages at 50 talents, the
prytaneia of both parties would together have amounted to a
talent, the payment of which would have fallen upon the losing
party: but nothing of the kind is any where alluded to, although
the far inferior loss of 1000 drachmas, which the plaintiff was
to pay in case he did not obtain the fifth part of the votes,
is repeatedly mentioned.

Moreover the public plaintiff did not pursue his own advan-
tage; and if he gained the cause, the state, or whoever was the
injured party, and not the accuser, received the fine. It would
not therefore have been just that he should pay any prytaneia.
It was also against the interest of the state to throw difficulties
in the way of public actions, by compelling the deposit of pry-
taneia. The only payment required in the case which has been
just quoted, was the penalty of the thousand drachmas imposed
upon the plaintiff for the purpose of restraining frivolous accu-
sations ; and in cases in which a private money suit was mixed
wdth a public action, the epobelia was exacted : the parastasis

CH. IX.] UPON LEGAL PROCEEDINGS. 351

however appears to have had a symbolical meaning, and to have
signified that the cause was commenced. In every other case
the state decided all public actions gratis, as they related to mat-
ters concerning its own interest, and the fines were afterwards
sufficient to cover the expense.

There were, however, some public actions from which the
plaintiff, in case he gained his cause, obtained some advantage
at the same time that he prosecuted the offender ; in such cases
as these the plaintiff paid the prytaneia for one party, but the
plaintiff alone. Thus a law enacted, that whoever dug up olive-
trees, excepting upon particular occasions, should pay to the
state a fine of 100 drachmas for each tree, and an equal sum to
the plaintiff : "the plaintiff however was to pay the prytaneia
for his own share^^^^^ This was a public action; for the interest
of the community, and not of any individual, was damnified by
the diminution of the culture of olives, and all persons were at
liberty to accuse. Now since the payment of the prytaneia is
expressly enjoined in this law, it is manifest that they were not
commonly required in public actions, since otherwise it would
have been unnecessary to insert this clause. The reason how-
ever why the plaintiff alone was bound to pay them is, that he
might derive individual advantage from the introduction of the
cause, in case he was successful: so that considered in this light
it was his private suit: thus the Roman law made the injury of
the praetorian album a private cause [causa privata), although
the privilege of accusation was free to any person [in causa popu-
lari). The defendant however did not deposit any prytaneia,
inasmuch as he did not damnify the private interest of the
plaintiff, and on his side the cause was entirely public.

There was also another kind of public action, in which the
plaintiff might advance his own interests, while at the same
time he endeavoured to maintain the rights of the state. This
was the phasis (or information), which form of proceeding might
be instituted either in the case of robbery of public property,
or in offences concerning trade, custom duties, and mines, syco-

'^^ UpyTavela Se TiOero) 6 fitwKcoi/ rov avrov fiepovs, Lex. ap. Deniostli. c.
Macart. p. 1074, 19.

352

FEES AND PAYMENTS

[bK. III.

phancy, and offences against wards; and in this form of action
all persons had the right of accusing, even if they were not the
parties injured. If a person who had not been injured came
forward as accuser in a phasis, and if he only undertook the
action as the representative of the pubhc, and not as his private
suit, the estimated damages were not awarded to the plaintiff, if
he gained the cause from the defendant, but to the injured
party'"; to the state, for example, if the property of the state
was injured; to the farmers of the customs, if the custom
duties had been fraudulently evaded; to the orphans, if the
property of orphans had been embezzled. Consequently an
accuser of this kind paid only the parastasis, and no pry^taneia ;
but in order to repress frivolous accusations, the accuser was
subjected to the risk of the thousand drachmas, and on certain
occasions to the epobelia, if he did not obtain the fifth part of
the votes'^*.

But what were the regulations if the injured party himself
came forward an accuser? In this case two different methods
may be conceived to have existed. A case which would justify
the institution of a phasis, admitted of being viewed in a double
light; and the plaintiff, whom it individually concerned, could,
as I am convinced, select which of the two he would adopt.
Thus, for example, redress might be obtained for an assault
either by a private [hUy] alKias) or a public action [hiKT] or
ypa(l>7j v^pecos), according as the plaintiff chose: so as we learn
from Demosthenes, the law intentionally allowed in very many
cases not two only, but even four different methods of proceed-
ing, in order that every person might choose according to his
disposition and circumstances: for instance, a person might in-
stitute a private action for a theft of property exceeding 50
drachmas, and among public actions, the common action, the
aTraycoyr) and the ephegesis; there were also four different
forms of proceeding in a case of impiety, and so with almost
every other offence '*'. The correctness of this assertion is

'»3 Pollux viii. 41,48.

'«* See below chap. 10, 12.

^^^ Demosth. c. Androt. p. 601. On

this point see more particularly He-
rald. Animadv. iv. 7, 8.

CH. IX.] UPON LEGAL PROCEEDINGS. 353

proved by the spirit of the whole Athenian law. In the same
manner the law, in an instance in which private property had
been damaged, either allowed a case which justified the proce-
dure by phasis, to be in fact brought on as a phasis or a public
suit (which course a person who had not received any injury, in
case he wished to come forw^ard as accuser, was always com-
pelled to take), or the injured party was at liberty only to found
a private actioa upon it, for the purpose of prosecuting his own
rights. By the former method of proceeding the plaintiif
brought the defendant into greater hazard, as the latter was sub-
ject to the penalty not only of a fine, but also of imprisonment
and death : at the same time he exposed himself to the risk of
the thousand drachmas, and also of the epobelia, if he did not
obtain the fifth part of the votes. In the latter case the defen-
dant was exposed to less risk, and the plaintifi* was not subject
to the loss of the thousand drachmas, but only of the epobelia.
Now with regard to the prytaneia, we can hardly suppose that
they were required in the first case, as the injured party came
forward solely in the character of public accuser, and the fine
which he received would have been equally paid to him if ano-
ther person had been plaintiff: in the latter case, however, pry-
taneia were unquestionably required, as the cause was merely a
private suit.

It is probable that, unless some particular cause of animosity
or zeal existed, the method of the private suit was generally
preferred; and we have still two law-suits extant, which might
have justified a phasis, and were nevertheless instituted as pri-
vate causes. Pollux expressly states that the action against
guardians {Zlkti eTTiTpoTrrjf;) was a public suit, and adds, that
any person who washed it was at liberty to prosecute the guar-
dian in behalf of the injured orphans '^^; and yet in another
place he calls it a private suit^^^: so again the author of the
Lexicon Rhetoricum considers the action for the omission of
the letting of orphans^ property as a phasis, and at the same

^^^ Pollux (viii. 35) calls it the diKt] \ ^^^ y[[i 31^ Heraldus Animadv. in
(TTLTpoirris hrj^ocrla. ^E^tjv yap tw jBov- Salmas. Observ. iii. 4, 5, also considers
Xo/xfi/6) ypd(Pca6ai tov enLTponou virep j that the biKr) eniTpoTrrjs was a private
Ta>v ddiKoviMevcov opcpavcou. I suit.

2 A

354

FEES AND PAYMENTS [bK. III.

time as a private suit'^^ and it is also cited by Pollux, together
with the action against guardians, among the private suits^'^
The law-suit of Demosthenes, detailed in the speeches against
Aphobus, which have been placed by the arrangers of his works
among the private orations, is an action against guardians. Are
we then to suppose that these persons were deceived in a whole
set of speeches so important in the history of Demosthenes?
It is hio-hly improbable that they should have committed so
great an error, although it is true that they have incorrectly
classed two other speeches^"". It is indeed evident from the
tenour of the speech itself, that the action was not a phasis, but
merely a private suit. Demosthenes frequently complains that
he is exposed to the risk of the epobeha, to which his property
was only just sufficient, and which should not in fairness have
applied in his case'''. Again, if the action had been a phasis,
he would have spoken of the thousand drachmas, which must
have been paid in the same case to which the epobelia applied.
But of this payment he says not a word. Or are we to sup-
pose, that in the action against guardians the phasis itself, which
in all other cases was a pubhc suit, became a private one, with
this difference only, that any person had the liberty of accusing?
This is apparently the notion which the author of the Lexicon
Rhetoricum had formed of this point, as he calls the phasis a
species of public and private action, and the latter with refer-
ence to the omission of the letting of orphans' property; his

out the meaning of oIkos correctly in
his Animadv. in Salmas. Observat. iii.
6, 10.

^^^ In the speeches against Nico-
stratus and against Theocrines, neither
of which, however, is by Demosthenes.
The latter was considered by Calli-

^3« Lex. Seg. p. 313, cf. p. 315;
Etymol. in v. (pdais, Phot, in v. (jydais,
particularly in the second article, and
Epitome of Harpocration, quoted by
the commentators upon Pollux viii. 47.

^^^ To this action the w^ords of Pol-
lux viii. 31 {^Iktj) /xicr^too-fcoy oXkov
Bhould be referred. Iludtwalcker is ' machus to be the work of Demos-
incorrect in supposing (von den Dia- ' thenes, but Dionysius and the greater
teten, p. 143,) that the dUr] {xLadoiaews ' number of authorities include it in the
oIkov is the same as the action for the ' works of Dinarchus, and justly give it
payment of house-rent {bUr] (volkIov), a place among the public orations,
an error into which he was probably See the Life of Dinarchus by Diony-
led from the difference between olkos sius.

and olKia in the Athenian law having ' ^^^ P. 834, 25, p. 835, 14, p. 841, 22,
escaped him. Ileraldus has pointed p. 880, 9.

CII IX.] UPON LEGAL PROCEEDINGS. 355

statement^ however, is probably founded upon a confusion, the
origin of which was, that the subject of a phasis could equally
be the subject of a private cause; and that it was the wish of
the government that offences connected with guardianship
should be treated as public actions, as well as offences relating
to harbours, custom duties, and mines, and sycophancy, in
order to give greater protection to orphans. And it is remark-
able that Photius, who for the most part coincides with the
Lexicon Rhetoricum, opposes the phasis regarding the property
of orphans, to the public actions, but yet does not distinctly
call it a private suit; so that the grammarians do not themselves
appear to have formed any precise notion of the subject. It
may therefore be supposed that as, in the Roman law, the actio
tutelce of the ward against the guardian, at the end of the guar-
dianship, for a restitution of the property taken from him
during the minority, was a private suit, and the actio suspecti of
a third person against the guardian who acted dishonestly during
the tutelage was a quasi-public [quasi publica) suit, so in the
Athenian law, a distinction of the following nature existed be-
tween the actions against guardians; viz., the public action was
the phasis, not being however, as in the Roman law, limited to
a third person, and to the continuance of the guardianship*"^
and the private suit was the hiKrj iinrpoTrrjs and /jLcadojaecos olkov.
The grammarians then appear, in the first place, to be in error
when they call the Bikt] eVtTpoTr?}? and /niadcoa-eco^ olkov a public
action^''% and secondly, when they call the phasis in actions

'■^"^ A public action against a frau- ; spirit of the Athenian law, by which
dulent guardian is extant in the ora- the greatest liberty in the selection of
tion of Lysias against Diogeiton, where the mode of proceeding was allowed,
he speaks of the extreme of danger I "^"^ It may be easily perceived how
(eaxaroi Kivdvvoi, p. 893 ad fin.) which ' Pollux, who alone, as far as I remem-
alludes to the penalty of death. It is ber, calls tlie 8iKr] eVtrpoTr?}? a public
instituted by a third person, but after | suit, was led into this notion. For
the conclusion of the guardianship, and [ after having correctly mentioned the

diKT] eVtrpoTT^f and fita-doicreois olkov in
the enumeration of the private suits,
he returns to it only incidentally in
viii. 35, in the words aTrpoirraa-iov 8i
Kara tcov ov vefjLOUTCov TrpocrraTTjv fxeroi-
Kcov dXX' avTT) (as should be read for

2 A 2

the passing of the accounts. That the
injured party was also empowered to
bring on this kind of action, I do not
find anywhere expressly stated ; but it
can hardly be doubted that such was
the case, if we mav judge from the

356 FEES AND PAYMENTS [bK. III.

against guardians a private suit; excepting that this phasis, by
reason of its double relation^ both to the injury of individuals
and to that of the state, may be considered as a public and at
the same time as a private action, and by this means the account
of the grammarians may be in some measure justified : whereas
it is extremely improbable that the public action or the phasis,
and the private suit, were both called hUrj iTrirpoiTri^ and fita-
daxrecos oXkov,

There is a corresponding resemblance between the proceed-
ings against Aphobus, and the law-suit detailed in the speech
against Bionysodorus. The defendant, as is plain from the
charges of the accuser, had not only injured him, but also trans-
gressed the commercial laws; consequently he might have been
prosecuted for this latter offence by a phasis; yet it is manifest
from the whole speech, that this matter was taken up as a pri-
vate suit, and we therefore hear nothing of the possible loss of
the thousand drachmas, but only that the plaintiff, in case of
failure, will be forced to pay the epobelia^"'^. We do not,
indeed, in either of these two law-suits, find any mention of the
prytaneia, an omission in which there is nothing remarkable;
for their loss and restitution was so much a matter of course,
as they were deposited in all private causes with the excep-
tion of the private action for an assault, that no allusion to
this payment need be expected. Apollodorus also in the first
oration against Stephanus^**^, in an action for debt, in which we
know with certainty from Aristophanes that the pr^'taneia were
always required, only remarks that he should have to pay the
epobelia in addition, silently implying the loss and restitution
of the prytaneia.

avTT]) fxev brj^oaia, uxTTTCp Kai t] Trjs em-

TpoTrrjs. 'E|^y yap roj (3ov\opevco ypd-

(})ea6ai ruv eniTponov vnep twv abiKOv-

fxevcov dp(f)ava>v. Here it occuired to

him accidentally, that the guardian

might be prosecuted by any person,

\{z. by a phasis, and thus he thought

it necessary to remark, that the bUr]

eTTtrpoTT^? was a public suit, although j (TrcolBeXiav.

he had before stated it to be a private |

suit. The first account he appears
however to have derived from good
authority; the accidental observation
evidently came from his own head,
and therefore it deserves but little
credit.

■^^^ r, 1284, 2.

'^^^ P. 1103, 15, npoa-ocfjXoiv be Trjv

CH. IX.] UPOX LEGAL PROCEEDINGS. 357

Heiresses [eiriKXripoL) were under the peculiar protection
of the state. If, therefore, any person laid claim to an heiress
whom another person wished to marry, as having a better right
to her, he was compelled to pay the parastasis as in a public
action^*'^ One description of actions, viz., the eisangelia for
mal-treatment of the helpless, for example, of an heiress, of
parents on the part of children, and orphans on the part of the
guardians [KaKciiaews einKkrjpov, yovicov, opcpavcov), which was
commenced before the archon eponymus, received from the
state a considerable preference, in the exemption from pryta-
neia and parastasis; and even if the accuser did not obtain a
single vote, he was not, according to Isseus, exposed to any
risk*''^ It is also to be observed, that this was a pubhc suit,
since every person was allowed to accuse either by instituting
an eisangeha^"% or a common indictment {ypacpijY^^i and the
probable reason why Pollux*^" enumerates it among the private
suits, is, that for the same wrong which justified a public action,
the party injured (for example, the ward after the cessation of
his minority) could seek redress by a private one.

Another particular exception also existed in the actions for
assault. Isocrates mentions*' ', that public and private suits
[ypacfial koI hiKai) might be instituted for an assault [v^pis)
without depositing any sacramentum {'jrapaKaTa/SoXi]), which
preference existed in this case alone. In this statement there
is a trifling discrepancy with Iseeus, who mentions that the
eisangelia before the archon was the only one devoid of hazard.
According to Isocrates, however, the private action for an
assault at least, was completely free from risk, whatever might
have been the case with the public suit, which, if this exemp-

206 Andoc. de Myst. p. CO. j ^ " viii. 31.

^'^^ Isseus de Pyi-rhi Hered. p. 44,
45, and thence Harpocration in v.
elcrayyeXia.

208 Isseus ut sup. Compare De-

21*0. Lochit. 3. See Vales ad Har-
pociat. in v. napaKaTa(3o\f)y Sigon. R.
A. ii. 6. Whoever wishes to see a
full account of the diKTj alKias and

mosth. c. Panta^net. p. 979 sqq. He- ! v^pecos, may find it in Heraldus Ob-
rald. Animadv. in Salmas. Observat. serv. et Emend, c. 46—48, and in his
iii. 14, 4, Matthia? Miscell. Philog. p. Animadv. in Salmas. Obser. ad I. A.
234 sq. et R. ii 9, sq<i. and iii. passim.

209

Orat c. Theocrin. p. 1332, 14.

358 FEES AND PAYMENTS [CK. III.

tioii did not extend to it,, would have subjected the accuser to
the loss of the thousand drachmas: unless the epobelia applied
in the first case, if the plaintiff had not the fifth part of the
votes on his side, a point as to which we are at least wholly
uninformed. Nor was it only in actions for assault that
no sacramentum was necessary, since it was not paid in the
eisangelia above-mentioned. Whether, however, the state-
ments of the two orators can or cannot be reconciled with one
another, thus much is certain, that in the action for an assault
the accuser paid nothing for the introduction of the cause, as
M'ell as in the case of which Isseus speaks: which was so
arranged in order to give to the poor the means of protecting
themselves against the oppression of the rich and noble, a pre-
ference founded upon a democratic, and we may boldly say, a
truly humane principle; and for this reason also the prytaneia,
which were paid in all other private causes, were not required
in private actions for assault. Notwithstanding this, the pay-
ment of the prytaneia took place in the action for assault
contained in the speech against Euergus and Mnesibulus.

This law-suit, which we have already noticed, was, however,
of a mixed kind; and from this circumstance the solution of
this difficulty may be derived. The client of the Pseudo-
Demosthenes and his adversary Theophemus had beaten one
another with cudgels: one of them instituted a private action
for an assault [Blkt] alKias), and the other person did pre-
cisely the same; it was therefore a cross-suit {avrcypatf)!^).
But the latter method of proceeding was particularly guarded
against by the fear of the epobelia, as it would have given rise
to vexatious persecution from one party'^'''; and for the same
reason the preference granted to the action for an assault, viz.,
that it should be introduced without any payment of money,
ceased at the very moment when the suspicion of a vexatious
intention was caused by the introduction of a cross-suit. The
first plaintiff, who merely instituted an action for assault,
paid no prytaneia; but the plaintiff in the cross action was
compelled to deposit them; by doing which he at the same

Sec below, chap. U>.

CH. IX.]

UPON LEGAL PROCEEDINGS.

359

time entailed the payment of them upon the first plaintiff, who
by this time had become defendant. If either party lost his
cause without having the fifth part of the votes on his side —
as, for example, the client of Demosthenes in the speech above
quoted — in the first place his prytaneia were forfeited to the
state, and he was obliged to replace the prytaneia of the suc-
cessful party: in the second place, he had to pay the fine to his
adversary: and lastly, he had to pay to the opponent the epo-
beha for the fine at which he had assessed his injury.

These monies, the prytaneia and the parastasis, were used,
like the parastasis of the disetetse, for paying the wages of the
dicasts; of the prytaneia in particular, as being the most
important, it is mentioned, that they were applied to the pay-
ment of the courts of justice^ '^ The prytaneia have therefore
been compared with the fees of the Roman courts; and this
analogy has been supported by a passage in Aristophanes,
which, however, does not prove that the dicasts received the
prytaneia at Athens immediately, as the Romans received their
fees^'"*. On the other hand, Joseph Scaliger^'* has started the
singular notion, that the corresponding payment at Rome were
not the justice fees, but the sportula which was given by the
nobles of Rome to their clients, in money or victuals, confound-
ing them with the public feasts in the prytaneum. If by the
fees of justice, according to the Roman custom, we understand
the payment received directly by the judges, the prytaneia
cannot be called fees; but although not the same in name they
were so in substance, and the only difference was that they
were paid into the public coff"ers, as is the case at present in
some places, and the state then paid the judges with this
money. For this reason Aristophanes^'^ reckons the prytaneia
among the public revenues, which is also the account given by

2>3 Xenoph. de Rep. Atli. i. 16, Pol-
lux viii. 38, Suidas and Photius in v.
Trpvrai/eia, where by the 6000 the judges
are meant.

'^^ Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 1139,
Suidas in v. npvTavelop, glosses quoted

by Kiihn ad PoEuc. viii. 38, Casaub.
ad Athen. vi. p. 237 F. referring to
Aristoph. Nub. 1200, Spanheim ad
Nub. 1 182.

^'* De Emend. Temp.

""^ See above, note 4.

360

FEES UrON LEGAL PROCEEDINGS.

[l5K.

II.

Suidas and Photius*'^: the presidents of the courts of justice
assigned them to the proper authority, which was doubtless
the office of the colacretee. For the colacretae had the duty of
managing the feasts in the prytaneum, for which, as their name
sufficiently proves, the prytaneia were originally assigned, at a
time when law-suits were received and introduced in the pry-
taneum^'^; the same officers also distributed the wages of the
dicasts, after their introduction as a regular stipend, and the
prvtaneia were then naturally appointed for the immediate pay-
ment of this salar}^ But how great must have been the num-
ber of law-suits in order to defray the wages of the dicasts,
amounting to about 150 talents! Xenophon gives us to under-
stand, that it chiefly was the law-suits of the allies which made
it possible to pay the dicasts out of the prytaneia; at the same
time, as has been above remarked, additional money must
have been supplied from other sources ; for it is not credible
that the prytaneia were ever alone sufficient; and, moreover,
the pay of the dicasts was only one of those democratic
forms, under which the public money was to be divided among
the people.

Chapter X.
Fees ujjoii Appeals, The Paracatabole and the Epobelia.

Another description of the payments made in the courts of
justice was the fee {irapd/SoXovy^^ upon appeals (et^eVets'), con-
cerning which nothing is known accurately. The paracatabole
was, however, a fee of nearly the same nature: this was a joay-
ment which was made by any person who either claimed

*^ UpyTavela : rrpoaodos els to
dTjpocriov KUTaraa-aopevT]. Cf- Lex.
Seg. p. 192, 17. Valesius (ad ^Maus-
(sac. ad Ilarpocrat. p. 32G, ed Gronov.)
aud Kuster (ad Nub. 1134) liave given
a correct general view of the question.

'"^ Tiiis is the meaning of Suidas in
V. npvTuvelov and TrapaKaTa(3oXr], Schol.

Aristoph. Nub. 1 139. Concerning the
colacreta3 see book ii. ch. 6^ and on
the pay of the dicasts, book ii. ch. 15.
^'^ This is the term used by Aristo-
tle ; by later writers it was called
7rapaj36\iov, Pollux viii. G3; see Sal-
mas. :M. U. v. p. 198; lludtwalcker
von den Diateten, p. 127.

CH. X.] FEES UPON APPEALS. 361

{dfM(l)tcr^7]T€l) from the state any confiscated property, or from
individuals an estate adjudged to him, and it was forfeited if the
party lost his suit. The fifth part of the property claimed
{tcov d/jL(j)t(T^7]TovfjLii^(ov) was paid before the action as paracata-
bole, if the party laid claim to confiscated property; and the
tenth part if he claimed an inheritance or property of heir-
esses"", and in fact the payment took place at the preliminary
investigation into the case {dvdKpLo-i(;Y'^\ The similarity of
both cases with the appeal may be seen from this fact, that all
confiscations of property were founded upon a judicial verdict,
and whoever laid claim to property thus forfeited, if he did not
in strictness of speech appeal against the decision, yet appealed
against its appUcation to a particular object; the resemblance
is also strengthened by the circumstance, that the paracatabole
was only paid in cases relating to the inheritance of property,
when the plaintifi" sought to obtain possession of an inheritance
already adjudged to another person (eTrtSi/tafoyLteva)*", so that
in this instance also an appeal was made against a former legal
decision.

In both varieties of the paracatabole the questions arise, by
whom was it received, if the party who had deposited it lost the
cause, and whether other justice fees and fines could be com-
bined with it. In order to determine these problems, it will be
necessary to premise the following observations. The pay-
ments made in law suits were of three kinds : in the first place,
there were mere justice fees, such as prytaneia and parastasis,
which the unsuccessful party paid: in the second place, fines

"' Pollux viii. 39j 32; Harpocrat. ' Didymus says in Harpocration in
Suid. Phot, in TTapaKarafdoXrj, Lex. Seg. j TTfJonefMnra' elal yap ol to. TreyuTrra tcov
p. 290 (Harpocration refers to Lysias, TiixTjfxdTcov (he should have said rau
Hyperides, and other orators): see \ dfji(f)ia0T}Tnvfj.€va>v) TrapaKaTa^dXXeadai
Harpocration and Suidas in dfjL(f)ia- j (fiaaiv, as Avaias iv tS Kara 'AttoXXo-
^TjTclv, and concerning the inheritances , da>pov vnoarjfiaivei. All the rest of this
see Pollux viii. 32 ; Timseus Lexic. article is worthless, as has been aheady
Plat, in TrapaKara^oXr}, and there | remarked by Yalesius in his notes to
Ruhnkeu; Demosth. c. Macart. p. ;Maussac.

1051, 20, 1054, 27 (from a law), c. ; "' Isaeus de Hagn. Hered. p. 2.
Leochar. p. 1090, ext. p. 1092, 20. ! ^^^ See Buusen de Jure Hcrcdit.
Isicus mentions it in several places, i Atheu. 1, 2, 3.
And to this probably belongs what |

362

FEES UPON APPEALS.

[bk.

{Tt/jbr]/jLaTa), which the successful plaintiff received in private,
and the state in public suits, excepting that in a phasis, the
injured party received the fine, and in certain private suits, a
fine was annexed to be paid to the state: and, lastly, certain
compensations, which in particular law suits, the unsuccessful
was compelled to make to the successful party, for the risk to
which he had exposed him, for example the epobeUa. Now
the paracatabole appears to be of the latter kind, and it was
evidently introduced in order to protect the state and all legal
heirs from the vexatious suits of self-interested plaintiffs: from
this it follows that it must have been received by the party who
was injured by the suit, viz. in claims for confiscated property
by the state, in cases of inheritance by the heirs. From this
view of the case, the litigants were probably in addition to the
paracatabole compelled to pay the common justice fees, since
they would have paid them if there had been no paracatabole,
according to the respective circumstances of the suit, although
I have not been able to find any information upon this point.
The unsuccessful plaintiff does not appear to have been subject
to any other punishments or augmentations of punishment
{TrpocTTLfjLrjfjLaTa). It should also be observed, that the payment
of the paracatabole could only have been required from the
complaining party, as a punishment for vexatious litigation.

Something must also be said on the subject of the epobelia
{67rci)/3e\ia), since in the writings of both early and modern
scholars as little clear and definite information is found upon
this point as upon the other justice fees and fines'". The
epobelia is the sixth part of the assessment of the suit {ri/jLTj/jia),
and was so called because an obolus was paid for every drachma
of the valuation. As this circumstance is manifest from the
name alone, and the best grammarians give the same account"*;
and as the examples of the epobelia occurring in Demosthenes,

^'^^ Even the accurate Heraldus
(Animadv. in Salmas. Observ. iii. 4,
8 — 11, 5 ad fin ) has adopted an en-
tirely false view of the question, and
Hudtwalcker only incidentally touches
upon this subject in a few places.

^" Harpocrat. Etymol. Suid. Zona-
ras in eVco/SeX/a, Lex. Seg. p. 255;
Schol. Plat. Ruhnk. p. 239; Pollux
viii. 30, 48. ix. GO ; cf. Salmas. II. U.
p. 12 sqq.

CH. X.] FEES UPON APPEALS. 363

which will be adduced presently, prove it beyond a doubt, the
statement which Hesychius and Eustathius have derived from
ignorant writers*", that the epobelia was the tenth part of the
assessment, does not require refutation; it owes its origin to a
confusion with the paracatabole, not unlike that which we have
already seen in the case of the prytaneia. The true nature of
this fine is given in general terms by Harpocration, who states
that it was an additional valuation (^Trpoarlfxrjfjua) fixed by law,
independent of the decision of the judges"^: this account, how-
ever, leaves the questions open, in what law suits, by whom,
under what circumstances, connected with what, and to whom,
was it paid.

According to the Etymologist^*^, the epobelia was introduced
because many persons had been vexatiously accused in causes
relating to money, particularly with regard to bottomry or
sea security: on which account the law imposed the epobelia
upon the plaintiff, for the prevention of vexatious accusations
{avKocfyayTLo) ; and afterwards it was applied equally to all other
pecuniary causes (^^pT^/xart/cal hUai). Probably this alludes to
the fact mentioned by Isocrates against Callimachus^*^, who
states that Archinus, after the government of the thirty tyrants,
introduced the payment of the epobelia in law suits in which
the defendant was allowed the right of instituting a paragraphe
against the plaintiff, in order to protect him from vexatious
accusations. The case mentioned in the speech of Demosthenes
against Stephanus for false testimony*^% is precisely of this
nature. The orator's client, Apollodorus, had brought an action
against his step-father Phormion to recover a sum of money
which he claimed from him; Phormion, on the other hand,
instituted a paragraphe, and Apollodorus, having been unsuc-
cessful in the suit, was condemned to pay the epobelia. But
the litigants were also exposed to the risk of the epobelia in
pecuniary cases, even when there was no paragraphe, as may be

'^* Hesych. in eVca^eXt'a ; Eustath. i is transcribed,
ad Odyss. A. p. 1405, 27. ' ''^'^^ In the beginning ; comp. below,

^^ Barpocrat. in npoa-TiixrjixaTu, and i chap. 15, 16.
thence Photius. ^^^ P. 1103, 15.

"^7 From which Suidas in eTrco/ScXia '

364 FEES UPON APPEALS. [bK. III.

seen from the law suit of Demosthenes against his guardians^
and the cause against Dionysodorus on account of the non-re-
payment of a loan of money: and also in a phasis which related
to a fine; in this instance, however, it was doubtless limited by
certain conditions, which will be more aptly pointed out in
another place: and, finally, in the cross action^^° {dvTLypacjir]),
on account of the appearance of A-exation which it bore. It
cannot be proved that any epobelia was required in actions for
an assaxilt. The private suit for the same offence {SUrj alKia^)
of necessity indeed led to nothing more than a fine, but it was
distinguished in several essential points from a common pecu-
niary law suit; and the only known case in which epobelia was
paid in a private action for an assault, related in the speech
against Euergus and Mnesibulus, had also the nature of a cross
suit, which circumstance introduced the obligation of the epo-
belia. In the public action for an assault [hiKT) vjSpecos) it is
impossible to conceive that any epobelia existed; nor when
^schines against Timarchus^^^ supposes the case of a person
bringing an action against a youth, who, having sold his chastity
by a written document, had violated his engagement, and con-
siders it to be just that the plaintiff should both lose his suit,
and sufi'er the penalty of death, " not only paying the epobelia,
but also a fine for the other injury ,^^ must it be supposed that
the plaintifi* generally paid the epobelia in public actions for
bodily wrong; for this would not be a suit of this nature, but
an action connected with pecuniary matters, which, as the
agreement was contrary to law, would necessarily be lost; con-
sidered in the light of a pecuniary case, the plaintiff would of
course sufifer the penalty of the epobelia ; but the orator sup-
poses him to be punished with far greater severity for the
seduction and disgrace of an Athenian youth. Speaking gene-
rally, the epobelia only applied in cases relating to money, and
not in public actions, except in the phasis.

•230 Pollux viii. 58. I (tlv ck tov biKactr-qpiov ov rrjv eirio^eXiav

•231 "Where the chief words that refer I fiovov uXka koI aXXj/y v^piv: the case

to this subject are, eneira ou KuraXeva- \ Jiere supposed is iralprjaLs kutu avvSrj-

6i](j€TaL 6 piadovixevos tup ^Adr^vtilov , Kas, which actually occurred. See

napa tovs vupuvs Koi Trpoo-ocpXcoi/ anei- \ Lysias c. biuiou. p. 1 17, 14^.

CH. X.]

FEES UPON APPEALS.

365

With regard to the party who was bound to pay the epobelia
there may seem to exist some doubt, for the passages of the
grammarians apparently contradict one another, and the ancients
do not explain themselves with sufficient distinctness. It seems
to me probable, that not the plaintiflf only, but the unsuccessful
party in general, was subject to this payment, although a deci-
sive proof to this effect cannot now be obtained. By the law
of Archinus, both parties in the litigation, as well the accuser as
the party instituting a paragraphe, in case he was condemned,
was bound to pay the epobelia^^^; which however cannot be
accounted for by the reason which Pollux mentions*^% that the
paragraphe was similar to a cross suit, and therefore both parties
were considered as plaintiffs: Pollux asserts, that in the phasis
the unsuccessful party paid the epobelia, without making any
distinction between plaintiff and defendant; which he also states
in the most general terms of the epobelia^^*. And doubtless if
in a phasis the defendant paid the epobelia equally with the
plaintiff, in case he lost the suit, by the same reason he must
have paid it in a money case to which the epobelia applied,
even if it was only a private cause, for in the phasis the epobelia
was only added in reference to the money which the injured
party endeavoured to obtain from the defendant ; that is to say,
merely in reference to that which in the phasis is a private
concern; and if the plaintiff was exposed to the danger of the
epobelia, it was but just that the hazard of the accuser should
be increased in an equal proportion.

We have two instances of the plaintiff paying the epobeha
in private cases; but if correctly understood, they do not war-

'"- See above, chap. 9.

223 Pollux viii. 58, upon the principle
of Reus eacipiendo fit actor.

'^* viii. 48 and 39. In the former
chapter he says, 6 5e /xj) ixeraXa^cov to
7re/x7rrov ^epos roiv ylrrjCJiuiv ttjv eTTco^e-
Xiav 7rpoaa)(j)\i(TKav€, where by the
word TTpoo-ocfAtaKavciv the grammarian
means to express the additional loss
besides the loss of the suit : in the
same manner in viii, 58, o 8e avnypa-

yj/dfxevos fxr) Kparrjaas rrjv inoi^cklav
7rpocrco(fiXi(TKav€. Demosth, c. Stephan.
■^evbop.. i. p. 1103, 15, TrpoaocpiXcov 8e
rrjv eVco/SeXiai/j and yEschin. ut sup. I
mention this, that it might not be
thought that by Trpoo-ocfAtaKaueiv a pre-
^^ous fine is implied. In the other
passage (c. 39) Pollux says, encolSeXta
8' rjv TO eKTOV [xepos tov Tip.T]^aTOSf o
a>cf:€i\ev 6 alpedets.

366 FEES UPON APPEALS. [bK. III.

rant us in inferring that the defendant, if he was unsuccessful,
would not have been compelled to pay it. Darius and Pamphi-
lus lent Dionysodorus 300 drachmas upon bottomr)^; this latter
person acted contrary to the agreement and the commercial
laws: "but, notwithstanding all this,^^ says the orator, "he dared
to come into court, with the intent of depriving me of the epo-
belia, and of carrying it off to his own house, in addition to the
other money of which he has defrauded me^^\" The silence of
the orator cannot be considered as a proof that the defendant,
in case he was unsuccessful, did not pay the epobelia. Demos-
thenes says in the first speech against Aphobus^^®, that if he
was unsuccessful, he should have to pay the epobelia without
being assessed {ari/jLijTos) ; if Aphobus lost, he should not have
to pay the fine until the assessment of the judges had been
made {tl/jltjto^). This expression does not by any means
exclude the possibility of Aphobus being compelled to pay the
epobelia. Demosthenes had estimated his damages against
Aphobus at 600 minas: " If I lose my cause," he says, " I shall
be forced to pay 100 minas for epobelia, without being assessed;''
for as he had himself estimated the damages, the estimate
remained, and the epobelia was thus immediately determined,
that being the only manner in which it could be fixed. If, on
the other hand, Aphobus lost, he was empowered to put in a
petition that the judges would moderate the damages, and com-
pel the plaintiff to lower his demands : the fine was then assessed,
and consequently the epobelia also, which followed the assess-
ment of the damages. Demosthenes, however, had no reason
for laying any stress upon the latter point, as the payment of
the epobelia is naturally understood. In a third case, viz. the
cross action in the speech against Euergus and Mnesibulus, no
distinction can be made between the plaintiff and defendant, as
both of them come forward in a double character. Now al-
though the grammarians*" (whose joint testimony has only the
authority of a single witness) state that the plaintiff paid the
epobelia to the defendant, if he lost the suit, they do not actu-

^^ Demosth. c. Dionysod. p. 1284,2. 1 "" Ilarpocrat. Etyraol. Suid. Scliol.
*36 p. 834, 25. I Platon. Lex. Seg.

CH. X.] FEES UPON APPEALS. 36j

ally deny that the defendant was also obliged to pay it : but as
it was originally introduced for the prevention of vexatious
accusations, they only mention the plaintiff, and state that, in
case he lost, he was forced to pay the epobelia to the defendant,
as compensation for the risk which he had occasioned. It should
also be observed, that the unsuccessful party was only com-
pelled to pay the epobelia in case he did not obtain the fifth part
of the votes^"^, and therefore his guilt might be considered as
sufficiently manifest.

Our next question is, whether the epobelia could be con-
nected with other justice fees and fines ? It had not the nature
of a sacramentum, nor was it deposited before the verdict, but
was paid immediately after the loss of the cause, as is evident
from the speech of Demosthenes against Euergus and Mnesibu-
lus"°; from the law suit against Aphobus; and even from Iso-
crates against Callimachus: consequently, some sacramentum
must necessarily have been paid for the introduction of the suit;
and accordingly we know for certain that in the first of the three
cases above quoted the unsuccessful party paid the prytaneia
and the epobelia, and that prytaneia were also paid in the last
case^'"'. Again, the loss of a fine {rifJLTjfjba) was sometimes con-
nected with the payment of the epobelia: this loss, however,
could necessarily be suffered only by the defendant, and by him
in every case in which he was unsuccessful; if he did not obtain
the fifth part of the votes, the payment of the epobelia was
appended to the fine, according to the amount of a sixth part of
the money which he was condemned to pay: the plaintiff, on
the other hand, was not subject to any fine, but only paid the
epobelia upon the sum which he had assessed against the de-
fendant, in case he did not obtain the fifth part of the votes;
unless by the institution of a cross action he had taken the
double character of plaintiff and defendant. All these particu-
lars might have been assumed a priori, even apart from the
authority of law suits now extant; it is manifest therefore that
the statement of Hesychius, made upon the authority of Didy-
mus, that the epobelia was a fine which followed the assessment

238 Isocrat. in Callimach. 5, Pollux viii. 48. ^^^ Comp. chap. 9. '^'^ Vid. ibid.

368 FEES UPON APPEALS. [bK. III.

of the lost cause" ^, merely refers to the determination of the
epobelia according to the assessment of the suit : for this pay-
ment in reference to the plaintiff was regulated by the assess-
ment which he made against the defendant;, and in reference to
the defendant by the assessment appointed by the court: on
the other hand, we should misconceive the meaning of the
grammarian, if we supposed that the epobelia was so far a con-
sequence of the assessment or fine, that it was only paid in cases
in which the fine itself or the timema was paid. For in all
cases mentioned above, in which the plaintiffs speak of their
being exposed to the risk of losing the epobelia, there is no
trace of any apprehension of a fine.

Lastly, a peculiar circumstance occurred in the phasis, as
being a public suit. In this form of proceeding it must be
inferred, from the circumstances of the case, that the defendant,
if he lost the cause, paid the fine, and also the epobelia, if he
did not obtain the fifth part of the votes : the plaintiff indeed
had no reason to apprehend the first payment, but if he
was unsuccessful in his suit, he was in the same case com-
pelled to pay the epobelia; and if he did not obtain the
fifth part of the votes, i. e, in the very case in which he was
subject to the epobelia, he was forced to pay to the state the
usual fine of 1000 drachmas'^"-; the former regulation arising
from the nature of the money suit {xpVH'^Ti''<:v ^^kt)), the latter
from its being a public cause. Are we however to suppose that
both these payments were required in every phasis, according
to the hypothesis which we have just made ? This point cannot
be determined without taking a more accurate view of the nature
of the phasis.

The phasis then was sometimes a purely public suit, as for
example in the case of plunder of monies, or unsold mines

^*^ *Ak6\ov6oPT(0 TJJS KaTClbtKTJS TlfJLT]-

fiari o(p\r]fia: an inaccurate expres-
sion which cannot be applied to the
plaintiff, unless, with all probability
against us, we prefer writing Biktjs
with Salmasius M. U. p. 14 (who be-
sides tills has rightly corrected the

passage as I have given it), and Palmer
upon Ilesychius. I pass over the mass
of confusion which is contained in the
notes of the other commentators upon
this passage of Ilesychius.

^'=^ Orat. c. Theocrin. p. 1323, 19.

CH. X.] FEKS UPON APPEALS. 369

belonging to the state, actions by which no private individual
was injured; at other times, it was a suit partly public and
partly private, for instance, if an action was instituted for the
embezzlement of orphans^ property : it could not in any case be
solely a private suit, for it would thus have lost the distinctive
character of the phasis, and have become a mere money suit for
compensation of the injury suffered. Now, when the phasis
was a purely public suit, its only object was a fine to be paid to
state ; and in this case neither the plaintiff nor the defendant
could ever have paid the epobelia, since this payment was only
required in cases which took the form of a private money suit,
as its origin alone shows, the intent of it being to repress frivo-
lous accusations, or on the part of the defendant to prevent him
from vexatiously withholding the property of another person.
Hence in the purely public phasis, the only penalty was doubt-
less that of 1000 drachmas, which fine is in the speech against
Theocrines quoted from a law, in reference to this point, without
any mention of the epobelia in a phasis, as the penalty of the
unsuccessful plaintiflf, if he did not obtain the fifth part of the
votes ; whether the plaintiff had made the assessment for a fine
or some other punishment. If however the phasis was of a
mixed nature, the object of the accuser was to obtain a fine for
the compensation of the injured individual, and a fine to the
state as a penalty for the injury done to it: in this case probably
the epobelia applied both to the plaintiff and defendant in
reference to the first view of the suit, and the penalty of 1000
drachmas on the part of the plaintiff, in reference to the public
nature of the action. Lastly, if the injured person brought on
a case, which would have justified a phasis, merely as a private
suit, the epobelia alone applied. From this then it may be
also determined to whom the epobelia was paid. The gram-
marians**^ say that the defendant received it from the plaintiff, '
if he (the defendant) gained the cause ; from which it is evident,
that if the plaintiff was successful he received it from the
defendant ; supposing always that both parties were bound to

^*^ Etyinol. Siiid. Scliul. Plat. Lex. I yoiv napa tov diotKovTos, f2 ti)u diKtjv

2 B

370 FEES UPON APPEALS. [bK. III.

pay it, as we have assumed. And that in private suits the epo-
belia was received by the successful party and not by the state,
is completely proved by the orations which are still extant***.
But, it will be asked, to whom did the epobelia in the case of
the phasis belong ? If the phasis was a purely public action,
the epobeUa did not apply; where it did exist, it was merely
annexed in so far that the phasis contained, as it were, an
action for compensation claimed by a private individual, in order
to restrain vexatious suits, or the withholding of property
belonging to the plaintiff. If then the plaintiff was unsuccess-
ful, the epobelia was paid to the defendant, in the same manner
as in a private money-suit; but if the plaintiff was successful,
either the party whose rights had been violated by the defend-
ant, and who was represented by the public accuser, received
the epobelia in the same manner that the injured party received
the fine (for the circumstance of the plaintiff being a third
person might appear quite accidental in reference to the money-
suit contained in the phasis), or it was paid to the plaintiff as
compensation for the risk to which he himself had been exposed.
The state therefore could not in any case have had any share in
the epobelia.

Chapter XI.
The Fines accruing to the State.

The public income arising from judicial cases was further
increased by the fines for illegal acts, as far as they were esti-
mated in money and paid to the state.

All fines were called valuations or assessments {TifjbrjfiaTa), a
term which comprehended damages and all punishments esti-
mated in money, because they were determined by the valuing
or TLfi7}cn9, and by the abuse of the word it came to signify the
punishment itself.

In treating of this matter I shall chiefly follow the guidance
of Heraldus, who has entered into a comprehensive examination

Orat. c. Euerg. et Mnesib. p. 1158, Demosth. c. Dionysod. p. 1284,2.

CH. XI.] FIXES ACCRUING TO THE STATE. S'jl

of it; but agreeably to my purpose I shall limit my inquiries to
what is either requisite for the comprehension of the whole
question, or is immediately connected with the public revenue;
for which reason I shall set aside all assessments which were
not made in money, and in great measure also the question of
damages, as alien to my subject.

All punishments (fines included) were either defined by law
as affecting both pubhc and private actions, or were with respect
to some public actions left to the discretion of the judges, which
was however limited in particular cases; certain punishments
being defined^ from which they were to select that which
appeared to them best adapted to the case*'\ An action in
which the punishment was a fine or other penalty affixed by
law, was called an unassessed suit, from the laws having defined
no certain penalty [a'ycbv arlfir^ros) ; if it was necessary to assess
it for the occasion, it was called an assessed suit {tl/jl7)t6(;Y*'^,
In all private causes, the fines were with a single exception
fixed by law'*^^, and if not absolutely, they were fixed propor-
tionably to the value in litigation. Thus in the action for
injury {BiKrj ^Xd^rjs) in many cases a scale fixed according to
proportions was the only one which could be adopted, as the
amount was to be determined by the injury done, which
required to be accurately known in order to admit of an assess-
ment. In this case it was ruled by the law, that if the injury
had been done unintentionally the single, and if intentionally
the double, assessment should be restored""^. The law, on the
other hand, fixed all penalties absolutely which had not the
character of compensation, as, for example, in a case of slan-
derous words [KaKTjyopia), at 500 drachmas'^*^, and in the action
for non-appearance of a witness {Slktj XeiTTo/Maprvpiov) at 1000
drachmas"".

*** Herald. Anim. in Salmas. Obs.
ad I. A. et R. iii. 1, 2.

"•» Herald, iii. 2, Mattliiae Miscell.
Philog. vol. i. p. 276, 277-

'■^*' Ulpian. ad Demosth. c. Mid.
p. 325.

*^8 Demosth. c. Mid, p. 528.

^^ Isocrat. c. Lochit. 4, Lysias c*
Theomnest. p. 354. See Matthia? ut
sup. Hudtwalcker von den Diiiteten,
p. 149 sqq.

250 Pollux viii. 37. Compare Har-
pocration, Photius, and Suidas in v.
KkT]Trjp€s, Lex. Seg. p. 272, 10.

2 B 2

372

FINES ACCRUING TO THE STATE.

[bk. Ill

The only case in which the fine was undetermined was the
private action for assault {Bikt) aUias), in which the procedure
upon the whole resembled that in public causes, and it was
thus an assessed action"^, in order that the court and the
plaintiff might be able to estimate the fine according to the
degree of injury received: it could, however, be only rated in
money*'**. But in all private suits the plaintiff received the
assessment, so that we have no farther concern with this species
of cases. In public suits, on the contrary, the state received
the fine of the defendant, unless the money-cases of private
individuals were implicated in them, e. g, in the phasis concern-
ing cases of misconduct of guardians or violation of commercial
law, in which the assessment accrued to the injured party, if
the plaintiff succeeded; in all other public causes, however, the
penalties of infamy, death, &c. might be appointed in place of
fines. Now these public causes were either assessed or unas-
sessed: in the first case, the plaintiff generally assessed the
injury in his plaint (rt/^a, irpoTLfia)^ the defendant made a
counter-assessment {avTircfjua, vTroTUfia) ; the court then decided
upon the assessment {niMa, eiriKpiveL), agreeing with one or the
other. At the same time the plaintiff might give up his own
higher assessment and accede to that of the defendant; and in
like manner the judges might depart from their own assessment
and take that of the defendant, if the plaintiff consented.

This method of proceeding {avyxcoprja-aLy^^ was much used
in public actions in which there was no punishment distinctly
fixed for the defendant, but only for the plaintiff, in case of his
being unsuccessful; thence in the writing of accusation it was
always necessary to fix some assessment; there were, however,
cases in actions of this kind, in which the law only left the
plaintiff the choice between certain fixed punishments; thus
e.ff. in the action for bribery {<ypa(l)r) ScopoBoKias) it was neces-
sary either to fix as a punishment death or the tenth part of the

^** Harpocrat. in v. alKtas, and the
authorities cited by Matthise, p. 272,
273.

*'^ Lysias ap. EtjTnol. et Suid. in v.

25' Herald, iii. 1, 10. Instead of
TijiaVf vTrorifiaVy &c., rifxaa-Oai, vTTori-
fiao-Oai, are also used without any
alteration in the meanino;.

CH. XI.]

FINES ACCRUING TO THE STATE.

373

sum received^^^ In a phasis an assessment was necessary by
reason of the damages to be paid, and we also kno^v from dis-
tinct authority that such was the case^^^; in other public causes^
however, there was no assessment, the penalty having been
already appointed by law, which was the case in an information

Lastly, the additional assessment [Trpoarlfiyfia), which was
added as an enhancement of the punishment, must be separated
from the simple assessment. This was a fine, which the court
had full power to impose in certain cases in which it was per-
mitted by laws or decrees of the people, or which regularly fol-
lowed under particular circumstances, as the epobelia. The
additional assessment was in some cases fixed by law; thus in
instances of theft, which were not capital crimes, the additional
punishment was fixed at five days and nights^ imprisonment; it
rested however with the judgment of the court whether they
would add or omit it^^^

To what degree private suits admitted of an assessment has
been already explained, i. e. only in damages, and likewise in
the private suit for assault; of the former kind are the action
for injury {^Xd^rjs) and the action against guardians, when
brought on as a private suit [Blkt] iTrcrpoTrrj^; or iir lt poire La<;),
and the like. In these the plaintiff made an assessment in his
plaint which referred solely to his own injury, without there
being any counter-assessment on the part of the defendant.
The latter was, however, at liberty to put in a petition, and the
judges had the power of diminishing the assessment'". Heral-
dus"° has justly considered as a compensation of this kind the
assessment of 1 talent, which occurs in the speech of Demos-
thenes against Stephanus in the private action for false testi-
mony {Blkv yjrevSofjiapTvpiov). But in all causes for damages

25-* Herald, iii. 3, 1.

2" Pollux viii. 47.

256 Herald, iii. 2, 9—14. The chief
passage in the law of Solon is given by
Deraosth. c. Tiinocrat. p. 733 (comp.
the explanation, p. 746, 12); from
which fXT] should be struck out in Ly-
sias c. Theomnest. p. 357, 0, and not
changed into ftcV with Ileraldus and

Taylor. There are indeed in this
passage other difficulties, which I now
intentionally pass by, as they could
only be removed by a detailed exami-
nation.

257 Herald, iii. 4.

258 iii. 1, 14. The passage of De-
mosthenes is p. 1115, 25.

374

FINES ACCRUING TO THE STATE.

[bk. III.

the assessment was not left to the litigant, as in several cases of
this description a certain fine was already determined by law"^
With regard to the other case, i. e. for assault, it is of so
remarkable a character, and we have been already so often com-
pelled to mention it, that it cannot be properly neglected in this
place. In this case two kinds of action might be instituted, as
in the Roman law, differing however not in respect to the object,
but only in the form and the consequences, viz. the public
[SiKT] vppecds) and the private suit [hUrj alKias) ; because by an
assault committed upon any person, either the state might be
considered as wronged (it being thought that the state and the
public freedom were injured by any act of violence, even if a
slave was assaulted), or only the individual, according to the
views and inclination of the plaintiff"". If the plaintiff brought
it on as a private cause, the defendant could only be condemned
to pay a fine, which the plaintiff received, who in this case was

^" Herald, iii. 5.

**** It is however remarkable that
the ypa(f)T) v^pcas is sometimes repre-
sented to be a private suit, because^
like many other public actions, it only
referred indirectly to an injury done
to the state, and immediately to the
injury of an individual. In this sense
Demosthenes or rather Meidias (adv.
iMid. p. 522, extr.) may call the
BiKTj v^pfcos an Ibia diKrjy in opposition
to the npo^oXr) before the people,
which must be considered as an action
for a direct injury done to the state,
for example, by the disturbance of a
festival, or an injury done to sacred
persons or property, and to public
offices (cf. p. 424, 42')); the irpo^oXrj
being the method of proceeding against
such as had shown themselves dis-
affected to the state, or had cheated
the public, and therefore it might be
instituted against sycophants, or against
persons who had injured tlie silver
mines still belonging to the state, or
for emliezzlement of the public money.
(See Taylor ad Demosth. c. Mid.' p.
^62 sqq. Reisk. Append. Crit. vol. i.

Matthise Miscell. Philog. voL i. p. 238.)
The meaning of the orator is most
evident when he says (p. 524, 21,) that
whoever injures a private individual
in deeds or in words, may be prose-
cuted by the ypa<i>rj v^pecos Koi diKj]
KaKijyopUis, and that if tlie same is
done to a thesmothetes, the guilty
party will be arifios for the single
offence. In this passage too the
ypa<Pr] v^pecof is considei"ed as Idla, as
the word Idiau Avhich has been added
from the ISISS. also refers to ypa(f)rjv.
The orator therefore does not in this
more than in other orations deny that
the action for v^pis was a public action
(ypa(Prj), although he calls it Idia, cf.
p. 623, 18, p. 524, 21, p. 528 extr.
From this fact moreover, viz. that the
ypacf)rj vftpews might ralate to the in-
jury done to a private individual, and
in fact was usually so considered, it
may be seen why Dionysius Ilalicar-
nassensis in the life of Dinarchus enu-
merates the speech of this orator
against Proxenus {dnoXoyia O/Specos)
among the private speeches. The
ypn(pr) ]v(3p(a)s idla occurs in another

CH. XI.]

FINES ACCRUING TO THE STATE.

375

necessarily the injured party; if, however, the cause was brought
on as a public suit before the thesmothetee^*', (which might be
done by a party having no interest in the event of it,) the state
received the whole fine*^^, although the punishment might be
capitaP^^. Consequently in the public proceeding there was no
private advantage for the plaintiff; whereas in addition to the
loss of the suit he was also subject to the risk of forfeiting
1000 drachmas, if he had not a fifth part of the votes on his
side, and therefore nothing but excessive hatred or disinterest-
edness could excite any man to institute a public action for an
assault. In both forms of action, however, an assessment was
made on the part of the plaintiff, the course of proceeding in
the private action for assault being similar in several points to
that in public suits : on the other hand, in the private action
for assault there appears to have been this deviation from the
procedure in public cases, that the defendant was not permitted
to make any counter-assessment, but the court followed either
its own or the plaintiff^s assessments^*.

Chapter XII.

Examples of Fines,

In order to enable the reader to judge as to the amount of
the income which the state of Athens derived from fines, it will
be advisable to cite some examples of them: others will be
omitted, as a complete enumeration would be equally tedious
and unavailing.

As it vAW be necessary to speak partly of fines appointed to
be paid into the public coffers, and partly into those of temples,
we may previously remark, that in the laws of Solon, the pre-
cious metals being at that time high in price, fines were fixed at
very low rates^®^; e,g, whoever defrauded another person in

sense in the law in Demosth. adv.
Mid. p. 529, 23, concerning which it
is sufficient to refer to Heraldus ii.
10, 12.

'^^ Matthiae, vol. i. p. 247, 249.

■^^^ Besides Heraldus see more par-

ticularly Demosth. c. Mid. p. 528, 27,
Poll. viii. 42.

2«^ Lysias ap. Etymol. et Suid. in v.
v^pis. See Petit vi. 5, 4.

264 Herald, iii. 3, 15-17.

••^" Plutarch. Solon. 23.

376 EXAMPLES OF FIXES. [l5K. 111.

public or ceremonial affairs, paid 3 drachmas to the injured
party, and 2 to the state, whereas in later times the penalty for
libellous words was 500 drachmas; in like manner the fines in
the Twelve Tables were, as is well known, very inconsiderable.
To these ancient times must be referred the law which ordered
that any person who occupied any land within the Pelasgicum
should pay 3 drachmas''^^ And judged according to the stan-
dard of later times, the fine of 100 drachmas, which the archon
had to pay according to Solon's regulation, if he did not lay a
curse upon exportation, was of small amount*".

Of later times, however, it may on the contrar)^ be asserted,
that the fines were fixed at very high rates. If the prytanes
did not hold certain assemblies according to rule, or the proedri
did not propose the appointed business, each prytaneus had to
pay 1000 and each proedrus 40 drachmas to Minerva*^^; and
for conviction nothing more than an information (evSec^Ls) was
necessary. If the officers appointed to superintend the weights
and measures performed their duties negligently, they paid,
according to a later decree, a penalty of 1000 drachmas to
Ceres and Proserpine*®^ Whoever declared falsely that a
citizen's property belonged to the state, paid a forfeit of 1000
drachmas for his act of sycophancy*^". If the demarch did not
perform his duty with regard to the interment of a dead body
found in the demus, he forfeited 1000 drachmas to the state"'.
If an orator conducted himself indecorously in the senate or the
public assembly, he could be fined 50 drachmas for each offence,
which might be raised to a higher sum at the pleasure of the
people^^^ This fine was collected by the practores for the
public. A citizen who cohabited with an alien, paid a penalty.

^^® Pollux viii. 101. ^''^ Siiidas in v. dfj.(f)iopKia, Orat. c.

2^7 Plutarcli. Solon. 24. Nicostrat. ap Demosth. p. 1246, 9.

268 pg^j^ -^ j^ ^ rpjjjg penalty was imposed in a diiaj

*^^ Corp. Inscript. No. 104. Large dnoypacprjs, as in the case of non-suc-
fincs, as e. g. of 1000 drachmas, were cess in other public actions (p. 407).
paid to Juno (Demosth. c. Macart. p. Cf. Harpocrat. in. v. d7roypa(j>T), where
1068, 10), as well as to the eponpni of a doubt is thrown out against the
tlie tribes. Thus Theocrines was con- genuineness of the oration just men-
demned to pay 700 drachmas to the ' tioned.

cponyraus for inconect accounts, Orat. i ^^i Demosth. c. Macart. p. 1069, 22.
c. Theocrin. p. 1326, 6. ! '^"^ ^scliin. c. Tiniarcli. p. oi) sq.

CH. XII.] EXAMPLES OF FIXES. 377

in case he was convicted, of 1000 drachmas'"'^; a regulation which
could not always have been enforced. Whoever dug up olive
trees, beyond the number allowed by law, forfeited to the state
100 drachmas for each tree, of which a tenth part went to
Minerva*^*. A woman conducting herself indecorously in the
streets, paid a fine of 1000 drachmas*^\ If a woman went to
Eleusis in a carriage, she subjected herself, according to the
law of Lycurgus, to a fine of a talent^'^ Whoever brought a
foreign dancer upon the stage, forfeited, in the age of Phocion,
1000 drachmas. This law, however, only applied to the
theatre of Bacchus in the city. Demades brought forward 100,
and thus forfeited 100,000 drachmas^". Other fines of 50 and
1000 drachmas, with regard to foreigners in the chorus, need
not be here mentioned^^^. In the case of embezzlement of
public money, the penalty was fixed at double, and in the case
of sacred money at ten times the amount^^^ If any person
was accused of not having paid a fine awarded by a judicial
sentence, or of having retained any property adjudged to the
plaintiff, and was convicted in the suit [hiKT] i^ovXrjy, actio rei
judicaf{s), the state received from the defendant the same sum
that he was bound to pay to the plaintiff ^^''r the same was also
the case if the defendant was found guilty of taking forcible
possession of any property*^'. The state derived a similar

^73 Deniosth. c. Neter. p. 1350, 23; dias (p. 528, 17), av Se f/iKpov ttuvv
Petit (Leg. Att. vi. 1,6), has misun- | Tifj-rjixaros a^tov ris \a^r], ^la 8e tovto
derstood this law in a most ludicrous | d(Pe\r]TaL, to 'itrov tco drjuoaiw Trpoari/JLtiv
manner. j ol vo/jlol KeXevnvo-iv, oaovTrep av t(o 18l-

^"* Demosth. c. Macart. p. 1074, 19- ] a>TTj. ]My reason for rejecting this
*75 'AKOfr/ieT. See Haii^ocrat. in v. ! inference may be seen from what fol-
oTt ;^tXtay, and thence in other glos- lows : of the fact itself I entertain no

doubt, for expulsion from possession
was always considered as violence,
even when a creditor was obstructed

saries.

276 Petit i. 1, 17.

277 Plutarch. Phoc. 30; cf. Petit
Leg. Att. iii. 4, 3.

278 See Petit iii. 4, 5.

279 Demosth. c. Timocrat. passim.
*8" Hudtwalcker von den Diateten,

p. 137 sqq.

28' Hudtwalcker ut sup. p. 135, note,

in taking possession of the property
pledged for the debt, or when this
pledging "and obstruction were only
fictions, and consequently as severe a
penalty was the consequence of expul-
sion from possession, as of an act ot

wishes to deduce the latter fact from j abstraction by violence. And that in
the words of Demosthenes against Mi- | every 8iKt] e^ovXrjs (and not only in the

378

EXAMPLES OP FINES.

[bK. III.

profit from condemnations in actions for violence {BUt]
^LaicovY^^; and if any person took a slave from his master as if
lie had been a free citizen, he paid to the state the half of the
whole fine"\* in all three cases because the state was considered
as injured.

actio rei judicatce) the state received a
fine equal in amount to that which was
to be made good to the plaintiff, may
be also seen from the words of Harpo-
cration and Suidas in v. i^ovXrjs diKT] :
ol di a.\6vT€S €^ovXt]s koi roJ iXovri
eblboaav a d(f)r]povvTO avTOv Koi ra drj-
fxoa'm KareTiBecrav ra TLfirjOevra, which
passage Hudtwalcker (p. 147) appears
not to have undei-stood. It would liave
been more convenient if the actio rei
judicatce, the issue of wliich was that
the same sum was paid to the state as
was given in compensation to the
plaintiff, had not been called by the
same name, hUr) i^oi>kr]s, unless the
original hUrj i^ovk-qs, which was a real
expulsion from possession, had not
been followed by the same conse-
quences. Nor do the words of De-
mosthenes against Meidias, p. 528, 11,
by any means prove that the actio rei
judicata was alone followed by a fine
to the public, but the orator only cites
this one instance, as the other cases, on
account of what is afterwards said con-
cerning the diKT] (Biaicov, did not appear
to require a separate mention. It may
be observed, that the reason why the
biKT] e^ovXrjs is considered in this place
as ovK Ibla is, that it is merely consi-
dered in reference to the fine required
by the state ; for that in all other re-
spects it was iSt'a, Demosthenes must
have been well aware. Ovkct inoi-qa-cv
is certainly the preferable reading:
but the word ovk^tl does not make any
opposition between the b'lK-q e^ovXqs as
an actio rei judicatce and the dUrj i^ov-
Xrjs as an actio unde vi, as if the former
could only be called ovk I8ia, and not
the latter ; but Demosthenes calls the
actio rei judicatce owkcV' Idlav in oppo-

sition to the foregoing private suit
from which it arose. I may also re-
mark, that a particular application of
the diKT) e^ovXrjs was when it was
brought by a mortgagee against the
buyer of any property which had been
given as security to the former. See
the Dissertation on the Mines of
Laurium.

^^^ Harpocrat. in v. ^laiatv, on the
authority of the passage in Demos-
thenes against Meidias given in the
last note, which refers to the diKTj
jBiaioov, and not to the Sixr/ e^ovXrjs, the
former being a different kind of action
for property taken by violence, but ex-
tending only to moveables, for example,
slaves. An instance of it occurs in
Lysias adv. Pancleon, p. 736. Com-
pare Plato de Leg. xi. p. 914 E. It is
indeed sufficiently singular that, ac-
cording to Suidas, the Biktj c^ovXtjs also
applied to moveable property, particu-
larly slaves; so that it is not easy to
perceive the difference between the
dUr] ^uiioov and the Si'/ct; e^ovXrjs. Per-
haps it was that the 8lktj ^laicov might
be instituted by the possessor against
the person who had forcibly abstracted
from him some article of moveable
property, and that the dUr) e^ovXrjs
might be brought on by the person, to
whom the moveable property had been
adjudged by a judicial verdict, against
the possessor who refused to allow hira
to take possession; and also by the
mortgagee, who had the liglit of seizing
the moveable property for non-pay-
ment, against the debtor who did not
transfer tlie mortgaged property to him.

^^^ Concerning this case, in which
the offender could be prosecuted by a
diKT] (^aijHcrcois, see Orat. c. Theocrin,

CH. XII.]

EXAMPLES OF FINES.

379

It has been already remarked incidentally in several places^
that in all public actions the plaintiff paid a fine to the state of
1000 drachmas, if he did not obtain a fifth part of the suffrages
(to Tre/jLTTTOv fiepos tmv yjrTJcpcov fir) /juerdXa^o^v co^Xe ^j^tXta?) ;
which penalty could also be enforced, if he dropped a cause
already commenced: this last law was not however always
apphed in practice, as is proved by the example of Demosthenes,
when he abandoned the action against Meidias*^\ The only
exemption from this fine was in the case of an eisangelia before
the archon^^'; in all other public causes, by whatever names
they were distinguished, it was exacted'^^ We find in the
ancient authors frequent examples and confirmations of this
assertion. Demosthenes expressly proves it with regard to

p. 1327 sq. Compare the argument
and Petit ii. C, 4. According to this
law the state received to rjfiia-u tov
Tifirjfxaros, by wliich is meant the half
of the whole fine, not of the damages
acciniing to the plaintiff; i. e. the state
received the same sum as the injured
person. This, as it appears to me, is
evident from a comparison of the dUr]
f^ovkr]s and the biio] ^laicop : Plato (ubi
Slip.) to a certain degree includes the
biKT} e^aipeaecos under the diKr) (:iiaia>v,
and then supposes a double reparation
of the injury.

^* See Taylor's Introduction to the
Oration against Meidias. The latter
point, viz. the penalty for dropping the
action, or for compounding in public
suits, is treated of particularly by Hudt-
walcker von den Diateten, p. 159 sqq.
with so much accuracy, that I have no-
thing farther to add. Only the follow-
ing words, which occur in p. 168, re-
quire some limitation : " It was also
allowed to compound even in court,
and this was often effected in" criminal
cases by the assistance of the judges
themselves." For the two instances
quoted by ^fatthiso, vol. i. p. 269, of a
composition made in court in Isaeus de
Dicaeog. Hered. p. 98, and Isocrat. c.

Callimach. 16, are only in private cases,
the former in a diio] ■^cvboyiapTvpiovy
the latter in an action for more than
10,000 drachmas, which the plaintiff
claimed for himself, and not for the
state. In the former case indeed the
penalty of atimia M^as added, by which
however the law suit does not cease to
be a private case, as I will show in
another place : in the latter the plain-
tiff is also apprehensive of the atimia
(Isocrat. 15), but evidently only on ac-
count of the consequences ensuing upon
the loss of the suit ; since, if he had
not a fifth part of the votes, he would
be compelled to pay the epobelia, and
not being able to pay this from liis po-
verty, would be prosecuted by the suc-
cessful party with a hUri e^ovXrjs, and if
condemned in this suit, would become
a pubUc debtor. This is the very rea-
son why Demosthenes is apprehensive
of atimia, with the loss of the epobelia,
in the private cause against Aphobus,
p. 834, 29, p. 835, 11.

*^^ See the passages quoted above.

*^^ Pollux viii. 41, Theophrast. ap.
Poll. viii. 53, and in reference to drop-
ping the cause see Orat. c. Theocrin.
p. 1323, 14 sqq., Demosth. c. Mid. i>.
529, 23.

380

EXAMPLES OF FIXES.

[bk. III.

the action for assault [hUri or ypa(j>7]v ^pews): the same is
evident from other writers with regard to the action for impiety
(ypacpyj (iGe^eLa<^Y^' , for incontinency {ypacj)!] eratprjaeajsY^^y
and for illegal proceedings (7/3a</)^ TrapavofjLcovY^^ ; and Demos-
thenes even refers it to all actions^ aTraycoyal, &c."" With
reference to the airaycoyrj, which is another kind of public
cause, this liability is several times attributed to it by the
ancients-^', as also to the eisangelia*^''; it may equally be proved
to have applied in the case of the phasis^^^; so that a distinct
testimony is not necessary for the other kinds of public actions.
On the other hand, the idea is erroneous, as Heraldus has
already shown, that the party condemned by default {in contu-
maciam) was obhged to pay 1000 drachmas'"\ The fine, how-
ever, which was appointed in public causes underwent, at least
at certain periods, some alteration. In an unsuccessful action
for illeojal practices mentioned in Demosthenes, we find that
the plaintiff w^as only sentenced to a fine of 500 drachmas"^
In other cases an additional fine [Trpoarifjurjixa) appears to have
been imposed, as in the case of ^schines, who, in consequence
of such fine imposed after the loss of his action against Ctesi-
phon, quitted the city of Athens; although nothing certain can
be said upon this point, as the ancients themselves were in
doubt concerning it"^: also for the most part the plaintiff was
subjected to atimia, if he had not the fifth part of the votes
with him, and by consequence was debarred from the liberty of
instituting certain public suits {ypa^rj, aTraycoyr), e(f>r)yr](Tis,
evBcL^cs), nor was he able in an action for impiety to take refuge

''^^ Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 702, 5,
Plat. Apol. 5.

'■^^^ Deinosth. c. Androt. p. 599 extr.

2^^ Demosth. c. Timocmt. p. 701, 1,
must be so understood. Comp. also
the Lives of the Ten Orators, p. 248,
cd. Tubing.

^3« C. Androt. p. 001,20.

29' Deinosth. c. Aristocrat, p. G47, 7,
Andocid. c. Alcib. p. 120, Pollux viii.
49, Suidas in v. dfjL(f)iopKLa. Cf. Lex.
Seg. p. 188, 19, in reference to theft.

^^^ Harpocrat. in v. elcrayyeXla, Theo-
phrast. ubi sup.

293 Orat. c. Theocrin. p. 1323, 19.

29^ See Hudtwalcker von den Diii-
teten, p. 98 sq. Matthia?, vol. i. p. 26G,
is mistaken. To be condemned in
contumaciam is ip-q^L-qv 6(p\€iv.

295 Demosth. de Corona, p. 2fjl, 20,
where ras nevraKoo-ias dpaxp-as refers
to something customary.

296 See Lives of the Ten Orators ut
sup. and Matthias, p. 272.

CH. X

!•]

EXAMPLES OF FINES.

381

ill any temple''^, excepting in the case of an eisangelia, probably
according to some enactment which was subsequently added*®^
Lastly, the court appears in certain cases to have been authorized
to condemn the plaintiff to the same fine at which he had
assessed the defendant, as Aristogeiton, having failed in an
action for illegal practices against the priestess of Diana of
Brauron, was forced to pay the fine of 5 talents, at which he
had assessed the defendant''^ The punishment of death,
which, according to the statement of Andocides, was the conse-
quence of the false information {firjvvaus:) of a mutilator of the
Mercuries, appears to have a regulation appointed only for that
individual case^"".

*^^ Concerning the atimia see De-
mosth. c. Aristog. i. p. 803, 13, Ando-
cid. de jNIyst. p. 17 and 36, whence we
learn that this atimia was only partial,
Kara npocrTa^iv, that is, according to a
certain prohibition that one person
might not bring on a ypacfirjy another
an evbei^is, &c. See also Schol. De-
mosth. ap. Reisk. vol ii. p. 132, 133.
According to Genethlius, as quoted by
this grammarian, a public accuser could
only be sentenced to atimia, if he had
not obtained the fifth part of the votes
in three law suits; t. e. because Andro-
tion had not been made ari/xoy, for
having once lost an action of this kind :
this assertion is however im tenable,
nor can it be proved that Androtion,
after losing the ypcK^rj dae^elas, wns
not arifjios Kara TrpocrTa^iv, so that he
could not any more ypacf)€a6cu in the
more limited sense : and even suppos-
ing that this was not then the conse-
quence of losing the cause, it must be
borne in mind that at Athens the letter
of the law was not always attended to.
The law might therefore have pre-
scribed atimia. and yet its ordinances
have been disobeyed. The same was
the case with the law which imposed a
pimishment for gi\'ing \ip public ac-
tions, of which I have just spoken. It
ismoreover evident, that whoever failed
to pay the fine of 1000 drachmas was

also su})ject to the separate kind of
atimia imposed upon public debtors.
Whether atimia was the immediate
consequence of dropping a public ac-
tion is not manifest. From Demos-
thenes adv. Mid. p. 548, 7, and there
Ulpian, it may be concluded that
atimia had been appointed by law
(only however the partial atimia in
reference to bringing on actions of this
kind), as Heraldus Aniraadv. vii. 16,
20, assumes, without any interference
on the part of the state; for the plain-
tiff, says Demosthenes, subjects him-
self to the atimia by dropping the suit,
without mentioning that the state sen-
tenced him to it. But we may adopt
the supposition advanced by Hudt-
walcker in p. 162, that the seceding
plaintiff was condemned to a fine of
1000 diachmas, and made himself
arifxos by failing to pay it, inasmuch
as he had then become a public debtor,
and thus actually artpos, although per-
haps he was not considered as such, as
gradually they ceased to exact the
payment of the fines, and to treat the
defaulters as serarii.

29« Poll. viii. 53, from Theophrastus.

^^^ Dinarch. in Aristog. p. 82.

SO" See Matth. p. 270, 271. This
information must be distinguished from
the ypa(j>ri dcre^eiaf.

EXAMPLES OF FINES.

[iJK. III.

The fines (rtfiri/jLaTa) which were fixed against the plaintiff
were for the most part much higher. In cases indeed in which
the senate decided, as in certain kinds of eisangeUa, the defen-
dant escaped easily, as the senate was not able to inflict a fine
of more than 500 drachmas; if however a fine of this amount
appeared too small, they referred the case to a court of justice.
An instance of a very inconsiderable fine is afforded in the
cause of Theophemus, who by the concession of his accuser
was only condemned to an additional fine {7rpo<TTifJLr)fjba) of 25
drachmas,b esides the restitution of what the state claimed from
him as public property^"'. Phrynichus was condemned in a
public action to a fine of 1000 drachmas for the representation
of his play called the Taking of Miletus^^*. In the action for
impiety {ypacprj aae^eias;) brought against Socrates, his accu-
sers made it a capital crime; he himself however fixed the
penalty at 1 mina, and afterwards, upon the injudicious re-
commendation of his friends, at 30 minas, or according to
others at only 25 drachmas'*"^. The common fine imposed by
the judges appears to have been 10,000 drachmas^"*: 5 talents
are mentioned in the case of Anaxagoras^°% although the
accounts of the misfortunes of this philosopher at Athens do
not all agree ^^^th this fact. A fine of 10,000 drachmas also
occurs in the public suit for assault, and also as a penalty for
sycophancy^ °^. In the action for false citation {ypa<f)r) s^evho-
KkT^reias) death is mentioned as the punishment, but mitigated
upon the representation of the plaintiff to a fine of a talent^"^.
Fines of a very large amount were imposed in the actions
for illegal practices {ypacprj m-apavofiwv), as much as 5, 10, or
15 talents, although they w^ere sometimes lowered, for ex-
ample, a fine of 15 talents was diminished to 1. We even
find that ^schines fixed a fine of 50 talents against Cte-
siphon, and Lycinus a fine of 100 against Philocrates^''^; both

^•^^ Orat. c. Euerg. et Mnesib. p.
1152, compare Pollux viii. 51.

3°=^ Herod, vi. 21, and there the
commentatoi-s.

^3 Plat. Apol. 28, and there Fisclier.

^* Corp. Inscript. No. 158.

"'*'' Diog. Laert. ii. 12.

»"« Aristoph. A v. I04fi, 1052, Lysias
c. Agorat. p. 488.

^'7 Orat. c. Nicostrat. p. 1252, 15.

^"8 Diog. Laert. in Vit. Theophrast.
Dinarch. c. Aristog. p. 82, 83, Orat. c.

CH. XII.]

EXAMPLES OF FIXES.

a83

these persons were acquitted, which however must not he con-
sidered as an usual occurrence. It was no douht by an action
of this kind that Demades was condemned to a fine of 10, or,
according to ^Uan, of 100 talents, for having proposed to pay
divine honours to Alexander^°^ The former was probably the
sum that was actually adjudged, the latter the original proposal
of the accuser.

These fines were made a productive branch of the public
revenue by the injustice of the demagogues, by party hatred,
and the litigious disposition which prevailed. The popular
leaders, seldom guided by purely moral principles, raised
themselves by flattering the people, and by the lavish admi-
nistration and distribution of the public money. The majo-
rity of them however so little forgot their own gain, -vvhen they
had reached their high station, that they omitted no means
of enriching themselves, and the people on the other hand
rejoiced in condemning and overthrowing them. What great
demagogue was there who did not meet with an unhappy des-
tiny ? Was not this the fate of Miltiades, Themistocles, Aris-
tides, Timotheus, and Demosthenes? And fortunate was he
who escaped with the payment of a heavy fine, while others
suffered the penalty of death, or were condemned to forfeiture
of property, or to exile. Thrasybulus, son of the restorer of
the freedom of Athens (who himself, if he had not died, would
have been capitally condemned), paid a fine of 10 talents^' %
probably by an action for malversation in an embassy {<ypa(l>r}
irapairpea^elas), CalUas the Torchbearer concluded a most
advantageous and honourable peace wdth the king of Persia,
according to which no army was to approach the coast within a
day^s march of cavalry, and no armed Persian vessel was to
appear in the Grecian seas; yet although he obtained much
celebrity by these negotiations, as Plutarch relates in the Life of
Cimon, he was condemned to a fine of 50 talents, when he ren-

Theocrin. p. 1323, 3, (cf. p. 1331, 19,
p. 1332, 5, 17, 22,) and p. 1336, De-
mosth. c. Mid. p. 573, 17, Orat. c.
Neser. p. 1347, 10, (p. 1348, 1,) De-
mosth. de Corona, ^sch. de Fals. Leg.

p. 198,190.

2«» Athen. vi. p. 251, B. ^lian. V.
H. V. 12.

^^^ Demosth. de Fals. Leg. p. 431,
14.

384

EXAMPLES OF FINES.

[bk.

dered an account of his official conduct, for having taken
bribes'' '. And how large was the number of those who were
condemned to severe punishments for treason or bribery!
Cleon was compelled to pay 5 talents, probably not, as the
Schohast of Aristophanes''* supposes, for having injured the
knights, but for having taken bribes from the allies, in order to
procure a mitigation of their tributes; and to omit the fine of
50 minas, which Aristides is stated (probably without truth) to
have paid for having received bribes'' % Timotheus was con-
demned upon the same grounds to a fine of 100 talents by an
indictment for treason {'ypa<j)r] TrpoBocrLas:), a sum greater than
ever had been paid until that occasion: nine parts out of ten
were however remitted to his son Conon, and the tenth he was
forced to expend upon the repair of the walls for which Athens
was indebted to his grandfather' '^ Demosthenes was sen-
tenced to a fine of 50 talents by an action for bribery {ypacf)!]
BcopoBoKLa<;), and also thrown into prison"^; the latter punish-
ment having doubtless been imposed in addition by the court
{TTpocrTL/jLTjfjba). According to the strict law he should have
paid ten times the amount of the sum received; five times the
amount is however the only fine mentioned, and even this he
was unable to pay^'^: nor can we determine how this fine was
calculated, as the statements of the sums received are so con-
tradictory, that Dinarchus"' speaks of 20 talents in gold, and
refers to the Areopagus for authority, with whom Plutarch"®
agrees, who relates that he received 20 talents in a royal golden
goblet; whereas others speak of 30 talents, and even of so

2' ^ Demosth. ut sup. p. 428. Con-
cerning the embassy (Olymp. 82, 4, b.c.
44y,) see Diod. xii. 4, Herod, vii. 151.

''^ Acham. 5, where the statement
of Theopompus should be particularly
attended to. It aj^pears that the
kuights Avere the accusers, and that
Cleon by mitigation of the fine only
paid the sum which he had embezzled.
The proceeding was without doubt the
ypacjif] dcopoboKias- See the second
argument to tlie Kuights.

^'^^ Plutarch. Aristid. 26.

^'* Dinarch.c. Demosth. p. 11. Iso-
crat. de Antidos. p. 75, cd. Orell- Ne-
pos Timoth. 3, 4, cf. Vit. Dec. Orat, p.
234, 235, ed. Tiibing.

^'^ Plutarch. Demosth. 26. That it
was a ypa(f)rj dcopodoicias is evident from
the case itself, and from the Lives of
the Ten Orators, p. 264.

3'« Vit. Dec. Orat. ut sup.

^^7 C. Demosth. p. 40.

^'8 Vit. Demosth. 25.

CH. XII.]

EXAMPLES OF FINES.

385

small a sum as 1000 darics^^'. Demosthenes remained in debt
30 talents of his fine, which upon his recal were remitted to
him for the building of an altar'^**. Miltiades was accused of
treason, and condemned to pay 50 talents, not for a compensa-
tion, as Nepos ignorantly asserts, but according to the usual
form of assessing the offence. The fine was paid by his son^*^
Even before this occasion Miltiades had been sentenced to a
fine of 30 talents'". Cimon himself narrowly escaped being
condemned to death for a supposed intent to overthrow the
existing government, which penalty was commuted for a fine of
50 talents'*\ The illustrious Pericles was vehemently accused,
after the second invasion of Attica by the Lacedaemonians, the
people being dissatisfied with his method of carrying on the
war, and particularly with the abandonment of their own coun-
try to the enemy ; and the Athenians were not contented, as
Thucydides says^**, until they had sentenced him to a fine. The
highest sum stated was, according to Plutarch^**, 50 talents, the
lowest 15; the former was probably the assessment of the
accuser, the latter of the court. Fines of a less amount did
however occur in important cases, as for example a fine of only
3 talents in an indictment for treason®*®.

Chapter XIII.

The Public Debtors. Nature of the Legal Remedies against them.

Every person who failed to pay a fine owing to the state was
reckoned among the public debtors {ol tw Srj/jLO(TL(p 6(j)€L\ovTes),
of whom some mention has been already made in connection

'!«» Vit. Dec. Orat. p. 264, 267-

^'^'^ Vit. Dec. Orat. p. 264, and Pho-
tius. Plutarch. Demosth. 27, who how-
ever also mentions 50 talents in this
place.

321 Herod, vi. 136, Plutarch Ci-
mon. 4, Nepos Cimon. 1.

"^ Orat. c. Aristogit. ii. p. 802, 18.

^" Demosth. c. Aristocrat, p. 688,
25.

^24 ii. G5.

325 Pericl. 35. To the former be-
longs the author of the speech against
Aristogeiton ii. ut sup. Diodorus,
with his usual exaggeration, mentions
80 talents, xii. 45.

2"^'' Demostli. c. Timocrat p. 740, 15.

2 C

386 THE PUBLIC DEBTORS. [bK. III«

with the account of the farmers of the public duties*, but the
main investigation properly belongs to this part of the book.

The pubhc debtors were of different kinds, either farmers of
public property or their sureties, or purchasers, for example, of
mines^", or persons who had been sentenced to a public fine, or
who had borrowed property from the state, and had not re-
placed it at the appointed time, as, for instance, ships' furniture
belonging to the state from the public storehouses^ °; also such
as had not paid rents or fines accruing to the funds of the tem-
ples^*', although it is not entirely clear whether the whole seve-
rity of the law against public debtors was at all times applicable
to the latter class of defaulters. It is certain that those who
w^ere in arrear for the property-tax {elcr(f>opa) were treated less
severely, nor do I find that they were classed with the public
debtors; a regulation which is perfectly reasonable. Whoever
had purchased or was in possession of any public property, was
a personal debtor, and by parity of reasoning, whoever had
failed to pay a fine after it had become due; these therefore
might be subjected to atimia and imprisonment, besides other
penalties: whereas the property-tax was not a personal debt,
but a debt merely attaching upon property, for which no one
could be imprisoned, or treated in the manner of the public
debtors; it therefore remained unpaid without any evil conse-
quences for the person taxed, until the state, pressed by pecu-
niary difficulties, determined upon a final and complete collec-
tion, and then it could resort to the property of the debtor, if
he refused to pay^^".

To ascertain at what time any person became a public

• Above cli. viii.

3*7 Demosth. c. Pantsen. p. 973, 6,

^^^ Demosth. c. Euerg. et Mnesib.
p. 1145,25.

^^^ Thence the permission to take
tlie property of a citizen for a fine of
tliis kind. (See Corp. Inscript. No.
123, § 2.) But the payment of double

this belongs the case quoted in note
lfi2.

^^^ The truth of this statement is
proved beyond a doubt by Demosth.
c. Androt. p. 608 — CIO. Cf. Lys. c.
Philocrat. p. 832. The poletse also
were entrusted with the duty of sell-
ing the property of those who re-

the amount after the ninth prytaneia mained in debt for tlieir property-
does not appear to have been required taxes. Photius in v. TrwXj/rai, Suidas
either in this or many other cases. To in v. TrcoXr/r^f.

CH. XIII.] THE PUBLIC DEBTORS. 38?

debtor requires a separate investigation. With regard to pur-
chasers and farmers of public property, and their sureties,
it is evident, that they became public debtors as soon as
they exceeded the appointed term of payment. It is more
difficult to decide as to those who had to pay any kind
of fine, whether arising from action, the passing of official
accounts, or a judicial sentence^^*; at the same time every
thing seems to show that the party condemned became a public
debtor immediately after his sentence, if he did not pay the fine
upon the spot. With respect to the public action for assault
{ypacprj v/Specos), the ancient law enacted that if the defendant
was condemned to a fine, he should pay it eleven days after
judgment, and that if he should not be able to pay immediately,
he should be imprisoned until the payment^^^; it appears, how-
ever, that afterwards, if any person assaulted a free citizen, he
could be detained in confinement until he had paid, according
to the law in Demosthenes^^^. In this law it is supposed that
properly the fine was to be paid immediately after every sen-
tence, and that the party so sentenced should be instantly
thrown into prison^^^: the additional provision that if he did not
pay down the fine upon the spot, he should pay it eleven days
after, merely fixes the extreme point, after which he was
proceeded against with greater severity. From the first until
the eleventh day he was a public debtor, as being under
obligation to pay; after the eleventh the payment was no
longer received as before, but he was subject to the severe
penalty of the regular payment of twice the sum, and if this
was not immediately made, confiscation of property. In the
case of other debtors the extreme period was the ninth pryta-
neia, and they could be imprisoned until that period. For a
person condemned in a public suit for an assault, it was provided
as an additional punishment that the eleventh day should be
the extreme period of payment, and that the party condemned
should be put in chains, or at least kept in confinement. As

3^' The different kinds are enume-
rated by Andocides de Myst. p. 35.
See above, note 155.

"^^■^ iEsch. c. Timarch. p. 42.
^^^ C. Mid. p. 529.
s'^ Cf. Demostb. c. .Mid. p. 529, 27.
2 c 2

388

THE PUBLIC DEBTORS.

[bK. Ill,

then this law is not opposed to the account already given, so it
is completely confirmed by the express provision, that from the
day that any person was sentenced to a fine or transgressed the
law (d(fi rjs av 6(j>\7] rj Trapa/Sr} rbv vojiov rj to -yfrricpto-pLa)^ he
should become a public debtor, even if his name had not been
reported by the practores"*. This enactment contains two pro-
visions, according to the difference of the case. In offences
which were not proved, and which required an assessment, it
was necessary that a sentence should be passed before the indi-
vidual could become a public debtor, as e. g. in the common
action (ypa<j)r)): if however the offence was evident, and the
fine appointed by law, as is implied in a case of information
(evBec^ts), the offender became a public debtor from the moment
of the transgression, and the action an information against him
as a public debtor^^^ It was not by the enrolment of the name
that the party became a public debtor, but this latter form was
only a consequence of his being one.

The registration of the names was made for the public trea-
sury upon tablets in the temple of Minerva on the Acropolis,
the sums due being also noted^^^ This duty belonged to the
practores, whose office it was to exact the fines^^^: thence a
person registered upon the Acropolis {iyyeypafjbfievos iv ^AKpo-
iroXei) always means a public debtor^^^ Whoever owed any
money to the temple of Minerva, to the other gods, or to the
heroes of the tribes, was equally liable to an information {evSec-
^is), if he was not registered^*^; the registration took place
before the treasurers of the goddess, and of the other gods, and
before the king-archon, with the latter of which authorities,
those persons were probably registered who owed any money to
the heroes of the tribes^"". The registration of the thesmo-
thetse {iyypacprj Oea^oOerwv), which occurs once, connected
with a registration made by the practores^ ^'^, is probably nothing

33* Orat. c. Theocrin. p. 1328, 10, p.
1337, 26 sqq.

a^« Orat. c. Theocrin. p. 1337, 1338.

=«7 Orat. c. Aristog. i. p. 791, 11,
Harpocration and Suidas in v. yj/evdey-
ypacPf], Suidas in v. ^€vbeyypa(f)os dUr]
and aypa(j)iov bUr}, Sec.

^^^ See book ii. ch. 4.

^^' Orat. c. Euerg. et Mnesibul. ut
sup.

^^^ Orat. c. Theocrin. p. 1326, 2—6.

^*^ Cf. Andocid. de Myst. p. 36,
extr.

3" Orat. c. Aristog. i. p. 778, 18.

CM. XIII.]

THE PUBLIC DEBTORS.

389

else than the information which the thesmothetae, in their capa-
city of superintendants of the court, gave to the practores,
in the regular course of business, with regard to the sen-
tence which had been passed ; this registration on the part
of the court was the necessary condition for the other which
was made by the practores. Whoever paid his fine after regis-
tration, was erased either wholly or in part, according to the
amount paid^''\ As an information (eVSetf^y) could be laid
against such persons as were not registered, so were those
alone who had been improperly erased subject to the action for
non-registration (St/ct; dypacpcov), which therefore could not be
instituted against a person who had never been registered^**.

3-3 Orat. c. Theocrin. p. 1338, 8.
An instance occm's in Corp. Inscript.
No. 158.

^'^ The author of the speech against
Theocrines, p. 1337, 1338, 7—27, refers
the ypa<pff. aypacfiiov to those who had
been illegally released, in opposition
to the evdet^is against those who had
never been registered : cf Harpocrat.
Snid. Etymol. in v. dypa(})iov, Pollux
viii. 54. Zonaras in v. dypacfiiov diKT]
is imperfect. On the other hand,
Hesychius (in v. dypacfilov diKij) and
Lex. Seg. p. 199, state that tlie yp(i4>V
dypa(f)iov was instituted against the
debtors who were not registered. He-
sychius is followed by Hemsterhuis
(ad Polluc), and by AVesseling (ad
Petit, iv. 9, 19, 20,) who transcribes
the note of the latter, accusing the
author of the speech against Theo-
crines, notwithstanding his express
reference to the law, of intentional
perversion of justice. Hemsterhuis
however brings forward but weak argu-
ments, and Hesychius, whose collec-
tion shows upon the whole but little
legal knowledge, together with the
author of the Rhetorical Lexicon, or
their authority, probably only inferred
their statement from the name ; nor
could the orator have uttered so direct
a falsehood, particularly since the

apparent force of the word was against
him, and he must have known that
the law had assigned to it a more
limited meaning. It is unquestionably
true that an evdei^ts might be laid
against public debtors, when they held
an official situation (Liban. Argument,
ad Demosth. in Androt. Suid. in v.
ivdeiKvvvai, Zonaras in v. ev^ei^is);
but manifestly it does not follow from
this that it might not be laid against a
debtor who had not been registered,
without any reference to public offices.
But because a person who was not re-
gistered might at any moment obtain
a place in the public administration, it
Mas natural to allow the evdei^is to
be laid against him in order that he
might be registered, and thus be cirtfxoi
and excluded from holding public offi-
ces. This was as it were an cvdei^ts
dypa<pLov, in which the offence was
evident, and the penalty although of
small amount was fixed by law; if, on
the other hand, any person was re-
leased after he had been registered, he
was prosecuted by a ypa(f)fj dypa(f)iovy
as in this case there were many points
to investigate, the question was more
intricate, and the offence so consti-
tuted, that it appeared to admit of a
very various assessment. Tlie diffi-
culty is removed, when it is perceived

390

THE PUBLIC DEBTORS.

[bk.

Whoever, on the other hand, falsely declared that he had been
registered, was subject to the action for false registration {hUr)
-^jrevBeyypaipT]^), whether he owed nothing or less than the sum
stated in the register ; if he had paid, and yet was registered
again, probably also if he was not erased, the action for con-
spiracy {ypacprj ySouXevcreft)?) applied^*^: in both cases if the
plaintiff was successful, his name was erased, and the defendant
became indebted to the state for an equal sum^'*^

A punishment immediately connected with the condition of
a public debtor is infamy [aTiixla) or civil death^*^, an inquiry
into the diflferent degrees of which is not necessary for our pur-
pose. Imprisonment, on the other hand, was by no means an
immediate consequence of a public debt, except when the law
expressly provided it, as e. g, against a plaintiff who was con-
demned in a public action for assault, of which I have just
spoken, and in the eisangelia, if the accused was sentenced to a
fine, according to the law of Timocrates^". In cases however
in which the law did not prescribe imprisonment, it was added
by the increase of punishment (TrpoarLfjLijfxa) if the law per-
mitted it^*^. In this manner Demosthenes and Miltiades were
cast into prison, where the latter died^'", and according to
Nepos^'^, his son Cimon shared the same fate, as having
inherited the debt, of which however Plutarch knew nothing,
and Plato^^' in the case of Socrates speaks of imprisonment

that the stress is upon ypa(f)T}, and not
upon dypacpiov. I have therefore fol-
lowed the statements in the oration
against Theocrines, both with regard
to the evbei^is and the ypa(j)Tj dypa-
(f>iov, without paying any attention to
the learned writers mentioned above.

'■^*^ Suid. in vv. -^evdifs iyypa(f>r] and
yj/evdeyypacPos Blkt],

^*^ Orat. c. Aristogit. i. p. 792, 3,
Lex. Seg. p. 317. I pass over the
ypa(f)r] "^evdoKXrjTcias {ylr€v8oK\r](Tias)
which Hai-pocration (and Lex. Seg. p.
317) also refers to the public debtors.
The cases which the grammarian al-
luded to were accidentally connected
with public debts. For the same reason
the inaccurate author of the Lexicon

Segueranum, p. 194, 21, limits the
ypn(f)rj ylrevdoKkTjTelas to the false sum-
mons in the action els efjLcfiavcov Kard-
(TTaaiv, from Demosth. c. Nicostrat. p.
1251.

^^"^ Andocid. de Myster. p. 35, Orat.
c. Theocrin. p. 1326, 20, c. Neser. p.
1347, 10, Demosth. c.Timocrat. p. 743,
19, c. Androt. p. 603 ext., Orat. c.
Aristogit. i. p. 771, 6, cf. Petit, iv. 9,
12—14.

^*^ Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 721.

^*^ See above chap. viii.

"° Herod, vi. 136, Plutarch. Cim. 4,
Nepos Miltiad. 7, Cim. i,

"^ Cim. i.

"^ Apol. p. 37 B.

CM. XIII.J THE PUBLIC DEBTORS. 391

until the debt is paid^ as a customary circumstance; although it
is evident from other passages that it did not always take place,
since no allusion is made to imprisonment in places where it
must necessarily have been mentioned, if it had been generally
inflicted"^

During the continuance of the atimia and imprisonment the
public debtors, with the exception of those who received sen-
tence in a public cause for assault, were permitted to pay at any
time before the ninth prytaneia: if the payment was not made
before this term the debt was doubled, and the next step was
confiscation of the property, in order to raise from it the amount
of the double debt^^^, which procedure, however, Timocrates
endeavoured to restrain by a law, as has been stated above at
full length^^\ An instance of the fine being doubled is afforded
by the speech against Theocrines"®; the same circumstance is
also mentioned to have taken place in the case of a purchaser of
a mine, who had delayed the term of payment^". The severity
of this law (the injurious effects of which are set forth in the
speech against Neaera) was farther increased by the debt de-
scending to the sons as heirs to the estate, although this provi-
sion may have been necessary in order to prevent concealment
or secret transfer of the property: thus the atimia, if the
imprisonment was remitted, passed on to the children^^% until
they paid what their father owed, as, among many others, the
instance of Cimon may show^^^ Also, if the father was not regis-
tered, and the exaction of the money owing had been omitted,
the children were considered by the law as debtors to the state^^°;
and the debt even went by inheritance to the grandson^^\

No fine that had been once adjudged could be re-

S53 Andcc. de Myst. p. 35, Orat. c. j """ Oiat. c. Neser. p. 1347, 11, De-
Neaer. p. 1347, aud in other places. j inosth. c. Androt. p. G03, extr. See
25* Andoc. de Myst. Orat. c. Neser. | Petit iv. 9, 15.

ut sup. Liban. Argum. ad Orat. i. c.
Aristogit. Ilarpocrat. in v. ddiKLOv.

2" See above chap. viii.

35« P. 1322, 3.

3*7 Deraosth. c. Panteen. p. 973, 6.
Compare p. 9C8, 8, and the argument
p. 064, 18.

3^^ Nepos Cim. 1, Plutarch. Cim. 4.
Cf. Demosth. c. Bceot. de Norn. p. 998,
25.

3^" Orat. c. Theocrin. p. 1327, 21
sqq.

3«i Ibid. p. 1326, 29, p. 1327, 4. Cf.
Demosth. c. Aphob. ii. iuit.

392

THE PUBLIC DEBTORS.

[bk. hi.

mitted'", except upon one condition, which will be immedi-
ately explained: if the state was willing to grant this, it was
necessary to have recourse to a form, by which the debt appeared
to be paid, although in reality it had not; and of this nature
is the building of the altar which was allowed to Demosthenes.
Nor could any debtor who was under atimia apply for a remission
of the debt and atimia; if he petitioned in person, he was exposed
to an information (eVSetft?); if another person petitioned for
him, his property was forfeited; if the proedrus put it to the
vote, he was himself placed under atimia. It was necessary
that 6000 Athenians should give express permission by a
decree which was passed by secret votes in tablets, before it
could be debated in the public assembly whether a public debtor
should be remitted his debt, and be reinstated in his former
situation^"^

Chapter XIV.

The Confiscation of Property.

Aristophanes mentions the property confiscated and publicly
sold {Brj/jLcoTrpara) as a separate branch of the public revenue^"*;
concerning which an account was presented to the people in the
first assembly of every prytaneia^^^ The lists of such forfeitures
were posted upon tablets in diflferent places, as was the case at
Eleusis, with the catalogues of the articles which accrued to the
temple of Ceres and Proserpine, from such persons as had com-
mitted any oiSfence against these deities^®^

The penalty of confiscation of property, however unjust
towards the heirs, who are innocent of the offence; however
melancholy its consequences to families^®^; and however evident
its tendency to produce unjust accusations and decisions among

8«* Petit iv. 9, W.

««3 Petit iv. 9, 22. Tliis is the cideia
trepl Ta)v o<f>€i\6vT(>iv ockttc \eyeiv i^elvai
Koi €'m'\lrr)(f)i(civ, Andocid. de Myst.
p. 36.

^'''* Aristoph. Vesp. 657, aud the

Scholiast; also Schol. Eq. 103.

3" Pollux viii. 95, Schol. ^schin.
vol. iii. p. 739.

««« Pollux ix. 97.

"^' Orat. c. Neaer. p. 1347.

CH. XIV.] THE CONFISCATION OF PROPERTY.

393

the persons who would gain by the condemnation of the
accused, was yet one of the commonest sources of revenue in
ancient days, and all writers, in particular Lysias, afford exam-
ples of it. Besides the proceedings against the public debtors
and their sureties^^% which have been already mentioned, the
law enacted in very many instances the confiscation of property,
with infamy, banishment, slavery, or death; the three latter
punishments always brought the loss of property with them :
this was not however the case with banishment by ostracism
[ocTTpaKLafjLo^), which differed essentially from simple exile
(<^f7^, d€L(j)vyLa), It is particularly mentioned that the pro-
perty of those persons was confiscated who were condemned for
wilful murder^®% who were banished by the Areopagus^ ^*^, or
were guilty of sacrilege and treason^^'; or again, persons who
endeavoured to establish a tyranny, or to dissolve the demo-
cracy. Thus the property of Pisistratus was sold several times
to Callias: any person who killed a tyrant received the half of
his property^^"* ; whoever married a foreigner to a citizen, under
pretence that she was a citizen, subjected himself to atimia, and
his property was forfeited, of which the third part was received
by the accuser: if a foreigner married a female citizen, his person
and property were sold, and the third part of the proceeds was
also received by the accuser^'^. In the age of Demosthenes,
any foreign woman who married a citizen was sold as a slave,
but probably only in case she pretended to be a citizen. Resi-
dent aliens were sold, together with their property, if they exer-
cised the rights of citizenship, failed to pay the protection
money, or lived without a patron {TrpoardrrisY''*,

These are particular cases selected out of a large number : for
it was a favourite practice of the Athenians to multiply occasions

368 Besides that which has been
already remarked in speaking of the
letting of duties, see Orat. c. Nicos-
trat. p. 1255, 1.

3«» Demosth. c.Mid. p. 528, c. Aris-
tocrat, p. 634, 23.

370 Pollux viii. 99.

'7^ Petit viii. 4, 4.

3'* Andoc. de Myst. p. 49 sqq. Petit

iii. 2, 15. Comp. also Xenoph. Hellen.
i. 7, 10, Herod, vi. 121. After the
archonship of Euclid (b.c. 403) this
law did not apply to the time previous
to that year; but it doubtless was con-
sidered to be in force for the subse-
quent time.

373 Petit vi. 1, 5, 6.

37* Petit ii. 5, 2, sqq.

S94

THE CONFISCATION OF PROPERTY. [bK. III.

for the confiscation of property, and they endeavoured above
all to entrap the resident aliens, as Diceearchus remarks of his
times^^'. The demagogues also favoured these measures, for the
purpose of increasing their private gains and the public revenue,
and of providing donations of money to be distributed among
the multitude, which was the policy of Cleon'^'. At Megara
the penalty of banishment was often resorted to, for the sake of
the consequent confiscation of property, and the most crafty and
malicious calumnies were circulated against the wealthy, with a
view to obtain their possessions^'^ The desire of gain destroyed
all sense of equity: and injustice was attended by its natural
consequences and penalties; for the multitude of exiles, restless
in their places of banishment, and eager to return, created dis-
traction and disturbances in their native country.

It should be remarked, that, besides the confiscation of the
whole property, there were other cases in which only a particu-
lar sort of property accrued to the state; thus, for example,
mines which were in the possession of private individuals,
reverted to the state on the violation of the laws and non-per-
formance of the obligations under which they were hekP"^; com-
modities again were forfeited to the state, if the payment of the
custom duties was fraudulently avoided, and also if a false
measure was used^'^ It is, moreover, probable that the pro-
perty of persons who died without heirs belonged to the state.
This event may, however, have been equally rare with the
analogous case of a person appointing the state his heir; as we
read that Callias made over his property to the people, in case
he should die childless^ ^*'.

Notwithstanding the frequency of confiscation of property,
the state appears to have derived little essential benefit from it;
as we see that the plunder of the church property has for the

'^7s Geograph. Min.vol. ii. p. 9. See
Dodwell's Diss. p. 6.

?76 Aristoj) 1. Eq. 103, and Scholia,
in which ovcricov should be written
instead of Bvaiav.

377 Aristot. PoHt. V. 5.

^78 Oiat. c. Phacnipp. p. 1039. 20.

See the Dissei-tation upon the Silver
Mines of Laurium.

^7^ For the former point see book
iii. ch. 8, for the latter, Corp. Inscript.
No. 123.

381 Andocid. c. Alcibiad. p. 118.

CH. XIV.] THE CONFISCATION OF PROPERTY. 395

most part been of little advantage to modern states. Consider-
able sums were squandered in this manner, such as the property
of Diphilus, which amounted to 160 talents; in many cases a
part of the property was received by the accuser, and in most,
as appears from the above-quoted examples, the third part. In
certain cases, the person who informed against public debtors
received three parts of the confiscated possession^^'; this regu-
lation appears however to have been confined to concealed pro-
perty, which was discovered by the informer. A tithe of the
property of persons condemned for treason, or for having endea-
voured to subvert the democracy" ^% and probably also of all or
of most other forfeitures, belonged of right to Minerva of the
Parthenon. Many kinds of property were received by the tem-
ples without any deduction, so that nothing passed into the
public cofFers^^^: and how great must have been the losses occa-
sioned by fraud or by sale of property under its value. " You
know,^^ says a person in Lysias threatened with confiscation of
property^ ^*, " that part of my property will be plundered by
these persons (his adversaries), and that what has considerable
value will be sold at a low price;" the community, he remarks,
derives less profit from the forfeiture, than if the proprietors
retained the property, and performed the services annexed to it
by law. Again, the offender frequently concealed his property
under a fictitious name, or relations and friends claimed it from
the state, and, finally, the accused sought to excite pity, by
speaking of orphans, heiresses, age, poverty, maintenance of the
mother, &c.^^'; and it is a beautiful and praiseworthy feature in
the character of the Athenians, that this appeal was seldom made
in vain, but a part of the property was commonly transferred to
the wife or the children^^^ Upon the whole, the receipts actu-
ally obtained were in general far less than was expected, as is
shown by Lysias^ speech for the property of Aristophanes. If

^8' Orat. c. Nicostrat. p. 1247, to. j ^^^ Instances of this may be seen in
rpia fJ.epr], a €k rSiV vofioiv rai lbia>Tr} Corp. Inscript. No. 158.

Ta> dnoypdyj/avTL ylyvcTai.

■'^'^ Xenoph, Hellen. i. 7, 10, Ando-
cid. de Myst. p. 48, Decret. ap. Vit.
Dec. Orat. p. 226.

38-* C. Poliuch. p. 610.

^8* Orat. c. Nicostrat. p. 1255.

386 Dcmcsth. c. Aphob. i. p. t<34, 6.

396

THE TRIBUTES OF THE ALLIES,

[bk. 1

there was any suspicion of concealment, this again furnished
material for fresh accusations. Tlius when Ergocles, the friend
of Thrasybulus, was deprived of his property by confiscation,
for having embezzled 30 talents of the pubUc money, and the
value of that found in his possession was inconsiderable, his
treasurer Epicrates was brought before the court, suspicions
being entertained that the property lay concealed in his house'"'.

Chapter XV.

The Tributes of the Allies, Origin of the Tributes^ and of the
subjection of the Athenian Allies. Amount of the Tributes
before the Anarchy (b. c. 404).

By far the most productive source of revenue belonging to the
Athenian state was the tributes {^opoi) of the allies, as the
ancients themselves were well aware^^^ They were, however,
an insecure and uncertain income, for the payments soon ceased
to be voluntary, and from the disturbances occasioned by war,
or the defection of the allies, were often irregularly made, or
even entirely failed^ ^^

" Before the time of Aristides,^^ says Pausanias^®'*, " the
whole of Greece was free from tributes ;^^ by which statement
he wishes to detract from the fame of this person, by the men-
tion of the imposts with which he loaded the Grecian islands.
We question, in the first place, whether the name of Aristides
suffered by a work which at its first institution was honour-
able and just; and, in the second place, whether the payments
which Aristides introduced were entirely novel. At so early a
period as when Sparta had the precedence of all Greece, certain
monies {aTrocpopa) were paid for the uses of war, although we
have no accurate account of them. When the Athenians suc-
ceeded in the place of the Spartans, Aristides was commissioned
by the Greeks with the charge of investigating the territory

'■^"^ Lysias c. Ergocl. et c. Epicrat.
=«« Thucyd. i. )22, ii. 13, iii. 13,
91.

289 As was the case after the Sicilian

war.

39" viii. 52.

CH. XV.]

THE TRIBUTES OF THE ALLIES.

397

and revenues of the different states, and of fixing, according to
the power of the several countries, the contribution which each
should make towards the equipment of the naval and miUtary
forces against the power of Persia. The moderation of Aris-
tides, the satisfaction expressed with his allotment, and also the
poverty in which he lived and died, have gained for him in all
ages the reputation of a just man'*'. The temple of Delos was
the treasury for the reception of these tributes ; and here also
the assemblies were held, to which all the aUies had admission ;
the Athenians only enjoyed the precedence together with the
administration of the money by means of the Hellenotamiee,
who were always Athenian citizens appointed by the government
of Athens. The contributions were, at their first institution in
Olymp. 'J'J, 3 (b. c. 470), known by the name oi tributes {(popocY^^,
and, according to the rate appointed by Aristides, amounted
to 460 talents a year^®^ ; and so early even as at that period it
had been determined which states were to supply money, and
which ships^^*. Everything was regulated by voluntary agree-
ment for a common object^"; for the preservation of their free-
dom, the small and weak states willingly annexed themselves to
the larger and more powerful. The ships of the allies assem-
bled at Athens, and those states which had ships gave to those
which had none^^^ And notwithstanding the payment of a
tribute the allies were independent {avrovofioty^'', as their share
in the regulation of the joint proceedings manifestly shows.
Gradually however they fell into entire subjection to the Athe-
nians, and were surrendered to their oppression and ill-treat-
ment; a mischance which was in truth frequently owing to their

39' Plutarch. Aristid. 24, Nepos
Aristid. 3, ^scliin. c. Ctesipli. p. 647,
Demosth. c. Aristocrat, p. 690, 1,
Diod. xi. 47, «Scc.

39* Thucyd. i. 96, Nepos Aristid. 3,
Diod. ubi sup. Dinarcli. c. Demosth.
The time is not Olymp. 75, 4, as Dio-
dorus states; see Dodwell's Annal.
Thucyd. under Olymp. 77, 5-

'■■^^ Thucyd. ubi sub. Plutarch. Aris-
tid. 34, Nepos ubi sup. Suidas in v.

'EWT]vora[xiai. Diodorus (ut sup.) has
incorrectly 560 talents, although in
xii. 40 he errs in the contrary direc-
tion, when he states the tributes in
time of Pericles at 460 talents.

^^* Thucyd. ubi sup.

39* Besides the other passages see
Andocid. de Pace p. IO7.

39^ Andocid. ibid.

se7 Thucyd. i. 97.

398 THE TRIBUTES OF THE ALLIES. [bK. III.

own conduct; for these states, in order to avoid serving in war,
agreed to supply money and vessels without the crews, but
frequently failed to pay their contributions ; and for this reason
they were ready to seize the first opportunity for revolt, although
their resistance would of necessity be unavailing, as they had
previously yielded up their power; nor had any sufficient pre-
parations been made against the Athenians, who were strength-
ened at their expense^^^ On the other hand, the Athenians,
although at first they were strict in their demands for crews and
vessels, favoured the inclination of the allies after the time of
Cimon, Avho willingly took empty ships and money from those
who would not serve in person. He allowed the allies to carry
on trade and agriculture without any disturbance, by which
means they became unfitted for war; and, on the other hand,
practised the Athenians, who w^ere maintained out of contri-
butions of the alHes, in naval exercises; for they were conti-
nually serving on board their vessels, and the arms were rarely
out of their hands^^^ Thus in the same degree that the military
strength of the allies declined, the Athenian power increased,
and with it a spirit of arrogance and severity towards the con-
federates*"". The payment of the tribute was now considered
as a duty of the allies, while they were at the same time deprived
of their vote in the assembly. The transfer of the treasury from
Delos to Athens placed the Athenian state in the unlimited
possession of these funds, and showed that the true relation
between the allies and Athens was that of tributary subjects to
their sovereign and protector.

From this period Athens made use of the resoxirces and
property of these allies for her own private interests, and against
their prosperity and freedom. The excuse alleged in favour of
this dangerous transfer of the treasure, was the greater security
against the barbarians ; and it is remarkable, that this allegation
proceeded from Samos, one of the allied states, although it was
doubtless made at the bidding of Pericles*" ^ Aristides declared
that the proceeding was expedient, but unjust, like the burning

388 Tlmcyd. i. 99. I '"" Cf, Diod. xi. 70.

399 Plutarch. Cini. I . | ^°' riutarch. Aristid. 25.

CH. XV.] THE TRIBUTES OF THE ALLIES. 399

of the Grecian docks*"^: but as he had prevented the execution
of the latter project^ he could not have been zealous in his
endeavours to prevent the transfer of the treasure of Delos to
Athens, at least according to the judgment of Theophrastus ;
and he held the opinion, that in public affairs perfect justice
need not of necessity be followed"\ Pericles is stated to have
obtained the superintendence of the money that was brought
to Athens*'^*. He taught the Athenian people that they were not
accountable to the allies for these contributions, as the Athenians
waged war in their defence against the attacks of the barbarians,
while these states did not provide a horse, a ship, or a soldier;
that it was their duty to apply the money to objects which
would both promote their interests and enhance their celebrity;
and that by devoting their resources to the creation of works of
art, they would maintain every hand in employment, and at the
same time most splendidly adorn their city*°\ In fact, no
statesman ever applied the public revenue to nobler purposes
than Pericles, or conferred greater benefits upon commerce and
industry, which were especially promoted by the extended rela-
tions and increased naval force of Athens; but while he distri-
buted this money among the people, he built the wealth of
Athens upon maritime trade, and her ascendancy upon naval
power, omitting all concern for the welfare of the landholders,
whose property he gave up to devastation; and at the same
time he laid the foundation of the unlimited democracy,
which, as is evident from the diminution which he effected in
the power of the Areopagus, was unquestionably a part of his
policy, and to which even Aristides and Cimon, although in
their hearts they were aristocrats, essentially Contributed by
yielding to the spirit of the times.

After this transfer of the treasure, which (as near as can be
ascertained) took place about Olymp. 79, 4 (b.c. 461)'°', the
subjection of the allies was by degrees completely established.

--"2 Plutarch. Themist. 20, Aristid. '"'^ Plutarch. Pericl. 12, cf. Isocrat.

22, Cic. de Off. iii. 11. Su/x/xax- 29.

^"3 Plutarch. Aristid. 25. i ''"° .Justin, iii. 6 ; see Dodwell Ann.

"o* Diod. xii. 38. i Thncyd. ad ann .

400

THE TRIBUTES OF THE ALLIES.

[bK. III.

a point which we shall presently have occasion to notice. Not-
withstanding this arbitrary proceeding, Pericles does not appear
to have made any great alteration in the rate of the tributes;
for in his time they only amounted to about 600 talents"^
The 140 talents, which is about the excess of this sum above
the rate fixed by Aristides, may be easily accounted for by the
acquisition of fresh allies subsequently to the time of Aristides,
particularly of the Asiatic states, and by the redemption of the
obligation to serve in war, or of the dependence of the free
states; to which the increase of the Euboean tribute, supposed
to have been the work of Pericles, probably refers. It is
expressly related of Alcibiades*°^, that he persuaded the Athe-
nians to make a new valuation in the place of that which had
been so equitably framed by Aristides, and being appointed for
this service together with nine colleagues, he imposed on an
average a double rate upon all the allies. This proceeding took
place in the beginning of the public career of Alcibiades,
shortly before the peace of Nicias concluded in Olymp. 89, 3 ;
for after this period the Athenians raised annually more than
1200 talents, that is, in fact, double the former amount""®: in
this compact, however, many states were suftered still to retain
the original assessment of Aristides. According to Plutarch"^%
the demagogues after the death of Pericles gradually increased
the tribute until it reached 1300 talents, not on account of the
expenses of war, but in order to defray the public distributions.

*°7 Thucyd. ii. 13, Plutarch. Aris-
tid. 24. Here Diodoriis (xii. 40)
falsely gives 460 talents. The passage
of Telecleides in Plutarch. Pericl. 16,
does not prove that Pericles had raised
or lowered the tributes, but only that
Le had the power of doing so. Cf.
ibid. 15, init. Concerning the Euboean
tributes see Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 214«

*^^ Andocid. c. Alcib. p. lie. npcorov
fjifv ovv ndo-as vfias tov <f)6pov rais
TToXeaiP 6^ ^PXl^ rd^ai, tuv vtt'' ^Apia-
Teidov ndvTcov ^iKaioTara rerayptuov,
alpeOeh cVi tovto) deKaros airos, pd-
Xiara binXaainv avrov (Ki'iuTOi rojj/ trvp-

pd^fjov enoirjaev, and on the same sub-
ject farther on. Cf. Aristid. Orat.
Plat. ii.

*°9 /Eschin. de Fals. Leg. p. 337,
Andoc. de Pace, p. 93. For the more
accurate determination of the time as
obtained from Aristophanes, see below,
chap. 19. In addition to what is there
said I may mention that the express
condition inserted in the ti-eaty of Ni-
cias, that certain cities should pay the
tribute at the rate fixed by Aristides,
distinctly shows that it had at that
time been increased.

*'° Aristid. 24.

CH. XV.] THE TRIBUTES OF THE ALLIES. 401

the sacrifices, and other demands of a similar description;
whether this statement merely refers to Alcibiades and his col-
leagues, or to other public leaders, who lived at a later period
in the history of Athens, I do not attempt to determine. The
new arrangement of the tributes was however, according to the
account of Andocides, so oppressive, that many of the allies
left their native country, and emigrated to Thurii.

To any person who should wish to have an accurate know-
ledge of the respective means of the ancient nations, it would
be a matter of curiosity to know the amount paid by each indi-
vidual state; upon this point, however, the information which
we possess is most scanty. Cythera, after it had fallen under
the power of Athens (Olymp. 88, 4, B.C. 425), paid a tribute of
4 talents*' '. A greater number of data would be afforded us, if
more Athenian inscriptions upon the payments of the tributes
were extant. In a fragment, which probably is a part of a
catalogue of the tributaries, and of the sums which they had
paid or still owed*^% we find distinctly mentioned the Neopolitae
between Amphipolis and Abdera, the Thracian Peninsula, the
Limneeans of Sestos, and Tyrodiza in Thrace, which is rated at
1000 drachmas; also part of Mysia, probably the country along
the coast, is stated to have paid 10 talents; together with other
towns and countries whose names are either mutilated or
entirely lost, among which two items occur of 10 talents each,
two of 1 talent, one of 1000, another of 2000, and another of
3000 drachmas.

About the second year of the 91st Olympiad (b.c. 415) the
tributes were entirely abolished, and a transit duty of a twen-
tieth was introduced in their place, from an expectation that it
would produce a larger amount of revenue*'^; but of the amount
of the receipts obtained from this custom duty we are entirely
ignorant; unless the sum of 3000 talents, to which Plu-

411

Thucyd. iv. 57. i Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 143, where the

author refers this inscription to the re-
arrangement of the tributes by Alci-
biades. — Transl.]
*^^ See above, chap. 6.

*'^ In Chandler's Inscript. ii.23,p.53,
A wherever it occurs in this inscription
should be changed into A. The writing
is that which was in use before the ar-
chonship of Euclid (n.c. 403). [See i

2 D

402

THE TRIBUTES OF THE ALLIES. [bK. Ill

tarch states that the demagogues finally succeeded in raising
the tribute, may be referred to it. This twentieth, as has
been already remarked, does not appear to have been aban-
doned until the battle of ^gospotamos put an end to the
tributary condition of the allies, in consequence of which the
board of hellenotamiee, which was manifestly created for the
administration of those monies, was suppressed*'*. As to the
conversion of these contributions into a custom duty, our
knowledge would also be more accurate, if the inscriptions
recording the event had been better preserved. A single
inscription*'', which probably refers to this point, is in so muti-
lated a state as to convey little information.

Chapter XVI.

Geneml Survey of the Athenian Allies before the Anarchy,
(B.C. 404.)

The obligation to pay a tribute to Athens was not, even in the
times which preceded the Anarchy, common without exception
to all the allied states, although with regard to this, as well as

^'^ See book ii. ch. 7, and above, cli.
3, where the necessary information
with regard to the collection and ma-
nagement of the tributes will be found.

^'* " Jam vero quum solum olim
Pocockii exemplum editum esset in
quo vs. I. est B02EITENEI, quod
in his hsec, Scocrft rr]v eiKo<TTT]v, la-
tere arbitrabar, (Ec. Civ. Ath. ii. 15,
conjeci decretimi hoc ad tributa in
vigesimam mutata pertinere : quae res
accidit circa Olymp. 91, 2 (vid. inf.
cap. 17): nunc melioribus exemplis
potitus antiquius id esse intelligo. [In
marmore legitur B0AENTENE2, i. e.
Boeckhio interprete BovXtjv ttjv e'xLs"
'Apet'ov ndyov, 2 pro X male Iecto.'\ Sed
quominus id ad priniitivam tributorum
institutionem Aristidis et Cimonis
aetate excogitatam referas, vel scrip-
iuriie forma impedit : nee qui id ipsum

voluit, quidquam demonstravit

Probabilius habeo hoc fragmentum ex
ea lege esse, qua tributa sociorum, Al-
cibiadis potissimum opera aucta, nova
ratione descripta et ordinata sint. Ea
res acta ante Olymp. 89, 3, ut conjicio
Olymp. 89, 1—2 (cap. 15, 19). Turn
etiam causas de tributis apud populum
vel in judiciis actas esse ex Antiphonte
docui (not. 467, 468, 470): tum rem
tributariam Atheniensibus maxime
cordi fuisse decent Aristophanis Ves-
pae Olymp. 89, 2, editae, ubi vs. 690,
memorantur homines eTraTreiXovvrfs
Kiiua^ocovTes' Adxrere rov <p6pov, rj
^povrrjcras ttjv ttoXiv vfxcov dvarpeylroi.
Et vs. 727, niille urbes habes, at vvv
Tov (f)6pov jjplv dndyovaiv. Adde vs.
677-" Corp. Inscript. vol. i. p. 113,
No. 75.

CH. XV I.J

GENERAL SURVEY OF THE ALLIES.

403

other particulars, the circumstances of the Athenian alliance
were very various.

Many nations had only entered into agreements with x\thens
with respect to the military service, and provided mercenaries,
as for example the Arcadians, the Swiss among the Greeks,
and also the Acarnanians, and the Cretans; others were volun-
tarily connected with the Athenians for a certain time by
defensive or offensive alliances (eVtyLtap^/a or avfifiax^ajy either
from a preference for Athens, or for the sake of their own
interest, as was frequently the case with Argos, and in the
early part of the Peloponnesian war with Corcyra, Zacynthus,
the Messenians of Naupactus, and the Plataeans^'^. These
alliances expired after the conclusion of the period agreed upon,
in case they were not renewed, and were always unconnected
with any conditions for the payment of a tribute.

The nature of our inquiry limits us to the consideration of
the perpetual allies, who may be divided into independent
(auTovo/jLOL), and subject [viryjKoot).

The chief distinction between these two conditions was, that
the former class retained possession of unlimited jurisdiction,
whereas the subject allies were compelled to try all their dis-
putes in the courts of Athens. The nature of this compulsion
has not, however, been as yet satisfactorily ascertained. I
should in the first place remark that Casaubon*'', by the mis-

^^« Cf. Thucyd. vi. 85, vii. 57.

"'7 Ad Athen. ix. p. 407, B. Kaff ov
be xpovou OaXaaaoKpaTOvvres ^Adrjvaioi
avrjyov els adrv ras vrjcrioiTiKcts Si'/cay.
^AvTJyov does not mean traduxerunt, as
Casaubon translates it, but evocabant,
and the sense is, "At the time that
the Athenians decided {i.e. used to
decide) at Athens the law-suits of the
Islandei's." Concerning the expres-
sion dvdyeiv see Hudtwalker von den
Diateten, p. 123, although the passages
■which he quotes are not entirely simi-
lar. This writer, however, who is so
well versed in the Athenian law, main-
tains in the same place that these suits
were called diKui utto avfi^oXcov, in a

sense different from the common ac-
ceptation. I have not however suc-
ceeded in finding any proof of his as-
sertion : Valesius ad Harpocrat., upon
whose authority he mainly depends,
(and who also quotes in p. 334, two
passages of Dion and Libanius, upon
the compulsory jurisdiction of the
Athenians, which I thought might be
passed over,) proves nothing in his
favour, nor in the other passages is
there anything which supports his opi-
nion, while the passage of Antiphon
de Herod. Caede p. 745, distinctly con-
tradicts it ; although even this testi-
mony is apparently opposed to the
words of Pollux viii. 63, dno avfx^o-

2 d'2

404 GENERAL SURVEY OF THE ALLIES [bK. ITI.

conception of a passage in Athenaeus, imagined that the Athe-
nian nesiarchs (although in fact no officers of this name ever
existed) originally decided the law- suits of the Islanders, and
that at a subsequent period when these offices ^yere abolished,
all litigations were carried on at Athens. It seems, on the con-
trary, that when the jurisdiction was taken away from the allied
states, it was immediately made compulsory upon them to refer
all disputes to the Athenian courts. The model of this regula-
tion, by which Athens obtained the most extensive influence
and an almost absolute dominion over the allies, was probably
found in other Grecian states which had subject confederates,
such as Thebes, Elis, and Argos. But on account of the re-
moteness of many countries, it is impossible that every trifle
could have been brought before the courts at xVthens; we must
therefore suppose that each subject state had an inferior juris-
diction of its owTi, and that the supreme jurisdiction alone be-
longed to Athens. Can it indeed be supposed that persons
would have travelled from Rhodes or Byzantium to Athens for
the sake of a law-suit for 50 or 100 drachmas? In private suits
a sum of money was probably fixed, above which the inferior
court of the allies had no jurisdiction: while cases relating to
higher sums w^ere referred to Athens; hence the amount of the
prytaneia, which were only paid in private causes^ ^^, was by this
interdiction of justice*'® augmented in favour of the Athenians.
The public and penal causes were however of far greater im-
portance to the Greeks from their being habituated to a free
government. There can be no doubt that cases of this descrip-

\(ov bi oT€ ol crv^fjLa^oi ediKa^ovro ; in j the Athenians by law-suits (dUai otto
this place howevei* the allies are doubt- (jv/m/SoXcoj/)." It is not here stated that
less meant to be independent and j the islanders would not when at home
equal with the Athenians. It were j have been able to can-y on diKat drro
much to be wished that some person ' a-vix^oXatv with Athenians, but only
would undertake a separate examina- that they preferred doing so in foreign
tion of the StKoi dno avfj-^oXcov. [This j countries, since there they could annoy
has been done by Schumann, Attische | the Athenians without fear or dan-
Trocess, p. 773 — 80, who however in-
terprets the passage of Antiphon thus :
" Many of the subject allies emigrate ' •»'» Xenoph. de Rep. Ath. i. IC.
to the main-land, dwell even among ; Compare above ch. 9, arf/n.
the enemies of Athens, and defraud i

ger." — Transl.]
*'^ Book iii. ch. 9.

XVI.]

BEFORE THE AXAIICHY.

405

tion were to a great extent decided at Athens, and the few de-
finite statements which are extant refer to law-suits of this
nature. Thus Isocrates^*^ speaks of sentences of death passed
against the allies : the law-suit of Hegemon the Thasian, in the
age of Alcibiades, was evidently a public action**^; and the ora-
tion of Antiphon concerning the murder of Herodes is a defence
of a MytileneaUj who was proceeded against by a criminal pro-
secution subsequently to the revolt of his state, in consequence
of which defection it was made subject, and planted with cle-
ruchi. From the latter orator we learn that no subject state
had the right of condemning an accused person "without the
consent of the Athenians''^^ but that it had the power of com-

*■'' Paaath. 24. j

*^^ Of what description the law-suit i
of Hegemon of Thasos was (Chamse- !
leon ap. Athen. ubi sup. ) is uncertain ; I
it may however be with some proba- |
biUty supposed to have been a biKr] \
v^petos against the somewhat coarse !
jokes of tlie parodist, which proceeded
as far as acts of violence ; for on one
occasion Hegemon even pennitted ,
himself to throw stones from the stage
into the orchestra ; wlience it would I
have been easy to proceed to acts of
open >dolence. Concerning the Me-
troum, which occurs in this passage in
Athenteus, see Lives of the Ten Ora- !
tors, p. 255, also Harpocration and
Valesius. It was there that the laws
were preserved ; it was in the vicinity
of the senate-house {^ovXevrrjpiov),
and there also the statues of the heroes
of the tribes ( eVwi/v/ioi) were placed,
upon which all new proposals of laws
were exposed for the information of
the public. Before any public action
could be brought on, it was also neces-
sary that it should be publicly exposed
in the same place. Demosth. c. Mid.
p. 548, nXrjv tv cKKeoiro npo tu>v enoovv-
fxcov. " EvKTTjpaiv Aov(Ti€vs iypay\raTO
Aripocrdevr) Uuiavica XnroTa^iov." Cf.
Herald. Animadv. vii. 16, 21. Now
in the Metroum, which was close at
hand, accusations were also drawn up,

and exposed to public view (Chamae-
leon ubi sup.), and this was the case
with the action against Hegemon the
parodist. Can it however be supposed
that private actions could have been
publicly exposed in this place ? None
but public actions were of sufficient
importance to make it necessary that
they should be communicated to the
people. Hence it is evident that the
action against Hegemon was a public
suit, and this may be seen from the
very words used by Chaniaeleon : ypa-
ylrdfievos ris nai tov 'HyrjfjLOva diKijVf
OTTov Toiv 8iKa>v TjCTav al ypa<pa\, tov rrjv
dUrjv ypayjrapevov : at least ypd(f>€aBai
is very rarely used of a private action,
as in Isocrat. adv. CaUimach. 5. [It
appears from the passage in Athenseus
that some person had compelled Hege-
mon of Thasos to go to Athens, for
the purpose of referring to the Athe-
nian courts an offence committed in
his own country, ypayj/dfievos ris tov
'Hyrjpova vlktjv rjyayev els Tag ^AOrjvas.
Hegemon had also on some occasion
thrown stones from the stage into the
orchestra, probably in the theatre at
Athens. There does not therefore ap-
pear to be much giound for the con-
jecture advanced in the beginning of
this note. — Transl.]

■•2^ P. 724, 6 ovde TToXei (a subject
state such as ^M} tiloue) e^eaTiv avev

406

GENERAL SURVEY OF THE ALLIES [bK. li;

mencing the investigation^" (an arrangement which was indis-
pensably necessary), and the Athenian court only gave judg-
ment. For more determinate accounts on this point I have in
vain sought.

The independent allies must have had the power of de-
ciding for themselves with regard to war and peace, and at
least a formal share in all decrees, although the preponderance
of Athens deprived the latter right of its force; while the sub-
ject states were, according to the legal conditions, governed by
the will of the Athenians. Both had their own public officers;
for that this was the case with the subject states is proved by
the Delian archons who occur in the 100th Olympiad (b.c.
380), at a time when Delos was so far in the power of Athens,
that the latter state was in possession of the temple, which it
managed by its own amphictyons. Nevertheless we find that
Athens sometimes appointed archons or governors of its own in
the states of the subject allies. These officers may be com-
pared with the harmosts of the Spartans^^\ Thus Polystratus,

'A67]vai(ov ovbeva Bavarcd ^rjfiLaxrai. It
should be observed, that the person who
delivers this speech is not an Athenian,
as might be supposed from the Greek
argument, but a foreigner; he is in-
deed one of the ancient inhabitants of
Mytilene, which is shown by the ac-
count of his father (p. 742—746), who
was in Mytilene at the time of the re-
volt, and afterwards went to JEnus ;
but he had perhaps formerly lived at
Athens as a foreigner, and part of his
property and his children were there
at the time of the revolt (p. 743).
His son Helus (p. 713) includes him-
self among the foreigners, and (p.
737) he calls Ephialtes t6u Ifxcrepov
TToXirrjv: also in p. 739, oi 'EXKijvora-
fiiai ol vixerepoi. [And Bekker Orat,
Att. tom. i. p. 72, has restored rj vfie-
repa noXis from 3 MSS.] Reiske, by
supposing that Antiphon's client was
an Athenian, has fallen into error
throughout the whole speech. Hence
he misunderstands the passage in p.

743, and writes iKava yap rjv to. iv€)(ypa,

a €"x^T€ aVTOV, 01 T€ TToideS Koi TO. XP1~

para, without making any mention of
this alteration beneath the text. The
reason given in p. 865 of his notes is
however quite futile, and the old read-
ing et;^€ro must be restored, according
to which the children and property of
the father of Antiphon's client were
not in Athens, as according to Reiske's
emendation, but, what was more natu-
ral, in Mytilene.

^^3 This is evident from the same
speech of Antiphon, p. 719 sqq. as the
examination and the torturing, and in-
deed the whole investigation, had been
previously gone through at Mytilene.

*'^* Harpocration ; fTria-KOTrof 'Av-
Ti(f)a)V iv T(o Trepl tov Aivdicov (popov,
KOL iv Ttc Kara Aaia-novbiov ol Trap'
^A6r)vaicov els Tcis vnyjKoovs rroXeis eTTicr-
K€-^aadai ra nctp eKaarois neprropevoi,
(TTlCTKOTrOl KOL (fivXtiKes eKoXovvTOj ovs ol
AcLKcoves appocTTcis eXeyov. OeocPpaa-
Tos yovv eV tt/jcoto) tuiv noXiriKau twv

CH. XVI.]

BEFORE THE ANARCHY.

407

one of the 400, had been an archon at Oropus*^"*; we hear of
similar officers even before the Peloponnesian war in the sub-
ject Samos*^% and one as late as at the time of ^schines in the
island of Andros*^^, which had indeed been formerly settled l)y
Athenian colonists, and perhaps may be thought to have been
under an Athenian governor for that reason. Also in time of
war they had Athenian commanders in the cities, together with
garrisons, if there appeared to be any necessity. Of those
archons or governors we know by name, the episcopi, of whom
I have already treated, and the officers called KpvTrrol, who
transacted some foreign affairs in secret, but of what nature,
we are not informed^^^ It cannot be proved that there ever
were Athenian officers of this kind in the independent states,
except only that their military forces were commanded by an
Athenian general"". Both classes of the allied states had un-
questionably the unrestricted administration of their home
affairs, and the power of passing decrees. The subject states
were necessarily in this point limited to a narrow circle; it is,
however, wholly inconceivable that every decree which they
passed required a ratification from Athens or the Athenian
authorities"*^".

The obligation to pay a tribute was held originally not to

npos Kuipovs (prjcTLV ovtco' IloWa yap
KoXXiov Kara ye rrjv tov ovofxaros OeaiVi
ois ol Aa.K(i>ves app-ocTTas (f)d(TK0VT€s els
ras TToXeis 7re/x7reii/, ovk cniaKonovs ovSe
(f)v\aKaSy as * Adijvaioi. The term cf)v\a^
is applied in Thucyd. iv. 104, to the
Athenian commander at Amphipolis.

*^^ Lysias pro Polystr. p. 569.

^2« Thucyd. i. 115.

''27 ^schin. c. Timarch. p. 127. It
is to archons of this description that
the fragment of a law in Aristoph.
Av. 1049, refers, iav de ris e^eXavvrj
Tovs ap^oin-aSj Kal fxr) de^Tjrai Kara rrjv
arrjXrjv.

*^ Lex. Seg. p. 273. Kpynrr] :
dpx'T) Tis vnb TUiV 'Adrjvaicov Trepiropevrj
els TOVS vTT-qKoovs, tva Kpv(})a eVireXe-
crtocri ret e^o) yiv6p.eva. dia tovto yap

Kal KpVTTTol €KKr)dT]CraV.

*^^ As the instance of Chios shows,
Thucyd. viii. 9.

^3<^ This must not be inferred from
the Delian decree in Corp. Inscript.
Gr. No. 2270. For although it is not
of the time when Delos was under the
rule of Hadrian, it is of late date, when
Delos was no longer a separate com-
munity, but had been incorporated
with Athens (whence the expression
6 drjfxos t5)v ^A0r]vaia)v ev A17X0)), and
was under the protection of Rome.
Moreover the application that is made
in it by the Deliahs for the ratification
of the decree by the Athenian senate
and people is voluntary, and not com-
pulsory. [See the author's notes to
this inscription iii his edition. — -.
Transl.]

408 GENERAL SURVEY OF THE ALLIES [bK. III.

be incompatible with independence^ nor indeed in later times
was it the absolute criterion of dependence or subjection ; but
the independent allies of the Athenians were commonly free
from tribute, and were only bound to provide ships and their
crews {ovx vrroreXels (popov, vav<i Be Trapep^ovre? : vaval Kal ov
<f)6pa) virrjKooi'. veojv Trapo^^fj avTovofioi); while the subject allies
paid a tribute (vTroreXety, (f^opov uTroreXe^^)"^; although the
latter were sometimes, in spite of their tribute, also compelled
to serve either in the fleet or by land. Independence, together
with an obligation to pay a tribute to Athens, and without any
alliance with the Athenians, was granted in the peace of Nicias,
in Olymp. 89, 3 (b.c. 422), to the cities of Argilus, Stageirus,
Acanthus, Scolus, Olynthus, and Spartolus, and the Athenians
were only empowered to induce them to an alliance upon their
own voluntary agreement. This qualified dependence, which
was also extended to some other cities*^% was a perfect model
of the original form of the Athenian confederacy. If these
cities became allies of Athens, they were in that case inde-
pendent, and yet tributary, although exempt from military ser-
vice ; which was the precise condition of those states which
contributed money in the time of Aristides.

It should be also observed, that the difference of these con-
ditions did not arise at successive periods of time: those states
were subject which had either originally offered to pay a tribute
instead of the obligation to serve in war, or had subsequently
commuted their quota of troops and ships for a tribute, or had
been conquered in using their forces in opposition to Athens.
Those alone remained independent, without paying any tribute,
to whom one of these three cases did not apply. Those
states were independent, and at the same time liable to the
payment of a tribute, which had before paid tribute and been
subject, but had obtained their independence by a particular
agreement between Sparta and Athens, without the Athenians
being forced to take off the tribute which had been before
received. Nor can it be fairly said that the Athenians had no
excuse for exacting a tribute from those who did not perform

Thucyd. vii. 57, ii. 0, vi. 85. *''^ Thucyd. v. 18.

ClI. XVlc] BEFORE THE ANARCHY. 409

any military service, and also for depriving them of jurisdiction;
for the tribute they paid out of what Athens had maintained or
procured for them"% and of the latter privilege they were
unworthy, if they refused to bear arms.

It is however an unquestionable stain in the character of the
Athenians, that they gradually reduced many independent states
to dependence, although the alliance would have been much
sooner dissolved without this exertion of power. We should also
remark, that independence is simply called freedom {eXevOepla),
and subjection servitude [hovXelaY^*, which last must not be
considered as identical with the conversion of the inhabitants
into slaves [ayhpairohtafjios)', the cases in which the situation of
servitude would be particularly mentioned, are when the citizens
were not only deprived of independence, but when their pro-
perty was also taken from them, and given to new colonists, to
whom the ancient inhabitants, if they did not emigrate, stood in
the relation of renters of their former lands ; a state not much
superior to the condition of the Helots or the Penestee.

At the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war there were
only three allied states of Athens which still preserved their
independence, viz., Chios, Mytilene in the island of Lesbos,
and Methymna*^^ Many others, which had formerly been
independent, such as Thasos and Samos, had lost their fleets
and their liberty. The first state which was reduced to a con-
dition of servitude was Naxos, in consequence of its revolt,
although it is probable that up to that period this island had
paid no tribute, but had only furnished vessels, as it did at the
battle of Salamis"^^. The other Cvclades were then reduced to

*^^ Isocrat. Panatli. 25. i dependence, the Naxians being com-

■'s* Thucyd. ii. 10, v. 9, 92, vi. 76,77, ! pelled to pay tribute, and also losing

80, Isocrat. Su/Lt/iax- 16, Diod. xv. 19,
and elsewhere frequently. Cf. Xenopli.
de Rep Ath. 1, 18.

^^ Thucyd. ii. 9, iii. 10, vi. 85, cf.
vii. 57.

436 Herod, viii. 46. Concerning the
subjection of this island Thucydides

their independence, -which till then
had been unheard of. Thucydides in-
tentionally makes use of the expression
edovXoidr) to distinguish from the pre-
ceding word avhpatTob'KTai. It is pos-
sible that cleruchi had been already
sent as a garrison to Naxos, to Avhom

says (i. 98), ibovKoaOr) Trapa to Kude- j the inhabitants stood in the relation of
arrjKoy; by which I conceive that he [ tenants to landlords,
does not mean slavery, but comj^lote |

410

GENERAL SURVEY OF THE ALLIES [bK. Ill,

the same condition, with the exception of the Spartan Melos,
and Thera, which was included by some among the Cyclades^^^.
The centre of these islands was the sacred Delos, which was
considered holy by all the Greeks, on account of ancient religious
worship, and had once been the seat of an Amphictyonic confe-
deracy. The Athenians appear to have laid claims to this
island, or at least to the temple, in very early times ; for Ery-
sichthon, the son of Cecrops*^% is reported to have gone thither
for the sake of some religious ceremonies, and Pisistratus made
a purification of the island*^^ The possession of it was doubt-
less of the first importance to the Athenians, so soon as they
aimed at obtaining the ascendancy of Greece, for which object
religion was a powerful auxiliary. Athens also persuaded some
prophets of Delos to foretel that she would once possess the
dominion of the sea''". In Olymp. 88, 3 (b.c. 426), the Athe-
nians took entire possession of the temple, made frequent puri-
fications of the island; and in Olymp. 89, 3 (b.c. 422), expelled
the ancient inhabitants upon the pretext of impurity, and
settled the island with Athenians, as the Delians were sus-
pected of being favourable to Sparta ; but Athens was subse-
quently compelled to reinstate them at the command of the
oracle' '^

In order to weaken the influence upon the minds of the
Greeks, which the possession of this temple had or might have
given to the Athenians, it would manifestly have been expedient
for the Spartans to deprive them of it : and we can only attri-
bute it to a want of political foresight that Pausanias, the son
of Pleistoanax, king of Lacedsemon, while he held Athens in a
state of blockade, should have given a scornful and contemp-
tuous refusal to the petition of the Delians for the recovery of
their temple"^ The Athenians therefore remained in undis-
turbed possession, which they had not lost in the 107th or

^27 Thucyd. ii. 9.

*-« Pausan. i. 18—31, Plianodem.
ap. A then. ix. p. 392 D.

^39 Ilerod. i. C4.'

^^^ Semus Delias ap. At lieu. viii.
p. 331 F.

*^' Thiic. i. n, iii. 104, v. 1, viii. 108,
V. 32, Pausan. iv. 27, Diod. xii. 73.

**'^ Plutarch. Apophthegm. Lacon.
witli the emendation of Dorville de
Delo Miscell. Observ. vol. vii. part i.

CH. XVI.J

BEFORE THE ANARCHY

411

108th Olympiad (b.c. 352-45), when the Dehans, in the
Amphictyonic council of Pylae, endeavoured to assert their
rights against Athens, whose defence was conducted by Hype-
rides as advocate {ctvvSlkos) in the famous DeHan oration, and
which he mainly rested upon arguments derived from the
fabulous history of the island''*\

Besides this insular group, all the other islands belonged
to the subject allies, which are included in a line running
from Byzantium along the coast of Europe as far as Cythera,
near the promontory Malea, and from thence northwards from
Crete over Carpathos and Rhodes as far as Doris, and pro-
ceeding northwards from thence along the coast of Asia to
Chalcedon*", except the independent states mentioned above,
and the islands belonging to Lacedaemon, of which Cythera first
came into the power of Athens in Olymp. 88, 4 (b.c. 425), and
Melos in Olymp. 91, 1 (b.c. 416), after an obstinate defence"".
Many were distinguished of old for their power and wealth,
such as Paros*"*^ in the Cyclades, Thasos abounding in metals,
the flourishing and powerful Samos"*^, the inhabitants of w^hich
received their independence after the defeat in Sicily''"; also
Rhodes and ^Egina, which was made tributary in Olymp. 80, f
(b.c. 458)"*% and Euboea, whose five chief cities, Chalcis, Ere-
tria, Car)'stus, Styra, and Histieea, afterwards Oreus, were all
under the dominion of Athens"*", were in part colonized with
Athenians. Now although the smaller islands were unim-
portant w^hen considered singly, their united resources amounted
to a considerable power, if we reckon all those which lie within
the circumference above-mentioned, as far as the distant islands
of Carpathos, Casos, and Chalce"", which were included among
the allies.

***' Demosth. de Corona, Vit. Dec.
Orat, in iEschiu. Apollon. in Vit.
^schin. Schol. Ilermog. p. 389.

*** This is the substance of the dif-
ferent accounts given by Thucydides
in tlie passages ah-eady quoted.

<** Concerning the former see Thuc.
iv. 54, cf. vii. 57-

**^ Herod, vi. 132, Nepos Miltiad.
vii. Steph. Byzant. from Ephorus.

^^7 Thucyd. viii. 73, 76. This island
once sent GO vessels against Darius
the son of Hystaspes, the Chiaus 100,
the Lesbians 60, Herod, vi. 8.

^^8 Thucyd. viii. 21.

^^9 Diod. xi. 75, Thuc. i. 108.

^=» Thucyd. \d. 76, 80, vii. 67-

^51 Concerning the two latter see
Schol. Thucyd. ii. 0.

412

GENERAL SURVEY OF THE ALLIES

[bk. 1

Among the subject states Thucydides also enumerates the
coast of Caria, the Dorians who bordered upon the Carians,
Ionia, the Hellespont, and the Grecian territory in Thrace*^%
which includes powerful and famous cities, such as Halicar-
nassus, Cnidos, Miletus, which had once sent out 80 vessels
against Darius*", and furnished infantry to the Athenians^";
Ephesus, Colophon, celebrated for its equestrian forces, Teos,
Priene, Erythrge, Smyrna, and the other Ionian cities. Ionia
upon the whole produced a very considerable revenue to the
Athenians**^ To these may be added Antandros, Abydos,
Sigeum, Lampsacus, Priapus, Parium, Cyzicus"% together with
Proconnesus, Chalcedon, Byzantium*", Selymbria, Perinthus,
Sestos, and the Thracian peninsula, the whole southern coast of
Thrace, the coast of Macedonia with its projecting capes and
promontories, where the important cities of Amphipolis, Olyn-
thus. Acanthus, Stageirus, Menda, Scione, and Potideea"^^, were
situated ; the first of which towns was of the greatest moment
to the Athenians on account of the revenues which they derived
from it, and the large supplies of wood for ship-building which
it furnished*^®; Macedonia is also mentioned in orations of a
late date as having formerly paid a tribute**'". Lastly, Oropus
in Boeotia was also included among the tributary places*^', and
for a time Nissea in Megaris and Minoa.

Now although Athens even in the time of its greatest power
could not have been always secure of each one of these many
states, it is yet easily perceived that so large a number of sub-
jects laid the foundation of no inconsiderable power; and
although Jason is represented by Xenophon*^^ as speaking con-
temptuously of the small islands which paid tribute to Athens,

"2 Time. ii. 9, cf. vi. 77-

<^3 Herod, vi. 8.

*^* Time. iv. 54.

^" Time. iii. 31.

"® Coneerning the latter see Time,
viii. 107, Diod. xiii. 40.

^-■^^ For the latter see Thucyd. i.
117, Xenoph. Anab. vii. 1, 27, &c.

*^^ Concerning the tributary state
of tbis town there is a clear pjissage in

Thuc. i. 56, before the'revolt.

*^^ Thuc. iv. 108. Concerning the
Clialeidian cities see also Thuc. i. 67,
58, where the Bottiaeans are still men-
tioned.

'•^" Orat. de Ilalones. p. 70, 20, and
thence in the spurious 5th Philippic,
p. 15G, 17.

'«' Thuc. ii. 23.

'"' llellen. vi. 1. 4.

cn. XVI.]

BEFORE THE ANARCHY,

413

it is not true that this charge of insignificance can justly be
applied to earlier times. Aristophanes in the comedy of the
Wasps'" (Olymp. 89, 2, B.C. 423), reckons 1000 tributary cities,
and founds upon this computation a ludicrous proposal for the
maintenance of the Athenian citizens, viz. that each city
should be required to maintain 20 Athenians; a sufficient proof
that 1000 cannot here mean merely a large number, as the
Grecian Scholiast says in the beginning of his note. No one
indeed would suppose that this was the precise number of the
tributary cities, but it cannot have been far distant from the real
amount, for a gross exaggeration would have been merely absurd.
It would also be easy to enumerate some hundred cities,
although we are ignorant of far the larger number.

It should indeed be remarked, that many small cities did not
each pay a separate tribute, but sent it to Athens in one sum,
and these Aristophanes probably reckons individually. Many
small islands had several cities, which paid tribute either toge-
ther or separately. Thus Icaros contained three*", and Ceos
four, tributary cities'". That several states paid in their con-
tributions under one account, which they probably divided
among themselves without any interference on the part of
Athens, maybe perceived from an inscription already quoted'®^;
and if any increase was made in the amount of the tribute, it
was natural that those cities which had previously been united
should then be divided. The grammarians quote two speeches
of Antiphon, the one concerning the tribute of the Lindians'",
the other concerning the tribute of Samothrace"^^. Antiphon was
an opponent of Alcibiades, against whom he delivered an ora-
tion, and whose recal during the government of the 400 he
endeavoured to prevent. Hence it may be conjectured that
these orations were directed against the increase of the tribute

4«3 Vs. 795.

*°* See the notes to Corp. Inscript.
Gr. No. 158.

■"^^ Swidas in v. BaKxvXiBrjs.

^^^ See note 590.

'»*'7 Harpocrat. in v. cVio-KOTrot, and'
TTfiJ', arra, eTrayyeXia, npo(T(f)opa, avvr]-

yopoiy TpLJBciivevofxevoi, 'A/Lt(/)i7roXtff,
where AINAI12N should be written
with Valesius for AHNAIflN.

^68 Harpocrat. and Suid. in v. cino-
ra^is, Harpocrat. in vv. e/cXoyetf, act,
aTTodidofxevoi, (rvvreXety, Suid. in v.
^afxoBpaKJj.

414 GENERAL SURVEY OF THE ALLIES. [bK. III.

made by Alcibiades; for the allies being discontented and
oppressed may have applied to Antiphon as an enemy of Alci-
biades. These speeches appear to have chiefly referred to the
separation of several states^ which had been previously united.
Rhodes had paid tribute for a long period'^®; but perhaps
Lindus, lalysus^ and Cameirus, made their payments jointly
before the new arrangement of Alcibiades, and were then sepa-
rated for the first time. This supposition may be proved more
distinctly with regard to the oration concerning the tribute of
Samothrace. A fragment of it still extant shows that Antiphon
did not compose this speech in his own person, but that the
Samothracians themselves were the speakers, who gave an account
of the history of their island*^" : they are in this passage speaking
against some burthen which was imposed upon them, as indeed
is evident even from the name of the oration. Now in the same
speech mention was made of those who paid the tribute toge-
ther {avvreXelsy^^, and also of their separation, by which they
were compelled to pay singly {awora^Lsy^'^ ; and it was doubt-
less of this change and the accompanying increase of the tribute
that they complained.

If any one should suppose that a tribute of 1200 or 1300
talents could not have been oppressive with so large a number
of cities as Aristophanes states; it must on the other hand be
observed that these cities had also to defray their own expenses,
that for a length of time large sums of money went out of the
country and never returned, and that at the time of the Pelopon-

^«^ Thucyd. vii. 57. ! Seg. p. 305, 9, Eustathius and Schol.

■*7*' It is singular that no one has
perceived that the passage in Suidas
in V. I^afiodpaKT] is a fragment of Anti-

Villois. ad II. N. 13, Q. 78.

*^' Harpocrat. ^vvreXeTs- ol cruvda-
7rav(ovT€S Koi crvpeiacPepovTes' to 6e

phon : Koi yap ol ttjv dpxrjv oUrjcravres ' npayp.a avvreXeLa KoXelrai, coy eariu
(I. olKicravT€s) ttjv vrjcrov rjaav "Sap-Lor cvpiiv iv r<a ^AvTi(f)a>irros nepl rou 2a-

€^ 6)1/ f]p.€is iy€v6p.e6a' KaTtoKicrdTjaav
de dvdyKT]^ ovk inidvp-ia ttJ9 vrjcrov.
'E^eTTecrov yap vtto Tvpdvvtov ex 2a/xov,
Ka\ TVXT] f^prjaavTO ravrr], koi Xeiav
\a^6vT€S dno rrjs QpaKrjs dcfuKPOvvrai

p.o6paK<ov <p6pov.

•*7=^ Harpocrat. (Suidas, Zonaras,)
'ATTorn^tf TO X^P*-^ TeTd^Oai tovs npo-
Tcpov dXKrjXoLS avvT€Tayfj.€vovs fls to
vnoTcXelv tov icpt(Tp.^vov cf)6pov. 'Aj/-

tV Tr)P vrjo-ov. With regard to the j rtcficop iv roi n(p\ tov ^afioOpaKcov
history comp. Ileraclid. Fragment xxi. <p6pov.
ed. Kohler, and Pausan. vii. 4, Lex. I

CH. XVII.] THE TRIBUTES AND ALLIES OF ATHENS. 415

nesian war, the quantity of coin circulating in Greece was incon-
siderable. Two centuries and a half afterwards, Athens would
have demanded much higher sums, for Rhodes alone derived a
revenue of 120 talents a year from Caunus and Stratonicea^".

Chapter XVII.

The Tributes and Allies of Athens after the Anarchy (b.c. 404).

Although the defeat at ^gospotamos had deprived the Athe-
nians of all their allies, even of the islands of Lemnos, Imbros,
and Scyros*^% they yet continued gradually to acquire fresh con-
federates; for ten years afterwards (Olymp. 96, 2, b.c. 395),
the alliance between Athens, Boeotia, Corinth, and Argos,
excited the alUes of Sparta, particularly Euboea and the Chalci-
deans in Thrace, to revolt; Conon's victory at Cnidos procured
them Samos, Methone, Pydna, and Potideea, together with
twenty other cities, including Cos, Nisyros, Teos, Chios,
Ephesus, Mytilene, and Erythrae : Diodorus also mentions the
Cyclades in general, and even the island of Cythera'"'^; the con-
quest of the whole of Lesbos is ascribed to Thrasybulus: this
general also reestablished the power of Athens in the Helles-
pont, and restored the transit-duties at Byzantium (Olymp.
97, 1, B. c. 392); the greatest part of the Grecian coast of Asia,
most of the islands, and even Rhodes, distant as it was, were
subjected to the dominion of Athens.

Now, although we have not any accurate information con-
cerning the state of the Athenian allies at this period, there can
exist but little doubt that the ancient arrangements were for the
most part renewed, and that they again became tributary and
dependent. Athens exercised its naval dominion anew, and the
whole of Greece came under the power of the Athenians, as was
subsequently the case after the campaigns of Timotheus^'^; but
the disastrous peace of Antalcidas (Olymp. 98,2, b.c. 387) only

473 poiyb. xxxi. 7, 12.

"74 Andoc. de Pace, p. 96.

*''^ Dinarch. c. Demosth. p.

Diod. in Olymp. m, 2, and liis com-
mentators.

^'•^ Isocrat. Areopag. 5.

416 THE TRIBUTES AND ALLIES OF ATHENS [bK. III.

left the Athenians their own ancient islands of Lemnos, Imbros,
and Scyros; Asia Minor, including Clazomenge and Cyprus,
fell into the hands of Persia; all the other cities and islands
became independent^". The Chersonese even and the colonies
did not remain in the power of Athens; the landed property in
foreign countries belonging to her citizens and even their claims
for debt were lost^^^. The Spartans indeed soon violated this
treaty, but more to their own advantage than to that of the
Athenians ; for the Grecians still sided with Sparta. It was
not until after Olymp. 100, 3 (b.c. S/S), that the Athenians by
means of a fortunate combination of events, and a prudent and
disinterested policy, were enabled for a time to re-establish
their power ; of which however it would be inconsistent with
my object to give more than a short account : for an accurate
enumeration of all the facts connected with the Athenian
confederacy, could only be expected from a detailed history of
Greece.

Athens having in the above-mentioned year, in the archon-
ship of Nausinicus, made the noblest exertions in order to sup-
port Thebes against the power of Sparta, and to liberate the
Cadmea from its foreign garrison, and the plans of the Spartans
having miscarried; in Olymp. 100, f (b.c. 377)^ Byzantium,
Chios, Mytilene, and Rhodes, revolted to Athens'''^ and a new
confederacy was formed, which gradually obtained fresh mem-
bers. The whole of Euboea, with the exception of Histiaea,
which remained true to the Spartans, came over to the Athe-
nians^^'; Chabrias subdued Peparethos, Sciathos, and other
small islands^^'; the sea-fight of Naxos, which was gained by
the same general (Olymp. 100, 4, b.c. 377)^ decided the maritime
supremacy of Athens, while the Spartans were at the same time
unsuccessful by land^°*. The Athenians soon reestablished
themselves more firmly in Thrace, after the taking of Abdera;
although the powerful state of Olynthus belonged to Lacedse-

^77 Xenoph. HeUen. v. 1, 28, Diod. "«" Diod. xv. 30.

xiv. 110, Isocrat. Sv^/xa;^. 22. Cf.
Andoc. de Pace pp. 95, 96.

■'7« Andoc. de Pace p. 96, cf. p. 107.

^'9 Diod. XV. 28.

^' Diod. ibid.

*^* Diod. XV. 35, and his commen-
tators.

CH. XVII.] AFTER THE ANARCHY. 41/

mon; and to the west their power extended as far as Corcyra;
the peace concluded between the states of Greece in Olymp,
101, 2 (B.C. 375), through the mediation of Artaxerxes, by
which the independence of all the alhes was again ensured,
remained inoperative. The Spartans, even after the taking of
Corcyra and the victory of Timotheus at Leucas, ceded to the
Athenians the entire ascendancy {rjye/juovLo) by sea. The peace
of Olymp. 102, 2 (b.c. 371), together with the subsequent battle
of Leuctra, shattered still more the strength of the Spartans;
and in Olymp. 102, 4 (b.c. 369), they yielded to the Athenians
an equal share in the sovereignty by sea and land^®\ The
taking of Torone and Potidaea, which ensued in Olymp. 104, 1
(b.c. 364)^% gave to Athens a great preponderance in Thrace.
Thus the power of Athens again extended from the Thracian
Bosporus to Rhodes, and from thence over the islands and
some of the maritime cities upon the main land.

The merit of having so greatly raised and benefitted their
country chiefly belongs to the generals, Chabrias, Iphicrates,
Timotheus the son of Conon, and the orator Callistratus.
Timotheus in particular obtained great celebrity both by his
military conduct and by his dexterity in acquiring allies^^^; for
he even added the Epirots, the Acarnanians, and the Chaonians,
although these nations were doubtless under no obligation to
pay a tribute^^^; it is stated to have been owing to his mea-
sures, that a confederate council was held at Athens composed
of seventy-five independent states"^'. His fame was enhanced
by the eloquence of Isocrates, who (as Polybius and Pansetius
followed the fortunes of Scipio) accompanied him as a friend in
his campaigns, and wrote his official letters and dispatches to
the Athenians: the statue of this orator had also been offered
up in the temple at Eleusis by Timotheus^^^ The newly dis-

^^' Diod. XV. 38, Nepos Timoth. 2, j are Xenoph. Hell. v. 4, G4 sqq. Diod.
Isocrat. de Antidosi p. 69, ed. Orell. ; xv. 36, 47 sqq. and Nepos.
Concerning the treaty in Olymp. 102, 4^ j *^^ Nepos and Diodonis.
see Xenoph. Hellen. vii. 1, Diod. xv. \ "^^^ /Eschin. de Fals. Leg. p.' 247-

67.

■*8* Diod. XV. 81, and tlie commen-
tators.

"^^'^ The most important passages

Diodorus (xv. 30,) incorrectly states
that the number was 70.

^88 Vit. Dec. Orat. pp. 237,241.

2 E

418

THE TRIBUTES AND ALLIES OF ATHENS [bK. IIJ

covered part of the oration concerning the exchange^'^^ raises a
monument to the memory of this unfortmiate warrior, by which
the reader is in some measure recompensed for the great tedious-
ness of the remainder. After his time no general ever made
such important conquests as Timotheus, who subdued no fewer
than twenty-four cities of sufficient importance to dehver the
whole neighbouring country into the powder of the Athenians,
among which Corcyra, Samos, Sestos, Crithote, Potidaea, and
Torone are particularly mentioned by Isocrates: Corcyra at
that time had still a naval force of 80 triremes. He also
recalled the attention of the Athenians to the Chersonese,
which they had latterly neglected. Yet amidst all these con-
quests he was lenient towards the allies, and even to enemies
and prisoners; the discipline which he maintained among his
troops was exemplary; and while he bore the chief command,
nothing was knowm of banishments, of massacres or expulsions
of the inhabitants, of the dissolution of governments, or the
devastation of cities.

The new alliance of the Athenians, as it existed after Olymp.
100, 4 (b.c. 377)5 was at first founded upon milder principles
than the ancient confederacy. Those states which were by
treaty independent, formed a confederate council at Athens
{avviBptovY^^, in which they had a seat and vote without any
distinction, under the presidency and guidance of Athens:
Thebes likewise joined this congress. The name of Synedrion,
which obtained general notoriety through the influence of the
Macedonian government, was unquestionably not used in this
instance for the first time. Herodotus"^ ^ indeed employs it in
speaking of a confederate council of ^var; and although it may
have been in accordance with the custom of later times that
Diodorus"*^^ applies this term to the ancient council of the Athe-
nian alliance, it is nevertheless certain that the council of
Amphictyons and other confederate assemblies*^'', and even the

^«9 P. C,6 sqq. cd. OrcU.

■=»" Diod. XV. 28.

"»' viii. 75, 79.

^»* xi. 70.

*»3 Cf. Domostli. de Corona, p. 232,

19, -^schin. c. Ctesipli. pp. 445, 44G,
p. 513, p. 645, and elsewhere fre-
quently. For the expression used I
may also quote Lex. Seg. p. 302, Siire-

CH. XVII.] AFTER THE ANARCHY. 419

Areopagus and the courts, were generally so called in the age
of Demosthenes. The Athenians immediately abolished their
cleruchise upon the establishment of this council, and passed a
law prohibiting all Athenians from the cultivation of any land
out of Attica''^'', wishing by this measure to show the allies how
greatly they repented of tlieir former injustice. The tributes
were also again introduced; but the Athenians, in order to soften
this odious name, now called them contributions {awrd^eLsY^^ ;
the merit of which invention belonged to Callistratus : hence
it is manifest that this was the period at which it first came
into use; for in Olymp. 100, 4 (b.c. 377)? this orator filled the
situation of general together with Timotheus and Chabrias''^^
and subsequently also (Olymp. 100, 4, B.C. 373), together with
Chabrias and Iphicrates, not so much on account of his military
qualities as of his political dexterity"' '^j which at this time was
an essential requisite in a general.

The leniency of the Athenians was not, however, of long
duration, and the allies, with the exception of Thebes, whose
connexion with Athens was altogether voluntary, relapsed into
their former oppressed condition; the Athenians distributed
garrisons among the several cities, and the tribute was again
made compulsory. For this reason it was again known by its
ancient name {(f>6po<s), which occurs in some writers''^^: Iso-
crates expressly remarks"^^ that the Athenians forced the allied
cities to pay contributions (o-fi/Taf et?), which vrere as in ancient
times collected by fleets sent out for that purpose^^", and also
to send representatives to the council at Athens; the limits of

'Adrjvaiaiv ^ovkevofievoL nepl Tcbv npay- I Timotheus. Isocrates Paxiath.44,joins
fxarcov. [See Mliller's Dorians, vol. i. j avvrd^eLs kol (popovs. The awrd^eis
app. 4. Engl. Transl.— Traxsl.] ' frequently occur in other places in

■^"■* Diod. XV. 29. i Isocrates, Areopag. i. de Antid. p. 70,

"" Plutarch. Solon. 15, Harpocrat. | ed. Orell. where he mentions the avv-
Phot. in V. avin-a^L9, cf. Lex. Seg. p. , rd^eis ras dno QpaKTjs in the time of
300, also Spanheim ad Julian, i. p. 166. | Timotheus, and elsewhere. Concern-
Diod. XV. 29. ' ing the ganisons see Isocrat. Svy^t/xa^. 6.

496

457 Xenoph. Hellen. vi. 3, ad fin. | ^^^ Sv/Lt/zax. 11, which oration faUs
who calls him ev ^idXa e7nTT}beiov ovra, ■ about the end of the Social war.
as it should evidently be written. ; '^"^ Plutarch. Phot. 7- This accoimt

^^^ iElian. V. II. ii. 10, uses this of the vrja-icoTiKal o-vvrd^eis belongs to
word in a story relating to the time of the times of Chabrias.

2 E 2

420 THE TRIBUTES AND ALLIES OF ATHENS [bK. III.

their independence must therefore have been very confined.
The Athenians also appear to have fixed the tributes arbitra-
rily, even in the later times, when their power had undergone a
great diminution : to which point a very obscure passage in the
oration against Theocrines refers. It is probable that some of
the aUies remonstrated on the severity of their burdens, and that
this was the object of the decree, which Automedon proposed in
favour of the inhabitants of Tenedos, and which Theocrines
attempted to overthrow in its first stage, on the plea that it was
contrary to law. A similar decree was carried by Thucydides
in favour of the .Enians in Thrace, who continued to pay a
tril)ute from the period of the Peloponnesian war down to the
times of Philip. This law of Charinus and Theocrines w^hich
referred to the contribution [avvra^Ls) being also attached as
illegal, and having been in consequence rejected by the people,
the ^nians were forced to pay the same amount of tribute
as they had formerly given to Chares, on which account they
revolted and took in a garrison of barbarians^*'^

It is to these later tributes that the oration of Jason in
Xenophon refers^°% w*here no notice is taken of the new appel-
lation, although subsequently allusion is made to the ancient
name; and thus it is better to refer to the time of the new
imposts (betw^een the 100th and 105th Olympiads, B.C. 380-57)
the statement of Xenophon in his Essay upon the State of
Athens^*'^ that the tributes were generally fixed every four
years, although the new expression is not made use of; for we
have no evidence that before the Anarchy the tributes w^ere
fixed every four years. It is indeed upon the whole more pro-
bable that the assessment of Aristides remained in force until

"*' Orat. c. Tlieocrin. pp. 1333, 1334, (?. e. compared with the Athenians)

■wliere the words o QovKvhihrjs eine fir] els VTjavdpia drro^XeTrovTas, dXX'

should be restored, and Alvlovs should TjTreipcoTiKa edvrj Kapnovixevovs. Tlavra

be written with Taylor for ivlovs,' the yap hr^Ttov to. kvkXo) (f}6pov (jiepei, orav

reading of the manuscripts. Concern- rayevTjrai to. Kara QeTraXiav.

ing the tributaiy condition of the ^"^ 3^ 5^ ^^r^u at rd^eis tov <f)6pov

^nians as well as the Tenedians in tovto de yiyuerai cos to. noXKa di erovs

earlier times, see Thucyd. vii. 57. TrepTrrov. The expression (popos also

^'* Hellen. vi. 1, 4, Kal xpw<^(^^ 7^ occurs there in diap. 2, 1. See above

drjTrnv eiKus r)pus (i(f)dovcoTepnis XPW^"!^ note 82.

ClI. XVII.] AFTER THE ANARCHY. 421

the 89th Olympiad (b.c. 421), and that shortly afterwards the
tributes were abolished and a custom duty levied in their
place : so that there would be difficulties in referring this pas-
sage to the ancient tribute. It is also highly probable that the
compulsory jurisdiction, which is mentioned in that Essay, was
again forced upon the allies by the growing strength and inso-
lence of the Athenians, this being the only means by which
Athens could ensure the adherence of the allied states. Nor
can our supposition be denied upon the authority of Isocrates,
who in the Panathenaic oration mentions the compulsory
attendance of the allies at Athens for the decision of their law
suits among the ancient misdeeds of the Athenians^"*: for
this speech was composed at a very late period (about Olymp.
109, 2, B.C. 343), at which time the prohibition of justice
to the allied states, even if we suppose that it was again intro-
duced after the battle of Cnidos and the 100th Olympiad,
might have been spoken of as an ancient occurrence, if, as
ajipears probable, it was abolished in the peace of Olymp.
106, 1 (B.C. 356).

Whatever may have been the arrangement with regard to
this particular point, it is evident from the consequences which
ensued, that the allies were deprived of their independence, and
that this was replaced by an intolerable yoke, which the subject
states soon endeavoured to shake off. In Olymp. 104, 1 (b.c
364), Chios, Byzantium, and Rhodes, had entered into cor-
respondence with Epaminondas^''': at length, in Olymp. 105, 3
(b.c. 358), they formally revolted, together with the Coans, who
had rebelled in Olymp. 103, 3 (b.c. 366)'"'; Byzantium even
attempted to obtain a separate dominion, and after the Social
war was still in possession of Chalcedon and Selymbria,
both which towns were once under the dominion of Athens :

•■*°* Chap. 23, 24, rdi re diKas kul ras
KpiaeLS Tcis ev6dde yiyvofxevas Tols crvfx-
fj-axois, and afterwards, olov Kal vvv,
rjv ixvTjcrdcJcn Ta>v dyoivcov rav Tols crvfx-
fxdxois evddde yevofievcov, Tis eariv ovtcos I seling.
d(fiVT]s, oaris ovx fvprjtrec irpos tovt '"" Diod. xv. 76.

dvT€i7T€'iu, on nXeiovs XuKedaifJiouioi twv \

^YiKkr^vciiv aKpiTovs dTTCKTovucri twv Trap
rjfMv, e^ ov TTjv noXiv oiKovpeVy els
dycova Kai Kpicnv KaTaaTdvTwv.

^"^ Diod. XV. 79, and there Wes-

422 THE TRIBUTES AND ALLIES OF ATHENS [bK. III.

and according to the conditions of the treaty, the one was to
belong to the king, and the other to be independent^*'^ This
war, which lasted until Olymp. 106, 1 (b.c. 356), ruined the
finances of Athens by its enormous expenses, the loss of the
tributes, and the desolation of the Athenian islands, and ended
with the independence of the revolted states. During this war
several Tliracian allies were also lost, of which some, as Amphi-
polis, became independent, and some were taken away from
Athens by Philip, such as the cities of Pydna and Potidaea,
which were given to the Olynthians. Thus the revenues
received from the tributes were necessarily much diminished
at the breaking out of the Sacred war (Olymp. 106, 2, b.c.
355).

The cities of Euboea were afterwards detached from the
Athenian alliance by the Macedonians; the remaining posses-
sions in Thrace and in the Chersonese were taken, the state
gradually lost the seventy-five cities which had been combined
by Timotheus into the confederate council, together with 150
ships, and large sums of money^°^ Athens, however, up to the
period of her complete downfall was never entirely destitute of
allies : although in latter times she was unable either to j^rotect
them or to assert her own rights. Even pirates disputed for
possession with the Athenians; and the contest was no longer
confined to the independent states, but extended to the islands
which had been the peculiar property of Athens, since Philip
attacked even Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros^°^

Concerning the amount of the tributes in the times which
succeeded the breaking out of the Social war, our knowledge is
most imperfect. Without dwelling upon the erroneous state-
ment, that in the time of Lycurgus they still amounted to 1 200
talents, we may notice their inconsiderable amount at the time
when after the Social war, and at the end of the 106th Olympiad
(b.c. 353), Demosthenes came forward against Philip. At that
time none but the weakest islands were attached to Athens, not
Chios, or Rhodes, or Corcyra; the whole contribution {avvra^csi)

•'•07 Demosth. de Libert. Ilhod. p. l ^^^ ^Eschin. do F.als. Leg. p. 247.
198. I *^^ /Eschin. de Fals. Leg. p. 251.

CH. XVII.]

AFTER THE ANARCHY.

423

amounted only to 45 talents, and even this small sum was
raised in advance^ '°.

Demosthenes succeeded in acquiring more powerful allies,
the Euboeans, Achaeans, Corinthians, Thebans, Megarians,
Leucadians, and Corcyrseans; the contributions of the states
must however have been less compulsory than they had been in
more ancient times, ^schines speaks of the unfortunate
islanders, who at the time of Chares were forced to pay a yearly
contribution [auvra^is:) of 60 talents*' ^ It is possible that
these payments subsequently rose to 130 or even to 400
talents; although this fact does not admit of proof, and can
only be assumed for the purpose of explaining a passage in
the fourth Philippic, of w^hich I will presently speak^^*.
From this also we might explain the credit w^hich Demosthenes
obtained, for having procured from the allies contributions
(crvvTa^ets ')(^pr]^dT(av) of more than 500 talents.

Of the respective allotments we know nothing, except that,
in the time of Philip, Eretria and Oreus in Euboea paid 5
talents, each under the name of contribution, which, according
to the account of ^schines, were lost through the fault of
Demosthenes. This orator^' ^ states, upon the authority of a
report of Callias the Chalcidean, which he himself disbelieved,
that an Euboean council {avviSpcov) existed at Chalcis, which
produced a contribution {avvra^is) of 40 talents; and also
another of all the Acheeans and Megarians, which supplied a
contribution of 60 talents; that the same Callias had also
stated that many other states were preparing for war, and that
they all wished to form themselves at Athens into a common
confederate council, and take the field against Macedon, under
the command of Athens. He proceeds to mention, that in
consequence of these proceedings the Athenians, at the insti-

= ^» Demosth. de Corona, p. 305.

^" ^scliin. de Fals. Leg. p. 250.

^'■^ See chap. 19. Concerning De-
mosthenes see the decree after the
Lives of the Ten Orators, p. 276.

513 C. Ctesiph. pp. 482—497. At
the conchision of this subject I may
remark that the passage of Hyperides

in the Delian oration in Hai-pocration
in V. avvra^is: 2vvTa^iv iv r&i napovri
ov8ev\ didovres, r]fxe7s 8e nore rj^tdxrafiev
Xa/Seii/, is not to be imderstood of all
the allies, but probably only refers to
the Delians, who were independent at
the time when that oration was com-
posed.

424 THE TRIBUTES AND ALLIES OF ATHENS. [bK. III.

gation of Demosthenes, had remitted tlie contril^ution to the
Eretrians and the Oreitans, in order that both states might
contril^ute to the Euboean council at Chalcis, while Chalcis
itself should cease to belong to the allied council of Athens,
and pay to it any contribution ; that by this means Callias had
wished to make Euboea independent, and had therefore urged
the formation of the council at Chalcis; but that Demosthenes,
having been bribed to support this measure, received 3 talents,
1 from Chalcis through the hands of CalUas, and 1 from each
of the other two cities. As the amount of the sums contributed
was so considerable, it is quite possible that the receipts may at
that time have equalled several hundred talents.

Chapter XVIIL
The Athenian Cleruchia, or Colonies.

I have as yet intentionally omitted a subject which is essential
to a full understanding of the Athenian alliance, and which by
reason of its influence upon the national wealth should on no
account be wanting in a history of the public economy of
Athens; I mean the Athenian cleruchiae, in the consideration
of which, I shall only touch upon some of those points which
have escaped the notice of others, in the hope that some future
writer will carry on the investigation.

It was always considered as a right of conquest to divide the
lands of the conquered people into lots or freehold estates
{KXrjpot); in this manner the Grecians peopled many cities and
countries which had previously been in the possession of bar-
barians; thus, for example, Athens colonized Amphipolis, which
she took from the Edoni. This sort of cleruchia had never
any appearance of singularity or harshness, because none but
barbarians, who seemed born for slavery, were injured by it.

This system of colonizing was, however, more rare between
Greeks and Greeks. The principal example is afforded by the
Dorians, who, on the return of the Heraclidee into the Pelopon-
nese, expelled the majority of the ancient inhabitants, and took
possession of their lands, to which they had no other right than

CH. XVIII.] THE ATHENIAN CLERUCHI.*:. 425

that which was obtained by conquest. In like manner also the
Thessalian knights appropriated to themselves the lands of the
ancient inhabitants^ the Penestee; who became their bondsmen
and the cultivators of their lands at a rent: and again in
Crete and Lacedaemon the right of conquest had introduced
a similar relation between the citizens and the Clarot^^ Mes-
senians^ and Helots, and in Rome between the patrons and the
clients.

In these cases the proprietors of the new estates were no other
than cleruchi, and their ownership was a cleruchia^'*; and it
would be unjust to the Athenians, if we reproached them with
the invention of this practice, which is to be considered rather
as a remnant of the barbarous treatment of conquered enemies
which prevailed in early times; although it appears more unna-
tural at a period when mankind had ceased to wander about in
large bodies, and had adopted some settled habitation, and also
when the severity was exercised towards nations of the same
race. In other respects this practice differed so little from the
establishment of other colonies, that Polybius, Dionysius, and
others, call the Roman colonists cleruchi.

All motives of revenge and hatred against enemies being
left out of the question, it may be said that excess of population
and excessive poverty of the citizens were the immediate in-
ducements which caused Athens to retain this ancient practice
of conquerors. In later times, however, when the system of
the Athenian alliance had taken a settled form, reasons of state
policy were added to these inducements. The distribution of
the land was employed as a caution against, and penalty for,
revolt; and the Athenians perceived that there was no cheaper
or better method of maintaining the supremacy, as Machiavelli
has most justly remarked, than the establishment of colonies,
which would be compelled to exert themselves for their own
interest to retain possession of the conquered countries : but in
this calculation they were so blinded by passion and avarice, as
to fail to perceive that their measures excited a lasting hatred

Concerning the term see Harpocrat. Phot. Suid. Lex. Seg. p. 267, &c.

426

THE ATiiEXlAX CLERUCIII.E.

[bK. III.

against the oppressors ; from the consequences of which over-
sight Athens suffered severely.

Isocrates'^^ truly says that the Athenians established cle-
ruchi in the desolated towns for the purpose of custody; but he
forgets to mention that the Athenians had themselves been the
authors of their desolation; and no one will suppose that they
were actuated in those proceedings by disinterested motives.
Or are we to call it disinterestedness when one state endows its
poor citizens with lands at the cost of another? Now it was of
this class of persons that the settlers were chiefly composed^
and the state provided them with arms^ and defrayed the
expenses of their journey^^^ It is nevertheless true, that the
lands were distributed by lot among a fixed number of citizens^^^:
the principle of division doubtless was, that all who mshed to
partake in the benefit applied voluntarily, and it was then
determined by lot who should and who should not receive a
share. If any wealthy person wished to go out as a fellow-^
speculator, full liberty must necessarily have been granted him.
The profitableness of the concern forbids us to imagine that all
the citizens cast lots, and that those upon whom the chance fell
were compelled to become cleruchi.

With regard to the first introduction of the Athenian
cleruchies, it may be observed, that the earliest instance occurs
before the Persian wars, when the lands of the knights
(tTTTToySorat) of Chalcis in Euboea were given to 4000 Athenian
citizens, other estates being at the same time retained for the
gods and the state^'®. In the Peloponnesian war, however,
Chalcis had ceased to be a state of cleruchi, for it is mentioned
among the tributary allies, separately from the Athenian colo-
nies^' ^. In what relation the ancient cleruchi stood to the
natives, and whether the latter (who were partly common
people, and partly descendants of the knights formerly liberated
by the Athenians for a ransom) shared the governing power

^'^ PanegjT. p. 85, ed. Hall.

*'^ Liban. Argum. ad Demosth. de
Cliersoneso.

^^' Thucyd. iii. 50, Plutarch. Pericl.
34.

^^' Herod, v. 77, vi. 100, ^lian. Var,
Hist, vi, 1, where the text is corrupt;
for in Herodotus it is evident that no
alteration can be made.

*'» Thuoyd. vii. 57, cf. vi. 7C.

CH. XVIII.] THE ATHENIAN CLERUCHI.E. 427

with the Athenian cleruchi, or whether the cleruchi, who
returned to the main-land upon the Persian attack of Eretria,
were not restored to their cleruchiae, are questions which I shall
not attempt to determine. The next case of this kind was the
enslaving of the Dolopes and Pelasgians of Scyros, in the time
of Cimon, when the island was settled with cleruchi*-": in like
manner the islands of Lemnos and Imbros belonged to the
Athenians.

The distribution of lands was of most frequent occurrence
after the administration of Pericles. Pericles himself and his
successors^ Alcibiades^ Cieon^ and other statesmen, employed it
as a means of gaining the favour of the needy citizens^^^; and
the fondness of the common Athenians for this measure may
be seen from the example of Strepsiades in the Clouds of x\ris-
tophanes, vrho, on the mention of the word geometry, is
instantly reminded of measuring out the lands of cleruchi*^^
Thus in Olymp. 83, 4 (b.c. 445), Histieea in Euboea was given
to cleruchi^", and at a later period Potidaea, the inhabitants of
which were expelled: the same course was also followed with
^gina, at the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war, and the
Dorian people were ejected^-"*. Delos was indeed again depo-
pulated, but not entirely surrendered to the Athenians until a
subsequent period, when it had become nearly desolate. Lesbos
however they divided^ with the exception of Methymna, after
the revolt of the Mytileneans: at Scione the adult men were
put to death, the women and children made slaves, and the
PlatcEans wxre established in possession of the city, as being
Athenian citizens destitute of land*^': the Melians were also
reduced to slavery, and their property granted to cleruchi^*^
Many other cleruchi were also sent out upon the instigation of

^^'^ Thuc. i. 98, Diod. xi. 60, Nepos
Cimon. 2.

^^' Plutarch, ubi sup. cf. Aristoph.
Vesp. 714.

*** Nub. 203, and the Scholia&t, with

a calculation founded upon the amount
of diobelia the author coujectui'es that
the colonists of iEgiua were about
1400 or 1500. Corp. Inscript. No. 148,
vol. i. p. 227.— Thaksl.]

the notes of the commentators. i ^" Thuc. v. 32, Diod. xii. 76. Cf.

5^ Thuc. i. 114, cf. vii. 57, Died. xii. ! Isocrat. Panegp*. pp. 85, 80.
22. ' I ^^^ Thuc. V. ad fin.

"^ Thuc. ii. 27, Diod. xii. 44. [From [

428

THE ATHENIAN CLERUCHI.E.

[^BK.

[I.

Pericles. This statesman sent 1000 men to the Chersonese,
500 to Naxos, 250 to Andros, 1000 to Thrace, without reckoning
those that went to ^Egina, Thurii, and other places" ^ In
Euboea, from which, on account of its proximity to Attica, the
greatest advantages were reasonably expected, they manifestly
seized upon much land^"; hence ^schines^" asserts, that at
the time which immediately succeeded the peace of Nicias,
Athens was in possession of the Chersonese, Naxos, and
Euboea; of the latter island more than two-thirds, as An decides
attests in his oration concerning peace^^".

There can be no doubt that all the cleruchise were lost by
the battle of ^gospotamos"'; but as soon as they had suffi-
cient power, the Athenians established new colonies. In the
100th Olympiad the odium which they incurred on account of
these settlements was so great, that they recalled them^^^: but
the law which prohibited any Athenian from owning landed
property out of Attica did not long remain in force. Demos-
thenes speaks of cleruchian property in the 106th Olympiad
(B.C. 354)'". In Olymp. 106, 4 (b.c. 353), they again sent
cleruchi to the Chersonese, who were admitted by some cities;
the Cardiani however excluded them'^\ Samos was in Olymp.
107, 1 (B.C. 352), settled with 2000 cleruchi"% not without the

5^7 Plutarcli Pericl. 11.

528 Cf. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 314,
Demosth. Lept. 95, and there Wolf,
Moms ad Isocrat. Pan eg. 31.

5^9 De Fals. Leg. p. 337-

530 P. 93. Here actual possession,
and not subjection only, is meant, as is
evident from the circumstances of the
case. Comp. also Aristoph. Vesp. 714.

521 Cf. Xenoph, Mem. Socrat. ii.
7,8.

53^ Diod. XV. 23, 29.

533 In his speech concerning the
Symmorise.

53* Demosth. de Cherson. p. 91, 15,
Philipp. Epist. ap. Demosth. p. 163, 5,
Diod. xvi. 34, Liban. Argum. in Orat.
de Cherson.

535 Strab. xiv. p. 439, Ilcraclid.

Fragm. de Repub. 10, where Kdhler's
long note contains nothing, Diog.
Laert. x. 1, Diod. xviii. 8, ^Eschin, c.
Timarch. p. 78, Zenob. ii. 28. For the
date, I follow the statement of Pliilo-
chorus (ap. Dionys. in Vit. Dinarch.
p. 118, ed. Sylb.) in preference to the
Scholiast of ^schines (p. 731, vol. iii.
ed. Reisk.) who states that it was in
the archonship of Nicophemus (Olymp.
104, 4, B.C. 361). Diodorus xviii. 18,
does not agree with either, as he
reckons forty-three years from the ex-
pulsion of the Samians until their re-
storation by Perdicca.s in Olymp. 114,
2 (B.C. 323). There is however un-
questionably some error in this pas-
sage, which has been well examined by
Wesselinjr.

CH. XVIIl.] THE ATHENIAN CLERUCHI^. 429

disapprobation of those ^yho were under the influence of better
principles"^

But what was the relation which the states of the cleruchi
bore to Athens? Did the cleruchi remain Athenian citizens,
and if they did, were they at the same time citizens of a com-
munity composed of the cleruchi ? If this was the case, are
they to be considered as Athenian allies? and if so, in what
manner, whether dependent or independent?

Of these questions some can only be answered by conjec-
ture. That the cleruchi remained Athenian citizens cannot be
a matter of any doubt, whether we look to the views of Athens
in the establishment of cleruchi, or to the reasons by which
individuals could be actuated in accepting cleruchiee. The only
objects which Athens could have had, were either to enrich the
poor citizens, or to maintain important stations or countries for
its own advantage. But if the cleruchi had ceased to be citi-
zens of Athens, the benefit received by the parent state would
have been lost. These establishments of cleruchi would in that
case have become mere colonies, unconnected with Athens by
any close relation, analogously to the lonians in Asia Minor
and the islands, who, although they had proceeded from Attica,
soon broke off all connexion with the mother-country. x\nd
who would have sacrificed his rights of citizenship, which were
so highly prized by the Greeks, for the possession of an estate,
if he was moreover exposed to the risk, in case the former pro-
prietors were reinstated either by war or treaty, of being left
not only without property, but even without a country? ^s-
chines speaks of a person who had gone with the cleruchi to
Samos, as if he were merely an absent Athenian; and Demos-
thenes includes the property of the cleruchi among that of
Attica. Aristophanes the poet possessed an estate in ^Egina,
during the time that he was an Athenian citizen"^: Aristarchus,
a person mentioned in Xenophon, who was a citizen and a pro-

^« Aristot. Rhet. ii. 6.

537 Aristopli. Acliarn. 652, accord-

The Callistratus mentioned by the
other Scholiast, Avho also possessed a

ing to the correct interpretation of one ' portion of land in /Egina, cannot be
Scholiast. Cf. Aristoph. Vit. p. 14. meant in this passage.

430 THE ATHENIAN CLERUCHl^. [bK. III.

i:)rietor of houses at Athens, and whose estates had fallen into
the hands of the enemy, was both a citizen and a cleruchus ;
as also Eutherus, who had lost his foreign estates, and com-
plains that his father had not even left him anything in
Attica"'. Demosthenes also appears to consider the inhabi-
tants of Lemnos and Imbros as Athenian citizens"'; and
although Ariston the father of Plato went as a cleruchus to
^gina, and Plato himself was born there (Olymp. 87, 3, B.C.
430); although Neocles the father of Epicurus settled in Samos
wdth the cleruchi^^% and his son was educated in that island; it
is nevertheless certain that Plato and Epicurus were, as well as
their fathers, Athenian citizens, the former belonging to the
borough Collyttus, the latter to the borough Gargettus, and
that after their return, they were considered as natives equally
with citizens born in Attica.

But, notwithstanding this privilege of the cleruchi, in the
states w^hich were exclusively possessed by them they composed
a separate community: this fact might indeed have been in-
ferred from the general policy of the Greeks, according to which
the inhabitants of each place formed themselves into a separate
community, administering its own government. Again, as the
cleruchiee must be considered as colonies (with this one excep-
tion, that they were more closely dependent upon the mother
country than the early settlements), it was indispensable that
they should compose a separate state: hence they are called by
a new appellation, as Amphipolitans, Istieeans, Chalcideans,
^ginetans^*^; although they are sometimes also called Athe-
nians; for by the international law of Greece it was permitted
that one person should at the same time be a citizen of several
states, and even all the citizens of one state frequently received
the rights of citizenship in another.

It sometimes however happened that the cleruchi, as was the

*38 See tlie passages of /EscliiuGs,
Demosthenes, and Xenoplion, in notes
535, 533,531.

539 Demostli. Philip, i.p. 49, 2C.

^^^ Phavorin. ap. Diogen. Laert. iii.
2, Ileraclid. ap. eund. x. 1.

viii. 1, 4G, Pansan. v. 23. The Athe-
nians in Delos in later times indeed
called themselves " the People of the
Athenians in Delos ;" but from a pe-
riod so recent no conclusion can he
drawn which will apply to earlier

*^' Thucyd. iv. 104, vii. 47, Tlerod. times. Sec above note 430.

CTI. XVIII.] THE ATHENIAN CLERUCHI/E. 431

case in Mytilene, did not personally occupy the property, hut
held it as landlords. In this case then are we to imagine that
they composed a separate colony? After the revolt and recon-
quest of Mytilene, more than 1000 of the chief persons were
executed, the small cities of the Mytileneans were separated
from Lesbos, and reduced to the condition of subject alhes of
Athens. No tribute was imposed upon the Mytileneans them-
selves, but the country was divided into 3000 lots, of which 300
were reserved as tithes for the gods, and the others were given
to the cleruchi who were sent to Lesbos : the cultivation of the
land was then permitted to the Lesbians themselves, in con-
sideration of a rent of 2 minas for each lot^'*^. Now althouo^h
Thucydides undoubtedly states that the cleruchi were sent
thither, it is impossible to believe that 2700 Athenians remained
in this island, as in that case the whole countiy would hardly
have been granted in lease to the Lesbians. There can be no
doubt that many Athenians returned home; but a part of the
settlers must have stayed behind as a garrison, and probably
these, together with the former inhabitants, composed the com-
monwealth.

Lastly, from the nature of the cleruchian communities it may
be inferred, that although their citizens were also citizens of
Athens, they nevertheless remained in the most entire depend-
ence upon the mother country. In the first place the religious
institutions of the cleruchi were, as well as their priests, con-
nected with those of Athens, the religion of all colonies having
been originally derived from the mother state. Again, there
was no obstacle which could prevent the government of Athens
from retaining large estates in those countries as pubUc pro-
perty, either as consecrated to the gods, as in Chalcis and Les-
bos, or as belonging directly to the Athenian state, as was the
case in Chalcis, and probably with the Thracian mines**^ A
community of such colonists was evidently debarred from the
privilege of maintaining a separate military force, in which

5^^ Thucyd. iii. 50. Antiplion de j xiii. p. 412, and there Ciisaubon, Time.
Herod, ciede p. 744. Concerning the iv. 52, Herod, v. 94 sqq.
towns upon the main-land see Strab. -^^^ See book iii. ch. 2 and 3.

432 THE ATHENIAN CLERUCHIiE. [bK. III.

respect it must have been wholly dependent upon Athens.
Hence we find that the Chalcidean cleruchi had no vessels of
their own at Artemisium and Salamis, but they manned 20
Athenian triremes*", for which the 4000 cleruchi were exactly
sufficient; and they received from Athens instructions for mili-
tary undertakings^*^ Their generals were doubtless nominated
by Athens; and although perhaps they had the privilege of
appointing to many public offices, they were yet subject to the
control of inspectors sent from Athens, and indeed in many
other colonies the mother state had the right of nominating to
certain situations. It must also have been considered by the
cleruchi as a right allowed to them and not as an obligation,
that they were under the jurisdiction of the Athenian courts;
for otherwise the cleruchus would have renounced an essential
privilege of the Athenian citizen.

And what we have already said upon the authority of Anti-
phon concerning the limited jurisdiction of the Mytileneans
after their revolt, proves that the supreme jurisdiction in the
cleruchian communities belonged to Athens, and extended not
to the cleruchi only, but also to the ancient inhabitants, who
might in the first instance have resorted to courts of the Athe-
nian cleruchi. In this manner such states as we have been
speaking of fell (although by a path wholly different) into a
state of dependence as degraded as that of the subject allies;
T\^th this difference only, that they were inhabited by citizens,
who would have been entitled to exercise all the risfhts of

citizenship in Athens itself.

The only point as to which any doubt can exist is, whether
or not they paid a tribute ? Thucydides is silent with regard
to them, although in speaking of the other communities he
invariably mentions whether they paid a tribute or furnished a
military force. The cleruchi, as being Athenian citizens, must
necessarily have performed military service for their country:
but it is nevertheless possible that particular states were also
subject to the payment of a tribute, which perhaps arose
from the transfer of the obhgations, together with the

*" HerocL u])i sup. 545 u^j-oa. vi. 100.

CH. XVIII.] THE ATHENIAN CLERUCHIiE. 433

transfer of the property which had belonged to the former inha-
bitants. Mytilene before its revolt paid no tribute; from which,
as is manifest, the cleruchi were equally exempt; for Thucy-
dides, having expressly stated that no tribute had been imposed
upon the Lesbians, would not have omitted to mention that the
Athenians were subject to this burthen, ^gina had been
subject to a tribute from the 80th Olympiad; and it seems to
me probable that the cleruchi who in the 87th Olympiad were
sent in the place of the ancient inhabitants paid the same
tribute. At least this enables me to comprehend why in the
93rd Olympiad we should meet with an eicostologus in ^gina;
the custom duty of a twentieth having succeeded in place of the
tribute. I have already remarked, that Chalcis^ which Thucy-
dides calls a tributary state, had ceased to be a community of
cleruchi in the time of the Peloponnesian war, and therefore
that city is unconnected with any discussion upon this point

Chapter XIX.

Total Annual Amount of the Public Revenue of Athens.

From the regular revenues, of which an account has been
already given, independently of the liturgies and the extraor-
dinary taxes, the sum of the annual income of the Athenian
state might be computed, if each single item could be deter-
mined for the diiferent periods. But as this is not in every
case possible, we must be contented with collecting and passing
judgment upon the few statements which the ancients furnish
us with.

I do not stay to consider the absurd assertion made by
Petit, Salmasius, Meursius, and others, that the revenue of
Athens amounted to 6000 talents a year, but shall immediately
turn to the statement of Xenophon, who informs us that on the
breaking out of the Peloponnesian war not less than 1000
talents were received from domestic and from foreign sources,
i. e. from the allies"®. Xenophon evidently considers this sum

Cyr. Expod. vii. 1, 27.

2 F

434 TOTAL ANNUAL AMOUNT OF THE [bK. III.

as extraordinarily large; and if we reckon the tributes at 600
talents^ which was their amount at that period, 400 talents
remain for the domestic revenue, which corresponds sufficiently
well with the resources of the country, and with the necessary
regular expenses. The account of the historian is, however,
contradicted by the poet Aristophanes, who in the comedy of
the Wasps^^^ (Olymp. 89, 2, B.C. 423) estimates the total sum
of all the revenues at nearly 2000 talents, exclusively of the
liturgies, w^hich were not paid into any public fund. Aristo-
phanes indeed reckons many things which Xenophon perhaps
might pass over, such as justice fees and fines^ together with
the proceeds of confiscated property. This, however, is not
sufficient to occasion so large a difference in the statements,
nor can it be supposed that Aristophanes would have made any
gross exaggeration. Nothing therefore remains but to suppose
that the enhancement of the tributes, which is mentioned in
the orators as if it had been a consequence of the peace of
Nicias, had in fact taken place a short time before, that is to
say, about Olymp. 89, 1, or 2 {b.c. 424 — 3). If the increased
tribute, as has been already shown, alone amounted to 1200
talents, and if we add the items which Xenophon, as has been
said, perhaps omitted, the sum obtained would be about 1800
talents.

How great must have been the falling off in this large
amount of revenue, when the ascendancy of Athens no longer
existed, it is superfluous to point out. After the battle of
iEgospotamos all payment of tribute ceased, the traffic was
inconsiderable, many houses in Athens were unoccupied, the
state was unable to pay off the smallest debts, and was forced
to submit to reprisals from the Boeotians for the sake of a few
talents. We have not however any determinate statements
until the time of Lycurgus, excepting in the fourth Philippic,
which, although not the production of Demosthenes, ought not
therefore to be neglected; for definite statements must have
some foundation even in a spurious oration. ^^ It was once our
case,'^ we are there told"^, " and that not long ago, to be pos-

»^7 Vs. 657 sqq. ^'^ P. 41,9.

CH. XIX.] PUBLIC REVENUE OF ATHENS. 435

sessed of a public revenue which did not exceed 130 talents;"
and the orator presently adds, that good fortune had afterwards
increased the public income, and that the receipts amounted to
400 instead of 100 talents. It is hardly conceivable that the
national income should ever have sunk so low as 130 talents,
especially as Lycurgus in the age of Demosthenes is stated to
have again succeeded in raising it to 1200 talents. It is how-
ever possible that the author of this speech had some passage
before him which he misunderstood, and in which the tributes
were alluded to. These payments might have amounted to 130
and afterwards to 400 talents, and the latter have been in the
time of Lycurgus; it would otherwise be incomprehensible
to us by what means he could have so much augmented the
revenue without the aid of considerable tributes. We must
however be satisfied not to pass any decided judgment upon
this subject, so many points of it being obscure, as they must
always remain. Nor indeed will the statements of Demosthenes
and ^Eschines, concerning the tributes in later times, agree
with my hypothesis, unless, as is probable, they relate to other
years. For what Demosthenes and ^schines say, may be
referred to the time of the social war, and then the account of
the 130 talents may have reference to the years immediately
following, and of the 400 talents to the time beginning in
Olymp. 109, 4 (b.c. 341), or Olymp. 110, 1 (b.c. 340), the
date assumed by the author of the fourth Philippic for its
composition.

The revenue appears to have sufifered the greatest falling off
in the 105th and 106th Olympiads (b.c. 360— 53)*'®, from the con-
joint influence of the defection of the allies, and the interruption
of trade. It is to this latter evil that Xenophon alludes in his
Essay on the Revenues"^ when he complains of the failure of
several branches of the public income in time of war. According
to Isocrates"' the Athenians were at that time in want of the
common necessaries of life, and by extorting money for the

5" See Demosth c. Leptin. § 21, 95,
spoken in OljTnp. 106, 2 (b.c. 355).
^^^ 5, 12, Concerning the time see

book iv. cb. 21.

**' ^vfjLfxax- 16, written in Olymp-
106, 1 (B.C. 35G).

2 F 2

436

TOTAL ANNUAL AMOUNT OF THE

[bk.

payment of the mercenaries, utterly ruined tlieir allies: so that,
in his opinion, peace was the only means of recovering their
prosperity, of putting an end to war taxes, and to the trierarchy,
of promoting agriculture, trade, and shipping, of raising the
revenues, and increasing the number of merchants, foreigners,
and resident aliens, of which the state was absolutely destitute.
Demosthenes*** indeed not long afterwards (Olymp. 106, 3
(b.c. 354), estimates the wealth of Athens as nearly equal to
that of all the other states; but in this comparison he refers
only to the national wealth, and not to the public revenue.

The orator Lycurgus appears to have been the only one
amongst the statesmen of ancient times who had a real know-
ledge of the management of finance. He was a man of the
strictest integrity, and so hardy that he went barefoot, after the
manner of Socrates; at the same time judicious, active, econo-
mical without parsimony, in all respects of a noble disposition,
and so inflexibly just, that he was more willing to give than to
take: thus we are told^ that he bestowed a talent upon a syco-
phant, to prevent an information being laid against his wife, for
the transgression of a law passed by himself; although it is
true that he thus deprived the state of a fine*". Although the
administration of finance engaged the largest share of his atten-
tion, he also attended to other public duties, and in the latter
part of his life to foreign aifairs"^ The public revenue was
under his management for three periods of five years (Trevrae-
T7;ptSe9"'), that is, according to the ancient idiom, twelve
years**': the first four years for himself, and the others under
the name of another person; but in such a manner, that it w^as
known that he was properly the manager of the public revenue.
When this administration began, and when it ceased, we are

*" De Symmor. p. 155, 2.

553 Taylor ad Lycurg. p. 114, val. iv.
Reisk. The defence of Lycurgus iu
the assembly may be seen in Plutai'ch's
Comparison of Nicias and Crassus,
cliap. 1.

*•'•"' Pseudo-Demosth. Epist. 3.

"* Decret. in Vit. Dec. Orat. p. 278,
Vit. Lycurg. ibid. p. 250, Pliotius

cclxviii. p. 1483, whose account is
chiefly derived from the spurious Plu-
tarch, and therefore will not always
be quoted separately.

"^ Diod. xvi. 88. Wesseling (ad
Diod. et ad Petit Leg. Att. iii. 2, 33)
assumes fifteen years, which appears
to me impossible. Comp. above, book
ii. ch. fi.

CH. XIX.] PUBLIC REVENUE OF ATHENS. 437

not indeed informed; nor can the question be settled by the
testimony of Diodorus, who mentions it as past, in speaking of
the battle of Chaeronea : for it is evident that he only took this
opportunity of stating that Lycurgus had distinguished himself
by his financial measures. I have however some reasons for
supposing that he did not enter upon that office before the
109th Olympiad'^^

He passed through with honour on the several occasions
when he rendered an account of his financial administration" ^
The loss of the accounts which he fixed up previously to his
death (a fragment of which is probably still extant*), of his
oration concerning the administration (vrepl StoLKrjaecos^^^), and
of his defence against Menesgechmus {a7roXoyca-pb09 o)v Treiro-
XirevTai, airoXoyla virep tmv evOvvoiv'"^^), in which he justified
the accounts that he had set up against the attacks of his^^^
adversary, and in which he entered into minute details, such,
for example, as the hide money; the loss of these documents is
irreparable for the history of the Athenian finances. When the
military preparations were committed to Lycurgus," he built
400 vessels, of which some were new and some old vessels
repaired; provided a large store of arms, and also 50,000 darts,
which were brought to the Acropolis ; procured gold and silver
instruments for processions, golden statues of victory, and
golden ornaments for 100 canephorae; he also built and planted
the gymnasium in the Lyceum, founded the wresthng school in
that place, completed many unfinished works, such as the docks,
the armoury, the theatre of Bacchus, the panathenaic course,
and adorned the city with many other works of art^^^ He
also raised the revenue"' (and not the tributes, as Meursius
and his followers suppose''') to 1200 talents. The author of

Corp. Inscript. No. 157, and founded with the Eisangelia against

notes.

^58 Decret. iit sup. p. 279.

* See note 557.

*^^ Suid. in w. AvKovpyos, 'ETriKpa-n;?,

Menesgechmus.

^' Vit. Dec. Orat. p. 255.

56^ Decret. in Vit. Dec. Orat. Phot,
ubi sup. Pausan. i. 29.

oxelov, (xeipiov, Harpocrat. in vv. 'Etti- *^^ Vit. Dec. Orat. p. 254.
KpaTrjs, ox^'iou, aeipiva. j ^64 Meurs. Fort. Att. p. 55, Barthel.

**^*' Concerning which see Meurs. Anarch, vol. iv. p. 33 1 , Manso, Sparta,
Bibl. Att. This must not be con- : vol. ii. p. 498.

438

TOTAL ANNUAL AMOUNT OF THE

[bk.

III.

the Lives of the Ten Orators adds to this statement, singularly-
enough, that they formerly amounted to 60 talents; for which
number it has been proposed by some to read 600; Meursius
however prefers 460, who again refers it to the tributes, and
indeed to the assessment of Aristides. It appears to me most
probable, that either the ignorant compiler himself, or some
commentator who wished to supply the deficiency of his author,
had in his mind the 60 talents contributed by the allies, of
which ^schines speaks.

With regard to money stored up for future use, I am upon
the whole convinced that Lycurgus did not collect any treasure.
Pausanias indeed thought that he had done so, and the decree
in favour of Lycurgus states that he brought much money to
the Acropolis ; but there can be no doubt that it was soon con-
sumed. Distributions were made among the citizens from the
surplus money, and nothing remained but what was worked up
in ornaments for processions, or in works of art and sacred
offerings . Of the measures which he adopted for increasing
the public income we are wholly ignorant: it should at the
same time be borne in mind, that at this period, when the
quantity of money in circulation was considerable, the value of
1200 talents was not so great as in the age of Pericles. On
account of the extreme honesty of Lycurgus, many private
individuals had confided large sums of money to his custody,
which in time of need he advanced to the state without requir-
ing any interest. In the decree it is stated that this money
amounted to 650 talents, but, according to the Lives of the Ten
Orators, it was only 250 talents'": the former is the more
probable statement.

The amount of all the monies, for the receipt and disburse-
ment of which he accounted, is stated differently. The decree
of Stratocles, which was brought forward in the archonship of
Anaxicrates (Olymp. 118, 2, b.c. 307), and to which we have

'^* The origin of Uiis difference pro-
bably was, tha t it was written in the
decree III H |A| TaXavra, which the
author of the Lives of th^ Ten Orators

read as if it were H H [a7' This is
more probable than that the mistake
sliould luive been the contrary way.

CH. XIX.] PUBLIC REVENUE OF ATHENS. 439

SO often referred, mentions 18,900 talents'*^; but in the Lives
of the Ten Orators only 18,650 talents are quoted from the
same source. Upon which side the error lies may appear
doubtful. The passage in the Lives of the Ten Orators is,
however, evidently interpolated by some other hand, and is
therefore less worthy of credit than the text of the decree,
which is the original of that statement ; and it is possible that
the number 650 instead of 900 arose from a confusion with the
amount of money advanced by private individuals, which occurs
immediately afterwards in the decree, and amounts to the very
same number. The safest course therefore is to abide by the
statement of the decree.

The whole sum is in another place stated at only 14,000
talents^^^: this number appears however to have been arrived at
by a mere process of approximation, viz., by multiplying 1200
talents, the amount of the annual receipts, by twelve, which
gives 14,400 talents, and inaccurately omitting the other 400;
whereas the decree of Stratocles must have been founded upon
official documents, and doubtless upon the account rendered by
Lycurgus himself, and fixed up in public. For it would be
absurd to suppose that in so ancient a document, and one which
was drawn up for the express use of the state, the number
should have been ascertained by an approximate estimate,
merely by multiplying 1200 talents by 15, on the assumption
that Lycurgus administered the finances for fifteen years. Now
it is true that the record of the decree does not agree with the
account which states that in the time of Lycurgus the revenue
amounted annually to 1 200 talents, if, as has been assumed, he
was only at the head of this department for twelve years ; but
since he accounted for the money of private individuals, which
was afterwards repaid, the sum of the disbursements might
have been considerably increased, if the money advanced was
included among the payments, and afterwards the money with
which these loans were replaced.

The statement of Pausanias'^® on this subject is also worthy
of consideration. This author, in his ambiguous Herodotean

*^« P. 278. ^*^7 Vit. Dec. Orat. p. 251, Phot, ubi sup. "•* i. 20.

440

ANNUAL AMOUNT OF PUBLIC REVENUE. [bK. III.

style, informs us that Lycurgus brought into the pubhc treasure
6500 talents more than Pericles; by which he means, the whole
amount of what Lycurgus had received and disbursed. Accord-
ing to Isocrates, the sum collected by Pericles was 8000 talents:
if we suppose that Pausanias folio ^ved some more accurate
authority which stated 7900 talents as the amount collected by
Pericles, 14,400 talents would be the sum which he meant to
say was amassed by Lycurgus, a number which would upon
this hypothesis have merely been obtained by an approximate
estimate, as has been remarked above. The statement of Pau-
sanias cannot be well understood in any other manner.

Lycurgus was succeeded in the administration by his adver-
sary Meneseechmus, and Dionysius is also stated to have been
treasurer of the administration (6 kirl ri]^ hioiKrjo-ea)^) at the
same period, to both of whom Dinarchus was opposed^*'.
Demetrius Phalereus is also praised for having increased the
revenue of the state"" after Olymp. 115, 3 (b.c. 318), at a
period when Athens had already sunk into comparative insigni-
ficance. Nor is it easy to determine what amount of credit
should be given to Duris of Samos"^, when he states that the
annual revenue of Athens amounted to 1 200 talents in the time
of Demetrius. In the later times of the republic the manage-
ment must have been more economical, in order to carry the
state through its difficulties. We are informed by a decree"*
that Demochares, the son of Laches, was the first person who
curtailed the expenses of the administration, and made an
economical use of the current revenues. The same person also
procured gifts for his country from foreigners: 30 talents from
Lysimachus, and on another occasion 100 from the same person,
50 from Ptolemy, and 20 from Antipater. Thus was this once
great nation forced to beg of kings.

'*^ Concerning these two see Dio-
nysius llalicaruassensis in tlic Life of
Dinarchus.

*'<' Diog. Laert. v. 75.

^7' Ap. Athen. xii. p. 542, C.

^'■' Ap. Vit. Dec. Oral. p. 276.

CH. XX.] HISTORY OF THE PUBLIC TREASURE.

441

Chapter XX.

History of the Public Treasure,

From the overplus of the national revenue there arose in
ancient times the Public Treasure, which at its first formation
was exclusively, and afterward in a great measure, applied to
the uses of war.

It was preserved upon the Acropolis, in the posterior cell
(oTTtaOoBo/jLos) of a temple of Minerva'"^; but of what temple we
are not informed. The scholiast to the Plutus of Aristophanes
assures us that it was the temple of Minerva Polias ; that is to
say, the threefold temple which belonged to Erectheus, Minerva,
and Pandrosus. But this, according to the certain testimony of
Herodotus and Pausanias, was burned down by the Persians
under Xerxes; in Olymp. 92, 4 (b.c. 409), and even in Olymp.
93, 1 (B.C. 408), it had not been rebuilt'^* ; and in the third year
of the same Olympiad, in the archonship of CalUas (b.c. 406),
it was again burned down'*^^ for the second time. The temple
which was afterwards built, as Stuart remarks*'®, had not any
opisthodomus, and this is evidently true of the temple which
w^as in course of building in Olymp. 92, 4, from its similarity
with that of which the remains are still extant, which have been
compared by Wilkins with the inscription relating to the unfi-
nished temple just mentioned. At no time therefore can the
treasure have been deposited in a posterior cell of the temple of

V '^^ Harpocrat.Suid.Hesych. Etymol.
Phot, (twice) in v. oniaOodo^os. Aris-
topli. Plut. 1194, Orat. jrepl avvrd^.
p. 170, Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 743, 1,
and there Ulpian. p. 822, Lucian. Tim.
53, also Lex. Seg. p. 286, although in
the latter the sacred money alone is
mentioned.

*7* Corp. Inscript. Gr, No. 160, in
his notes to which inscription the
author makes the following remark :
*' Quod vero templum adhuc superstes
idem est atque illud, de quo nostra

inscriptio, inde non colligitur id tem-
plum Olymp. 93,3, non esse incensum.
Non enim absumptiim igne dicitur, sed
correptum (ad quod non satis attendi
(Ec. Civ. Ath. iii. 20,) et recte Vis-
contus (de Elgin, p. 113,) judicat, in
opere lapideo non potuisse nisi siipel-
lectilem et tectum incendio deleri, ut
Pantheon Agrippoe post incendiuni
adhuc manet." — A^'ol. i. p. 264.

^^^ Xenoph. Hellen. i. 6, 1.

*'^ Antiquities of Athens, vol. ii.
p. 4 sqq.

442

HISTORY OF THE PUBLIC TREASURE. [bK. III.

Minerva Polias ; nor indeed was any treasure laid by before the
Persian war, for the first time at which any such deposit was
made was after the transfer of the office from Delos ; unless we
give this name to the sacred possessions under the management
of the treasurers, which were preserved at Athens before it was
taken by Xerxes. It is therefore necessary to suppose that the
opisthodomus of the Parthenon is meant, in which the treasure
was deposited ever after the building of that temple. The
opisthodomus as the place of custody for the treasure occurs in
an inscription"", which I cannot err materially in assigning to
the 90th Olympiad; and at this time the Parthenon alone was in
existence, the temple of Minerva Polias not having been as yet
built. It should also be remarked, that in addition to the
public monies, treasure belonging to temples was deposited in
this building''^ and also many valuables: others were kept
in the body of the Parthenon itself, as is proved by several
inscriptions"^

Other precious articles were preserved in different temples ;
among which was perhaps the temple of Diana upon the Acro-
polis, if the opisthodomus mentioned in an inscription'^" can be
referred to this temple. The separate treasure of Minerva
Polias^^^ was a portion of the public treasure, which name may
have given occasion to the error of the Scholiast to Aristo-
phanes. It is unnecessary to inquire in what place the public
monies were kept, when the opisthodomus of the Parthenon
was burned down in the age of Demosthenes, for there can be
no doubt that it was soon afterwards restored'^*. The key of
the public treasure and the superintendence of all the monies
of the state, belonged to the daily epistates of the prytanes*°\

^'^ Coi-p. Inscript. No. 76.

57« Ibid.

^'^ lb. Nos. 139, 141, 150, 151.

5^0 lb. No. 150, § 45, cf. § 27. In
the temple of Minerva Polias there
were also certain precious articles,
€. g. in the time of Pausanias the
silver-footed stool of Xerxes and the
golden sabre of Mardonius (Pausan. i.
27).

•'^' Corp, Inscript. No. 147, Pryt. i.
which inscription is of Olymp. 92, 3,
(B.C. 410).

*^* Demosth. c. Timocrat. ubi sup.
and Ulpian.

*^* See the passages of Pollux, Sui-
das, and Eustathius ap. !Meins. Cecrop.
20. The argument to Demosth. c.
Androt. p, 500, 21, speaks of the keys
of the Acropolis. Tlie following arti-

CH. XX.] HISTORY OF THE PUBLIC TREASURE. 443

But the treasurers of the goddess and of the gods had also
the right of opening and shutting the doors of the opistho-
domus^^\

It cannot be proved that any treasure was ever laid by at
Athens before the time of Pericles ; and as prior to the period
of Themistocles all the money received from the mines was
divided among the citizens, it is manifest that they never
thought of making any deposit : besides which it would have
been impossible for Athens to collect any large amount of trea-
sure without the aid of tributary allies. We do not hear of the
public treasure until after the transfer of the funds of Delos to
Athens ; but when formed, its amount was very large as com-
pared to the price of commodities, and it produced considerable
benefit to the state. Although its operation may have been so
far mischievous, that it took a large quantity of coin out of cir-
culation, this evil was more than compensated by the conse-
quent lowness of prices, and the power of procuring much with
a small outlay of money. At the time when the treasure was
brought to Athens, this fund had been in existence about ten
years; consequently the sum paid into it could not have exceeded
4 600 talents ; a considerable portion of which must have been
again disbursed in time of war. Diodorus*^^ is therefore unde-
serving of any credit, when he states that nearly 8000 talents
were transferred from Delos to Athens: and speaks more
absurdly in another place of 10,000 or more*^^; in forming
which statements he has evidently confounded other data which
were alien to the subject. According to Isocrates^^'', Pericles
brought 8000 talents into the Acropolis exclusively of the
sacred money. The number 7900, which Pausanias appears to
adopt*®% is perhaps more accurate. If this statement is correct,
the sum which was transferred from Delos to Athens cannot
have exceeded 1800 talents. For there can be no doubt that
the public treasure in the time of Pericles, which was formed of

cle also belongs to this subject, Lex. | '^^^ xii. 38.
Seg. p. 188, 22, (TnaTaTrjs : (jjvKa^ tS)v
Koivcov ;(pJ7ftarcoi' kol eTriTTjprjTTjs Ta>v

'^* Corp. Inscript. No. 76.

'^^ xii. 54, xiii. 21.

^'7 ^vfifiaX' 40.

^^'^ See note 508, chap. W.

444 HISTORY OF THE PL'BLIC TREASURE. [bK. III.

the funds transferred from Delos, and whatever was subsequently
added to these, amounted, when at the highest, to 9700 talents
of coined silver^^°; which number is inaccurately stated by
Isocrates and Diodorus to have been 10,000'"^ Demosthenes"^
reckons that during the forty-five years' ascendancy of Athens
before the Peloponnesian war, more than 10,000 talents were
brought into the Acropolis: and his statement is perfectly accu-
rate, for he includes the uncoined gold and silver, of w^hich we
will presently speak. At the beginning of this war, the treasure
had undergone a considerable diminution from the expenses
incurred in building the propyleea and the siege of Potidsea: and
according to Thucydides there was only a surplus of 6000
talents, from which in Olymp. 87, 2 (b.c. 431), a separate trea-
sure of 1000 talents was laid by, together with 100 vessels which
W'Cre only to be made use of in case that Attica w^as threatened
by a hostile fleet^^^ The large expenses of the following years
until Olymp. 88, 1, evidently consumed the whole treasure with
the exception of this deposit; especially the enterprises of the
last-mentioned year*"; and hence about the winter of this
same year it was found necessary to levy a war tax of 200
talents for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the siege of
Mytilene^^S It w^as not until after the peace of Nicias that the
Athenians re-commenced the formation of a treasure, the
tributes having at that time been considerably increased, and

^^^ Thiicyd. ii. 13. lamis and Platsea in 01}Tnp. 75, i, and

^^^ Isocrat. Symmach. 2'S, Diod. xii. Olymp. 93, 4, which is 70 years in
40. : roinid numbers. Andocides (de Pace,

59' Olynth. iii. p. 35, 6, and thence p. 107) reckons 85 yeai-sfor the grow^
in the spurious oration Trepi o-vi/rd|eco$-, ing power of Athens, i.e. evidently
p. 174, 2. He reckons from Olymp. [ from the battle of Marathon in Olymp.
75, 3, until Olymp. 87, 1, since he 72, 3, until Olymp. 94, J, wliich is not
speaks of their hegemouia while re- i indeed what one would expect from the
cognised by the Greeks, which did not context of his narration. 65 years is the
last longer. Isocrates in the Pane- most correct statement ; see Dodwell
gyric reckons 70, and in the Panathe- Annal. Thucyd. under Olymp. 77, ^.
naic t*5 years; Demosthenes in the [See Clinton, Fast. Hell. vol. ii. Ap-
third Philippic 73 years for the dura- ; pend. vi. — Transl.]
tiou of the ascendancy of Atliens, all ^^^ See book ii. ch. 23.
according to different views. 7^ years i "^ Thucyd. iii. I7.
intervened between the battles of 8a- ^"^ Thucyd. iii. 19.

CH. XX.] HISTORY OF THE PUBLIC TREASURE. 445

such extraordinary preparations for war having ceased to he
necessary.

Andocides in the speech Trepl elprjvrjs and ^schines*",
wishing to recommend the adoption of peace, exhaust them-
selves in the enumeration of the advantages which Athens had
always derived from it: and either with intentional perversion
or from ignorance of the ancient history of their country, they
so mix together all facts and seasons, that it is no easy task to
elicit the truth from such a tissue of confused statements. The
following is the substance of what they say on the subject of
the public treasure, which is given with no alteration except in
the chronological arrangement.

In the thirty years' armistice or peace between Athens and
Sparta, which was only kept for the fourteen years between the
^ginetan (Olymp. 83, 3, b.c. 446) and Peloponnesian wars*-°,
1000 talents were deposited in the treasury, which according to
law were to be laid by separately {i^aipera) : 100 triremes were
added to the navy^®^, and several other preparations made: this
however manifestly took place in the first part of the war, and
not in the beginning of the peace, as has been already shown"";
which makes it more singular that this point should have been
dwelt upon by the orators, as it would have far better suited
their purpose to mention how much Pericles had collected
during that time. They also state that during the peace of
Nicias (which was concluded in Olymp. 89, 3, b.c. 422, for
fifty years, but was never regularly kept, and in the seventh
year, Olymp. 91, 1, b.c. 416, was completely broken by the
invasion of Sicily), until Athens upon the persuasion by the
Argives again commenced the war, the sum paid into the Acro-
polis amounted to 7000 talents"^ Nothing farther is known
with regard to the exact amount of the sum, but the statement

*^^ Andocid. p. 91 sqq. iEschiu. de his statement of this point. The alte-

Fals. Leg. p. 334 sqq. ration of 1000 into 2000 talents pro-

^^^ Diodorus in this year, and there posed by Scaliger is equally aibitrary

Wesseling, Thucyd. ii. 2, Plutarch, and false.

Pericl. 24. ^99 Reiske proposes to substitute

"7 See Andocid. p. 93. 700 for 7000.

598 Petit iv. 10, 8, is also correct in ,

446 HISTORY OF THE PUBLIC TREASURE. [bK. III.

appears nevertheless to be deserving of credit. It is not impos-
sible that about 1000 talents might have been laid by every
year, as the amount of tribute received was so considerable.
Thucydides'"° moreover remarks, that during this truce the
state had both increased its numbers of men fitted for bearing
arms, and again begun to amass treasure.

Lastly, there can be no doubt that the inscription belongs
to this period, in which it is stated that the sacred monies were
to be repaid; the 3000 talents which it had been decreed to
raise, having been again returned to the Acropolis. Pericles
had proposed to the Athenians to make use of the sacred trea-
sures in time of necessity, but to replace whatever was borrowed.
This perhaps occurred between the 87th and 89th Olympiads:
In Olymp. 89, 3, they again began to amass a treasure, and
about Olymp. 90, i, 3000 talents had possibly been collected,
which sum they then began to think of devoting to the payment
of their debts. It is not possible to fix upon any other moment
previous to the Anarchy which will accord with this inscription,
and it is evident that it belongs to some period before the
Anarchy. Those 7000 talents were consumed in the two first
years of the Sicilian war, the expenses of this expedition being
so enormous that this sum could scarcely have been sufficient
to defray them^"\ In the third year of this war there was a
most urgent want of supplies; and when subsequently after the
defeat in Sicily the revolt of Chios took place (Olymp. 91, 4,
B.C. 413), contrary to their law they seized the 1000 talents
which had been laid by as the last resource of the state*°^
There can be little doubt that some money must subsequently
have been set apart for the public treasure, but it was again
immediately disbursed; a subject which might be followed up
in all its details, if we were in possession of more complete
accounts rendered by the treasurers than the four fragments of
inscriptions which still remain*. One of these, of which only a

coo Yi. 20, a.V€ikTj(pfi rj ttoXis iavrrjv —
fs xPVH-^'''^^ (Wpoiaiv. I^Nicias in
Thuc. vi. 12, says, aTro voaov fieyaXrjs
Kal TToXe/xov ^pax^ ri 'Xe\w(f>7]KafX€v,
C0O-T6 KOL xpr]p.a(Ti Koi rots o-copMcnv
Tjv^rjaBaL. — Traxsi..]

•^o- See book ii. ch. 22.

^''■^ Thucyd. viii. 15.

* See class ii. of the Attic Inscrip-
tions in the Author's Collection, Nos.
137 sqq. — Transl.

CH. XX.] HISTORY OF THE PUBLIC TREASURE.

447

few words are wanting, belongs to Olymp. 92, 3 (b.c. 410);
another probably to Olymp. 91, 3 (e.g. 414); and the other
two are also more ancient than the archonship of Euclid.
Aristophanes complains in Olymp. 92, 4 (b.c. 409), that the
ancient contributions from the spoils of the Persians were con-
sumed, without being replaced by property taxes^''^ The
history of the public treasure concludes with the battle of
iEgospotamos; subsequently to this engagement Athens appears
to haA^e lived chiefly, according to the common saying, from
hand to mouth. The passion for the theorica wasted the money
that might have been laid by for future wants, and the fre-
quency of property taxes proves that the regular revenues were
not sufficient. Whoever therefore can suppose that there existed
a large treasure at Athens in the time of Lycurgus, must be
ignorant of the resources and political condition of Athens at
that period.

It is well known that the public treasure and the temples
also contained uncoined gold and silver, of which part was in
bars®''^ and part worked up either as vessels or ornaments of
the statues. Pericles, as mentioned by Thucydides®"^, states
that in the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, there were
upon the Acropolis no less than 500 talents of uncoined gold
and silver, in public and private ofl'erings, in sacred vessels for
the processions and games, in Persian spoil and other similar
articles; and he adds, that there was a considerable quantity in
the other temples. There were 40 talents of pure gold upon
the statue of Minerva, which could be taken oiF: the value of
this, according to the lowest estimate, amounted to 400 talents
of silver: for it cannot be supposed that these 40 talents were
merely estimated in silver^°% as Thucydides expressly speaks of

«^3 Lysist. 655.

604 Pqj. which point see Corp. In-
script. No. 145.

«" ii. 13.

^"^ This notion has been brought
forward bvHeyne (Antiquarische Auf-
satze, vol. i. p. 192) as a conjecture,
but after the expression of Thucydides

it appears to me that no doubt can
exist. Passing over the Commentators
upon this historian, and others who
have treated this point in greater length
than was required, I only remark that
Quatremere de Quincy in his valuable
work upon the Olympian Jupiter is of
the same opinion which I have adopted.

448 HISTORY OF THE PUBLIC TREASURE. [bK. III.

gold. Philocliorus however appears to state the quantity of
gold more accurately than Pericles as represented by Thucy-
dideSj for he mentions the number of 44 talents; which,
according to the proportion of 1 to 13, amounts to no less than
572 talents of silver. The loss of Polemon's work upon the
sacred offerings in the Acropolis^"^ is much to be lamented: in
the mean time the catalogue of valuables collected by Meur-
sius®**" may be much increased from the accounts preserved in
different inscriptions. Lycurgus added many ornaments of
this nature, and others were melted down and altered, as for
example, crowns and phialse, of which there were many upon
the Acropolis^"*. In later times, however, profuse distribution
and plunder were not unfrequent: thus we read that Lachares
the tyrant stole the ornaments of Minerva and the golden
shields.

Chapter XXI.

Of the Liturgies in general, and of the Ordinary Ones in
particular.

Hitherto we have only considered what may be strictly called
the revenues {irpoaohoi) of the state. The community likewise
derived an indirect benefit from the public services or litur-
gies (XeLTovpyLai), which saved the state great expenses;
although Demosthenes^'" in speaking of another subject observes
that the liturgies were not in connexion with the revenue.

This is the only question within the circle of financial
affairs, which has been subjected to an accurate investigation,
(viz., by Wolf in his preface to the Oration of Demosthenes
against Leptines^'^,) founded upon the testimonies of ancient

With the statements of Thucydides | Aristoph. Pac. 604, which is the an-

compare also Plutarch. Pericl. 31, and thority upon which Scaliger proceeds

de vit. aer. alien. 2. Diodorus (xii. in 'OXv/xtt. 'Ai/ayp. Olymp. 87, 1.
40), according to liis custom, mentions ^^'^ See ^leurs. Cecrop. 2.
a higher number, viz. 50 talents, as the ^"^ In the same treatise,
weight of the gold in the statues, and '"^ Cf. Demosth. c. Androt. p. GIG.
compare with this, Siiidas in v. ^eidids. ^"' C. Leptin. § 21.
The passage of Philocliorus is in Schol. "" Pp. Ixxxv— cxxv.

CH. XXI.] OF THE LITURGIES IX GENERAL.

449

writers. To several points in this dissertation I shall have
occasion to refer ; but shall for the most part follow my own
course. The errors of my predecessors I shall generally pass
over in silence, or only notice them with a few words; and in
this I feel less embarrassment with regard to the editor of the
Oration against Leptines, as he has subsequently admitted that
he has misconceived some parts of this subject^^^

The liturgies, as I have already shown*, were not pecu-
liar to the Athenians, and they existed among this people from
remote times. As early as in the history of Hippias the Pisis-
tratid we meet with choregia and hestiasis, the latter under
the name of phylarchia; and also the trierarchy^'% which is
moreover the foundation of the account of Themistocles havins:
provided ships out of the money received from the mines® ^%
although the ancient writers do not mention it by name: and
the establishment of the Exchange by the law of Solon proves
that the liturgies had been introduced even at that early
period.

The word liturgy signifies a service for the community
{\y]LTov, \yrov, Xetrov®'*), and also a service performed by a
hired servant, or a servant belonging to the state (vTrrjpirr}^,
BrjfjLoacos) ; from which it may be inferred, that only services
performed in person, such as choregia, trierarchy, &c., were
included under the term liturgy, and not the property-tax
(elacjiopa), as Heraldus has already remarked^'^ The ancient
writers, wherever they speak accurately, distinguish between the
liturgies and the property-taxes^ '^ Orphans were exempted

«^2 Analect. Part i. ad Fin. It is
proper that I should remark that my
investigations had been long termi-
nated before this confession and pro-
mise to correct the errors committed
were made known.

* B.iii. c. 1.

^•^ See Wolf, p. Ixxxviii.

"^^ See book iv. ch. 12, also b. i. ch.
19, and the dissertation on the Lau-
rian mines.

^'5 Wolf, p. Ixxxvi. cf. Lex. Seg. p.

277. AeiTovpyelv is explained by the
grammarians els to drjfjiocnov ipyd^ecr-
dai, Tco drjfjioaico VTrrjpeTeiv.

^'® Anim. in Salmas. Observ. ad I.
A. et R. vi. 1, 7.

^'^ Orat. c. Euerg. et Mnesib. p.
1155, 22, where the trierarchy is in-
cluded among the liturgies; cf. p.
1146, sup. The same distinction is
clearly made by Isocrates Symmach.
40, ad fin. and de Antid. p. 80, ed.
Orell.

2 G

450 OF THE LITURGIES IN GENERAL. [bK. III.

from all liturgies, but not from the property- tax" ^ This then
is quite sufficient to show that these two expressions are totally
different. Property-taxes were only considered as liturgies
when advanced for some other person (7rpo€L(T(f>opd), this being
a contribution essentially diflferent from the property-tax itself.
Hence Demosthenes' client in the speech against Polycles
states that he was not compelled to pay the advance of the
property-tax, as he was trierarch, and the law exempted any
person from performing two liturgies at the same time^^^ If
however the property-tax itself had been considered as a liturgy,
all choregi, trierarchs, gymnasiarchs, and other persons serving
liturgies, would have been exempted from it, which was evidently
not the case. But as the property-taxes have always been in-
cluded among the liturgies, even after Heraldus, the explanation
of these contradictions has been rendered impossible, and there-
fore no writer has willingly touched upon the subject. The
ignorant Ulpian^^'^ is the only witness who can be adduced in
favour of their identity, and there are some ambiguous expres-
sions in the ancient writers which might make it appear that
the property-taxes were called liturgies ; but these cannot esta-
blish this position; for where there is no precise limitation of
the meaning, the word is used to denote every service and
every performance of a duty; thus every species of pecuniary
aid or expenditure was by an extension of the term called
choregia"^

With regard to the nature of the liturgies, they may perhaps
upon the whole be most aptly compared with the personal ser-
vices or contributions in kind of modern days, although the
objects were very dissimilar, and the parallel fails also in many
other points. The liturgies of the Greeks were likewise con-
sidered as a mark of distinction"'; and they were thus produc-
tive of public benefit to a degree which could only have been

•*° See book iv. ch. 1 and 11. j to any object, x^^PT/V^^^ ^**'* Bairdvaf,

"'» Demosth. c. Polycl. p. 1209, 2,
see also Oral. c. Phaenipp. p. 1046,
20—24.

^^ Ad Leptin. § 24, and elsewhere.

"** Thus it may be said in reference

&c.

^** Aristot. Eth. Nicom. iv. 5. Xe-
noph. Off. Mag. Eq. i. 26, Isocrat.
Areopag. 20. See Wolf, p. cxvii. note.

CH. XXI.] OF THE LITURGIES IX GENERAL. 451

possible in the ancient democracies, in which the eflfects of
emulation were so powerfully felt; we find indeed that these
public servants usually performed more than the law prescribed;
and any person who was parsimonious in his expenses exposed
himself to popular censure. Another advantage was that the
state thus dispensed with the services of many paid officers and
contractors ; so that the profit obtained by the latter of these
w^as saved to the nation, and neither class received the unfair
privileges which are enjoyed by the pubUc functionaries and
mercantile speculators of modern days. One disadvantage of
the system of liturgies, viz., the tardiness in the naval equip-
ments w^hich it occasioned, did not make its appearance until
the patriotism of the Athenians had much abated. In the
better times all impediments were speedily overcome. But an
equable distribution of the burdens was unquestionably a matter
of great difficulty; and it frequently happened, that while one
person exhausted his means, another made little or no sacrifice,
although his property was equally large. And, finally, it fur-
nished the citizens with an occasion for ambitious and useless
expenditure, and excited them to aim after a pernicious popu-
larity"^ Aristotle®^'' justly recommends that expensive and
useless liturgies, such as the choregia, lampadarchy, &c.,
instead of being encouraged, should be not even permitted to
those persons who volimtarily undertook to perform them.

The majority of the liturgies were the ordinary liturgies, as
they were called, i,e, returning in a regular succession {iyKVKXioc
XeiTovpylac^*^), The trierarchy and the advance of the pro-
perty-tax furnish instances of extraordinary liturgies, although
we shall not consider the latter in this place, but combine it
with the investigation of the tax to which it belongs. There is
not any separate name for the extraordinary liturgies; Reiske

^^^ Thus the expense of the chore-
gia, gymnasiarchy, and trierarchy, was
earned to a great extent by Alcibiades.
Isocrat. Trept rov (evy. 15. This is the
meaning of KaraXeiTovpye^v, Karaxo-
priyelv one's property; but a person
might KaTa^€vyoTpo<p€'iv and KaOnrno-

Tp€(f>€2v his estate without performing
any public service.

«^* Polit. V. 8.

®-* This expression is thus explained
in Lex. Seg. p. 250 : al kut' iviavrov ytvo-
p-evaij olov xoprjyiai, yvpLvaaiapxlai. KoL
iepcbv Trepiodoi (the architheoria).

2 G 2

452 OF THE ORDINARY LITURGIES. [bK. III.

invented the appellation of compulsory liturgies (TrpoaraKral
XeiTovpyLai), in order to correct a passage in a Byzantine decree
which confers upon the Athenians an exemption from certain
liturgies in Byzantium®^^: it is, however, highly improbable that
the extraordinary liturgies are intended, for at Athens the extra-
ordinary liturgies were the only ones from which an exemption
was allowed; and moreover the alteration, even if the extraor-
dinary liturgies were meant, must necessarily remain doubtful.

The most important of the regular liturgies, which we are
now about to consider, are the choregia, gymnasiarchy, and
feasting of the tribes (ia-rlao-L^;^'''); the archetheoria''* is a
fourth, but it is too unimportant to be entitled to a separate
discussion, and therefore I may with Wolf pass it over. I need
only remark that the latter liturgy was, as well as the trierarchy,
considerably lightened by contributions from the public'^^® or
sacred treasures®^", which is also asserted by an insignificant
■\mter, of the gymnasiarchy and choregia"'. There were also
other liturgies of more rare occurrence, such as the arrephoria
and the trierarchy for mock sea-fights, which probably existed
only upon extraordinary occasions. And lastly there were cer-
tain degrading services performed in the processions by the
resident aliens, which belonged to the liturgies.

The obhgation to render these several services, with the
exception only of those last mentioned, was founded upon pro-
perty. An estate of 46 minas, or even of 1 or 2 talents, did
not entail upon the possessor the performance of any liturgy®^*,
although it was sufficient for his maintenance, and made him
liable to the payment of property- taxes. The smallest amount
of property which obliged the owner to the performance of
liturgies, was about 3 talents, unless a person of less wealth
voluntarily consented to undergo this burden®^^. Companies

^^ Demosth. de Corona, p. 256, 10. ; dias, p. 510, ed. Reisk.

^^7 Wolf, p. Ixxxvii. j «32 Is^iis de Hagn. Hered. p. 292,

^^^ See the passages quoted by Wolf,
p. xc. and frequently in inscriptions.
«^9 See book ii. ch. 6.
^^^ See Corp. Inscript. No. 158.

(concerning which passage see book i.
ch. 20,) Demosth. c. Aphob. i. p. 833,
22.

^^^ Cases of this kind see in book

*^^ The anonymous author of the , iv. ch. 15, of the trierarchy, if they are
argument to the speech against Mei- really correct.

CH. XXI.]

OF THE ORDINARY LITURGIES.

453

{crvvreXeiat) did not exist in the regular liturgies"^; except that
in Olymp. 92, 1, in the archonship of Callias (b.c. 412), after
the national wealth had been exhausted by the Sicilian war, a
decree was passed to give permission that two persons might
perform the choregia together®". The performer of the liturgy
was appointed by his tribe; which shared the fame of victory
with the individual, and was therefore inscribed as conqueror
upon the tripod. This appointment must have been made
according to some regular succession ; yet, if persons willing to
undertake the office of choregus were wanting, one individual
could serve for two tribes at the same time®^^ The liturgies of
the resident aliens were wholly distinct from those of the citi-
zens. According to Demosthenes®^^ the ordinary liturgies only
required about sixty persons a year; a statement which is hardly
credible, since ten hestiatores were necessary for a single feast-
ing of the tribes, while for the provision of every kind of chorus
there was always the greatest emulation, and every tribe used
commonly to furnish a choregus for the sacred feasts®^^, which
is equally true of the gymnasiarchy.

It may be also observed, that if any one who was returned
to the state as the performer of a liturgy thought that some
other person should be appointed in his stead, he could resort to
the legal remedy of the Exchange, as in the case of the trie-
rarchy. In order too that no person might be burdened beyond
his means, it was enacted by an ancient law, that no one should
be bound to perform liturgies for two successive years®^^
Neither was any person forced to perform two liturgies at the
same time®^^: w^hence it is evident (as indeed is stated by the
orators^^O? that the trierarchs were free from the regular litur-

«3* Demosth. c. Lept. § 19.

635 Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 406, to
which may be joined Platonius in KUs-
ter's Aristophanes, p. xi.

636 Antiphon de Choreuta, p. 768,
Corp. Inscript. No. 216, Demosth. c.
Lept. p. 467, 27, and the ancient com-
mentators quoted there by Ulpian.

6^7 c. Lept. § 18, and there Wolf.
^^^ This may be even inferred from

the passages collected by Sigon. R. A.
iv. 9, and is expressly stated by the
authors of the arguments to the ora-
tion against Meidias, and by Ulpian ad
Lept. § 24, in reference to the great
Dionysia.

639 Demosth. c. Lept. § 7 (p. 459, 12,

ed. Reiske).
6^0 Demosth. c.
6^' Demosth. c.

Polycl. p. 1209, sup.
Lept. § 16 (p. 462,

454

OF THE ORDINARY LITURGIES.

[bK. III.

gies during the time of their trierarchy. Orphans were exempt
{areXeh) from all Uturgies for the period of their minority and
one year over^*^ Besides this exemption, an immunity from
the regular liturgies was also given as a reward or testimonial of
honour; and it is to this that Demosthenes refers^''^ when he
asserts that there were about five or six citizens, and less than
that number of resident aliens, exempted, and that he went to
the utmost limit in stating ten. Leptines in Olymp. 106, 1
(b.c. 356), carried a law against citizens as well as resident aliens
and isoteles possessing an immunity from Uturgies, and even
prohibiting that it should ever again be either sought for or
granted: but the oration of Demosthenes, which was delivered
in the following year, completely put an end to this project^**.

Chapter XXII.

TTie Choregia, or furnishing of a Chorus.

Among the ordinary liturgies which were appointed for the
celebration of festivals and the diversion of the people, the
choregia must be considered as the most important.

The office of the choregus was to provide the chorus in all
plays, tragic as well as comic {Tpay(pBoL<;, KcjfKpSols) and satyri-
cal, and also for the lyric choruses of men or boys, pyrrhi-
chistse, cyclian dancers and flute-players (x^piryelv dvBpdcrc or
dvhpiKols ')(^opols, rrathiKol^ ')(^opolsy 7rvppL')(^Lo-Ta2<;, kvkXiw %o/)o3,
avXrjTac^ avSpdacv), and others. But there is not the least
reason for supposing that the choregus defrayed the whole
expense occasioned by the play; an error which ought not to

23), which passage however, accord-
ing to the correct interpretation of
Wolf, cannot be any longer taken as a
proof, and c. Mid. p. 565, 3. That
those who served the trierarchies,
when they were no longer in the per-
formance of this duty, might be called
upon to serve other liturgies, is evi-
dent, and many instances occur which

cannot all be attributed to voluntary
performance.

^*^ Concerning the ateleia in gene-
ral see Wolf, p. Ixxi. sqq., book i. ch.
15, and where this subject is inciden-
tally mentioned, as book iii. ch. 4,
book iv. ch. 1, 10, 11.

«*3 Lept. § 17.

^** Die Chrysost. Or. Rhod. xxxi.
vol. i. p. 635, ed Reiske.

CH. XXII.]

THE CHOREGIA.

455

have been revived, as it has been lately, after the truth had
been pointed out by Heraldus^*^ The state itself contributed
largely to the plays, as is proved by several passages in ancient
writers; and the lessee of the theatre was also bound to provide
for several expenses, in consideration of which he received the
entrance-money. If the actors had been provided by the cho-
regi, the state would have allotted them to the choregi; but
they were allotted to the poets, and not to the choregi^*^; con-
sequently the choregus had no concern with them. It is also
frequently mentioned that this or that player acted in particular
for a certain poet; and moreover the poet taught the actors
independently of the choregus; whereas the case was exactly
reversed with the teaching of the chorus. The choregi ap-
pointed by the tribes were assigned by the archon to the poets,
which was called giving a chorus^ *\

The first duty of the choregus, after he had assembled his
chorus, was to provide a teacher {-xppohihda-Kdkos) to instruct

®^' Anim. in Salmas. Observ. ad I.
A. et R. vi. 8, 2 sqq.

^*^ Hesychius, Suidas, Pliotius in v.
v€fjif)(r€is xmoKpiToav. Each poet re-
ceived three actors by lot ; and which-
ever of them obtained the victory was
taken for the next time without a
fresh decision. The passage of Plu-
tarch. Phoc. 19, from which it might
seem that the choregus provided the
actors] and their dresses, I have not
noticed in the text, as in the first place
it is so confused that it is impossible
to form any clear notion of the story
related there, and secondly because
the rpaycdbbs is represented as demand-
ing of the choregus what could only
have been demanded by the ttoitjttjs,
and the rpaycoBos was never the noir]-
TT)s, except when the poet appeared as
an actor and singer in his own play ;
and lastly the whole passage shows
that the demand of the tragodus did !
not refer to the character of a queen,
which would necessarily be present in '
the play, but only to the KfKocrprjtievai

TToXXai TToXvTfXaii oTToSot, which the
choregus is supposed to have refused ;
these however might have been con-
sidered by the poet as a chorus, and
therefore he may have required the
choregus to furnish them with dresses
in addition to the chief chorus, and
the choregus might refuse to comply,
not allowing that these female atten-
dants were a chorus, and being only
willing to furnish that which he was
bound in strictness to supply. Even
then if the story is considered as true,
it does not prove anything against the
supposition of Heraldus. With the
exception of this passage it has not
however happened to me to meet with
anything in favour of the notion that
the actors were pro\aded by the cho-
regus.

«*7 Xopov bibovai, with which xopov
Xa/Setj/ on the part of the poet corre-
sponds. Cf. Plat, de Repub. ii. ad fin.
and the Scholiast, and de Leg. vii. p.
817, D. Aristoph. Ran. 94, Casaub. ad
Athen. xiv. p. 638, F.

456

THE CHOREGIA,

[bK. III.

them in their parts, whom he paid for his trouble. The teachers
themselves were proposed, and the choregi received them, as
we learn from Antiphon, by lot; which doubtless only means
that these lots decided, as was the case in the selection of the
flute-player, the order in which the competitors were to choose,
as every tribe and choregus would naturally be desirous of
having the best^*^: an instance, however, occurs in which the
choregus chose a chorodidascalus who was not proposed^ *^
Another duty of the choregus was to provide the singers or
musicians who were to receive instruction. In the choruses of
boys this service was often connected with great diflSculties, the
parents being unwiUing to give up their children, so that the
choregi threatened to punish them, or sometimes had recourse
to violence""; a license which was necessary in other places as
well as Athens: even in the Augustan age the choregi in Stra-
tonicea of Caria were allowed full power of forcing children
from their parents"\ The apprehension of seduction was the
cause of this refusal; for which reason the age prescribed in
the laws of Solon for the choregi was upwards of forty years"*;
but this regulation had before the Anarchy become a dead letter,
even for the choruses of boys. Moreover, the chorus received
pay for their services equally with the actors, although it has
been supposed without any reason, that the native artists
obtained no remuneration"^ The Athenian people were as
well paid as foreigners for dancing, singing, and running"^
The choregus was bound to provide such liquid and soHd foods
as had the effect of strengthening the voice"^, as long as his
chorus continued in existence, and generally he had to maintain

«^3 Demosth. c. Mid. p. 519, Aris-
topli. Av. 1404, Antiphon de Clioreuta,
p. 767, 768, cf. Petit iii. 4, 2.

^^^ Demosth. c. Mid. p. 533.

®*' Antiphon ut sup.

"' Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 2715.

"* TEschin. c. Timarch. p. 391.

«53 Wolf, p. xciii. note.

"* Xenoph. de Republ. Ath. i. 13.

«" Phitarch de Glor. Ath. C. An-
tiph de Choreuta, and the argument

of the same speech. Concerning the
maintenance of the choinis see also the
anonymous author of the argument to
Demosthenes against Meidias, and
Ulpian ad Lept. § 24. In Corcyra also
(and it was no doubt the same every-
where) the chorus and the musicians
were pro^•ided with maintenance in
money or in kind (ainjpeaia) ; see
Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 1845.

CH. XXII.] THE CHOREGIA. 457

the chorus during the period of their instruction. For the
representation itself he furnished (in the same manner that the
archetheori provided the ornaments) the sacred clothes adorned
with gold for the use of himself and of the chorus, golden
crowns''', and the masks of the chorus, and any articles of a
similar description which were required at the performance of
the play. The choregus was also bound to supply a place for
the school either in his own house or elsewhere'". Additional
persons were required for subordinate offices. Thus Antiphon^s
client provided four men for the management of the chorus, of
whom one was appointed solely for the purchase of whatever
the teacher considered useful for the boys. Any person who
did not supply the legal amount was reprimanded by the
proper authorities'^^

From this account it is manifest that the choregia must
have occasioned a considerable expense, though differing ac-
cording to the nature of the representation. The chorus of
flute players cost more than the tragic chorus'" j whence it is
evident that the choregus did not defray the expenses of the
whole play: and the comic chorus cost less than the tragic; it
was indeed considered vulgar to provide expensive dresses of
gold, purple, and ornaments of a similar kind for the former"".
Demosthenes"', mentioning the donation which the people had
made to Lysimachus the son of Aristides, says, that any person
would sooner receive the third part of it than immunity from
the liturgies. The gift was consideral)le; but we are too little
acquainted with the value of landed property in Euboea to
determine with certainty what amount of income he derived
from it. At the same time I do not imagine that the third part
of his income accruing from this donation amounted to more
than 1200 drachmas; and consequently the average yearly
expense of the ordinary liturgies could scarcely have amounted
to so large a sum, on the supposition that the person serving

656 Demosth. c. Mid. pp. 519, 520, 658 XenopL. Hier. 9. 4.

531, Antiphanes ap. Athen. iii. p. 103 j '^9 Demosth. c. Mid. p. 505, 6.

F. Ulpian ut sup. cf. Herald, ut sup. 5. | ^''^ Herald, vi. 8, 5.

657 Antiphon in the above-cited j "^ Demosth. c. Lept. § 95.
speech.

458

THE CHOREGIA.

[bk.

them only expended the precise sum required, or a little over^
Aristophanes^^*, as we learn from Lysias, had in the space of
four or five years, for himself and his father, spent 5000
drachmas upon two tragic choregias, three years of which time
he was also trierarch. This evidently exceeded the standard
fixed by law.

A brilliant example of an excessive expenditure is also
afforded by another client of the same orator^®\ This person
had been choregus in his eighteenth year, in the archonship of
Theopompus (Olymp. 92, 2, b.c. 411) after the scrutiny {Sokc-
fiaala), and had given 3000 drachmas for a tragic chorus. In
the same year, after an interval of three months, he paid 2000
drachmas for a chorus of men, with which he was victorious.
In the year which immediately followed, in the archonship of
Glaucippus (Olymp. 92, 3, b.c. 410), he gave 800 drachmas for
a chorus of beardless pyrrhichistae at the great Panathensea; and
in the same year, at the great Dionysia, 5000 drachmas for a
chorus of men, with which he again obtained the victory; and
was thus exposed to the farther expense of consecrating the
tripod, which was commonly set up in a cell distinguished by an
inscription. Immediately afterwards in the archonship of Dio-
des (Olymp. 92, 4, B.C. 409), he paid 300 drachmas for a cyclic
chorus at the little Panatheneea; data from which we also get
the proportion between the expenses of the different per-
formances. This same individual was trierarch for the seven
years from Olymp. 92, 2, to Olymp. 93, 4 (b.c. 411— 405), at
an expense of 6 talents; and at this same time, although absent
on his duties as trierarch, he paid two property-taxes, one of
3000, the other of 4000 drachmas: in the archonship of Alexias
(Olymp. 93, 4, b.c. 405) he was gymnasiarch at the Promethea,
and was the victorious competitor, at an expense of 1200
drachmas: a chorus of boys cost him soon afterguards more than
1500 drachmas: and in the archonship of Euclid (Olymp. 94,
2, B.C. 403) he conquered with a comic chorus, upon which he

"^^ Lysias pro Aristoph. bon. p. 642,
cf. p. 633.

"3 'AttoX. ScopoS. p. 698 sqq. Petit
Leg. Att. iii. 4, 1, has treated this pas-

sage with his usual ill luck, for which
he has been sufficiently censured by
others.

CII. XXII.] THE CHOREGIA. 459

expended 1600 drachmas, including the ornaments and dresses
which were consecrated; in addition to which he paid 700
drachmas for a chorus of beardless pyrrhichistae at the Uttle
Panathensea. He conquered with his trireme in a mock sea
fight off Sunium, at an expense of 1500 drachmas: and more-
over he consumed above 3000 drachmas upon arrhephoria,
architheoria, &c. The sum of his expenses in nine years
amounts precisely to 10 talents 36 minas.

This person unquestionably made great sacrifices; but, in
order to avoid making any false estimate of the public burthens,
it must be clearly understood that, whatever was his motive,
whether ambition, or a desire of obtaining distinction by the
liberal application of a large fortune, he performed more than
was required of him : the possibility of any exaggeration in the
sums I will leave entirely out of the question. In the first
place he was not bound to serve any liturgies in the first year
after the scrutiny : he was not bound to perform several ordi-
nary liturgies in the same year: he was not bound to devote
himself to them several years without interruption : he was not
bound to perform ordinary liturgies at the same time with a
trierarchy, the latter being a ground of exemption from the
former : nor was he bound to be trierarch for seven years, a
service to which no person was oftener liable than once in three
years®®*: and indeed after the trierarchy he was for one year
allowed an exemption from all liturgies. In short, this person
does not in the least exaggerate when he asserts, that legally he
need not have subjected himself to a fourth part of the expenses
which he actually incurred. Assuming however that he was
legally liable to the fourth part, which amounts to nearly 160
minas, it must not be forgotten that out of the nine years seven
were burthened with the current expenditure of a war, for which
two property-taxes were raised, amounting alone to more than
70 minas ; and that the years of peace were still more unpro-
pitious; and again, that his property must have been very
considerable, as may be seen from the amount of his expenses,
and above all from the long duration of his trierarchy. We

Avo cTtj KUTaXiTTcou, IssBUS de ApoUod. Heied. p. 184.

460

THE CHOREGIA.

[bk.

III.

may therefore fairly assume, without any danger of exaggeration,
that his estate amounted to 20 talents : the inheritance of
Demosthenes, by which the possessor was bound to perform
the trierarchy, amounted to 15 talents : many other persons
were however possessed of double, triple, or many times that
sum. If then we assume this amount, Aristophanes must upon
an average have paid 1 7f minas a year from an estate of 20
talents; or, reckoning in our money, 71^' from a property of
4833/.

If this should appear a heavy taxation, I answer that it is
precisely the same as if a citizen in modern days were not only
to pay nothing in the shape of taxes, but were to receive in
addition to this property an annual donation of about 200/.
For if we only reckon 18 (4350/.) out of the 20 talents as pro-
ductive capital, the average rate of interest being 12 per cent.,
the possessor must have had an income of rather more than 2
talents or 120 minas (483/.) a year; of which he did not pay the
seventh part to the public: 'whereas at the present time an
estate of 4350/. bearing interest does not produce on an average
more than an income of 215/., and from the excessive lowness
of prices the means of enjoyment which the remaining six-
sevenths of his income would have afforded w^ould have been
very great. Thus the marvel of the enormous taxes paid by
the Athenian citizens is readily accounted for; in order to show
which I have taken into consideration the whole passage of
Lysias, including that part which does not relate to the choregia.
Every age must be judged from itself; what appears incompre-
hensible in one, is in another perfectly natural*.

By the unfortunate termination of the Peloponnesian war
(Olymp. 93,4, B.C. 405), and the dominion of the thirty tjTants,
the internal prosperity of Athens received as severe a shock as
her foreign power, through the decline of house-rent and trade,
and the loss of all foreign landed property. It is therefore easy
to understand why, when Aristophanes represented the ^olo-

* Compare the passage of Antiphanes
Atheii. iii. p. 103, where the expenses
of the choi'egus are thus described :

*H x^pvyos alpedels
pcLKOi (fiopel. — Transl.

CH. XXII.] THE CHOREGIA. 461

sicon and the second Plutus (Olymp. 97, 4, B.C. 389), there
should have been no choregi for the comic chorus^", although
persons were found to fill this office in the archonship of Euclid
(Olymp. 94^ 2, b.c. 403). The parabasis disappeared from the
comedy from another reason: after which the chorus only
remained as an acting or interlocutory character^ as it appeared
in the second Plutus and in the new comedy, particularly in
Menander. This is doubtless the abolition of the choregia,
which the Scholiast to Aristophanes^®^ states to have been
effected by Cinesias, on account of the censure he had received
from comic poets. Comedy however did not cease with the
cessation of the chorus, which is a fresh proof that the choregus
provided no part of the performance but the chorus. Demos-
thenes in the oration against Leptines*'^ does not apprehend
any want of choregi: but his own speeches, and even some
circumstances of his own life, prove that in the 106th Olympiad
(the effects of the social war having probably been still in opera-
tion), the full number of choregi could not be procured. The
tribe Pandionis had supplied no choregus for three years, until
a dispute having arisen between the archon and the managers of
the tribes, Demosthenes voluntarily undertook the choregia''^
In Olymp. 127, 2 (b.c. 271), we even find the state performing
the part of choregus for the tribes Pandionis and Hippothontis,
and it was moreover victorious in both instances, in the chorus
of boys and men®®^

Chapter XXIII.

The Gymnasiarchy, or Provision of Sacred Games : the Hestiasis,
or Feasting of the Tribes.

The gymnasiarchy was, in the time of the Roman emperors,
performed at Athens by gymnasiarchs, whose office sometimes
lasted for a year, and sometimes for twelve or thirteen months.

^" 'ETre'XiTTOv ol x^^PVy^h Platonius j ®" Ubi sup.
de Comoedia, p. 11, Aristoph. Vit. p. j ''^ Demosth. c. Mid. pp. 578, 579.
14, with regard to the expression see Decree i. at the end of the Lives of
Demosth. in Lept. § 18. i the Ten Orators.

666 ijan. 406. ' ^^^ Corp. Inscript. Gr. Nos.225, 226.

4j62

THE GYMNASIARCHY.

[bk. IIT.

who had the superintendence and care of the training schools,
and the exercises performed under the instructions of the
teachers {yvfivaaral, 7ratSoT/3ty8at)"". With the later gymna-
siarchy we are only acquainted from inscriptions. The annual
gymnasiarchs, however, at that time provided for the sacred
games which were performed by the gymnasts, the lampade-
phoria for example'^'. There is no reason for supposing that
the ancient gymnasiarchs, with whom alone we have any con-
cern, ever had the superintendence of the training schools.
Ulpian^^*^ alone asserts that the gymnasiarchs were bound to
supply a full crater of oil to such persons as wished to anoint
themselves at the public expense: but it may be at once per-
ceived with what ease this negligent writer may have seized
upon some fact, and generalized what only held good of later
times. Or even if the statement did refer to an earUer period,
it was perhaps limited to those who were training for the sacred
games. We therefore make a distinction, which has not always
been sufficiently attended to, between the modern and ancient
gymnasiarchy, and limit the latter to the superintendence of the
sacred games.

We have now to ascertain what were the expenses of the
gymnasiarch. He provided the oil, we are told upon the
authority of Ulpian, a statement which I do not object to,
although we learn from inscriptions that the oil was furnished
to the gymnasiarchs in several places in ancient Greece, and
even in Athens at the time of Hadrian; and that in many
periods none but particular gymnasiarchs supplied the oil
voluntarily^^'. Wolf conjectures that they also furnished the
dust, and it is very possible that such was the practice. There
is however another more important fact which we know without

^70 Van Dale, Dissert, ad Marm. p.
584 sqq.

*'7' Inscript. ap. Gruter, p. 317, 3
(Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 243), 79, 6
(and elsewhere in single passages),
concerning which comp. Biagi Monum.
Gr. et Lat. ex Mus. Nan. p. 43 sqq.

«72 Ad Lept. § 24.

®7^ Instances of which are furnished
by the well-known Sicilian inscription
concerning the oil for the gymnasia,
the ordinance of Hadrian with regard
to the duty upon and the exportation
of oil (Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 355),
and the decree of the Salaminians,
ibid. No. 108.

CH. XXIII.] THE GYMNASIARCHY. 463

the aid of conjecture, viz., that the gymnasiarchs were bound to
maintain and pay those persons who were training for the cele-
bration of the festivals'^*: a burthen by no means inconsider-
able, as the combatants required the most nourishing foods.
The cost of ornamenting the place of combat for the festival,
together with many other expensive preparations, doubtless
also fell upon the gymnasiarch.

The lampadarchy, as being a particular species of the
gymnasiarch y, deserves to be mentioned' ^\ The lampade-
phoria on foot was a common solemnity; it was performed on
horseback in the time of Socrates for the first time at Athens'^'.
The art consisted in running fastest without extinguishing the
torch: a feat in which there is no difficulty with the pitch-
torches of modern days, but not easily performed with the
waxen lights borne by the competitors, which were secured in
a species of candlestick protected by a shield, as we learn from
monuments of ancient art now extant. It is possible too that
it was necessary to illumine the course, as the race took place
at night. Games of this kind were only celebrated to the gods
of fire; and five of them were held at Athens, one at the
Hephaestea, the presiding deity of which was also worshipped
at the Apaturia by men in sumptuous dresses, holding in their
hands torches which they lighted at the sacred hearth in token
of thanks for the use of fire; another at the Promethea in the
exterior ceramicus in the Academy; another at the Panathenaea,
perhaps however only at the great Panathenaea; manifestly
because Minerva, as being the goddess of arts and companion
of Vulcan, was also goddess of fire; she was also honoured at
Corinth with the lampadephoria""; at the Bendidea, in which

'7* Xenoph. de Rep. Ath. 1, 13, de
Vectig. 4, 52

«75 Aristot. Polit. V. 8.

"'« Plat, de Rep. init. Its diflferent
names are Xa/zTras-, Xa/iTraST^Spo/xia,
\afX7ra8T]({)opiay XafxTraBovxos dyoiv. See
Meurs. Grsecia Feriata, Castellan, de
Fest. Grsec. Van Dale ut sup. p. 504,

sqq. Schneider ad Xenoph. de Vec-
tig. p. 170.

^7^ Harpocration in v. Xa/x7ray, and
there Valesius, Suidas in v. \afind8os,
Lex. Seg. p. 277, Aristoph. Ran. 1119,
and the Scholiast, also Schol. Ran. 131.
Concerning the lampadephoria in ho-
nour of Vulcan as a Grecian custom.

Caylus Recueil d'Antiq. T. I. p. 17 ! see also Herod, viii. 98, of Prometheus

464

THE GYMNASIARCHY.

[bk. III.

Diana Benclis appears in the character of goddess of the
moon"^: and lastly, at the annual games of Pan the god of
fire^'^

For all these spectacles the gymnasiarchs had to provide :
and, as considerable emulation existed, one person was ap-
pointed from each tribe for every game, whether accompanied
or not with lampadephoria^®". The gymnasiarchy was not by
any means one of the inferior liturgies. A cyclic chorus, or a
chorus of pyrrhichistee, appears to have been generally less
expensive. x\n inscription of the tribe Pandionis, of the time
immediately succeeding the thirty tyrants, mentions the con-
querors in the gymnasiarchy for the Promethea and the He-
phsestea, together with those who had conquered at the Thar-
geha and Dionysia with a chorus of men or boys. The tribe
confers the same honour upon the one as upon the other^^^
Iseeus®^^ classes the gymnasiarchy for lampadephoria with the
trierarchy, the property-taxes in the class of the three hundred,
and the tragic choregia. Aristotle includes it, together with
the choregia, among the expensive and useless liturgies: Alci-
biades and Nicias, who w^ere distinguished for their great
expenses upon public liturgies, performed the gymnasiarchy®^^

Pausan. i. 30, at Corinth in honour of
^linerva Schol. Find. Olymp. xiii. 56.
That the Panathenaic lampadephoria
was only celebrated at the great Pana-
thensea may perhaps be inferred from
the anonymous author of the argument
to the oration against Meidias, p. 510,
as he states that gjinnasiarchs were
only appointed for the great festival.
Into the inaccuracy of this limitation 1
shall not now however inquire. A
gymnasiarch of the tribe Cecropis oc-
curs in a mutilated inscription, Corp.
Inscript. Gr. No. 251.

^'^ Plat, ubi sup. The lampade-
phoi-ia in this passage has indeed been
referred to the less Panathensea, which
would fall immediately after the Ben-
didea ; Corsini has however shoAvn that
the less as well as the gi'eat Panathe-

nsea were celebrated in the month
Hecatombaeon, and consequently are
here out of place. See the above-cited
inscription.

«79 Herod, vi. 105, Phot, in v. Xa/x-
Tras, and Lex. Seg. ubi sup.

680 Argum. ad Mid. ut sup. In the
Lex. Seg. ubi sup. the yvfivaaiapxoi
are simply called ol apxovres twv Xa/x-
nadodpofjiicop, which explanation is too
confined.

^^^ Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 213.

®^" Isgeus de Philoctem. Ilered. p.
154, where the expression made use of
is yvfj-vacTLapxelv Xapwddi, with which
comp. Xenoph. de Vectig. ut sup. eV
Tois XafiTrdcn yvp,vaaiapxovix(voi.

^^^ Isocrat. nepl rov (evy. 15, Plu-
tarch. Nic. et Crass. 2.

CH. XXIII.] THE HESTIASIS. 465

The client of Isaeus in the speech for the inheritance of Apollodo-
rus*^* boasts of his honourable gymnasiarchy for the Hephsestea.
According to Lysias^^^ a victorious gymnasiarchy for the Pro-
methea cost 1200 drachmas.

The feasting of the tribes (eariaais), a species of liturgy
which occurred less frequently, was provided at the expense of
particular persons selected from the tribe (iaTidropes), Har-
pocration*^® informs us that if no person came forward volun-
tarily, some one was appointed by lot; which is stated as if
upon the authority of the oration of Demosthenes against Mei-
dias, where nothing of the kind occurs. It appears to be an
incorrect inference from what is stated in that speech respecting
the appointment of the choregi, the voluntary choregia of De-
mosthenes, and the order which was determined by lot in the
election of the chorodidascalus^^^ The hestiatores were doubt-
less appointed, like all persons serving liturgies, according to
the amount of their j^roperty, in some regular succession which
is unknown to us^^^: for no burthen of this description could
have been imposed upon a citizen by lot. The banquets which
were provided at this liturgy, were different from the great
f eastings of the people, the expenses of which were defrayed
from the funds of the theorica. Entertainments at the festivals
of the tribes^ ^^ {(jivXerL/ca Selirva) were introduced for sacred
objects only, and for the maintenance of a friendly intercourse
between the citizens of the tribe, and also from motives agree-

^"^ P. 184. This g}-mnasiarcliy is chorus of boys at tlie Dionysia (Corp.
also mentioned by Andocides (de Myst. Inscript. Gr. No. 213), and again with
65) as having been performed by him, a cyclic chorus (A^'it. Dec. Orat. p.
together with the archetheoria to the 229).

Isthmus and Olympia; and the sanie ^^^ See above, chap. 22.
mentions his having gained a victory ^^^ Harpocration in v. ecrru'lTcop.
in a lampadephoria, and tlierefore by *'"^7 Demosth. c. Mid. pp. 518, 519.
the gymnasiarchy, in his oration against "^^ This is cfiepcLv ia-riaTopa. De-
Alcibiades, p. 133, it happened how- mosth. c. Boeot. de Nora. p. 99G, 24.
ever earlier. Another victory was The filling the office itself is called
also obtained at thePanathenseaby the \ ea-riav ttjv (pyXriv, Demosth. c. Mid. p.
same person with an evavdpia, a game \ 565, 10.
wliich also belonged to the liturgies j ^^^ Athen. v. p. 185 C.
(c. Alcib. ubi sup.) another with a

2 II

466 THE IIESTIASIS. [l3K. 111.

able to the spirit of democracy^ ^''. Delicacies were probably
never provided; but meat was given at these banquets, as may
be collected from Pollux''^'. If we reckon 2000 guests, and the
cost of each at 2 oboli, which is probably rather under than
above the truth, the expenses of an hestiasis may be estimated
at nearly 7^)0 drachmas.

' Cf. Herald, ut sup. ii. 1, 12. «^' in. 07-

EniAPXinnOYAPXONTOS^PYNIONOSAHMAPXOY

[KJATATAAEM ISSOYZINnEIPAIEI ZRA PAA I ANKA I AAM Y P I
[A]AKAlTOeHZ El O N KA I T A AAAT EMENHAHA NTATOY ZM I X[G]n
[Z]AMENOYZYn EP:A:A P AX M AZ K A e I ZTANA I A ROT I MHM ATH Z M
[IJZenZEnZAEIOXPEHNTOYZAEENTOZAAPAXMANErrYNT H
[N]AnOAIAOMENONTA EA YTOYTHZMI ZeilZEnZ E H I TO I ZA E M
[l]ZeOYZ IN AN En ITIMHTAKAI ATEAHEANAETI ZE I Z<1>0 P A P
[IjrNHTAI A nOTil NXnP I IINTOYTIMHMATOZTOYZAHMOT A Z E
[l]Z<t>EPEINTHNAEYA IN K A I THN f H NMHEEEZTH E E A T E INTO
[Y]ZMIZenZAMENOYZMHTEEKTOYeHZE lOYMHTEE KTXIN A A A
nNTEMENilNMHA ETHN YAHNAAn OZHTniXXlPini Ol M I Z[e]n
ZAMENOITOeEZMO<l>0 P I O NKA I TOTO YZXO I NOYNTOZ K A I Z
AAAAENNOMI ATHNMI ZeXl I NKAT AGH ZOYZ I THNM EN HM IZ
EANENTni EKATOMBA I UNITHNAEHM IZEANENTXll ROZ I A E
ilN I Ol M IZenZAMENO I RAPAA I ANKA I AAMYP I AAKA ITO O H
ZE I ONKAITAAAAE I H O YT I EZTINOZAOIO N T E K A I 9 E M I TO N
EZTINEPTAZIMAnOE IN K AT ATAA E E PT AZON T A I T A M E N E
N NEAETHOnnZ A N BOYAilNTA ITillAEAEKATIilETHITHNH
M IZEANAPOYNKA IMHRAE I AOnnZANTHI M I ZSnZAME Nfll
METATAYTAEENI YHEPrAlEZeA I AROTHZE KTHZERIAEK
ATOYANSEZTHP inNOZEANAEOAEI flAPOZE I HTHNHM I Z E
ANTilNAHMOTflNEZTXlOKAPnOZOnA E IXINTHNO I K I ANTHN
,. ./\.. . lAIZTErOYZANHAPAAABilNKAIOPeHNKATAT*
[ desunt litterae xxxii ]N * HNO PG A I

467

Note [_A],iJ. 307.

The present inscription was first published by Chandler (ii. 110) from a
very inaccurate transcript, together with a Latin vei-sion, and without any
attempt at explanation. It was afterwards given by Professor Boeekh, in the
Appendix to his Staatshaushaltung (vol. ii. p. 3:i6), where he corrected many
of Chandler's errors; and he has since repeated it with some additional
improvements in his Collection of Greek Inscriptions (No. 103, vol. i. p. 141;
cf. p. 900). As, however, after this last edition some difficulties still remained,
which the inaccuracy of the transcript made use of by Mr. Boeekh placed in
his way, the translator has thought it desirable to give in the form of a note a
more correct copy, made by himself, from the original inscription, which is
now preserved in the British Museum (No. 289).

The inscription consists of twenty -four lines, with the date, which is written
in larger characters upon a projecting ledge of the stone, and has thus all its
letters perfect, while the first letter of each of the next nine lines is lost. A
transverse blow has destroyed tlie first seven letters of the twenty-third line,
and nearly all the last line ; the word OPGAI appears, however, to have been
the last of the inscription, as a part of the original under surface of the right
corner still remains. It is written aroixrjdoVf each of the first fourteen lines,
after the date, containing forty-three letters : but in the sixteenth line the
stone cutter had written ETIN for E2TIN, and the T was afterwards changed
into a 2, the I into a T, and an I was inserted ; so that after the correction, the
number of lettei-s is forty-four. The remaining lines contain only forty-two
letters. Tliere is no difference between O and 0, and A is frequently put for
A. In the vacancies for one letter in the eleventh and thirteenth lines, the
surface of the stone appears to be perfectly preserved, and there is no trace
of any letter having existed. In the sixteenth line, the nineteenth letter was
at first E. Tlie whole inscription may be thus written in modern characters.

l^Kjard TciSe fjnadovaiv HeLpatels UapaXcav real 'AXfjuvpi-
[8] a Kol TO Grjaelov Koi raWa T6/J,evr} airavTa. rovs |lLa[6^^ co-
[^a-^afj,evov9 vTrep: A: Spa^/xas KaOiardpac d7roTLfi7]/jLa ttjs fi.
5 [t]<T^a)cre&)9 d^LO^pecov^ tov<; Be ivros A Spa'X^ficoy iyyvrjTT}"
[y^ dirohiBofievov rd eavrov rrjs pLiaOfjoaecos. iirl rolaBe fi-
[^cjadova-LV dveTrirlpji^Ta koI dreKrj. idv he res ela(^opd 7-
\_r\'yv7]Tai diro tojv y^wplfov rov ripi.r}pLaTO^^ tovs hi^pboras e-
[l^ac^epeiv. rrjv Be vXrjv koi rrjv yrjv p.r) e^earco i^dyeiv ro-
10 \_v\9 pbvaOdiaapbevous /x/jre e/c rov drjaetov pbyre i/c rcov dW-

2 H 2

468 NOTE TO BOOK III.

cov Te/JL€VQ)V' fjLTjBe rrjv v\7]v **** 00-77 To3 ')(^(0pL(p. ol fita{6)co-

(JOLfieVOL TO ©€a/jL0(f)6pL0V KoX TO TOV X')(OLVOVVTOS Kat T-

aWa ivvofJLia ttjv /jLLO-6o){(T)iV KaTaOrjaovat Tr]v f^ev rjfiia-
eiav ev tu> 'EKaTO/bL/Satcovc, Trjv he rffMiaetav iv rw ITocrtSe-

15 covt. ol /jLLaOcoordfievot HapaXlav koI 'AXfjuvplSa koX to ©rj-
crelov Kol ToXka el ttov tc eVrtV, oaa olov re Kal OefiLTOv
i<rTLV ipydatfjua iroelv, Kara rdBe ipyda-ovTat, tcl fiev e-
vvea €T7j oTTft)? av BovXayvTac, to3 8e BeKdT(p eret ttjv r)-
lilaeiav dpovv koI /jlt) TrXetco, oircos av rw /j,La6o)aa/xev(p

20 fjLeTOL TavTa i^fj vTrepyd^ecrdao ajro t^9 eKT7]s iirl BeK-
a TOV ^AvOeo-TTjpLCJVos' idv Se TrXela) dpoarj rj ttjv rj/jLLO-ei-

av, T(OV SlJJJLOTMV €O-T(0 6 KapTTOS 6 TrXeicoV TTjV oiKiav Trjy

\_iv*A]X\_/jLvp'\lBi, (JTiyovcrav TrapaXa/Scov Kal opdrjv KaTa T\r)-
V avvdrjKrjv. iraaaL he at olKiac TrapahchocrOl^cov opOaL

In the third line, A is supplied from the word 'AX/jivpida in the fifteenth
line, where it is written quite distinctly^: 1. 4, ErrYNTH[N], and 1. 20,
ESNI, for iyyvrjTrjv and e^fj ; 1. 9, YAIN for vXtjv; 1. 12, 2 for T (raXXa
(vvofiia^y as in 1. 3, rciWa refievrj anavra, and 1. 16, TciWa e'i ttov tl eariv) ;
1. 5, APAXMAN for dpaxi^cov; 1. 19, nAEIA for nXeico ; and 1. 18, ETHI for
cTfi, are apparently mere eiTors of the engraver : but fjfiiaeav in 1. 14 and 19,
TToaideayvi in 1. 14, noe'iv in 1. 17, and dpoacL in 1. 21, are probably intentional.

The only difficulty is caused by the word which succeeds vXrjv in the
eleventh line. The sense appears to require the infinitive mood of a verb
signifying to damage, or to cut, or some equivalent expression. 'A/xav has the
proper number of letters, but the letter which follows the second A appears to
be i2 K In the twenty-first line also, the sense seems to require dpoaocxrc for
dpoaj] ; but the participle napaXa^cov is evidently meant to refer to one
person. Perhaps the chief tenant occupied the house in HalmjTis. The
word in the twenty-third line, which Chandler could not read, is updfjp ; the

^ Lex. ap. Bekk. Anecd. p. 383, 16, ^AXpLvpides: tottos tis nepl ras eaxarias
TTJs ^ArriKfji. ^ Api(TTO(pdvT]S Trjpcl (f. TrjpaL)

edei be ye ere ^XrjBelcrav els aXfivpidas
TTjdl piTj napexeip ye Trpay/zara.

* The word ewopnov is rendered in the text by pasture-land, according to
the last explanation of the author in his work on Inscriptions. It is used in
a slightly difi"erent sense to signify a fee for pa^turinc/, in an Orchomenian
inscription. (Corp. Inscript. Grsec. No. 1569; and see Boeckh's note, vol. i.
page 743.)

^ The author has suggested two different methods of explaining this passage ;
but they afford no assistance, as he was not aware that it was necessary to
supply a letter.

NOTE TO BOOK III, 469

letters are, however, quite distinct : the last word in the inscription is also
opOai It is used in the same sense by Thucydides (v. 42), Avhere he says that
the Athenians thought that they were wronged by the destruction of Panac-
tum, 6 eSei 6p6ov napadovpat, and in chap. 46, UdvciKTOV re opOov atrohihovai Koi
'A/i0i7roXtv. The words inclosed between brackets in the last two lines are
restored upon conjecture, but probably are not far from the sense of the
original. In the place of the ninth letter from the end, there appear, however,
to be some traces of a N.

For aTTobihopevov in 1. 6, IMr. Dobree conjectured {nroTidepevov: see his
Miscellaneous Notes on Inscriptions, p. 13.

Concerning the word dnoriprfpa in 1. 4, see above, p. 143, note 682.

470

BOOK IV.

OF THE EXTRAORDINARY REVENUES OF THE ATHENIAN

STATE.

Chapter I.

Subject of the Fourth Book stated. General nature of the
Property Tax in Attica,

The extraordinary revenues of the Athenian state, which stand
next for consideration, were either provided for as occasion
required, according to some established law or custom, or they
were raised by arbitrary measures, which, though repugnant to
the spirit of the constitution, the state was induced to have
recourse to in order to relieve itseK in pecuniary distresses.

With regard to the first of these modes, the imposts were of
two kinds, the one a fixed and direct tax, the other the litur-
gies. An acquaintance with both these methods of taxation
presupposes an investigation into the national wealth and
valuation of Attica, without which every inquiry of the sort
must be considered imperfect, obscure, and barren; yet the
writers on the liturgies up to this time have hardly bestowed a
thought upon the subject. Such an investigation is, indeed,
entangled with no small difficulties, so scanty, incomplete, and
indeterminate are the data which have come down to us.

This examination will be most suitably combined with that
of the property tax (etV<^opa), ^^^th which the determination of
the national wealth is closely connected. For it seems to have
been thought that the great demands which were occasioned by
war could not be satisfied in any better manner than by taxes
upon property; from which very circumstance it may be con-
cluded that these imposts did not exist in very early times.
Before the Peloponnesian war the Athenians had no occasion
to raise frequent and considerable taxes on property; the

CH. I.]

SUBJECT OF THE FOURTH BOOK.

471

citizens served for a long time without pay, the ships were
equipped by the trierarchs, the sieges produced but httle
expense, as the art of conducting them was still in its infancy;
in later times, when pay was introduced, and wars had become
more costly, the expenses were defrayed out of the tributes.
It may, therefore, be reasonably doubted whether, before the
period alluded to, any direct tax whatever had been imposed at
Athens. If any had been levied, it must have been under the
name of a duty connected with the valuation {reXo^) ; a point,
indeed, upon which we are almost wholly uninformed, although
it appears to have been sometimes resorted to, since every
institution necessary for it was in existence, and the inquiry as
to the services due according to the valuation was already in use.
Of this, however, elsewhere. In the mean time, it is certain
that the first extraordinary property tax [eiG^opa) was occa-
sioned by the siege of Mytilene in Olyrap. 88, 1 (b. c. 428),
when, the public treasure being exhausted, 200 talents were
thus raised. This Thucydides' expressly testifies; and it is to
be observed, that he does not mean merely the first property
tax in the Peloponnesian war, but the first absolutely; for such
is the correctness of his style, that he would have more dis-

' iii, 19j wliicli passage should evi-
dently be thus written : UpoaBeofievoi
Se oi ^ABrjvaioi XPVH-^'''^^ ^^ "^h^ ttoXi-
opKiav Koi avTol ecreveyKavres Tore
npwTov eacpopav diaKocria raXavra,
e^eTrep-yj/av Koi iirl tovs ^vppa.-)(ovs
upyvpoXoyovs vavs deKa, &c. Comp.
Poppo Obser. p. 162. [The following
remarks upon this passage are made
by Tittmann, in his Darstellung der
Griechischen Staatsverfas&ungen, p. 41,
note 31. "That the extraordinary
property tax was not introduced at
Athens until the Peloponnesian vfox,
cannot, as it appeal's to me, be proved
from Thucyd iii. 19, the only meaning
which this passage can have is, that
the amount before collected had never
been so great as 200 talents. We are
told that the naucraii collected the

property taxes (Pollux viii. 108, Hesy-
cliius in V. vavKXapos, Ammonius in v.
vavKpapoi, Thomas Magister in v.
vavKK-qpoL, and Bockh himself remarks
it in book iv. chap. 6) ; but the appel-
lation Naucrari in this sense did not
exist after the time of C'leisthenes
(Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 37, Harpocra-
tion in v. dr}p.apxos, Pliotius in v.
vavKpapia 2, all from Aristotle), and
tlierefore we are compelled to suppose
that property taxes had existed at
Athens before the time of Cleisthenes.
And it appears also from Thucyd. i.
141, that the extraordinary property
taxes levied in war were throughout
Greece general before the Polopon-
nesian war, particularly in S])arta,
and probably in Athens as well.'" —
Transl, I

472 SUBJECT OF THE FOURTH BOOK. [bK. IV.

tinctly signified the former meaning, had he intended to convey
it. Thus the property tax is also, by its later origin, distin-
guished from the liturgies. In subsequent times, however,
these taxes appear to have recurred in frequent succession, for
even in Olymp. 88, 4 (b.c. 425), Aristophanes'^ speaks of their
imposition as a common event ; but for any other object than
war, a property tax was scarcely ever levied at Athens, unless
it happened that the funds of the administration had been
already applied to the uses of war, and it was necessary that
they should be replaced by a property tax ; or that money was
required to pay off loans, as was the case after the government
of the thirty tyrants ; although in other states property taxes
were sometimes imposed in time of peace to provide even for
the payment of salaries ^ For this reason the generals were
not only entrusted with the management and collection of these
taxes, under the regulation of a decree of the people, but they
presided over the court of justice, in which the disputes con-
nected with this subject were decided"; as, for example, when
any person was too highly rated, which in early times, either
from hatred or revenge, not unfrequently occurred \

It is to be observ'ed, that no citizen could be exempted
from the property tax, although this privilege was once granted
to some resident aliens, who had probably obtained an immu-
nity as members of a foreign state before the period of their
settlement in Attica^. According to Demosthenes this was
neither permitted by recent nor ancient laws, not even for the
descendants of Harmodius and Aristogiton^ The exemption
supposed to have existed in favour of the merchants cannot
be looked upon as at all established % orphans were indeed
exempted from the liturgies, but not from the property taxes,
as Heraldus has remarked^; for Demosthenes paid them when
an orphan, and if it had been done voluntarily, he would not

Eq. 922. I 7 Demosth. c. Lept. §.15 (p. 4G2,
Aristot. Polit. vi. 5. 15), §. 22 (p. 4G5, 1).

Wolf Proleg. in Lept. p. xciv. ^ See book i. ch. 15.

Aristox)li. ut sup. ^ Anim. vi. 1, 7.

See below chap. 10.

CH. I.] SUBJECT OF THE FOURTH BOOK. 473

have failed to dwell upon such a circumstance, where he boasts
of having been the leader of a symmoria during his minority^".
Even the trierarchs were obliged to pay this impost'^; and the
only payment from which they could legally be exempted was
the advance of the property tax^\ Other opulent persons, if
they had not to serve the trierarchy, were a /o?'^ion hable to
the property tax ; so that all other members of the community,
who were subject to the performance of liturgies, were bound to
pay it, even if they could not be forced to serve the trierarchy^':
it is, in fact, evident from the nature of the case, that all persons
who were not completely destitute were subject to this tax,
even if they were incapable of performing liturgies.

Chapter II.

The Sources of Wealth in Attica, and the Measures adopted by
the State for increasing it.

How much the state took from the property of individuals,
what sum could be supplied, if a fixed portion of it was
required, and according to what principles the taxation was
assessed, cannot be clearly understood without a knowledge of
the national wealth.

Since I shall endeavour to explain this question, it will not
be foreign to purpose, in the first instance, to inquire what
were the sources of wealth which Attica actually possessed,
and how far that care for the increase of the national wealth,
which has (no matter whether successfully or not) been
attempted by modern governments, was an object much con-
sidered by the administration of Athens.

Not to dwell on this subject longer than is necessary, I

^° C.Mid.p. oG5. Another example SoopoS. p. 698 sqq. pro Aristopli. bonis
of a property tax paid for wards occiu's p. 633. Demostli. c. Lept. § 24 (p.

in Isseus ap. Dionys. Is. p. 108, 5, ac-
cording to the correct explanation of
Reiske, Or. Grsec. vol. vii. p. 331.
'^ Xenoph. (Econ. 2, 6. Lys. uttoX.

465, 25).

'* See book iii. ch. 21.
^3 Demosth. c. Lept. ibid.

474 THE SOURCES OF WEALTH. [bK. IV.

shall content myself with remarking, that in a democracy the
importance of the welfare and prosperity of the people must
have been more evident than under any other form of govern-
ment. Poverty would either produce troubles and violent
commotions, or the burthen of maintaining the poor would
press on the community at large. If the distress should be
prolonged, the possibility of enforcing the public liturgies
would be rendered doubtful. It is thus that the wealth of the
citizens produced far more immediate advantage to the state
than with any other constitution w^hatever. ^^The liturgies
voluntarily performed by individuals from their own property,
must be considered," says a client of Lysias'"*, "as the surest
revenues of the state. If, therefore, you counsel well, you will
take no less care of our property than of your own ; since you
well know that you will be able to make use of all our resources,
as you have done before. And I should conceive that you are
all well aware that I am a better manager of my own affairs
than those who administer the property of the state : if you
make me poor, you will, at the same time, injure yourselves,
and others will squander away my money, as has been so often
the case before.^' But although the prosperity of the common-
wealth depends upon the welfare of individuals, yet the remark
that every one is the best manager of his own property seems
to have been e^ddent to the Athenians, and, with the exception
of Sparta, to the other states of ancient Greece : they thought
that every one could best take care of himself, and that artificial
assistance was unnecessary.

Again, in the best times of the Athenian state, nothing
existed which could have impeded the public welfare ; except
that the liturgies, if they were unequally divided, were attended
with pernicious consequences. The property taxes were only
imposed in times of war, and the duties of customs and excise
were inconsiderable. Attica derived her prosperity from
agriculture and the breeding of cattle, from manufactures and
commerce. For the encouragement of trade everything was
done which was considered advantageous. Retail-trade or

^^ Lys. dnoX. dwpob. p. 'JOA.

CH. II.]

THE SOURCES OF WEALTH.

475

shop-keeping was not, indeed, an honourable employment, but
according to law it could not bring disgrace upon any one' \
Agriculture stood high in the public estimation, and particular
branches of it were protected by law, such, for example, as the
cultivation of olives. Mining flourished as much as circum-
stances would permit : nor was the breeding of cattle discou-
raged by any taxes, as in countries under a despotic government.
No restraint was ever placed upon industry at Athens'^, although
manual labour was considered unworthy of a citizen. The law
proposed by Diophantus, as it was never actually passed, must
not be quoted as an example to the contrary; this person
wished to degrade the manual labourers to the condition of
public slaves {Brj/jioatoi); that is, to deprive them of the rights
of citizenship, and to reduce them to a condition similar to that
of the Cretan Clarotee, the Penestse, or the Helots ; a project
altogether at variance ^4th the spirit of the age, and emanating
from the violence of aristocratical oppression, by the operation
of which Athens would have been again degraded to that level
above which she had raised herself ever since the time of Solon.
This attempt, however, was just as impracticable as if it had
been wished again to introduce bondage in a state where it had
been long abolished, or to make the citizens in the republics
the slaves of the nobility*.

Many demagogues particularly encouraged manufactures and
industry, as has been noticed in difi^erent places; and in few
states were they so flourishing as in Athens. According to very
ancient laws, vagrants who followed no occupation v/ere not
tolerated; every person was obliged to signify by what means he
supported himself''^. Against the unemployed poor the action
for idleness [Blkt] apyla^) could be instituted'^: the law did not
even allow unemployed slaves {apyol olKerat) to be kept'^
Parents were bound to cause their children to be taught some
profession, or they had no claim to be maintained by them in

'5 Petit Leg. Att. v. 6, 5.
'^ Comp. Ijook i. eh. 9.
* Concerning the proposal of Dio-
phantus, see b. i. note 178. — Traksl.

^' Herod, ii. 177, Diod. i. 77.
'8 Comp. Petit v. G, 1.
'9 Petit ii. 6. 12.

476 PROPERTY OF CITIZENS^ AND [bK. IV.

old age^'. Unfortunately indeed those laws^ as is usually the
case, fell into disuse, as the powers of the state were more fully
developed, and by means of wars and the system of judica-
ture, many hands were withdrawn from labour; the wages in
the assembly, in the courts of justice, and in the army and navy,
were looked to as professional rewards, and they appeared the
less disadvantageous to the state, as the expenses were in great
part defrayed out of the revenues of subject communities.

Chapter III.

Imtances of the Property of Athenian Citizens, and of the Dis-
tribution of the National Wealth among the different classes
of the People.

In order to give an idea of the national wealth of Attica, it is
first of all necessary to adduce examples of the property of
individuals (though from their nature they cannot be perfectly
vouched for), so that by a comparison of them it may be made
evident what was a small, and what a moderate or a large pro-
perty, particularly with regard to the interval of time between
Pericles and Alexander. Previously to this period, property
when valued in silver, was naturally of far less amount.

The Alcmseonidse were always a noble and wealthy family at
Athens; but their fortunes were chiefly raised in the age of
Solon by Alcmeeon the son of Megacles, Croesus having made
him a present of twice as much gold as he could carry* ^ In
this manner he might have received about 5 talents of gold,
which at the most amounted to 75 talents of silver; his former
property was probably not a third or fourth part of this sum :
and although he may at that time have far exceeded all his
fellow-citizens in wealth, yet at a later period this would no
longer have been the case. On the other hand, we meet in the
same age with many instances of inconsiderable properties; how

^ Petit, ii. 4, 13, IG. [Dionysius i (os abiKovvrai to kolvov €^r]fiiovv-
Ant. Rom. XX. 2. 'Ad7]va7oi fxev 86^t]s Traxsl.]

eTvxov, OTL Tovs paQvixovs Kill dpyovs '. ='' Herod, vi. 125, and the commenta-
Kal fjLTjdtv eniTTibevovTas T(av xPW-l^^^ *'0^'S.

CH. III.] DISTRIBUTION OF THE NATIONAL WEALTH. 477

many persons were there who had not so much as a talent, or
even less than 10 minas; of which it is needless to quote any
examples, as poverty was generally prevalent. The possessor
of a talent was able indeed to live upon it, so that he was not
exactly classed with the indigent; but yet a property of this
amount w^as always inconsiderable. Families of 1 or 2 talents
[oIkol raXavrtaloL, SirdXavroi), which were numerous, did not
therefore serve any liturgies". Families possessing 3, 4, and 5
talents are frequently mentioned; thus ^schines the orator
inherited an estate of 5 talents, which he farther increased by
his own gains; thus, for example, he added to it, according
to Demosthenes, 2 talents, which the managers of the sym-
moriee had given him^^ Isseus^^ furnishes an instance of an
estate of nearly 4 talents, one of whose clients states that he
had land in CEnoe worth 50 minas, together with the estate of
Hagnias amounting to 2 talents 40 minas, to which 10 minas
must be added for some item that has fallen out of the MSS.,
making altogether 3 talents 40 minas. Stratocles and his
brother, according to the account of Iseeus^^, received from
their father a fortune just sufficient for their maintenance, from
which however they were not able to perform any liturgies;
Stratocles by the adoption of his daughter obtained a property
of more than 2^ talents, and gained by being in possession of
this sum for nine years 5^ talents, partly in money, raw pro-
ducts, and cattle, partly in lands and agricultural implements,
which, together with the property of his daughter, amounted to
8 talents. The property of Critobulus is estimated by Xeno-

*^ Bookiii. ch. 21.
^3 Demosth. de Corona, p. 329, 15.
De Hagn. Hered. p. 294. In

as this : ;(copioj/ ev Olvorj TrevraKicrxi'
Xlcov, oIkiu xi-^i-^^v. The npos de tov-
Tois which follows shows that two sepa-

order to understand this passage I I rate suras preceded. As to the rest

must make the following remarks.

The speaker's property is stated to be

about 110 minas less than the property

of Stratocles. Now the property of

Stratocles amounted to 330 minas;

consequently the property of the for- ;

mer person must have been 220. | Minerva natus sum.

Sometiing must therefore have fallen \ '^^ Ibid. p. 292 sqq.

out, and be restored in some such way i

the calculation is quite clear, and
though Reiske cannot see^^his way
through it, we excuse him for the sake
of his frank confession (p. 295) :
Verum, fatebor enim, ad calculandum et
omnes omnino artes mathematicas invita

478 PROPERTY OF CITIZENS, AND [bK IV.

phon'° at 500 niinas (8^ talents) and over: he was considered a
rich man. Tiinocrates was possessed of more than 10 talents''^;
Dicaeogenes had an annual income of 80 minas^% which impHes
a property of about 11 talents, and this was looked upon as
something considerable. Diodotus, a merchant in moderate
circumstances, was possessed, according to the statement of
Lysias*% of 5 talents of silver, which he paid down to the guar-
dian appointed for his children; he had 7f talents vested in
bottomry, and 1000 drachmas in the Chersonese, and besides
bequeathed to his wife 2000 drachmas and 30 Cyzicenic staters;
to this must be added the furniture of his house, and perhaps
an estate in the Chersonese, from which his family received
supplies of corn every year, amounting altogether to 14 talents.
Demosthenes' father left at his death 14 talents, his mother had
a dowry of 50 minas, so that the property of the son was esti-
mated in the registers of the valuation at 15 talents^". Under
it the following articles were comprised; two workshops with
thirty sword-cutlers and twenty chair-makers, a talent lent out
at 12 per cent., together valued at 4 talents 50 minas, the yearly
profit of which was 50 minas; moreover, about 80 minas in
ivory, iron, and timber, 90 in varnish and brass, a house worth
30 minas, furniture, cups, gold, clothes, ornaments, belonging to
his mother, worth 100 minas, 80 minas in ready money, 70
minas lent out upon bottomry, and 106 minas lent out in other
ways, altogether about 14 talents: in this enumeration the
female slaves are not included^'. Pheenippus^^ had an estate on
the borders in Cytheron, of 40 square stadia at the lowest, the
yearly returns of which were more than 1000 medimni of barley
and 800 metretee of wine, from which in dear times, when
barley was at ]8 and wine at 12 drachmas, he received 27,600

^c CRcon. 2, comp. book i.ch. 20. Chersonese instead of 1000. [The

-'' Demosth. c. Onetor. i. p. 8CG, former number has however been re-

oxtr.

'^ Isteus do Dicseog. Hered. p. 110.

■■'^ In Diogit. p. 894 sqq. I cannot
see any sufficient reason why Canter
and Taylor (p. 902, Kciske) should

ceived by Bekkor from a MS., Or. Att.
i. p. 469.— Traxsl.]

3« Demosth. c. Aphob. pp. 814, 815.

3» P. 828, 2.

^* See the speech against Phaenippus

'ish to read 2000 drachmas in tlie p. 1040, and there Reiske.

CH. III.J DISTRIBUTION OF THE NATIONAL WEALTH. 479

drachmas : if we take only the fourth part as the common price
(although the orator assumes the third part), he received from it
regularly an income of 7000 drachmas : besides this he sold
wood from it every year which produced 40 minas. He had
therefore an annual income of about 110 minas, whence his
estate, according to the usual interest of 1 2 per cent., cannot be
estimated at less than 15 talents.

The owner of this amount of property was considered as
a person of some opulence, as the rate of interest was high and
the prices of commodities low. At the same time many Athe-
nians were far wealthier. Onetor, according to Demosthenes'^,
was possessed of more than 30 talents; Ergocles is also said to
have embezzled the same sum^*. The property of Isocrates
cannot have been less, for he had at one time about 100 scho-
lars, and received from each 10 minas, from Timotheus a talent,
from Euagoras 20 talents^\ Conon left at his death about 40
talents, of which he bequeathed 5000 staters, about 100,000
drachmas to Minerva and the Delphian Apollo, 10,000 drachmas
to a relation, 3 talents to his brother, after which 17 talents
remained for his son Timotheus^^: perhaps however only the
ready money is intended, for the family appears to have pos-
sessed much landed property from early times^^ Stephanus
the son of ThaUus passed for a man worth more than 50 talents,
yet he only left behind him^^ 11 talents, probably because he
had squandered away much money in the course of an extra-
vagant life. In the same manner Ischomachus was considered
in his lifetime to have possessed more than 70 talents^% yet
after his death his two sons received only 2 talents a piece; but
flatterers and parasites had consumed his substance^*', so that it
cannot be wondered that he left at his death less than it was
thought that he possessed; it is only a matter of surprise that
Xenophon"*^ should quote this man, if the same person is really
meant, as an example of economy. The property of the cele-

^■■^ C. Onetor. p. 867, 1.

'^* Lysias c. Philocr. p. 828.

^•^ Lives of the Ten Orators.

^* Lys. pro Aristoph. bonis, p. 030.

37 Plutarch. Solon. 15.

3^ Lysias ut sup. p. 648.

^^ Lys. ut sup. p. C47.

'^^ Heraclid. ap. Athen. xii. p. 5.37, D.

^' (Econ. 6 sqq.

480

PROPERTY OF CITIZENS, AND

[bK. IV.

brated l)anker Pasion, a naturalized foreigner, was of equal
magnitude; he possessed about 20 talents in land, including a
shield manufactory, and slaves which produced a talent a year;
and in addition to this, 50 talents of money lent out at inter-
est, of which 1 1 talents were not his own"*'. His houses alone
yielded a rent of 30 minas a year; the banking-shop produced
an annual income of 100 minas. His son Apollodorus, who
inherited the half of his property, not only lived extravagantly,
but devoted a large part of his property to the public service"*^.
It appears also from the works of Demosthenes that he was
involved in many law-suits; which will account for his being
found to possess no more than 3 talents'** when he was called
upon to pay a large fine, although he is said to have received
more than 40 talents in twenty years.

Among the wealthy families I should first mention the house
of Nicias. Nicias the son of Niceratus, the unfortunate general,
was remarkable for his large possessions, from which he con-
tributed munificently both to the state and to the worship of
the gods"*^. This is the person whom Atheneeus calls the richest
of all the Greeks; his property was so considerable that,
according to Xenophon, he had 1000 slaves of his own in his
mines'^ That this is the individual alluded to by Xenophon
does not require any proof, for he is evidently speaking of a
person of the age of Socrates; his property was valued at 100
talents, consisting chiefly of moveables*^. His son Niceratus,
who is called nearly the most distinguished and the wealthiest
person in Athens*^, was killed at the time of the thirty tyrants,
who were tempted by his wealth to put him to death. He

42 Demosth. c. Phorin. pp. 945, 946.
The words 'Ev ovp to7s TrevTr^Kovra tu-
XdvTOLi,' occasion in this place a con-
siderable difficulty, which the com-
mentators have not thought proper to
touch upon. According to the sense
their meaning must be, that together
with his own 50 talents he had also
lent out 11 belonging to other people.
Heraldus (ii. 5, 13 sqq.) therefore pro-
poses to read avp ovv : perhaps how-
ever eV can be retained, in the sense of

among his own 50 talents, between
them, as it were intermixed with them.

*^ Demosth. ut sup. p. 956 sqq.

^ Orat. c. Neaer. p. 1354, 16.

^5 Thucyd. vii. 86.

*^ Athen. vi. p. 272 E, Xenophon
^[emorab. ii. 5, 2, de Vectig. 4, 14,
Plutarch. Nic. 4, comp. book i. ch. 13.

■*7 Lys. pro Aristoph. bonis, p. 648.

4^ Diod. xiv. 5 ; comp. Xenoph.
Hell. ii. 3, 18, Lys. c. Poliuch. p. 602,
riutarch. Es. Carn. ii. 4.

CH. III.] DISTRIBUTION OF THE NATIONAL WEALTH.

481

affirmed that he neither left behind him gold nor silver; but
his son Nicias received 14 talents in land^ and other property*'.
I conjecture therefore that Niceratus had previously made some
secret transfer of his property, and I find a slight confirmation
of this supposition in the account given by Isocrates'" of a
Nicias, who in the time of the thirty tyrants mortgaged his
lands, sent his slaves out of the country, and gave his money
and furniture in trust to a friend. This was probably the son
of the Nicias who was executed, and it is possible that his
father may have transferred the property to him previously to
his voyage from Athens; the Nicias of Pergase, who squandered
away his substance with flatterers^^, is probably the same
person; and Niceratus of Acherdus, notwithstanding the differ-
ence of the demus, appears to be his son, whom Demos-
thenes^^ calls a son of Nicias, beloved, childish, and effeminate,
who was still alive in Olymp. 106, 4 (b.c. 353), and since he
was able to perform the trierarchy, must have still retained a
considerable property; with him this celebrated family became
extinct.

Still more distinguished both in rank and in wealth was the

■^^ Lys. pro Aristopli. bonis ut sup.
The date of this oration is Olymp. 98,
wliich must be observed in order to
prevent confusion between the diiFer-
ent individuals of this family.

^' C. Euthyn. 3.

5' Athen. xii. p. 537 D, ^lian V. II,
iv. 23.

" C. Mid. p. 567, 24, cf. p. 568, 24.
The same person is probably meant in
Demosth. de Fals. Leg. p. 534, 15, c.
Conon. p. 1266, 26. In this account
of the family of Nicias, having paid no
regard to the errors of modern scho-
lars, I will now touch upon them
slightly. The confusion which St.
Croix (M^m. de I'Acad. des Inscrip-
tions, t. xlviii. pp. 165, 172) has made,
is the most singular, as he refers the
passages of Xenophon and Atl>en8eus
concerning Nicias the general, who
was executed in Sicily, to his grandson

Nicias, and asserts of the other that he
died childless, referring to Demosthenes
against Meidias, where his great grand-
son Niceratus is said to have died with-
out children. Markland (ad Lys. pro
Aristoph. bonis) supposes that the
childless Niceratus was the Niceratus
who was executed in Olpnp. 04, 1, and
by that means involves himself in in-
extricable difficulties, from which he
wishes to relieve himself by an absurd
emendation : the truth however is that
the one vras the grandfather of the
other. The elder died in Olymp. 94,
1, the younger was living at the time
of the suit against Meidias. That the
former had a son may be also seen
from Lys. c. PoUuch. p. 604. Spalding
also (ad Mid.) and Reiske (Ind. His-
tor. ad Demosth.) have confounded
these two persons.

482

PROPERTY GF CITIZENS, AND

Fbk.

family of Hipponicus and Callias, ^yhich derived its origin from
Triptolemus, and had the hereditary dignity of torch-bearer
{BaBov'x^os') in the Eleusinian mysteries". The first of this
family whom we hear of was the Hipponicus, who is said to
have bought much land with borrowed money a short time
before the changes introduced by Solon in the 46th Olympiad
(B.C. 594y\ It should be observed, however, that as a charge
of having obtained his wealth unjustly is implied in this state-
ment, it may have originated in the envy of his countrymen.
Pheenippus, the father of the first CalUas^ was probably his
brother; this Callias had large possessions, and he bought the
property of Pisistratus as often as he was driven out", expended
much money in keeping horses, was conqueror in the Olympic
games, gave great dowries to his daughters, and permitted a]l
three the liberty of choosing among the Athenians whatever
husbands they wished. His son Hipponicus the second, sur-
named Ammon, is said to have been made still richer than his
father by the treasures of a Persian general which Diomnestus
of Eretria had acquired on the first irruption of the Persians
into Greece (Olymp. 72, 3, B.C. 490), and which upon the
second invasion he gave in custody to Hipponicus; and the
latter, as all the captive Eretrians were sent to x\sia, was unable
to return them^^; a story, which is deserving of credit, since
even the name of the Eretrian is mentioned. Callias the
second, the torch-bearer, called Laccoplutus from his great
riches, was the son of this Hipponicus; he was held to be the
richest of the Athenians^^, and his property was valued at 200
talents'^; he was appointed ambassador to the Persian court,
and subsequently paid a fine of 50 talents to the state^^ He

53 Xenoph. Hell. vi. 3, 2, Andoc. de
Myst. p. 57 sqq. and elsewhere in the
account of Callias the second.

^* Plut. Solon. 15.

" Herod, vi. 121.

^ Heraclid. Pont. ap. Athen. xii. p.
536 F.

57 Plut. Aristid. 25.

'^ Lys. pro Aristoph. bonis, p. (140
sqq.

s** See book iii. ch. 12. The author
mentions in the Addenda that "since
Callias the second, the torch-bearer
gained such fame by the conclusion of
the peace of Cimon, that the Athe-
nians are said to have erected at that
time an altar to Peace (Plutarcli. Ci-
mon. 1.3), one might be inclined to
question the reality of the fines to
which he is said to have been con-

en. III.] DISTRIBLTION OF THE NATIONAL WEALTH. 483

is said to have obtained his cognomen from an occurrence
which took place at the battle of Marathon, at which there can
be no doubt that he was present: the story is, that a Persian
pointed out to him a treasure buried in the earth, that he killed
the communicator of the secret, and carried away the money;
it is however more probable that this faille arose from his cog-
nomen, and from the account handed down concerning his
father, especially as the story is differently narrated, and the
battle of Salamis substituted for that of Marathon^". His larire
possessions passed into the hands of his son Hipponicus the
third, whose wife afterwards married Pericles; in family and
riches this one too is ranked among the first of the Greeks'".
According to Xenophon he had 600 slaves in the mines, and he
is even said to have applied for and obtained permission from
the state to build a house upon the Acropolis, in which to
deposit his treasures, as they were not sufficient^ secure at his
own residence; a circumstance which appears afterwards to
have vexed him when he was reminded of it by his friends^^.
His daughter, who married Alcibiades, received a dowry of 10
talents, which was the first instance of so large a sum having
been given by a Grecian; 10 others were to be added w^hen
she had a son'^^ Hipponicus was killed in the battle of Delium
(Olymp. 89, B.C. 424), where he was general: and Callias the
third, the torch-bearer, succeeded him, who must have inherited
his father^s property when a youth; he w^as celebrated for his
riches and liberality. Sophists, flatterers, and courtesans,
helped to consume his substance. When he filled the office
of general (Olymp. 96, 4, B.C. 393), he probably spent his own

demned. Pausanias (1, 8, 3) on the j not erected till later times, and for

other hand, influenced by the latter ' that reason cannot afford any decisive

circumstance, appears even to question | testimony in his favour."

the merits of Callias as merely relying j ^^ The passages are Plut. Aristld. 5,

upon popular report; the Athenians ' Schol.Aristoph. Nub. Go, Hesych.Suid.

indeed recognised them by the erec- and Photius in v. XukkottXovtos.

tion of a metal statue to his memory, | ^^ Andoc. de ]\r,\st. p. 64, Isocr.

which, however, as well as the statues nepl tov C^vy. 13, Plut. Alcib. 8.

of Lycurgus, of Demostlienes, and of , ^^ Heraclid. ut sup.

the goddess of Peace, together with | ^3 pj^^t. Alcib. ut sup. Andoc. c.

which it stood, were unquestionably Alcib. p. 1 17-

2 I 2

484 PROPERTY OF ClTIZEXS, AND [liK. IV.

private fortune instead of increasing it: the duties of the
Spartan proxenia may also have been performed by him in an
expensive manner. About the 98th Olympiad (b.c. 388) his
property did not amount to 2 talents; and at an advanced age,
after having gone as ambassador to Sparta so late as in Olymp.
102, 2 (b.c. 371)5 he died in indigence^*. His son, Hipponicus
the fourth, cannot therefore have inherited much from his
father. Whether Callias, the son of Calliades, who gave Zeno
100 minas for instructing him®^, and, as is evident from this fact,
was a man of considerable wealth, belonged to this family,
cannot be determined; but the rich Callias of inferior descent,
who obtained his property by mining, and who paid for Cimon
the great fine imposed on Miltiades®% was unconnected with
this house.

The property of Alcibiades, who was doubly related to the
noble Callias, was very considerable. His family estate only
indeed amounted to 300 plethra of land, although Cleinias his
ancestor, doubtless his great-grandfather, is mentioned among
those who made a dishonest use of the seisachtheia of Solon,
for the purpose of increasing their property®^; and the orna-
ments of his mother Deinomache are estimated by Socrates, as
mentioned in Plato (or whoever was the author of the first Al-
cibiades), at only 50 minas. There cannot however be any
doubt that he had much other property, for his father Cleinias

^* Concerning tlie reduced circum- | xiv. 16, Larcher ad Herod, vi. 121,
stances of this Callias, see Heraclid. ut ! Klister ad Aristoph. Av. 284, and the

Slip. Lysias ut sup. (in Olymp. 96)
/Elian. Var. Hist. iv. 16, 23 ; and com-
pare Perizonius upon the latter passage.

writers quoted by Fischer ad Plat.
Apol. 4. I have only here wished to
adduce what relates to their wealth,

Concerning him as general, ambassa- j and to the distinction between tlie

dor, daduchus, and Spartan proxenus, \ different individuals.

see Xenoph. Hell. iv. 5, 13, v. 4, 22, j "^ Plat. Alcib. i. p. 119 A, and there

vi. 3, 2 sqq. and in order to obtain the j Buttmann.

date of the event mentioned in the ^^ Pint. Cim. 4, Nepos Cini. I.

last passage, Diod. xv. 51, and the com- j ^'^ Plat. Alcib. i. p. 123 C, Plut. Sol.

mentators. The jest of Iphicrates in i 15. With regard to the double rela-

Aristot. Rhet. iii. 2, refers to the po- j tionship, Alcibiades' mother was of

verty of this vain and noble torch- the family of Hipponicus (Dem. adv.

bearer. He is well known from Plato. Mid. p. 561, 20; conip. Spalding, p. 74

Many have written upon this family, sqq.), and he himself married the sis-

particularly Perizon. ad yElian. V. H. ter of Callias.

CH. III.] DISTRIBUTION OF THE NATIONAL WEALTH,

485

had a trireme of his own in the Persian war, which he manned
at his private cost: and his gains could not have been trifling
during the four or five years that he was general, as the different
states willingly gave him twice as much as they gave to others:
his property was estimated at more than 100 talents, and if we
find that he left behind him less than he had received from his
guardians''^, this fact can only be explained by his profligacy and
extravagance, and the extraordinary reverses of his life.

Upon the whole, the office of general and places connected
with the administration of public money enriched the persons
who filled them. Themistocles was not possessed of 3 talents
before he entered upon the management of public affairs, and he
had no scruples about taking money w^hen any favourable occa-
sion offered. Thus he received 30 talents from the Euboeans
for an object of great utility, of which he embezzled 25, having
attained his purpose wdth only 5'% when he fled to Asia, he
saved part of his property by the assistance of some friends,
and yet what accrued to the state, according to Theopompus,
amounted to 100 talents, according to others to still more, and
according to Theophrastus to SO'**. Cleon the leather-seller
w^as so deeply involved in debt, that nothing that he had was
unmortgaged, before he became a demagogue; his well-known
rapacity gained him 50, or, according to another reading, 100
talents^'. The account is unquestionably exaggerated which
Dinarchus"* gives of Demosthenes having by Persian and other
bribes gradually obtained 150 talents, although he was not pos-
sessed of any landed property, and was not even able to pay
the fine, when judgment was passed against him in the case of
Harpalus. Of others who lived in the same age the last I shall
mention is Diphilus, whose confiscated property produced 160
talents^'. Common report ascribed to Epicrates, as Lycurgus
mentioned, a property of 600 talents^*.

^^ Lys de Aristoph. bonis, p. 654.
°^ Herod, viii. 4, 5.
"^^ Plut. Themist. 25, M\\&n. Var.
Hist. X. 17."

"'^ ^lian.ut sup. and there Perizon.
"''^ Adv. Dcniosth. pp. 50, 51.

7^ Lives of the Ten Orators in the Life
of Lycurgus. Conip. above, book i.
cli. 7, and my Dissertation upon the
Silver-mines of Laurium.

''* Ilarpocrat. and Suidas in v. 'Etti-

KpUTr]S.

486

PROPERTY OF CITIZENS. AND

[bk. IV

Altliongh these data are not sufficient to express the national
wealth in a determinate number, yet they justify us generally
in asserting that it was not inconsiderable, as compared with
the actual circumstances of Greece. Demosthenes'^, in refe-
rence to this very point, states that the resources of Athens
were nearly equal to those of all the other states. It ap-
pears that in the better times property was divided into
nearly equal portions; that is to say, most persons had only as
much as they used: no one was so poor that he disgraced the
state by begging'^: the rich however shared their property with
the poor in order to obtain popularity, as was the case with
Cimon; and when we are told that the people was poor
[irevv^s]", this statement refers to the more recent times; nor,
according to the Grecian idiom, does it mean that the majority
of the nation were wholly destitute of property. The land also
appears to have been much divided; even wealthy citizens,
such as Alcibiades or Aristophanes^^ did not possess more
than 30 plethra, or thereabouts. In the age of Demosthenes
we meet for the first time with complaints that individuals got
possession of too many, or very extensive estates^^; of which
Phsenippus and Pasion the banker are instances. At the return
of the people after the overthrow of the thirty tyrants, there
were not more than 5000 citizens who did not possess any
land^^, and some of these probably had other property.

In later times, although it appears that many of the citizens
fell into great poverty, and that a few only rose to opulence,
the wealth of individuals never reached such a height as in the
Macedonian kingdoms, and in the Roman state; whence
Cicero" declares that 50 talents was a great sum of money,
particularly at Athens in the age of Alexander. When Anti-
pater in Olymp. 114, 2 (b.c. 323) deprived all Athenians of the
full rights of citizenship who did not possess 2000 drachmas.

"'^ De Synnnor. p. 105, 2, cf. adv.
Aiulrot. p. 617, 12, Thucyd. i. 80, ii.
40.

^^ Isocrat. Areopag. 38.

'" Xenoph. de Vectig. and do Rep.
Ath.

'8 Mentioned by Lysias. See book
i.cli. 11.

'" Book i. cli. 12.

«" Dionys. Hal. Lvs. p. 92, 44, ed.
Sylb.

''^ Tusc. V. 32.

CH. III.] DISTRIBUTION OF THE NATIONAL WEALTH. 48/

12,000 persons''' are said to have been thus excluded; conse-
quently not more than about 9000 can have been possessed of
that sum; in the time of Cassander 10 minas were sufficient
qualification for the full rights of a citizen^': these rates are so
low, that it might seem preferable not to consider them as esti-
mates of the whole property, but as fixed parts of it with refer-
ence to the imposition of taxes, which was the nature of the
valuations of Solon and Nausinicus; but this again is impossible,
as in that case too large an amount of property would have
been requisite to entitle the possessor to the rights of citizen-
ship; we must therefore consider those rates as real valuations
of property, and suppose that Athens had greatly declined in
wealth. For the earlier times it would be important to know
how much property qualified a citizen for admission among the
5000 hoplitee during the government of the Four Hundred; but
we only know in general that bodily strength and opulence were
requisite^^

Chapter IV.

Approximate Determination of the National Wealth of Attica.

Concerning the total amount of the national wealth of Attica,
Polybius^^ gives an apparently most satisfactory statement.
Phylarchus had related that Cleomenes before the battle of Sel-
lasia collected 6000 talents from the plunder of Megalopolis:
this sum, which, according to Polybius, would have enabled the
king of Sparta to exceed even Ptolemy in civil and military
expenses, our historian will not allow to be correct ; at that
period, he maintains, when the Peloponnese was completely
exhausted, as much unquestionably could not have been levied
out of it, as in his own, when the country was in a flourishing
condition, and yet that at the actual time they could not,
excluding the inhabitants, and counting in all kinds of furniture
and implements, make up 6000 talents : " For what historian,''

«^ Book i. ch. 7. I ^* Thv.cycl viii. Go, conf. 97.

«3 Diod. xviii. 74. 1 "' »• ^'-^ ^"^'"f- ^■*-

4B8 ArnioxiMATE determination of [bk. IV.

he proceeds to say, " has not related of the Atlienians, that, at
the time when in conjunction with Thebes they entered upon
the war against the Lacedaemonians, they sent out 10,000
soldiers, and manned 100 triremes; that having then deter-
mined to pay the war taxes from property (aTro rr/s ovalas),
they valued the whole country of Attica, and the houses, and all
other property as well ; and nevertheless the whole valuation of
the property (to ovfJLirav ri/jbrjfjLa rf;? a^tas) wanted 250 of 6000
talents.^^

How Ste. Croix^^ could imagine that Olymp. 103, 2 (b.c.
367) is here meant, I am at a loss to conceive ; for Polybius
points with sufficient clearness to the recent valuation made in
the archonship of Nausinicus, Olymp. 100, 3 (b.c. 378). In
this year the Athenians entered into an alliance with Thebes,
after the attempt of Sphodrias the Spartan upon the Piraeus
had miscarried, fortified this harbour, built new ships, and
assisted the Thebans to the utmost of their means : Demophon
was sent to their assistance with 5000 hoplitse and 500
cavalry; and, according to the statement of Diodorus (who,
pursuant to his usual custom, does not mention it till the
following year, and always exaggerates the numbers), they
agreed to send out 20,000 hoplitee, 500 cavalry, and 200 ships,
under the command of Timotheus^ Chabrias, and Callistratus :
the first consequence was the cession of the citadel Cadmea to
the Thebans'^

A more exact statement upon our subject hardly appears
desirable. Polybius, the most accurate and judicious of writers,
furnishes us wdth a determination of the national wealth for a
particular period, and this according to the valuation, and con-
sequently upon the authority of public documents, which one
at least of his predecessors, who drew from the fountain-head.

^^ Recherches sur la ropulation I transcribed from Harpocration is in-
d'Attique, Mem. de I'Acade'mie, t. 48, ' serted after the article 6 KarcoOcv vofios^
p. 148. The same writer also relies | and appears to be imited with it. Kiis-
for the valuation of 6000 talents upon i ter had separated them.
Anaximenes; a gross error, the origin ^^ Xcnoph. Hell. v. 4, 34 sqq. Diod.
of which was that the article ort xv. 25 — 29.
f|oKicr;^iXta in f^uidas and Photiiis i

CII. IV.]

THE NATIONAL WEALTH.

489

must have inspected. Nor can there exist any doubt that he
means every sort of property; for he calls it the valuation not
only of the lands of all Attica (xcopas) and the houses, but of
the other property also {rrjs XocTrrfs ova las). Moreover, it
nearly coincides with the statement of Demosthenes, who
reckons the valuation of the country {jlfjir^^a rrjs ')(^copa^) at
6000 talents^% as also Philochorus in the tenth book upon
Attica^^ Harpocration®" remarks, that the word valuation
{TLjjL7]fjLa) signifies capital; it is therefore impossible that the
annual revenue can be meant, even if we did not know that it
never amounted to so high a sum^'.

But however weighty the character of Poly bins, and how-
ever specious the agreement of the other authors, I yet hope to
bring forward such powerful arguments as will convict this
excellent historian of error, by showing, in the first place, that
5750 talents are, as may be collected from other circumstances,
too small a part of the national wealth of Attica to admit of our
supposing that it was only a valuation which was accidentally too
low, from the citizens having concealed much of their property?
and, secondly, I hope in the course of my investigation to point
out how Polybius fell into this error, and how the other pas-
sages, as well as the statement which he misunderstood, are to
be taken.

Property, according to the language of the Athenian law,
was divided into two classes, visible and invisible [ovala (pavepa
and d(f)av7](;). The latter of these classes included money, furni-
ture, slaves, &c.®^ The former included houses and lands; the
mines could not have been comprised under it, because no pro-
perty-tax or liturgy was paid from them, being held on herit-
able leases from the state. The corn-land alone amounted to

«^ De Spunior. p. 183, 5, p. 186, 18, \
in Olymp. 106, 3 (b.c. 354).

^^ Harpocrat. ut sup. In the manu-
script of Demosthenes, which Harpo-
cration used, it was incorrectly written
8000 talents.

^^ In V. Tt/x77/xa.

°^ And yet Meursius (F. A. p. 51),
Petit (Leg. Att. iii. 2, 33), balniasius

(^lod. Usur. i. p. 28), and even Wink-
elmann, Avhom Heyne has corrected in
his Antiquarisclie Aufsatze, i. p. 205,
have tliought that the annual revenue
was liere meant.

^^ Harpocrat. 'Acf)avr)s ovala kuI (f>a-
vepd : d(f)avr]S fX€U tj ev pcpTy/iacri Kal (tm-
^aai Koi (TKfveo-i, (pauepci 8e r] eyyeios.

490 APPROXIMATE DETERMI NATION OF [bK. IV.

more than 900,000 plethra; and as a plethron cannot at the
lowest be estimated at less than 50 drachmas'% the value of this
one item was more than 7500 talents. If from this sum we
deduct 500 talents for the property of the state, the taxable
corn-land alone exceeded by about 1250 talents the amount
given by Polybius; and as the land which grew corn did not
compose much more than the third part of the area of Attica,
we may safely add 2000 talents for the rest of the country, as
far as it was in the possession of private individuals or of tax-
able corporations, inclusive of the demi; so that the landed
property, taken at the lowest estimate, amounted to 9000 talents.
Moreover, Athens had 10,000 houses, besides the buildings in
the farms, in the villages and country towns^^ If each house
is reckoned on an average at 10 minas, which cannot according
to their ascertained value be an over-estimate, the sum we
obtain exceeds 1600 talents; to which 400 talents may be fairly
added for the buildings out of Athens; so that the immoveable
property alone amounts to nearly twice Polybius's statement.
To the value of the immoveable property may next be added
that of the slaves, who may be taken at 360,000; and if we
assume the value of each at only a mina", we obtain the sum
of 6000 talents. The value of the horses must also have been
considerable, as there was a body of cavalry which consisted of
1200 men, and an equal number of servants; and if we then
take into account the passion of the young men for horses, and
the expenses which many persons incurred for these animals,
that they might exhibit them at the sacred spectacles (as, for
example, Alcibiades, who sent seven chariots at one time to the
Olympic games^^), together with the number required for agri-
cultural purposes, our estimate rather errs on the side of defi-
ciency if we assume 3000 horses, and each upon an average at
5 minas^^, which gives the sum of 250 talents. To these we
will add only 1000 yokes of mules, at 6 minas, together making
100 talents: and will estimate all the cattle, sheep, goats, and

8^ See book i. cli. 15 and 11.

9^ Book i. ch. 12.

" Comp. book i. ch. 7 and i;}.

5« Time. vi. 15, IC.
"7 Book i. ch. 14.

CH. IV.] THE NATIONAL WEALTH. 491

pigs, at no more than 250 talents. Again, the money accumu-
lated and lent out at interest could not have been inconsider-
able in amount, if a banker like Pasion had 50 talents of his
own placed out at interest, and if Lycurgus had 650 talents
entrusted to him in his own house^^ Then how great was the
value of the materials vested without interest in implements of
gold, silver, and brass, and worked up in commodities of various
kinds? Even in the time of the poet Aristophanes the use of
silver in articles of furniture was common, and it gradually
increased to such a point, that in order to lower the prices of
such vessels, when the means of the purchasers had been
diminished, the silver was reduced to an excessive thinness;
whence a comic poet speaks of vessels which weighed 4 or 2
drachmas, or even as little as 10 oboli®^ Every other descrip-
tion of household furniture {eircTrXa, aKevrj)^ even clothes and
women's ornaments, were estimated at the valuation, as may be
seen from the valuation of the property of Demosthenes; and
this item must have amounted to a considerable sum, for they
not only had conveniences for lodging, eating, and sleeping, but
in the houses of the wealthy they liad also establishments for
various kinds of trades, as for weaving, baking, &c.^°° Demos-
thenes' father left at his death 100 minas in furniture, cups,
gold, clothes, and his wife's ornaments, which, when the esti-
mate of the son's property was made, were included in the
register of taxes. The furniture of another person was worth
more than 20 minas. The furniture of Aristophanes, which
was forfeited to the state, was sold for more than 1000
drachmas, perhaps at less than the half of its value. Gold and
clothes in the dowry of persons of a middling rank were esti-
mated at lOminas"'^ Alcibiades' mother had jewels worth 50
minas. But without enumerating every trifle, and passing over
many statements of the orators, I shall mention only the ships,
the value of which cannot have been inconsiderable.

All these different items being added together, the national

^^ Book iii. cli. 19. I '*'' Deniostli. c. Nicostrat. p. 1251,

^■' Atheii. vi. p. 221), F, sqq. 1 15, Lys. pro Aiistoph. bonis, p. C35,

100

Couf. Xenopli. Ct:con. 9, 6. < Demo.«tli. c. Spud. p. 1030, 10

492 APPROXIMATE DETERMINATION OF [bK. IV.

property, as it was estimated in the valuation, cannot 1)6 taken
at less than 20,000 talents, in which the monied capital, and all
moveables, with the exception of slaves and cattle, have evi-
dently been estimated at an extremely low rate at 2400 talents.
In every instance indeed I should make a higher estimate, but I
have thought it better in each successive case to take the lowest
which could be thought possible, in order to show that Polybius
had deceived himself, whatever hypothesis be adopted.

Gillies^°% who likewise w^as dissatisfied with the common
acceptation of this statement of Polybius, thought that the
landed estates only were comprised in the 5750 talents, all other
property having been so concealed, that an estimate of it was
impossible; but this directly contradicts the words of Polybius:
and even if we suppose that many persons concealed a portion
of their property, yet on the whole its amount cannot have been
considerable; for by reason of their law-suits and inheritances
the inhabitants could not have ventured to return a smaller sum
than they possessed; many too, in order to appear of conse-
quence, returned even more than they were actually worth; and,
generally speaking, the valuation, as the instance of Demos-
thenes shows, was accurately made. Least of all can I accede
to the idea of the writer just mentioned, that the national
wealth of Attica was about 12,000 talents. The number stated
by Polybius is too small even for the landed property alone, as
this might be fairly estimated at 12,000 talents.

In short, Polybius states the valuation {rifjbrjfjLa) of Attica
with perfect correctness at 5750 talents; but it is the valuation,
not the value, of the whole property: he only knew how much
the valuation of the whole property amounted to; but not
being aware of the principles upon which it had been obtained,
he erroneously supposed that it was the value of the whole pro-
perty. For the valuation taken during the archonship of Nau-
sinicus was, as will be shown, of a certain and fixed portion of
the property, which was considered as subject to taxation. This
portion varied in the different classes ; in the first class a fifth

""^ Considerations upon tiiu History, ^Manners, and Character of the Greeks,
1>. 24.

ClI.

THE XATIONAT. WEALTH.

493

part was taxable^ in the inferior classes a smaller part: very
inconsiderable properties were doubtless not admitted into the
valuation at alP*'^ Consequently the national wealth was far
more than five times the valuation, and exclusively of the public
property, which was tax-free, may be estimated at 30,000 or
40,000 talents: the annual incomes obtained from this amount
of capital were at the least double what an equal sum would
produce at the present time, and consequently every tax was at
the most only half as large as it appears; or rather even smaller
still, for the owner of a moderate property of 5 or 6 talents
could hardly have consumed the returns from it upon his main-
tenance, without very expensive habits.

To the view which I have here taken, nothing can be
objected but a passage of Aristophanes, which has never yet
been applied to this subject, in the Ecclesiazusse'^*, which was
produced in Olymp. 96, 4 (b.c. 393). Euripides, probably the
tragic poet (but not the celebrated one, for he was dead at this
time), had, shortly before the representation of this play, pro-
posed to raise a property-tax of a fortieth, which was to produce
500 talents. This proposal at first gained him great popularity;
but afterwards, upon the rejection of the measure, the cry of
the people was turned against him. Why it did not succeed
we are not informed ; either the taxed were not able to pay^
Athens not having as yet recovered from the Peloponnesian
war, or he had made the rate too high ; in which respect, how-
ever, the error cannot have been very great, for experience
must have already taught them what amount of property could
in a general way be reckoned upon as available: the former
supposition is, therefore, the most probable of the two. He
had evidently estimated the taxable capital at 20,000 talents ;
but that the taxable capital is in this case identical with the
whole property cannot be proved ; it may have only been the
fixed or taxable portion of it, and this may have been estimated
differently from the valuation in the archonship of Nausinicus;

*"^ Comp. book iv. cli. 9, near tlie
end.

'°* Vs. 818 sqq. An income-tax

cannot be meant, as Spanheim de U.
et P. N., vol. ii. p. 551, and Buraiann
de Vect. P. R.V. supposed.

494

THE NATIONAL WKAI/IH,

[bk. IV.

for example, as in the valuation of Solon, which was so arranged,
that of the first class the whole property was returned, of the
second f, of the third |-: a regulation according to which, w^ith
about 35,000 talents of property, it would be easy to arrive at
a valuation nearly amounting to 20,000 talents. But it is time
to explain v.ith greater accuracy the system of the Athenian
valuation.

Chapter V.

The Valuation of Property in Attica, Early Constitution, xo'ith
reference to the Financial Administration. Valuation of
Solon, and the alterations in it up to the Archonship of
Nausinicus (b.c. 378).

The regulations with regard to the Athenian taxes, before the
time of Solon, cannot be accurately ascertained. I consider it
as certain, that before the changes introduced by this lawgiver
all the four tribes had not a share in the governing power: the
hopletes w^ere the ruling aristocracy; under them were the
cultivators [rekeovres), the goatherds {alyiKopecs), and the
manual labourers {apjdSec^)^'^^; the hopletes being the supreme
and dominant class, the cultivators paid them the sixth part of
the produce '"% the same portion which in India the king
formerly received ; and these latter were, like the penestae or
the clients, bondsmen or thetes in the original sense'", w^ithout
any property in land, which belonged solely to the hopletes.
The latter bore arms, when they served in war, and took their
attendants into the field, like the Thessalian knights ; for the

'°* Upon these classes sec my Pre-
face to the Catalogue of the Lectures
of the University of Berlin, Summer,
1812 (reprinted in the ^Museum Criti-
cura, vol. ii. p. 608). I do not find
myself induced to alter what I have
there said, since Ilullmann (Anfiinge
der Griechischen Geschichte, p. 239
sqq.) has treated this subject. Nor
can I, by any means, accede to Ilem-
sterhuis's singular explanation of

FeXioj/res, Proceres, Splendidi. Names
of this kind were not given to distin-
guish from "OTrXT^rey, 'ApyaSei?, KlyiKO-
peis, which all contain something defi-
nite and separate, no more than ol
TTuxels was anywhere the name of a
tribe fixed by the state.

'O" Plut. Sol. 13.

^ ' These are correctly placed toge-
ther by Dionysius Archfeol., ii. p. 84,
ed. Sylb.

CH. v.] VALUATION OF PROPERTY. 495

maintenance of the state in time of peace little or nothing was
necessary, and the wars were too inconsiderable to require an
artificial structure of finance. The temples and priests were
supported from the sacred estates, tithes, and sacrifices ; and
the administrators of justice were remunerated by gifts or fees
{yipa) upon each separate decision. The constitution of Solon
first, as it appears, wholly abolished bondage, which must not,
however, be confounded with slavery: his laws gave to all
freemen, that is, to all the four tribes, a share in the govern-
ment, apportioning their rights hov/ever according to the valua-
tion (rlfMrj/Ma, census); by which means the form of government
was brought near a democracy, without actually being one.
For Solon, according to the manner in which he instituted the
Areopagus, placed a half-aristocratical counterpoise in the
opposite scale ; and also by allowing the fourth class the
right of voting in the assembly, and a share in the jurisdiction,
but not permitting them to fill any . office of government, he
gave an influence to the upper and wealthier classes, by means
of which the constitution was made to resemble a timocracy, or
an oligarchy founded upon property. However, without wish-
ing to develope the whole system of Solon^s institution of classes,
we shall inquire into its nature in reference to the valuation
and the public services.

Solon made four classes {ri/jLrjfjuara, riXr])^^^, a number
afterwards adopted by Plato in his work on Laws^"^; the
methods, according to which they fixed them, were however
very different. The first class was the pentacosiomedimni ;
that is to say, those who received 500 measures, either dry or
liquid, from their lands, medimni of dry, and metretse of liquid
measure. For the second class he took those who received 300
measures, and could afford to keep a horse, viz., a war-horse
(iTTTToy iroXe^iLarrjpLo^), to which was added another for a
servant, and they must also necessarily have required a yoke of
animals: this class was called knights [Itttttj^, LTrirdBa TeXovvres),

i*"* The latter expression is used by
Harpocration and Suidas in v. Ittttcis,

and by others; the former is very
common.

'°» V. p. 744, e. vi. p. 755, E.

496

VALUATION OF PROPERTY.

Qbk. IV.

The third class are the zeugitte {^evyLTat), and their valuation
is called the valuation of the zeugitte (^evyiacov reXetv); by
which, however, is not to be understood a particular tax upon
cattle used in ploughing, as might be supposed from the account
o-iven by Pollux. Their name is derived from keeping a yoke
(^€1)709), whether of common mules, or of working-horses or
oxen. Their income is stated in general at 200 measures of
dry and Uquid measure. The last class is the thetes, whose
valuation was less than that of the zeugitcc"*'. "The pentaco-
siomedimni/' says Pollux, "^^ expended upon the pubUc weal
[avrfKiaKov is to BrjfjLoacov) 1 talent, the second 30 minas, the
third 10 minas, and the thetes nothing^ ".'^

Thus far we have followed the most authentic accordant
statements. Some grammarians, however, only mention three
classes (ra^et?), and entirely omit the zeugitse^^^ which is evi-
dently erroneous, as well as the statement of Aristotle^ ^% or of
some grammarian or copyist who has interpolated the words in
his text, which makes the knights the third, and the zeugitas
the second class, in direct opposition to the testimonies of all

^-" Pint. Sol. 18, ^vhere, iii speaking j
of the third class, he is made, by an |
en-or of the transcriber, to say, oh \
fierpov rjv o-vva^(f)OT€pcov TpiaKocridiv \
instead of diaKoalcov, as Henry Stephens ;
has rightly corrected from Pollux :
(Tvvafi(f)oT€pa}v means both dry and j
liquid measure : as, for example, Lex.
Seg. p. 298, in TrevTaKocnoix^bipvoi:
TrevraKoaia perpa crvvdp<pa) ^rjpa Kai
vypd. Plutarch gives the right num- :
bar in the Comparison of Aristides and
Cato, cap. 1, with the remark, that the |
means of individuals were at that time
still moderate. Also see Pollux vii.
129, 130. Suid. in 'nnras and InTrels,
Photius in 'nrncis, where in the first
article 'nrTre^s and Innds are absurdly
stated to be ditferent classes, Argum.
Aristoph. Equit., Schol. Plat. Ruhnk.
p. 184, Etym. in d-qTcia, Nicephoms
Gregor. ad Synes., Zonaras in v. e/c
Tip.r)pdT<>>Vf Hai-pocrat. in 'nrTras, who

all give the same order, the latter re-
ferring to Aristotle's State of Athens,
also Schol. Thiicyd. iii. 16; Hesychius
(in v. iTTTras) is mutilated : also, see
Lex. Seg. pp. 260, 261, 267, 269, and
concerning ^evyiaiov Pollux ^^ii. 130,
132 ; Suid. Phot. Etym. Lex. Seg. pp.
260, 261 ; and Hesychius. In several
of these passages it is falsely written
^evyrjo-iov. That C^vyos generally
means a yoke of mules, we learn from
the orators, e. g. Isseus de Dicseog.
Hered. p. 116, de Philoctem. Hered.
p. 140. The Etymologist and Photius
in V. (evyos, and Lex. Seg. p. 260,
when combined, refer this expression
to all the three kinds of animals.

''' Pollux is followed by Schol.
Plat. ed. Ruhnk. p. 184.

"^ Etym. and Photius in v. (fvyiaiov,
Schol. Aristoph. Equit. 624.

''3 Polit. ii. 10.

CH. v.] VALUATION OF PROPERTY. 49/

ancient writers''*, who invariably mention the knights after the
pentacosiomedimni, and above all to the law which will be
presently quoted. Nor can any argument be drawn from a fact
recorded in an inscription upon the Acropolis' '% that Anthemion,
the son of Diphilus, of the class of thetes {6r]rcKov reXo^), was
immediately raised to the class of knights; for a person might
easily become on a sudden so rich by inheritance, as to be
transferred from the lowest into the second class. Suidas,
indeed, ascribes 400 measures to the knights, which appears to
be an error of the transcriber, rather than of the author; for
the scholiasts of x\ristophanes and Demosthenes"^ who repeat
the text of Suidas, only differ from him in giving the correct
number, viz., 300 instead of 400 ; therefore Reiske deserves no
attention when, by an alteration of the common reading, he
wishes to make Plutarch say, in the life of Solon, that the
knights had 400 and the zeugitse 300 measures. Synesius"^
even calls the second class triacosiomedimni, instead of the
usual name of knights.

Nevertheless I venture to reject the statement preserved by
all writers, that the number of measures for the zeugitse was
200, not however because it is incredible that all were thetes
who had less than 200 measures : a stronger argument against
the correctness of the statement than the last would be, that the
difference between the 200 measures of the zeugitee and the
300 of the knights, is too small in comparison with that between
the knights and the pentacosiomedimni; but my reason for
rejecting it is, that a law preserved in Demosthenes"^ leads to a
different conclusion. This law fixes the allowance which any
person of the three upper classes was to make to an heiress in
the lowest class, if, being her nearest relation, he did not choose
to marry her. The pentacosiomedimnus was to give her 500
drachmas, and the knight 300; thus both were to give the
same number of drachmas as they received measures : the

"* For example, Thuc. iii. 16. I ^'^ De Insomn. p. 140, B.

*'^ Pollux viii. 131. ^'^ Demosth. c. Macart. p. 1067 sqq.

"^ Scliol. Aristoph. Eqiiit. 624. ! comp. Harpocration in v. Or/Tes and
Schol. Demosth. vol. ii. p. 85, ed. j cTrt'SiKos-, Diod. xii. 18,
Reiske. I

2 K

498

VALUATION OF PROPERTY.

[bk. IV.

zeugites^ however, was to give only 150 drachmas. I am
persuaded, therefore, that the property of the zeugitae only sup-
posed an income of 150 measures: whoever had less than 150
measures belonged to th^ thetes : whoever had between 150
and 300 to the zeugitae ; from 300 to 500 to the knights ; and
from 500 and upwards to the pentacosiomedimni.

Modern writers relate with great complacency the amount
of taxes which, according to the statement of Pollux, these
classes paid to the state, without being aware of the absurdity
involved in it"^ The question is^ what notion shall we form
of these imposts of a talent, of 30 minas, and 10 minas ? Are
we to suppose that they were a regular tax which was paid into
the public treasury ? If so, the annual revenue of Athens
would necessarily have l)een very large, whereas it at no time
amounted to more than 2000 talents ; unless we assume with
Salmasius that Athens had a yearly revenue of 6000 talents, of
w^hich 2000 were derived from the sources which Aristophanes
enumerates in the Wasps, and 4000 from the valuations of the
citizens ; an assertion which is too groundless and absurd to
deserve a moment's attention. Or were those sums to be
employed for the liturgies? The expression agrees very well
W' ith this hypothesis, but it is inconceivable that the state should
have fixed the exact sum of money which each person was to
expend in his own liturgy: how much was to be performed in
each liturgy w^as exactly defined, e.g., how many singers or
flute-players the choregus was to furnish, how he was to main-
tain, how to ornament them, and in like manner with the other
liturgies : to the state it was indifferent what sum each indivi-
dual liturgy cost. One person might, by good management,
supply at a small expense, what another, from inexperience,
had only been able to provide at a large outlay; if, therefore,
the government fixed any determinate standard, it failed in
attaining its object; not to mention that in the age of Solon
the liturgies could not have been so expensive, and there is no

"^ Also Budaeus (de asse et paitibus
ejus V. p. 530, Gryph.) both upon this
point and upon that of the valuation
of 6000 talents, falls into great confu-

sion; for, perceiving that he is at
variance with himself, he searches,
though unsuccessfully, for some expla-
nation.

CH. V.l VALUATION OF PROPERTY. 499

-■ /

question as to subsequent times. Or, lastly, shall we suppose
that this scale was for the regulation of the extraordinary taxes ?
An extraordinary tax, like the eisphora w^hich w^as first levied
in the 88th Olympiad (b.c. 428), could not have been so high
in the time of Solon, as the sums stated by Pollux. Again, the
method of its imposition could not have been such that all
persons in the same class paid the same sum, for example, that
each pentacosiomedimnus contributed a talent, whether he
received 500 or 5000 medimni, a regulation which would have
been manifestly absurd : neither can we suppose that all persons
were excluded from the payment of this tax, who were not able
to contribute 10 minas. Is it possible to believe that all were
thetes {capite censi) who did not pay taxes to the amount of 10
minas ; that 10 minas was the smallest amount of tax required
of the citizens, and this too from landed property alone ?
Lastly, in the imposition of extraordinary taxes, it was never
determinately fixed what the rate of contribution was to be
both for the actual levy and all future occasions. On the
contrary, the rate was appointed according to the sum required.
If the amount was great, the scale was higher ; if small, it was
less.

It is thus impossible to ascertain what this large tax, of
which Pollux speaks, is to be referred to ; but in order to con-
vince the most incredulous of the total want of foundation in
this account, I will add the following short explanation. In the
time of Solon the medimnus of corn sold for a drachma'*^; if
the price of a metretes of oil was higher, wine on the other hand
was cheaper ^'^^; so that upon an average, a measure of products
of the soil cannot be reckoned at more than a drachma. The
pentacosiomedimnus was consequently valued according to his
landed property, at an income of 500 drachmas ; and are we to
suppose that a talent was to be paid out of that sum, which is
the twelfth part of the receipts, and for the others the same,
according to their respective proportion ? Or is the seed-corn,
and not the whole produce, meant by the 500, 3G0, and 150
measures, as in the Mosaic law, in which the rates Avere fixed

Book i. cU. 15. '^' Book i. ch. ICi,

2 K 2

500 VALUATION OF PROPERTY. [bK. IV.

according to this standard? Of this, however, no ancient
author says one word, whatever inaccurate writers on early-
history may assert ; liquid measures are moreover expressly-
included, in which no seed-corn exists ; and again, this quantity
of seed-corn would have been too considerable : for in later
times, Alcibiades, who was unquestionably a pentacosiomedim-
nus, possessed only 300 plethra of land; nor can any one
imagine that all were thetes who did not use 150 measures of
seed-corn for their lands ? In whatever way we look at it, the
statement of Pollux fails. Is it then to be absolutely rejected ?
or does it contain a concealed truth? Unquestionably; but it
has been made almost indiscernible by a gross misapprehension
of its meaning.

We have next to consider how Solon's institution of classes
was arranged with regard to the duties of the citizens. As the
rights differed according to the classes, so did the burdens.
Among these, the first was the obligation to military service in
its different gradations. The thetes were said, in a lost passage
of Aristophanes, to have performed no military service^^**, like
the lowest class of the Romans : although this may have been
the case in ancient times, it may be assumed, without hesitation,
that they soon served as light-armed soldiers (-v/rtXot), and as
sailors: they were, indeed, sometimes used as hoplitse upon an
emergency'", as well as many even of the resident aliens; but
since they had no obligation of this kind, it was doubtless
necessary for the state to arm them on these occasions. Thucy-
dides"'^ mentions hoplitse, who were of the class of thetes, but
opposes them to the regular hoplitcP, from the list {oTrXlrac itc
KardXoyov). The zeugita? evidently composed the mass of
those who were bound to serve as hoplitee. Above them came
the knights, whose name alone shows that their duty was to
serve as cavalry, even if they were not at all times bound to
hold themselves in readiness. Of the pentacosiomedimni we

'2^ Ilarpociat. in v. BrjTes, comp.
Phot, in V. 8r)T€vs.

^^ Antiphon ap. Harpocrat. ut sup.
contains an indication of this in the

words, Tovs 6^Tas anapras onXiras
Troirja-at.
^'* vi. 43.

CH. v.]

VALUATION OF PROPERTY.

501

know nothing : but it is evident that persons of this class must
in general have filled the situations of commanders, as well as
that of trierarch, which was also a military service; the other
liturgies were also probably performed according to the valua-
tions of the classes, although the distribution of them is not
known. Lastly, I entertain no doubt that when the valuation
was taken, a scale was at the same time fixed, according to
which an extraordinary tax was raised whenever the occasion
occurred ; but there was no regular collection at the time when
these assessments were made, since otherwise we should un-
questionably have more determinate information upon that
point'"; and the first introduction of the property tax, at so
late a period as in the Peloponnesian war, shows how unfre-
quent and extraordinary were the occasions on which imposts
of this kind had previously been levied.

The expression to pay a valuation [reXelv reXo^;) is indeed of
so frequent occurrence, that we might infer from it that there
existed a tax which was regularly raised, especially since the
more definite expression is sometimes used oi paying the valua-
tion of a knight or of a zeugites (iTTTrdSa and iTTTrcKov reXelv,
i^evylaiov reXecv, eh lirirdha reKelv) : it is to be observed,
however, that the valuation of the thetes, and their paying a
valuation '^^ {OrjroKov ri\o9, Otjtlkov reXelv) are also mentioned,
and yet it is clear that they paid no tax, even according to the
statement of Pollux. The poll-tax which was paid at Potidaea,
by the persons who were destitute of property'^", was a mode
of levying money entirely peculiar to that, town, and not derived
from the mother-country, and was moreover used only for
extraordinary taxes. This idiom, however, admits of an easy
explanation ; for the same word which signifies valuation, also
means a rank or class, and the words which mean to pay a

'■^5 EvenBudgeus ut sup. p. 534, was
aware that no regular direct tax (tri-
butum) was levied at Athens.

^*^ See concerning this expression,
passing over the grammarians, De-
mosth. c. Timocr. p. 745, 13. Isaeus
de Apollod. Hered. p. 185, an ancient

law in Demosth. c. Macart. p. 1067, 28.
Inscript. ap. Poll. viii. 131. Dinarch.
c. Aristog. p. 80, and many other

'^^ Pseud-Aristot. (Econ, 2, 5, ed.
Schneid.

502

VALUATION OF PROPERTY.

[bk. IV.

valuation, also stand for merely belonging to a class^^^. Besides,
the payment or performance of a valuation {reXecv to Te\o<;)
does not mean the payment of a fixed regular impost, but the
fulfilment of all those duties which were imposed upon a class
according to its valuation, particularly military service and
liturgies, together with the extraordinary property taxes.
Xenophon^" mentions every expense which the state required
at the hands of a citizen, and which could oppress him, but he
is silent concerning a regular duty, although he makes use of an
expression which must have instantly reminded him of it, if any-
thing of the kind had existed. The only circumstance that
could justify us in considering the valuation-taxes as ordinary
ones, would be the occurrence of some passage in which they
are distinctly opposed to the liturgies and the extraordinary
taxes ; but I have sought for one in vain. Where Antiphon^^''
opposes the payment of the duties [KaraTodivac ra reXr]) to
the choregia, a Mytilensean is speaking of his father, who was
one of those deprived of their estates ; but these, although they
paid to the Athenians a rent of 2 minas for each lot'^^, also

^^^ Theuce is avbpas reXelv, is Boico-
Tovs TiXeeiv, ill the same sense Herod,
vi. 108. Thence reXos of a division of
troops, particularly of cavalry. Censeri
is used in Latin in the same way as
reXeij/ in Greek.

''^^ GEcou. 2, 6, en be kol ttju irokiv
aladdvoiiaL to. fxkv fjh-q aoi npocrraTTOV-
(rav [xeyaka reXeii/, In'o-oTpocpias re (for
the cavalry at festivals) kol xoprjyias
Kai yvjJLvacriapx'-o.s kol TrpocrraTeias (an
obscure expression which cannot sig-
nify the patronage of the resident
aliens, but may refer to the iarlaais,
which was also called (pvXapx^a, see
Wolf, p. Ixxxviii.) ^v fie 817 7rdXe/iOS
yivTjTai, old' on kol TpLr)papx^cis pnaOovs
KOL elrrcpopas Toaavras (Toi npoara^ov-
(711/, ocraj (jv ov pabicos xmoicreLS. The
meaning of the word re'Xoy is very well :
explained in Lex. Seg. p. 308, TeKrj : j
ov fjiovov TO. Tols TeXcovaty KaralBaWo-
p-eva, dWa Koi to. dva\o)paTa. Xa/i/3a- ■
VfTai Kai inl dnijpTKTpiuco npayp-ari r/ |

€py(o T] TToXe'/xo). Hence also areXjys
and are'Xeia of the exemption from
liturgies, and noXvTeKrjs. Conf. Phot,
in V. TeXos.

'^^ De Herod, csede p. 744. 'ETret
fi' vp.€7s Tovs qItlovs rovTcav €KoXdaaT€,
ev ols ovK i(f)aiv€TO ciyv 6 epos Trarfjpj
To7s S' dXXoLS MvTiXijvaiois abeiav e'fio)-
Kare oi/ceii/ Tr]U acperepav avrtov (since
they allowed them to hold their land
on condition of paying a rent), ovk
e<TTiv 6 Ti vcrrepou avrca fjpdprrjrat ra
ip(o TTarpl, old' on ov TreTroirjTai nop
deovTcov, oL»S' rjS nvos Xeuovpylas rj
TToXis evberjs yeyevrjTai ovre fj vperepa
(sic lege) ovre rj MvTiXT)vaiciv, dXXa
ical xopriy'ias exoprjyei (that is, in the
island of Mytilene, divided among
cleruchi) koi TeXrj KareTidei (to the
Athenians).

^^' See book iii. ch. 18, concerning
this individual comp. book iii. ch. 16,
note 422.

CH. V,] VALUATION OF PROPERTY. 503

performed liturgies for their own community. Again, the only-
reason which Plato gives in the Laws for the four-fold division
of classes in his state is, that the offices of government, the
eisphora (or extraordinary tax), and the distributions {Biavo/j,ai),
could be arranged according to them ; and, lastly, to what pur-
pose Athens should, in the early times, have raised a yearly
tax, when a part of the public revenue, and particularly of the
money received from the mines, was divided among the citizens,
it is difficult to comprehend.

A tax according to the valuation can therefore be only sup-
posed to have occurred upon extremely rare occasions under
Solon^s institution of classes. The imposition of taxes was only
a subordinate consideration j the chief objects were the obligation
to military service, the liturgies, and the apportioning of the rights
of government. But in order to comprehend how the scale was
arranged in each case as it occurred, we must premise an observa-
tion upon the meaning of the word valuation {TifjbrjfjLa). Custom
has comprehended under this term a collection of very different
ideas. Every estimate of the value of any article is so called;
the estimate of property, the assessment of a fine, the estimate
of a tax; in short, everything that is valued. But a part of the
property, which serves to regulate the apportioning of taxes,
might be, with equal propriety, called by that name. Solon
gave to each of the classes, except the thetes, a fixed valuation,
or timema, and even the classes themselves are so called {rer-
rapa TLfjur/fMara) in Plato and in most other writers who mention
them. This valuation, which we will call the taxable capital, is
not absolutely identical with the estimate of property, and is
very different from the tax. The grammarians had not formed
any idea of timema as taxable capital, for they sometimes con-
found it with the estimate of property; while Pollux considered
it as the tax, and thus fell into a most important error. No
rational explanation can be given of Solon^s institution of
classes, as far as it regards the direct taxation, but by embracing
this view of the question. When so considered, however, we
recognise his wisdom. Solon estimated the value of the me-
dimnus at a drachma''^ Now if he had wished to ascertain

Plut. Sol. 23.

504 VALUATION OF PROPERTY. [bK. IV.

the landed property of each class from the produce, his only

way would have been to consider the number of medimni, or
their equivalent in liquid measure, as the produce accruing from
the land, taking however as his standard only the net proceeds,
which were received as rent. We must therefore consider these
500, 300, 150 measures as net profit, obtained from what an
estate yielded as rent; a course which was the more natural, as
many estates, particularly those of the wealthy, were let by
their masters to thetes or to bond-slaves, as we are expressly
informed with regard to the thetes ^^\ That the rent was com-
puted in kind, and not in money, is what might have been
naturally expected. This practice indeed frequently occurs,
even in later times; nor would any other method have been
possible at that period, on account of the small quantity of
money in circulation.

The next question to be considered is, at what per-centage of
the value of the property did Solon fix this net produce ? We
are informed that rents were low in ancient times; so late as in
the speeches of Iseeus we read of an estate which was let at 8 per
cent.^^* We have therefore good reason for assuming that
Solon, whose intention it must have been to encourage low
rents, took the net proceeds as the twelfth part of the value of
the land, or 8^ per cent., and according to that scale fixed the
property of a pentacosiomedimnus at a talent, that is, at a
twelfth of his income. According to the same calculation, the
landed property of a knight amounted to 3600 drachmas, of a
zeugites to 1800. The principle of this arrangement is per-
fectly correct; for the smaller is the amount of the incomes,
the less in proportion must the state take from an equally large
part of the income of a citizen: as every man must first pro-
vide maintenance for himself and his family, and the poor are
oppressed to a greater degree than the rich, if they are taxed in
the same proportion, and at the same rate. Now this principle,
so well adapted to the philanthropic lawgiver, may have been
put in operation by Solon in two manners; either by the infe-
rior class paying a smaller proportion of their property than the

^3' Pint. Sol. KS. 13^ Book i. ch. 24.

CH. v.]

VALUATION OF PROPERTY.

505

superior, for example, the first ^ per cent., the second i per
cent., the third -I- per cent.; or by the taxable capital being so
rated, that in the lower classes only a part of the property was
considered as taxable. The first method renders the arrange-
ment difiicult and complicated; the other is far more intel-
ligible: the government knows the sum total of the taxable
capital, and the amount of its own necessities, and it can be
seen at once what part of the taxable capital must be demanded.
This regulation appears to have been invariably followed at
Athens, after it had been once taught by Solon. The pentacosio-
medimnus was, according to his regulation of the classes, entered
in the register with his w^hole productive landed property, the
knight with five-sixths, the zeugites with five-ninths of it; but
all paid the same part of the taxable capital when a duty was
imposed. Supposing that the whole valuation, or the sum of
all the taxable capitals, amounted to 3000 talents, and that the
state was in need of 60 talents, a fiftieth would have been
raised, and the division was in that case made as the following
table shows: —

Classes.

Incomes.

Landed Estates.

Taxable Capital.

Tax of a 50th.

Pentacos.

Knights

Zeugitse

500 drachmas
300 drachmas
150 drachmas

6000 drachmas
3600 drachmas
1800 drachmas

6000 drachmas
3000 drachmas

1000 drachmas

120 drachmas
60 drachmas
20 drachmas

A more beautiful division is scarcely conceivable. It should
be observed, however, that it is possible, or even probable, that
there existed some difference in the amount of taxes in the
same class. We may suppose that, adhering still to the
standard of property, they imposed the tax in such a manner
that in each class the taxable capital was fixed according to the
same proportion; as is shown by the following table: —

506

VALUATION OF PROPERTY.

[bk.

IV.

Classes.

Incomes.

Landed
Property.

Of which was
Taxable.

Taxable
Capital.

Tax of a 50th.

Pentacosio-
medimni.

1000 dr.
750 dr.
500 dr.

12000 dr.
9000 dr.
6000 dr.

The whole
The whole
The whole

12000 dr.
9000 dr.
6000 dr.

240 dr.
180 dr.
120 dr.

Knights.

450 dr.
400 dr.
300 dr.

5400 dr.
4800 dr.
3600 dr.

Five sixths
Five sixths
Five sixths

4500 dr.
4000 dr.
3000 dr.

90 dr.
80 dr.
60 dr.

Zeugitae.

250 dr.
200 dr.
160 dr.

3000 dr. ' Five ninths
2400 dr. Five ninths
1800 dr. Five ninths

16661 dr.
1333i dr.
1000 dr.

33i dr.
26| dr.
20 dr.

Under Solon's institution of classes, the land in cultivation
was alone estimated: but when in the Peloponnesian war the
property taxes became frequent, it was no longer possible that
the landed proprietors should be exclusively taxed, particularly
as this was the very period at which they were in the most dis-
tressed situation; the former scale had also ceased to be suit-
able, on account of the increase of wealth. The menace in the
Knights of Aristophanes'^* is not intelligible, unless we suppose
that moveables were also subject to taxation. Cleon threatens
a person with having him registered among the rich, in order
that he might be ruined by property taxes ; and the proposal of
Euripides, which was made a short time before Olymp. 96, 4
(b.c. 393), to raise 500 talents by imposing a tax of a fortieth,
is only compatible with a taxable capital, which not only
embraced all moveable property, but in which the rates of the
classes were also wholly changed : for if it had been regulated
upon the same principles as the valuation of Solon, it would
require 20,000 citizens, nearly all of the rank of pentacosio-
medimni, for the taxable capital to amount to so large a sum :
on the other hand, a taxable capital of this amount might have
(easily existed, if all the moveable and immoveable property
were added together, and the taxable part of it taken according
to the principles of Solon.

The ancient names were in the mean time retained; not

Vs. 923.

CH. v.] VALUATION OF PROPERTY. 50?

only in Olymp. 88, 1 (b.c. 428)'^% when the first tax was
levied^ but even in later times, we meet with pentacosiomedimni
and knights as distinct ranks. In the play of Aristophanes
(Olymp. 88, 4, B.C. 425) that bears their name, the knights are
represented as a class of the people, and not merely as horse-
men, as they were in the time of Demosthenes ; and even in
Olymp. 93, 3 (b.c, 406) we meet with a distinct mention of
the two superior ranks '^^. It cannot be proved with certainty,
as far as I am aware, that these classes existed after the archon-
ship of Euclid (Olymp. 94, 2, b.c. 403). In the archonship of
Nausinicus (b.c. 378) they were unquestionably suppressed, if
they were then in existence. Yet I am rather inclined to sup-
pose that, like so many other institutions, they were abolished
by the changes introduced in the archonship of Euclid. The
pentacosiomedimnus mentioned in Lysias'^^ may have been
taken from the times anterior to Euclid. In Demosthenes^^'
the four ranks only occur in an ancient law, which was perhaps
still in force with regard to heiresses, but its original meaning
must have been altered, and the names could only have referred
to new classes which had been introduced in the place of those
instituted by Solon.

If any one passage could make it probable that the institu-
tion of Solon remained until the year of Nausinicus, it would
be that of Isseus'***, in which it is stated that " ApoUodorus, the
adopted father of the defendant, did not act so dishonourably as
Pronapes, who only returned a small valuation, and yet as if he
had a knight^s valuation laid claim to offices of government.^'
Pronapes therefore entered himself at a lower valuation, but he
was a candidate for offices which required the property of a
knight. At what time however he did this we know not. The
orator may be speaking of ancient times, anterior to the year of

'^•^ Thucyd. iii. 16, in this year the
names of the classes in question occur.
'■^7 Xenoph. Hell. i. 6, 17-
^^" Harpocrat. in v. TrcvraKoa-iofie-

Reiske has wholly misunderstood this
passage. The words are, /cat firjv koI
avTOS ^AnoWobcopos ov;^, oycnrfp ETpo-
mnijs, aTTeypdyj/aTO fxev rip.Tjpa p-iKpov,

bifivoi. ; ojy Imrdda 8i reXcov apx^iv rj^lov ras

^^^ In Macart. p. 1067 sq! apxds.

'•" De Apollod. Hered. p. 185. i

508

VALUATION OF PROPERTY.

[bk. IV,

Euclid. If this be not conceded, I may assume that although
the ancient classes were abolished in the archonship of Euclid,
new ones were instituted, one of which again bore the general
name of knights, which was given to a class of the people in
many states besides Athens. It is to be also observed, that
there is another difficulty in this passage, viz. that a knight^s
valuation was requisite for eligibility to offices of government.
According to the constitution of Solon, these were only open
to citizens of a certain valuation, and the thetes were excluded,
as we learn from Aristotle and others. The archons, at the
time when Aristides filled this office (Olymp. 73, 1, b.c. 488),
were still chosen by lot out of the pentacosiomedimni'*': hence
the question at the Anacrisis of the nine archons, and in general
jn all high situations, " whether the candidate had the valuation,
or paid the taxes'";" that is, again, whether he performed the
liturgies, paid the extraordinary taxes, and was regularly regis-
tered in the class to which the archon was required to belong.
In the same manner it was necessary for the treasurers of the
goddess and the gods to be pentacosiomedimni'". But Aris-
tides, after the battle of Plataeee, gave all the Athenians the
right of admission to offices of government'**: and therefore in
the case of these treasurers we cannot suppose that this restric-
tion was owing to the highness of their office; but that, as the
management of money was entrusted to them, they were still
obliged, for the sake of security, to prove to a fixed amount of
property. Dinarchus reckons this question respecting the
valuation among the antiquated customs of the state, nor is
there any mention of it in the speech of Demosthenes against
Eubulides; although indeed this is not a conclusive proof, for it
might have been there omitted compatibly with the object of

>^i Plut. Aristid. 1.

^■'^ Et TO Ti^rjfid ioTLV avTtOf et to.
riKr] reXei, Pollux viii. 86, Dinarch. c.
Aristog. p. 86, who p. 87, by reXos evi-
dently means the extraordinary tax
{(la<f>opd). The serving in war is in
this place excepted from the reXos,
and on accomit of its importance is

particularly inquired after, which can-
not seem strange, since the t(\os only
determined the species of arms, and
from that it could be ascertained
whether the individual was present in
the field.

'*3 Bookii. ch. 5.

'" Plutarch. Aristid. 22.

CH. v.]

VALUATION OF PROPERTY,

509

the speaker' '\ Theogenes, of noble birth, but of small means,
was king-archon in the age of Demosthenes' '^ Lastly, the
needy and infirm man (dBvvaros), who is represented as speak-
ing in Lysias, manifestly belonged to the lowest class of per-
sons entirely destitute of property, since he claims the allow-
ance for the poor from the state '^^ This man nevertheless
asserts, that if his body was not defective, his adversaries would
not be able to hinder him from casting lots for the dignity of
one of the nine archons, and accuses his fate of depriving him
of the highest honours'*^; meaning the infirmity of his body,

^^5 P. 1319, 20 sqq.

^*« Orat. c. Neser. p. 1369, 17-

"' See Lysias Trepi rov ddvv. p. ^A3,

sqq.

^*^ p. 749, KaiTOL el tovto Treiaei rivas
vfxcov, CO /SovXt), tl fjLC koj\v€1 Kkr)pov(r6aL
TOiv ivvea apxovroiv ; and afterwards p.
750, ov yap drjnov rov avTov vfiels }i€V
lis 8vvdixevov d<paipr]cr€a6€ to 8t86p.€vov,
ol de (his opponents) w? dSwdrov ovra
Kk-qpovadai KcoXvcrov(Tiv . p. 756, eTreiBf)
ycip, <B ^ovXrj, Twv p-eyiarcov dp^av 6
daificov dTreaTeprjcrev T)p.ds, and after-
wards, TTQiS OVU OVK CIV SeiXaiOTOTOS €^T)V,

ft Ta>v /xeV KaWicTTOiv Koi fxeyicTTCOV did
rffv (rvfx(f)opdu dmcTTep'qp.evos iir)v.
Petit iii. 2, on the law concerning the
Anacrisis of the archons (p. 239 sqq.
of the old edition) shows, that freedom
from all bodily defects was necessary
for the office of archon ; doubtless on
account of the sacrifices which he had
to perform. But it is singular that he
did not perceive that, according to
Aristides, there might have been an
archon out of every class of property,
and should imagine that the law of
Aristides was repealed ; of which I do
not find any proof. In ancient times
the archons were chosen not by lot,
but by cheirotonia, as may be inferred
from the intricate passage in the ora-
tion against Neaera, p. 1370, 19. [The
author mentions in the Addenda,
" that he had inferred from the ora-
tion against Nesera that in ancient

times the archons were chosen by chei-
rotonia." He then proceeds to say,
that "it hardly deserves mentioning,
that what the orator asserts of the
king-archon in the democracy, which,
according to common report he com-
mences with Theseus, may be taken
generally of the ancient election of
the nine archons. In order however
to reconcile this assertion with the ap-
parently inconsistent account of the
election of the archons by lot from
among the pentacosiomedimni (see
above p. 508), it must be remembered,
that the election of the archons was
frequently changed with the progress
of freedom and equality. The office
of king was after the time of Codrus
changed into that of archon, by merely
compelling the king to give an account
of his official proceedings (Pausan. iv.
5), but the office remained by inherit-
ance in the royal family of the Nelei-
dae or Codridae. The next step was
the limitation of the time of holding
the office to ten years. It remained
nevertheless in the ancient royal family
until the time of Eryxias, who was the
last in the uninterrupted series of the
Medontidae, according to the testi-
mony of ancient writers. The annual
archons which then succeeded were
chosen by cheirotonia from among the
nobility, in which the ancient royal
family was included (tjpfdtja-av i^
EiViraTpibcop Eiiseb. Chron» p. 41), of

510

VALUATION OF PROPERTY.

[bK. IV.

which impeded him from standing for the office of arch on, and
not the want of property. Accordingly we can at the most
refer the statement of Isaeus to situations such as those of the
treasurers, for whom a certain valuation was agreeably to reason
always requisite, in order that the state might have a pledge of
their honesty^ ^^

Chapter VI.

Public Registers in Attica, Register of Lands, General
Register of Property,

For the purposes of the public valuation, registers (aTroypacj^ai)
were generally used in Greece, as was the case in Egypt and
the kingdom of Persia, which in different places were arranged
according to different principles.

The method adopted in Attica was that each person valued
his own property, and returned the amount; after which they
were doubtless, as in Potidsea, subject to the check of a counter-
valuation {v7roTLfir,(TL9Y'\ In early times, however, there was

which series Solon the Codrides is to
be considered the last (cf. Plutarch.
Solon. 14, iOP^Ot} apxoiv; alperos is the
same xf'poToi^'jros). Solon then sub-
stituted a timocracy in the place of the
ancient aristocracy, and from this time
eligibility no longer depended upon
birth, but upon property, and the
archons were chosen by cheirotonia
(Aristot. Polit. ii. 9, where the words
dpxovTcov alpco-is should be thus under-
stood). Cleisthenes however probably
changed this mode of election into
choosing by lot, but left the right of
eligibility unchanged; and with this
the arrangement under which Aristides
held the office of archon, and the case
mentioned in Herodotus vi. 109, cor-
respond. Lastly, Aristides gave all
the Athenians the right of filling the
situation of archon by castiug lots,
without any distinction of property, a
right which the people had earned in
battle with their blood.]

'^^ I must here make an additional
remark upon the qualification to pub-
lic office arising from the valuation in
reference to Hermogenes. This writer
says, {rexv. pijrop. p. 35,) TrpeafievovTos

TOV TTevqTOS 6 TtKoVCTIOS ^X^pOS 03V elcTT)-

veyKS vopiov, rov e'lcrco TreVre Tci\dvTOiv
ovaiav Ke<Tr]p,€Vov p.rj TroXirevecrdai p,r)8e
"Keyeiv, from which he afterwards
draws farther inferences. See again
p. 36, and the passages of Marcellinus
quoted by Meursius F. A. iv. This
expression INIeursius has referred to
Athens, and converted into an histori-
cal fact : it is however evidently a case
supposed by Hermogenes, and even if
in inventing it, his mind was influ-
enced by some historical fact, we can
derive no benefit from it, since neither
the time nor place of this occurrence
can be assigned.

''" See concerning tliis expresgion
Schneider ad Aristot. CEcon. 2, 5.

CH. VI.]

PUBLIC REGISTERS,

511

little apprehension of low returns, for every one was glad to
appear wealthy, as Isocrates^*' tells us of the time of his boy-
hood, about the beginning of the Peloponnesian war: when on
the contrary he wrote his oration concerning the exchange
(Olymp. 106, S, B.C. 354), the appearance of riches led to great
losses; and although the concealment of property might be
attended with total ruin, many persons returned the smallest
amount possible. But the property of individuals being sub-
ject to reverses of fortune, the citizens were necessarily often
translated from one class to another; consequently a new valua-
tion was made in some states every year, and in larger nations
every two or four years'^*, and the translation from one class to
another (aj/acryi/raft?)'" took place. Again, if the whole wealth
of the nation varies, the rates of the classes, and the whole
division becomes ineffectual, more particularly if the quantity
of gold should be augmented, for which reason Aristotle recom-
mends the legislator to compare the amount of the whole valua-
tion (to ttXtjOos tov kolvov TtfjuTjfjLaTo^) with the rates of the
classes, and to rectify the latter according to it. Lastly, either
landed property alone, or sometimes only the productive land
(as was the case in the classes of Solon), or property of every
sort, was returned to be taxed, and according as the valuation
was made upon these several principles, either a register of
lands or a general register of property was formed. Plato in
the Laws^^"* proposes two registers; in the first place, a cata-
logue of all estates, and secondly, a separate list of every other
description of property, in order that all disjDutes on the sub-
ject might be easily decided, and be free from all obscurity.

Besides the register of lands Athens had a general register
of all property; the former was the more ancient, and cannot
have been introduced later than with the constitution of Solon.
Neither in Athens, however, nor in the ideal state of Plato was
the object of this register of lands the same as of the registers

85, sq.

'*' Isocrat. de Antidosi, p.
Orell.

>5^ Aristot. Polit. v. 8.

•'3 It was so called in the Athenian
symmoriee according to Snidas, see

Lex. Seg. p. 184, 31, Zonaras p. 186,
Harpocration, Suidas,and Zonaras (p.
205,) in V. avao-vvra^as.
''* V. p. 741, c. p. 745 A.

512

PUBLIC REGISTERS.

[bk. IV.

of mortgages in use in Germany; for it cannot be proved that
at Athens the debts upon landed property were entered in a
public book, but the creditor was ensured, if he required it, by
pillars or tablets {a-TrjXai, 6 pot) set up on the boundary of the
mortgaged estate. In no place but Chios do we hear of regis-
ters of debts^". There could have been no inducement to enter
the property of the state in the register of lands; on the con-
trary, the property of other corporations, particularly of the
demi, and at least of such temples as were only small corpora-
tions and had no connexion with the state, were necessarily
included in it; for the property of corporations was always tax-
able according to its proper scale (at least about the 114th or
115th Olympiad) ^^^ upon the imposition of extraordinary taxes.
The mines were also a part of the public property, which were
granted in perpetual leases; consequently these too could not
have been entered in the register of lands.

The formation as well as the custody of this register pro-
bably belonged at the time of Cleisthenes to the forty-eight
naucrari, to whom is ascribed the collection of the taxes
[el(T(f>opaiY^'' ', that is to say, it was the duty of these officers to
collect the taxes imposed according to the valuation, on those
rare occasions when in the ancient time of Athens it was neces-
sary to resort to this method of raising money. When they
were replaced by the demarchs, the latter made the registers of
the landed estates in each demus'^^ From a false reading in
the SchoHast to Aristophanes, by which the word debts has
been substituted in the place of lands, it might appear that the
demarchs entered the latter in the register; but nothing farther

>" Pseud- Aristot. (Econ. ii. 12.

^^^ 'Atto TOiv \(iipi(i)v Toi) Ti^rjfiaTos,
Corp. Inscript. No. 103. Above, b.
iii. note A. [Also in another inscrip-
tion, containing a lease by an Attic
demus, in Olymp. 108, 4 (b.c.34o), edv
Tis (Icrcfiopa imep rov x,(opiov yiyvrjTai els
rfjv noXiu. Ibid. No. 93. — Transl.J

"' Ilesych. in v. vavKXapos.

'^^ Harpocrat. in v. hr]p.apxoi : ovtol
be Tus dnoypatpas enoLovvro rcov eKaarat
(1. ev eKacTTtp) bT)p.a> x^P'-^^ ' thence

Suidas, who reads tS>v Trpoaovroiv cAcao-
Toy drjfico ;^<a/3ta)i' : he added npodovTcov
because iv was likeTvdse wanting in the
manuscript which he used. The Scho-
liast to Aristoph. Nub. 37, has a false
reading : oi be br]p.apxoi. ovtol tus ano-
ypa<p6.5 enoiovvTO rcov ev eKacrrto Brjuco
Xpea}v : who must have transcribed it
from an indistinct MS. of some Lexi-
con, and probably from Harpocration,
whose words, with the exception of
this error, are the same.

CH. VI.] PUBLIC REGISTERS. 513

is known from any other passage, of registers of debts being
kept in the demi; and even if, as is stated, the demarch as an
officer of police put the mortgagees in possession ^'% no fartlier
inference can be drawn from this circumstance. The demarch
had no concern with debts, except that he enforced the pay-
ment of the debts owing to the demus'^% and might have been
employed for the collection of monies which individuals owed
to the state^^'.

A.t a subsequent period the general register of property was
introduced, and on this the valuation in the year of Nausinicus
was founded; in which the concealment of property was prac-
tised to a great extent^^^ This census not only comprehended
lands and houses, but all unemployed and employed capital,
slaves, raw and manufactured materials, cattle, household furni-
ture, in short all money and money's worth were estimated, as
may be easily seen by comparing the property left by Demos-
thenes the father^^% with the valuation of the son's property.
It is evident that the resident aliens were also entered in this
register, although, with the exception of the proxeni and isoteles,
they were not included in any register of landed property; but
they were undoubtedly entered in a separate register, in the
same manner as when the symmoriee of the property taxes
were introduced, the resident aliens composed separate sym-
morise*: for they were taxed upon a different scale from the
citizens.

'5^ Ilarpocrat. Suid. Hesych. Schol.
Aristoph. Lex. Seg. p. 242.
"5° Book ii. ch. 3, iii. ch. 2.
'^^ It is to be observed also that the

elanpaTTei Kai dnoypdcperai avTOv rr^v
ovaiav Koi ivc^vpid^ei' Koi touto KoXel-
rai uTToypdcfieiv. In the mean time it
is well known that any other citizen

demarch had the duty of delivering in | was free to do the same, and the de-
an account of the property of public \ march probably liad only to perform

debtors with reference to the confisca- this duty if no other person took it

upon himself.

^^■^ Out of many passages only corap.

tion. Etym. in v. brjfxapxos : 'ATre-

ypdcf)€TO rds ovaias iKdarca rrpos to.

Brjfxoaia 6(j)\T]ixaTa, couf. Lex. Seg. p. j Isfeus de Apollod. Hered. p. 187, de

237. Zonaras, p.494,whogoesuponthe Dicseog. Hered. p. 110, 111, .-Esch. c.

authority of Chrysippus. The Lex. Seg. , Timarch. p. 117.

ismoreexplicitp. 119,inv.a7roypa(^eii/: I '^^ Demosth c. Aphob. i. p. 81 G.

Tov fjLT] l3ovXn^€uov eKTLvetv to 6<p\T]p.a, \ Concerning slaves see Isocrat. Trapez.

6 6(f)€i\et, 8i7r\ovTai to c(p\r]fia, Knl 6 \ 25. Of cattle it is evident.

drjfxapxos crvv to7s iSovKevrais tovtov j * See below, note 239.

2 L

514 PUBLIC REGISTERS. [bK. IV.

It deserves a particular consideration how the dowries were
entered in the register of property, and who it was that paid taxes
for them; they composed a considerable part of the moveable
property, even with poor people they amounted to 10, 20, and
25 minas, not unfrequently to 30 (which sum the state gave to
the daughters of Aristides), and even to 40, 50, 60, 80, 100, or
120 minas'^"*. The daughter of Hipponicus received 10 talents
at her marriage, and 10 others were promised her. Yet,
according to Demosthenes ^®% an Athenian seldom gave so much
as 5 talents, which sum, however, Pasion^s widow asserted that
she brought to Phormion. Dowries of 5 or 10 talents in
Lucian'®^ and the comic poets must be ascribed to the liberal
donations of comedy. If it is considered that generally the
husband was obliged to give security by a pledge for the dowry,
when it was made over to him'®^, and that the person who held
the security used to receive the income arising from it, it may
be thought that it was the kinsman who endow^ed the wife, and
not the husband, w^ho paid the tax for the dowry. But this
view of the case is untenable. The very reason why the hus-
band received the dowTy was that he might have the usufruct of
it; if it was not made over to him, he received the interest from
it*"; if then he gave a security for it, the interest of this secu-
rity he must have still retained, and therefore have paid the tax
for the dowry. This view is confirmed by the relation w^hich the
dowry bore to the property of the son. If the mother lived
after the death of the father in the same house with the son,
the law was that in case of the dyrlBoo-cs or exchange, the dowry
followed the property of the son'^^; consequently it belonged to

^^* Isaeus de Ciron. Hered. p. 199,
de Hagn. Hered. p. 292, de Meneel.
Hered. p. 212, 213, ed. Orell. Epist.
Plat. xiii. p. 361 E, Orat. c. Neser. p.
1362, 9, Lys. Apol. pro Mantith. p.
IIH, Deniosth. c. Spud. p. 1029, 24,
Isaeus de Dicseog. Hered. p. 104, Lys.
c. Diogit. p. 896, 897, Demosth. c.
Aphob. i. p. 814 sqq. c. Onetor. i. ii.
passim, c. Boeot. de Dote, p. 1009, 28,
c. Aphob. de Falso Testim. p. 858, 25,
c. Boeot. de Dote, p. 1016, 23, c. Aphob.

i. p. 834, 13, ii. p. 840, 12 sqq. Con-
cerning Aristides' daughters see book
ii. ch. 18.

'" C. Stephan. p. 1110, 4, p. 1124^
2,p. 1112, 19.

'^•^ Dial. J^Ieretr. 4.

'®' Harpocrat. in v. oTrort/xT^/xa, Lex.
Seg p. 201.

'*° Demosth. c. Onetor. i. p. 866, 4

'*'» Orat. c. Pliaenipp. p. 1047, 10—
16.

CH. VI.] PUBLIC REGISTERS. 515

the taxable property of the son. In like manner in the esti-
mate of the property of Demosthenes, amounting to 15 talents,
according to which his valuation was fixed, the dowry of the
mother was included'^".

Chapter VII.

The Valuation in the Archonship of Nausinicus (b.c. 3/8).

After these observations upon the different registers of pro-
perty, we come to a new valuation made in Olymp. 100, 3,
during the archonship of Nausinicus (b.c. 378); concerning
which, although a point of the first importance in the Athenian
system of taxation, we have nothing but obscure and uncon-
nected accounts, like the legends of mythical history. Never-
theless, by a comparison of the scattered information now
extant, although there appear at first to be some contradictions
in the statements, it will nevertheless be found that the question
admits of historical precision.

At the beginning of the investigation I will set down a pas-
sage from the oration against Aphobus, in which Demosthenes,
in order to prove that his father had left him a considerable
property, makes use of the following words: "My guardians
returned me to the symmoria as contributing 500 drachmas for
every 25 minas, as much as Timotheus the son of Conon and
those who had the highest valuations contributed;" a declara-
tion which is several times repeated, but in rather a concise
manner, and expressed in less accurate words^^*. From this

^7" See above, chap. 3. j rrjaas, ovk eVi fiiKpois rifirjixaaiv, dXX*

^^^ C. Aphob. i. p. 815, 10, Els yap fVt TrjXiKovTois, acrre Kara ras rrevre
rrjv crvfifiopLav vTrep ip,ov avvcrd^avTO \ Kal (lkocti fivas nevTaKocrias elacfiepfiv.
Kara ras Tvevre koX € lkocti fivas TrevraKo- \ C Aphob. de Fals. Testim. p. 862, 7,
aias dpaxp-as elcrcfiepeiVy oaovnep Ti/id- j "Oti, nevTCKaibeKa TokdvTcov ovaias fxoi
Oeos 6 Kovccivos Koi ol ra fxeyiara KeKrr)- KUTaXeKpdeio-rjs tov p-eu oiKov ovk ip'icr-

pevoL Tiprjpara ^^((pepov- ii. p. 836, 25,
"Eti §€ Kal auTos "A^o/Sos pera ra>v av-
vcniTpoTTcou TTJ TToXfi TO nXrjOos T<OV
KaraXeKJidevrau xprjpdTcov epfjiaves iiroL-

doLXTCf oeKa 6 errj pera tcov GvvenLTpo-
TTOip diaxeipicras npos piv ttjv (rvppopiav
vnep naidos uutos ipov nevTe pvas avvt-
rd^ar* el(rcf)€peLU, ocrov Trep Tcpodcos 6

Tjcrev, Tjyfpova pe rrji avppopias Kama- Kdj/a>i/os <a\ ol to. peyiara KfKTrjpsvoi

2 L 2

516

THE VALUATION IN THE

[bk. IV.

Statement it has been inferred that the guardians of Demos-
thenes returned as a property tax (elo-cfyopd) either the fifth part
of his property, or the fifth part of his yearly income'^^ The
former upon a superficial view might appear to be the meaning
of the passage; the latter is wholly devoid of all foundation, for
the orator speaks of the fifth part of the property, and not of
the income. The time moreover in which this tax may be
supposed to have fallen, has been fixed at about the 103rd
Olympiad, the orations against Aphobus having been spoken
in Olymp. 104, 1 (b.c. 364). But this is incorrect. Demos-
thenes speaks of the contribution to the symmoriee as having
been made by his guardians, at a time when his property still
amounted to 15 talents, which could only have been the case in
the beginning of the guardianship. If the return had taken
place later, they could not have rated it so high, since they
gradually either squandered away the property, or got fraudu-
lent possession of it. Moreover Demosthenes was for ten years
of his minority the leader of a symmoria^^% viz., of a symmoria
of the property taxes, and not of the trierarchy, for orphans did
not serve any trierarchy: and in the second oration against
Aphobus he expressly speaks of being leader of a symmoria of
the property taxes during his minority. Now Demosthenes^
father died when his son was seven years old; the son was
born, according to the correct statement in the Lives of the
Ten Orators and in Photius, in Olymp. 98, 4 (b.c. 385), during
the archonship of Dexitheus, and not, as is supposed by others,
in Olymp. 99, 4 (b.c. 381) '^^ Consequently the son first
became an orphan, and first fell into the hands of guardians, in
Olymp. 100, j (b.c. 377)? at the same time also he became the
leader of a symmoria, and continued to be so for ten years.
This return made to the symmoriae coincides therefore exactly
with the period at which the valuation in the year of Nausinicus
had been just taken, and it is to this impost that the statement
of Demosthenes evidently refers.

TijjL-qiJLaTa €lat<p€pov' xpovov de ToaovTOV
ra -x^prjixaTa ravra €niTpo7r€V(rcis, vnep
a>p TT]XiKavTr)v avro? elcrcfinphv ■q^'iixxrev
cla(f>ep€iv, &c.

''^ Herald, vi. 1, 7.
particularly in note SO.
'7^ Demosth. in INIid. p
'7^ See Wolf, p. G2 sq.

Wolf, p. 99,
05, 12.

CH. VII.] ARCHONSHIP OF NAUSINICUS. 51?

But who can imagine that at that time, or indeed in any-
state, and at any time, a property tax of 20 per cent, was
levied? If such an event occurred frequently, the property of
the citizens must in a short time have either been entirely anni-
hilated, or reduced to a very small amount, as was actually the
case in Syracuse, during the reign of Dionysius, who in five
years nearly reduced the citizens to indigence, by means of
taxes' ^^ Without therefore stating those conclusions which
the reader himself will be able to deduce from what follows, I
only remark, that, according to Demosthenes, the Athenians
did not willingly pay large property taxes, and that an immense
sum would have been raised if the tax had been a fifth part
of the property; whereas that imposed in the year of Nausi-
nicus did not produce much more than 300 talents' ^^

Demosthenes, in fact, returned to the symmoria a fifth part
of his whole property (etVe^epev etV rrjv avfjU/jLoplav), which he
inaccurately calls to contribute, or to pay taxes {elacpepetv) ; the
sum returned was not however his tax, but his taxable capital
(rifjLTjfjLa) : " for a property of 15 talents,'^ he says, " the taxable
capital or the valuation amounts to 3 talents: a tax of this
amount is what I ought justly to have paid;" i, e., whatever was
the proper per-centage of this sum'". The valuation {rifMrjfjLa)
is here accurately distinguished from the property, and just as
distinctly from the tax. For how many taxes did Demosthenes
pay? His guardians had, according to their own statement,
paid 18 minas in the ten years of their guardianship for extra-
ordinary taxes'^^: therefore the taxes of these years amounted
altogether, and not merely for one year, to the tenth part of the
valuation, or to the fiftieth part of the property.

'75 Aristot. Polit v. 11.

176 Demosth. c. Androt. p. 606, 27.

1^7 This is evidently the meaning of
the words in the first speech against
Aphobus, p. 815, 26. ArjXov fxev tolvvv

KoX €K TOVTOiV eazl TO TrXijOoS TTJS ovffias-

TrevreKaideKa raXavrcov yap rpia raKavra
TifiTjixa. TuvTi-jv rj^lovv el(T(f)ep€iv rrjv
elacfiopdv. It is to this that the useless

rrjs ovaias ela-cfyepofiepov •nap'' eKacrTov,
for example, in Photius, p. 433, ed.
Leips.

'78 C. Aphob. i. p. 825,7. EtV^opa?
S' elaeur]vox^vai \oyi^0VTai dvoivdeovaas
e'lKocTi fivaS' I may remark, by the
way, that in the accounts of the
guardians there is no mention of the
regular payment of a duty according

interpretation in the grammarians re- to the valuation (reXos) ; a strong proof
fers, that riprjpa was also called to €k i that no such thing existed at Athens.

518 THE VALIATIOX IN THE [^K. IV.

From this simple explanation it is evident, that in the valu-
ation taken in the archonship of Nausinicus, the principle of
Solon's valuation was followed in three points, viz., in the regis-
tration of the property itself {ova la), the taxable part of it, or
the valuation (rifjurj/jLa), and, lastly, the tax fixed according to
the valuation {elacpopa in the limited sense). The estimate of
the property was obtained by a valuation of all moveables and
immoveables ; the valuation, or the taxable capital, was only a
certain part of this general census, and in the highest classes,
to which Timotheus and Demosthenes belonged, was the fifth
part; in the others, however, it was a smaller portion; for De-
mosthenes expressly says, that only those who had the highest
valuations were rated at 500 drachmas for each 25 minas. If,
for example, we reckon four classes, the valuation of the second
may perhaps have been one-sixth of the property, of the third
one-eighth, and of the fourth one-tenth, in order that the poor
might be taxed in a fair proportion. It should be also ob-
served, that those persons in the same class whose property was
different did not contribute an equally high valuation, but only
the same part of their property; in the first class it was 5 for
every 25 minas; thus the possessor of 15 talents contributed 3,
of 25 contributed 5, of 50 contributed 10; for the reason that
the estimate of the whole property of Demosthenes amounted
to 3 talents was, that for 25 minas 5 was in his class the rate of
the taxable capital. But of the taxable capital each person paid
the same part, whenever any tax was imposed; and how large a
part was to be taken couM be easily determined, as the sum
total of all the valuations was known, which in the archonship
of Nausinicus amounted to 5750 talents.

In order to make this clear, let us assume, for the sake of
example, four classes, and in the second one-sixth, in the third
one-eighth, in the fourth one-tenth, as the portion on which the
tax was imposed: farther, as the least property from which
taxes were paid, 25 minas ; so that the latter is the lowest
estimate of property in the last class ; as the lowest estimate in
the third class 2 talents, in the second class 6, in the first 12;
which are arbitrary assumptions^ except that, as we shall remark
below, 25 minas were probably taken as the lowest property

CH. VII.]

ARCnONSHIP OF NAUSINICUS.

519

which was subject to taxation. If, then, a twentieth was to be
raised, the tax would have fallen in the manner shown by the

following table : —

Classes. Property.

Of which was
Taxable.

T„aMe Cap.ua. ^^T^J-'

i 500 talents

First of 12 ! 100 talents

talents and ' 50 talents

over ; 15 talents

12 talents

One fifth
One fifth
One fifth
One fifth
One fifth

100 talents 5 talents

20 talents 1 talent

10 talents 30 minas

3 talents ' 9 minas

2 tal. 24 min. 720 drachmas

Second of 6
talents and
over, under
12 talents

11 talents
10 talents
8 talents
7 talents
6 talents

One sixth I tal. 50 min. 550 drachmas
One sixth 1 tal. 40 min. 500 drachmas
One sixth 1 tal. 20 min. 400 drachmas
One sixth 1 tal. 10 min. 350 drachmas
One sixth 1 talent 300 drachmas

Third of 2
talents and
over, under
6 talents

5 talents One eighth ' 37 5 minas ^ 1874 drach.
4 talents One eighth 30 minas 1 50 drach.
3 talents One eighth 22i minas II24 drach.
2i talents One eighth 18| minas 93f drach.
2 talents One eighth 15 minas 75 drach.

Fourth of
25 minas
and over,
under 2
talents

1| talents ' One tenth 900 drachmas 45 drachmas

1 talent One tenth 600 drachmas : 30 drachmas

45 minas One tenth 450 drachmas 22^ drachmas

30 minas ' One tenth 300 drachmas 15 drachmas

25 minas One tenth j 250 drachmas , 12^ drachmas

An arrangement such as this cannot be considered as very
skilful for a state, in which from the beginning of the Pelopon-
nesian war many experiments might have been made as to the
collection of property taxes : the mismanagement of its finances
must not, however, be attributed to a want of political know-
ledge, but to the endeavours of the government to effect more
than it was able ; while the passions of individuals and of the
populace interrupted the most beneficial measures, and the
whole state was frequently blind to its real interest; at the
period, however, of this valuation, there was no want of good
intentions either in the Athenian state itself or among foreign
powers towards it.

520

EXTRAORDINARY TAX IN

[bk,

IV.

Chapter VIIL

What proportion of the Property and the Valuation was levied
as an Extraordinary Tax, in the year of Nausinicus,

Since in the two valuations, concerning which some suffi-
ciently accurate accounts are extant, that of Solon in the
46th Olympiad, and that of the year of Nausinicus in the
100th Olympiad, a distinction, as has been already shown, was
made between taxable capital and property, we may infer that
this was a fixed principle at Athens, and that the rate of charge
w'as the only thing that varied. If in Olymp. 88, 1 (b.c. 428),
the total of the taxable capital of Attica was that which Euri-
pides assumed as the basis of his proposal for the levying of a
property tax, viz., 20,000 talents, the first property tax, as
Thucydides states, must have been a 100th (e/carocrr^), since it
produced 200 talents, in the same manner as that calculated by
Euripides to produce 500 talents was a fortieth {TeaaapaKoarrj).
In the Ecclesiazusee of Aristophanes^ '% w'hich was acted in
Olymp. 96, 4 (b.c. 393), a 500th {irevTaKoaiodTrj) is mentioned:
this was probably a smaU property tax levied at that time in
order to meet the public expenses, and its highest produce
could not have exceeded 40 talents. At that time, however,
the taxable capital, if it really amounted to so high a sum, came
much nearer to the whole property than in the archonship of
Nausinicus, since in that year it amounted only to 5750 talents.
Demosthenes^^", estimating the taxable capital in round num-
bers at 6000 talents, reckons, according to this new method of
taxation, the 100th at 60, and the 50th {TrevrfjKoaTr]) at 120
talents. " Shall I suppose,'^ he proceeds to say, ^^that you will

''^ Vs. 999. Although this passage
is extremely obscure, the reading is
unquestionably correct : Ei fxrj rav
ifiSiv Ttjv TrevraKocrioaTijv KariOqKas rfj
TToXct, and twv eVcoi/, which Avas pro-
posed by Tyrwhitt, is highly absurd.
In order to obtain the meaning of these
words, something ai)pears to be want-

ing to us fi-om the Athenian law, upon
which the conclusion is founded which
Aristophanes supposes the young man
to draw. I Iiave intentionally omitted
to pay any regard to the inter])retation
of the scholiast,

"*" De Symmcn-. p. liio, lli.

CH. VIII.] THE YEAR OF NAUSINICUS. 521

contribute a twelfth {ScoSeKarrj), which would produce 500
talents ? but a tax so high as that you would not endure."
From this passage it is plain beyond a doubt, that the Athe-
nians, at that time, never taxed themselves so high as a twelfth
part of the valuation, which, however, for the most wealthy
only came to If per cent., and for other persons far less.

Two property taxes are known, which can be calculated
with great accuracy from the valuation in the year of Nausi-
nicus. The one was imposed a year after Demosthenes' speech
upon the symmoriee, in which the taxable capital is stated at
6000 talents; and occurred when the Athenians, in Olymp.
106, 4 (b.c. 353), in the month Maimacterion, on account of
PhiUp's siege of the Hereeon Teichos, decreed to send out forty
ships, and to raise a property tax of 60 talents^^'. It was a
100th {eKaroarrj), which the orator states to have been charged
at that precise rate, that is, one-fifth per cent, of the property
of the most wealthy. The other is the tax in the archonship of
Nausinicus, which produced rather more than 300 talents ; this
must consequently have been a 20th [elKoarrjy^'^, It might,
indeed, be thought improbable that the 100th produced any
more than 574, or the 20th more than 287i talents, since the
valuation, according to Polybius, amounted exactly to 5750
talents ; but it must be remembered, that the resident aliens
also were taxed, who are not included in this valuation ; and
they not only made good what in the former case was wanting
to the 60, in the latter to the 300 talents, but were obliged to
contribute a large additional sum; with this addition, there-
fore, the whole taxable capital would doubtless have amounted
to 6000 talents. Demosthenes also unquestionably contributed
to the tax of a 20th, in the year of Nausinicus ; those 18 minas

■'^^ Demosth. Olyntli. iii. p. 29, 20. the collection of taxes by a vitupera-
^"^^ Demostli. c. Aiulrot. p. G17, 22, tive terra. If, however, any person
uses the word Se/careLicti' with reference sliould wisli to attribute to this word
to the payment of the taxes in the its literal sense, he should bear in
archonship of Nausinicus, and the same j mind, that the orator also says, bnfKas
word in the oration against Timocrates, irpaTTOvrcs ras elactiopas, and that a
p. 751], 4. This, however, is a general j tax of a 20th twice collected makes a
expression, when tiie object is to denote 10th.

522 EXTRAORDINARY TAX IX [bK. IV.

which the guardians charged in their account were however, as
he himself says, for several taxes; to that tax he could not have
contributed more than 9 minas, which was the 20th part of his
taxable capital ; the other 9 were either for another tax of a
20thj or two of a 40th, or for two 50ths and one 100th. These
property taxes were, therefore, by no means excessive ; in ten
years Demosthenes only paid the 10th part of his taxable
capital, or the 50th part of his property, and indeed at the first
tax in the archonship of Nausinicus only half this rate, or 1 per
cent. ; his property, however, even if we deduct a 6th part as
paying no interest, must have returned a premium of 10 per
cent. : 1 per cent, of his property is consequently the 10th part
of his income. Or, in order to place the subject in a more
striking light, while in ten years he only paid 2 per cent, from
his whole property, the same brought in, if it was tolerably
managed, 100 per cent.

This clearly shows the absurdity of the assertions respecting
the exorbitant taxes of the Athenian citizens, more particularly
if we take into consideration the low rates of the custom duties,
and the cheapness of the chief necessaries of life, by which
they were enabled to live upon very small means. If notwith-
standing this there was a great disinclination to pay property
taxes, as may be plainly seen from the Olynthiacs and the
oration concerning the Chersonese, the fact cannot cause any
astonishment, as no one wilhngly taxes himself; and as to the
decrease of the national wealth, the causes originated in other
circumstances, the consideration of which does not belong to
this place.

It is, indeed, true that we find instances of large property
taxes, as, for instance, one mentioned in Lysias of 30, and
another of 40 minas; but the great expenses of the payer prove
the large amount of his property^ ^^; in proportion to which the
tax may have been very moderate, particularly since it only
occurred twice. Aristophanes, as is mentioned in the same
orator, likewise paid 40 minas as his share of the property tax,
although this was not for himself alone, but for his father also ;

'^^ See book iii. ch, 22.

CH. VIII.]

THE YEAR OF NAUSINICUS.

523

nor upon one occasion^ but for several taxes, and in times of
the greatest exertions, during the four or five years after the
battle of Cnidos (Olymp. 96, 2, B.C. 395); and that Aristo-
phanes (Lysias may conceal it as he will) must have been very
wealthy, is proved by the choregias, which he served for his
father and himself; the three years^ trierarchy, upon which he
expended 80 minas ; by his having given 5 talents for land,
and being possessed of much furniture ; and also by his having,
even before the times of the Anarchy, subscribed 100 minas to
the expedition against Sicily, and subsequently 30,000 drachmas
to the auxiliary fleet for the Cyprians and Euagoras, which sum
was, without doubt, paid by Euagoras in the island of Cyprus,
where his father was settled'^*.

At the same time, I will not deny that many persons volun-
tarily contributed more than their means allowed, and that
many were oppressed by too high valuations, while others con-
cealed their property ; as, for instance, Dicseogenes, mentioned
in Iseeus, who from an income of 80 minas contributed nothing
to many property taxes, as he concealed his property, except
that he once voluntarily gave 3 minas'"; nor, lastly, that a
frequent repetition of these taxes at short intervals of time,
particularly when, as was the case after the Anarchy, the
channels of industry were blocked up, was a great national
calamity^ ^^ : from which fact the complaints as to the oppres-
sion of the property taxes are sufficiently explained.

Chapter IX^

Symmoria of the Property Taxes after the Archonship of
Natbsinicus. The Advance of Property Taxes, and other
Regulations relating to the Payment of them.

In the year of Nausinicus, the symmoriee (classes or compa-
nies'^') were introduced with reference to the property taxes.

'^* Lysias pro Aristoph. bonis.
642 sqq. cf. p. 633 sqq. and p. 637-

'^^^ Isaeus de Dicaeog. Hered,
109—111.

pp.

'"^^ Cf. Lys. c. Ergocl. pp. 818, 819.

'^7 See Heraldus vi. 2, 4, concerning
the name, which also is frequently ap-
plied to other sorts of companies.

524 STMMORIiE OF [bK. IV.

These are what Harpocration'"' means when he quotes from
Philochorus the institution of the symmorice in the archonship
of Nausinicus, since the symmorise of the trierarchy were not
introduced till afterwards; and Demosthenes became imme-
diately after his seventh year in Olymp. 100, f (b.c. 377), the
leader of a symmoria'^': at that time, therefore, they had been
already estabhshed. After they had been once introduced, they
continued uninterruptedly until the 108th Olympiad. The fact
of Demosthenes having been for ten years a leader in the sym-
morise of the property taxes, proves their existence up to
Olymp. 103, -h (b.c. 367): they were, however, still in existence
in Olymp. 106, 4 (b.c. 353), which is the date of the speech
against Meidias, since Demosthenes says of this person, that
'^ up to the day on which he was speaking he had never been
the leader of a symmoria'^'." Whether they were still in
existence in Olymp. 107, 4 (b.c. 349), has been questioned '^^,
because Demosthenes, in the second Olynthiac'^^ says to the
Athenians, that '' formerly they paid taxes by symmorise, but
now they administered the state by symmorise ;'' these words,
however, distinctly prove their existence at that time. For an
institution, like the symmorise, might very easily obtain a
powerful influence upon the public administration, as the dif-
ferent classes of property, and above all, the divisions of people
created by them, would produce political parties, and parties
could only retain their activity so long as the division existed.
Since then, as Demosthenes ironically says, the state was
governed by symmorise, the symmorise must have been estab-
lished by law. The custom of paying taxes by symmorise they
had disused ; for the obvious reason, that no one will pay taxes
if he has any means of avoiding them. The object of Demos-
thenes evidently is, as the whole oration proves, to raise a tax ;

'"^ In V. (Tv^iJLopia, and thence Pho- | Deinostli. c. Mid. p. 505, 19.

tins, Suidas, Scliol. Deraosth. vol. ii. i '^' Wolf, p. xcviii. note.

p. 55, Ileiske and ScaligcrinliisoXv/ATT. | '°- P. 20, 21, irporepov fxeu yap, co

dvayp. I civdes ^Adrjvciioi, (laecfiepere Kara avp-

'^^ See above, book iv. cli. 7. p.opias, vvv\ 6e 7ro\iT€V€a6e Kara ovp.-

^^^ MftSias Se TTcUy; ovdtnai Koi p-opias. And thence in the oration

rrjpepov avppvpuis rjyenojv yeyovcv, ttc/ji a wrale cos, p. 172, 1.

CH. IX.]

THE PROPERTY TAXES.

52:

but, seeing the disinclination of his hearers, he says to them
ironically, that the institution of the symmoriae had lost all its
meaning, and instead of taxes being raised according to it, that
they only used it for political purposes. If the oration against
Bceotus Trepl rov ovo/xaroq belongs to the first year of the 108th
Olympiad (b.c. 348), as has been supposed, we should have a
proof that at that time the symmoriae of the property taxes
were still in existence, since they are there mentioned' ^^ in
opposition to the trierarchy. The date of this speech may,
however, be placed with much greater probability in Olymp.
107, 1 (b.c. 352)'^^: yet I entertain no doubt that this consti-
tution of taxes was still in existence at the later period.

It should be observed, that Petit, and those who follow
him, have not recognised any connexion between the sym-

=»'' P. 997, 1.

'^^ Corsini F. A. t. iv. p. 30, and
Wolf, p. cix. sq. note, suppose tliis
speech to belong to Olymp. 108, 1,
after Dionysius : but preponderating
reasons compel me to dissent from this
opinion. Dionysius places the birth
of Dinarchus about the archonship of
Nicopheraus, in Olymp. 104, 4, and
states that at the time of the oration
against BcEotus rrepl ovonaTos, Dinar-
chus was thirteen years old, as this
oration belongs to the archonship of
QovfiT]bos or QeofxvTjTos ; the latter
because in the oration nepl ovofiaros the
expedition of the Athenians against
Pylae is mentioned as liaving lately
taken place. No such fact, however,
is mentioned in this oration : Diony-
sius clearly meant the expedition
against Tamynre, p. 999, and Diony-
sius should evidently be corrected from
this passage, Trjs els Tajxvvas i^obov
yeyevTjpevrjs, and the hiatus rj 8'' els . . .
^Adr]vaioiv e^odos should be supplied
with Tajivvas and not with UvXas.
The probability is, tliat there was also
an hiatus formerly in the former woi'ds
TTjs els . ... e^odov yeyevrjfJLevrjS, the
copyist being unable to read, in either j

place, the name Tafivvas, of which lie
was ignorant. Some corrector then
inserted IlvXas in the former place,
who Iiad some vague notion of the
well-known expedition against Pylso.
Now Dionysius was only acquainted
with the expedition and the battle of
Tamynge from the oration against
INEeidias, which speech he falsely attri-
butes to OljTiip. 107, 4, allowing him-
self to be misled by the Olynthian ex-
pedition there mentioned ; and from
that he places the birth of Demos-
thenes four years too late. For the
same reason he also places the battle
of Tamynge four years too late ; since
it probably was fought in Olymp. 106,
4 (comp. below chap. 13). That the
date he assigns is 108, 1, whereas
agreeably to his calculation it should
have been Olymp. 107, 4, is in fact no
objection, as two successive civil years
are always confounded from their being
included in the same natural year,
reckoned from spring to spring. Con-
sequently, on account of the Euboean
expedition, and the battle of TamjTise,
the oration against Eceotus Trept 6v6-
fxaros must be placed four years earlier,
viz., about Olymp. I07, 1.

526 SYMMORKE OF [bK. IV.

morise and the property taxes. Wolf has the merit of having
remarked after Heraldus the introduction of the symmoriae,
and of having distinguished between the passages which treat of
the symmorise of the property taxes, and the symmoriae of the
trierarchy. But after we have examined all the statements
concerning the property taxes and the valuation, and although
the solution will appear to possess sufficient clearness and sim-
plicity, the chief question as to the mode in which the sym-
morise of the property taxes were arranged, will not be answered
in a manner at all satisfactory.

The only detailed account of their constitution occurs in
the ignorant interpreter of Demosthenes^*^, whom we usually
call Ulpian, in a passage upon the second Olynthiac, wherein
we may follow Wolf in separating the first from the second
part, as being more ancient. " Each of the ten tribes,^^ he
says, "was obliged to specify 120 of its own members who
were the most wealthy. These 120 then divided themselves
into two parts, so that there were 60 whose property was very
large, and the other 60 less rich. They did this in order that
if a war should suddenly break out, and the less wealthy should
not happen to have any money at their disposal, those who
were more rich might advance the taxes for them, and be after-
wards repaid at the convenience of the others. This body of
60 was called a symmoria/^ In the second part, which is the
work of a different hand, it is stated, that " since each of the
ten tribes specified 120, the whole number of liturgi (as they
are here called) was 1200: that these were distributed into two
divisions, each of 600 persons, or ten symmoriee ; that these
two great divisions were again sub-divided into two smaller,
each of which was composed of 300 persons of five symmoriae.
One of these bodies of 300 was made up of the most wealthy,
who paid the taxes either before the others or for them {wpoei-
aicpepov rcov dWcov), the other 300 being in all things subject
to them.^^ So far the account is, in some measure, intelligible:
that which is further added is both absurd and foreign to our
purpose.

"^ P. :«, ed. Hieron. Wolf. See F. A. Wolf, p. xcv.

CH. IX.]

THE PROPERTY TAXES.

527

According to this, then, it appears that two classes of 300,
under similar arrangements, were instituted, the members of
which were of nearly equal property, and advanced money for
the payment of taxes for two others equally poorer. There is,
however, no inteUigible reason why the 600 most wealthy were
to be divided into two equal portions, if in all other respects
they were similarly constituted ; it is far more probable that
the first 300 were a higher class ; therefore to pay taxes among
the 300, means the same as to pay taxes among those who
contributed the largest amowif^^. The only passage from which
it might be inferred that there existed two classes of 300
persons similarly constituted, is that already quoted from the
second Olynthiac^^^ (and it is from this that Ulpian has princi-
pally formed his view of the subject, and drawm many other
erroneous conclusions): "Now you administer the state by
symmoriee, an orator is the leader of both, and under him a
general, and the 300, who are always ready to clamour, while
the rest of you are assigned, some to one and some to the
other.^^ I confess that I do not entirely understand this
passage, but I can only explain it by supposing that two classes
of different degrees of wealth were the highest, since the
immediate effect of a different scale of property w^ould be to
create a spirit of party between the classes ; while the contest
which in ancient days always existed between the superior and
inferior, the rich and the poor, w^ould necessarily be combined
with it, although in a less degree. Upon this point, however,
we need give ourselves no trouble; but that 1200 was the
entire sum of those who paid taxes is wholly incredible, and
can by no means be assumed upon the testimony of such a
writer as Ulpian.

The passages of the ancient writers and of the grammarians
bearing on this subject are extremely indefinite; in several of
them we do not even know whether they refer to the Twelve

'*® Isaeus de Philoctem. Hered. p.
154, Orat. c. Plisenipp. p. 1046, 20, p.
1039, 17. The account given in Lex.
Seg. p. 306, is too vague to be of any
service. [That the 300 were the most

wealthy appears from Demosth. de
Corona, p. 285, 17. See below, note
394.— Transl.]

'^'' P. 26, and thence in the speech
TTfpi a-vvTa^eois with some alterations.

528 SYMMORI^E OF [bK. IV.

Hundred of the property taxes, or of the trierarchy'''". The
Thousand, whom Harpocration quotes from Lysias and Tsceus,
and considers as identical with the Twelve Hundred, can
neither be referred to the symmoriee of the property taxes after
the year of Nausinicus, nor to the symmorioe of the trierarchy'^%
since Lysias died in Olymp. 100, f (b.c. 378*)"''''. Philochorus
treated of the symmorise in the archonship of Nausinicus, in
the fifth book of the Atthis'"^, but of the Twelve Hundred in
the sixth book*"*: they were therefore wholly distinct, so that
he rather appears to have mentioned the latter in connexion
with the trierarchy according to symmoriee which was subse-
quently introduced. Isocrates*"^^ however calls those who paid
taxes and performed liturgies '^ the Twelve Hundred '^' where
from the context all liturgies, and particularly the trierarchy,
may be understood; so that twelve hundred must have borne
all the property taxes and all liturgies, including the trierarchy.
But this passage again proves nothing, as it is perfectly fair
to suppose that an orator might express himself in such terms
in speaking of an exclusive class like the rich, who paid the
largest portion of taxes, and to whom the state on every occa-
sion first looked for assistance. And although similar state-
ments are highly embarrassing to the writer who endeavours to
reconcile all contradictory statements, yet the reasons for con-
sidering that all the inhabitants of the state not included in the
Twelve Hundred, whose property was at all considerable, were
subject to taxation, are so preponderating, that it is impossible
to refuse our assent to them. If we supposed that only twelve
hundred rich persons paid the property taxes, the result would

'®^ As e. g. of Harpocration in v.
avfxnopia (although in this passage the
symmoria? of Nausinicus are the sym-
nioiiaj of the property taxes) and in v.
;(tX<ot dLaKc'xTioL.

' 89 The latter is the opinion of Wolf,

^""^ Ilarpoci-at. in v. ;^iXtot diuKoaioi.

=^"3 De Antidosi p. Hi), ed Orell. Els
derovs diaKoaiovs /cat xiXiovs rovs ela-
(pepovras k(u \(LT(wpyovvTas ov fiovop
avTuu 7rape)(€is, uXXa kuI tov vioV Tp\s
fiev ^^q TeTpirjp:ipx']KCiT€, ras S' aXXas

p. ex. note. XeiTovpyuis noXyrfXearfpov XeXeiTovp

20' Taylor, Vit. Lys. p. 150, vol. vi.
Reiske.

yrjKare Koi KaXXiov cov ol vofxoi irpocr-
TUTTovo-Lv. Similarly Harpocration in

^*'' Harpocration, and thence Phot. v. ;^iX£Oi kcu SiaKoaioi : oi kgI eXeirovp-
Suid. and Etymol. in v. avpp.npia. yovv.

CH. IX.] THE PROPERTY TAXES. 529

be in the highest degree improbable. In the oration against
Leptines, wliich was delivered in Olymp. 106, 2 (b.c. 355),
when the symmorice of the property taxes were in existence,
the rich both served the trierarchy and paid property taxes^""*
Thus, if there were only twelve hundred who contributed to the
property taxes, none but the trierarchs, as they were twelve
hundred in number, would have paid this impost ; which is evi-
dently absurd. Demosthenes says himself that those also paid
taxes who were too poor for the trierarchy. And how could it
have happened that no more than twelv^e hundred possessed a
sufficient amount of property to enable them to pay taxes,
since in the 94th Olympiad there were only five thousand citi-
zens not possessed of some landed property, and so late as in
Olymp. 114, 2 (b.c. 323), nine thousand citizens had more than
2000 drachmas^'''? And moreover how liberal would the
assembly have been with property taxes, if all the burden fell
upon twelve hundred! Lastly, as has been proved, the pro-
perty tax was a fixed part of the total valuation after the year
of Nausinicus, and it is frequently considered as such by De-
mosthenes, in the oration concerning the symmoriai''"^; but at
that time (Olymp. 106, 3, b.c. 354), the symmoriae of the pro-
perty taxes were in existence. The total valuation of 5750 or
6000 talents was not the property of only twelve hundred citi-
zens, but the valuation of the whole country {Ttfjbrjfjua rrjs 'xoipas),
according to the statements of Demosthenes and Polybius;
although Ulpian^*^^ infers from the obscure and difficult expo-
sition of Demosthenes in the speech concerning the symmoriae,
that it was only the valuation of the twelve hundred trierarchs.
It might indeed be easily proved by calculation, that twelve
hundred could not be the possessors of the whole valuation, if
an assumption which has already involved the supporters in
such evident contradictions needed farther refutation. Demos-

^"^ See above cliap. 1. \ will return again to this subject in tlit

205 See chap. 3.

^"•^ See chapters 4, 7, and 8.

207 p. 141. ,-,p 8e oixTiav ttjv twu
Xi^LOiv Koi 8iaKO(Ti(ov rpLr^pdpxoiv reri-
p.r)(T6ai (prjfTi raXavTCOv e^aKi(7;(iXt'coi'. I

twelfth chapter, when speaking of the
trierarcliy. Budsons indeed ut sup. p.
539, considei-s the 6000 talents as the
whole valuation, and in p. 540 sqq. as
the valuation of the Twelve Hundred.

2 M

530 SYMMORIiE OF [bK. IV.

thenes was in the highest class, to which those who had the
largest valuations belonged; his valuation however only-
amounted to 3 talents. Assuming now that there were four
classes, which together made up tw^elve hundred persons, and
that each class contained about three hundred taxable mem-
bers; that moreover the valuation of the highest class was upon
an average greater than that of Demosthenes, for example, 5
talents (which supposes a property of 50 talents for each per-
son, and therefore is more likely to be too high than too low),
the total valuation of the first three hundred only amounted to
1500 talents. Now evidently the three other classes could not
have had three times 1 500 talents, because not only was their
property less, but the valuation was of a smaller part of that
property^^^. Let any person reckon as he pleases, let him
assume a greater or less number of classes, he never can obtain
6000 talents for twelve hundred men, if in the highest class
there were persons whose valuation only came to 3 talents,
unless indeed assumptions altogether groundless are admitted.

The calculation of Budaeus is wholly unfounded^'^. He
considers the Twelve Hundred alone as the superior class to
which Demosthenes belonged, and assumes that others had
higher valuations, for example, four hundred upon an average
3 talents, another four hundred 4 talents, and another four
hundred 8 talents, which altogether gives 6000 talents. But if
twelve hundred individuals were the sole owners of the whole
taxable property, the classes of valuation must have referred to
these alone. If the class of Demosthenes was that which had
the highest valuations, there must have been inferior classes ;
and in fact if twelve hundred possessed the whole valuation,
the lower classes must have been classes of the twelve hundred;
thus the hypothesis of the learned writer falls to the ground.

It is therefore far more probable that many others besides
the Twelve Hundred paid taxes, who, although their property
was less considerable, were assessed in the total valuation; and
this supposition receives considerable support from a fact men-
tioned in an oration of Demosthenes. Androtion was employed

2«« Book iv. cli. 7. •'■' Ut sup. p. 542.

CII. IX.] THE PROPERTY TAXES. 531

to collect some outstanding taxes which belonged to the impost
laid on in the archonship of Nausinicus, 7 out of 14 talents;
they were however small sums, not one amounting to a mina,
as Demosthenes says, but a little more than 70 drachmas from
one person, and from another 34^ '\ That these were the
arrears of payments which had been made by instalments is
very improbable; we are nowhere informed that the payments
were ever made in this manner; nor is it indeed credible, since
the necessities of the state required prompt payment. We
should not therefore be justified in assuming that such a liberty
was granted by the state; and even if it did exist, what rich
man would have remained 34 drachmas in debt? It follows
therefore that these were taxes due from persons of small for-
tune, who, from their inability to pay them, were forced to sub-
mit to be insultingly treated by Androtion, and to be unjustly
thrown into prison; and since Androtion collected 7 talents,
and as no one paid a whole mina, he must have collected taxes
from at least four or five hundred persons. Now if we reckon
that the other 7 talents were in like manner chiefly made up of
small sums (which is the only probable supposition), it gives
about twelve hundred people whose taxes were in arrear; these
owever cannot have been the twelve hundred wealthy per
sons, but citizens of a lower valuation, who paid even such
small sums as these with difficulty. In addition to this the
lands of corporations were subject to the property taxes, as an
inscription of the 114th or 115th Olympiad shows^^^: the cor-
porations however cannot weU have been among the Twelve
Hundred. Or shall we assume that the symmoriee had been at
this period for the second time abolished? For that however
we should be compelled first to assume, contrary to all proba-
bility, that the property of the corporations had not been before
subject to taxation.

From the whole of this argument it follows that a number of
persons with small fortunes or valuations were distributed into

2'" Demosth. c. Androt. p. 606 sq. ! other respects nearly the same account
particularly p. 611, 21. In the speech is given in both places,
against Timocrates, p. 751, 4, only Si '^'' See above note 156.
talents are mentioned, although in 1

2 M 2

532

SYMMORI.^ OF

[BK.

symmorise, and in such a manner that equal parts of the valua-
tion were contained in them (in the same way that Demosthenes
proposed to distribute the valuation with regard to the trie-
rarchy)*'% and that the Twelve Hundred composed the first
class. There were according to Ulpian twenty symmorise, and
of these each one must have made up 300 talents, each could
be again subdivided into a fifth, and each fifth into a third, so
as to make three hundred, in the same manner that Demos-
thenes makes one hundred divisions. The three hundred most
wealthy can only have been the presidents of these divisions;
next to these would come three hundred, whose wealth entitled
them to the second rank; and after these two other divisions of
three hundred classed in like manner according to the value of
their property; and these twelve hundred together composed a
body that managed the affairs of the symmoriae, which duty
however fell chiefly upon the first three hundred. The mem-
bers of less property who were assigned to these, were not
taken into consideration, as the more wealthy were always com-
pelled to bear the chief part of the burden, and to manage the
business of the whole body. Thus at least the constitution of
the symmorice assumes an intelligible form, and the statements
of the ancients can be in some measure reconciled. If however
any other person can explain the subject in a more satisfactory
manner, to no one would it be more acceptable than to myself.
That the Three Hundred w^ere, in a certain sense, managers
of the symmoria3 there can be no doubt; but whether those
who are called the leaders of the symmoriae {rjyefiovef: avfi/juo-
pii/ivf^^ are the same, or whether they were only included in
them, is a point which I shall leave undetermined. Whichever
we suppose to have been the case, they must have been the
most wealthy, in the same way that in the trierarchy the second
and the third classes are opposed to the leaders^' ^ The sym-
moriarchs*'* were either the same with the leaders, or with the

212 See chap. 13.

^'^ Concerning whom see book iv.
ch. 7, and Ilarpocrat. Suid. in v.
T)y€fxaiP avfiixoplas, although in the
latter place the leaders of the symmo-

risD connected with the trierarchy are
meant.

="* Demosth. de Corona, p. 260, 20.

215 Hyperides ap. Poll. iii. 53. Ile-
raldus (vi. 2, 8) understands the sym-

CH. IX.] THE PROPERTY TAXES. 533

superintendents of the symmorise {iirt^eKrjraX tmv (rvfi/MopLcov),
who occur in connexion with the trierarchy, and without doubt
they also belonged to the symmorise of the property taxes. Of
the manner in which these persons conducted the affairs of the
symmoriee we are entirely ignorant: it is however natural to
suppose that they presided over the meetings and proceedings
of the symmorites. It is certain that they kept the diagramma
of their symmoriae, which was a register of the properties of the
members, and of the amount which each one was respectively
required to pay, in the symmoriae of the property taxes as well as
in those of the trierarchy: but whether the persons who kept this
register (Bcaypacj^el^, iiri'y packets) were again different, or were a
committee of the superintendents of the symmorise, is unknown.
If the speech of Hyperides against Polyeuctus concerning the
diagramma, or that of Lysias concerning the property taxes,
which however is anterior to the institution of the symmoriae,
had come down to our days, we should be better informed
with regard to the valuation and all the subjects relating
to it^^^

The chief persons were moreover compelled to pay the taxes
in advance ['jrpoei(T<f)opa), which obligation Ulpian ascribes to
his two bodies of three hundred under similar arrangements :
this however may be with more probability understood of the
first three hundred'''^: in the same manner as in modern times
forced loans have been taken from the rich, with which this
advance of taxes may be aptly compared, although the differ-
ences of the two are manifest. The advance of taxes was
always claimed; in the archonship of Nausinicus the duties
were collected by the state itself, as is proved by the fact
of Androtion^s gathering the taxes that were still unpaid;
whereas in cases where the taxes were to be paid in advance.

moriarcli to be the person who contri- Harpocrat. in v. eViypa^fiy, Zonaras

buted the most, for Avhich there is not in vv. diuypafiixa and eiriypacpels.
sufficient foundation. | ^'^ Orat. c. Phsenipp. p. 14G, 20 sq.

2"5 Harpocrat. in v.Staypa/i/Ma, where This Demosthenes Trepi o-u/x/xoptoij/, p.

observe the words Trpo? rrjv Tiixrjaiv \8o,\-i,ca\h pepos tcov ovroiv vnep iav-

rrjs ova-las, and thence Suidas in vv. tov nai toov Xolttcov npoeiaeveyKelv. The

8idypap.p,a, Sia-ypa/i/xara, diaypacfievs, aX\r}\eyyvov in the Byzantine empire

diaypa(t)Tj, also Lex. Seg. pp. 236, 241, was of the same nature.

534 SYMMORf.E OF [liK. IV.

the payer had afterwards to recover the money which he had
advanced" ^ For the imposition of a tax to be paid in advance,
a decree of the people was necessary=*'% and sometimes even the
persons were appointed by the senate, who were to advance the
taxes for their fellow demotse, as well as for all others who pos-
sessed landed property in the demus {ol iyKeKTrj/jbevoi), The
client of Lysias in his oration against Polycles had landed pro-
perty in three demi, and w^as rated for all three to the advance
of taxes, although, as he was trierarch, he was under no obliga-
tion to pay them.

It should be observed that the relation with regard to this
point which existed between the demi and the symmoriae cannot
be accurately explained, nor is it of any importance for our
inquiries; but so much is clear from this example, that the
landed property was taxed according to the demi, a fact which
is not irreconcileable with the other regulations respecting
property taxes. In the same way in Potidsea the owners of
more than one estate paid taxes for each respectively to the
demus in which the land lay, and not collectively for all to the
demus in which he was himself entered; as this was the only
method of determining with certainty whether the less wealthy
had been justly taxed"^*'. It is manifest that there was a right
of action for recovering the money which had been advanced*'' ^
The whole property was liable for the payment of taxes, the
state having the power of confiscating it in case of failure"*.

218 Demosth. c. Polycl. p. 1209, 4.

2'9 Ibid. p. 1208,25.

^20 Pseud-Aristot. (Ecoii. 2, 5, and
there Schneider.

^^' This is the meaning of Demosth.
c. Pantsonet. p. 877) 19, ai/ Trpoetcr^opai/
IXT] KOjjLL^rjTaL, if a person was not repaid
the money wliich he had advanced.

22^2 Demosth. c. Androt. p. 609, 23,
and c. Tiraocrat. p. 752. To this Pho-
tius and Suidas in v. ttwXtjttjs also re-
fer; xmeKeiVTO Se roTp TrcoXrjTois Kul

in Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 354, refers
to an elacfiopd. The inscription be-
longs to the time of the Romans, since
dpyvpoTajxiai was not the name of any
Athenian authority before their rule,
which it Avas in the reign of Hadrian
(see the law, lb. No. 355), and Uaroa-
TLoioL TOKoi is evidently a translation of
the Latin phrase usurce CentesimcB, as
in the Basilica, ix. 3, 87, and in Zona-
ras Gloss, p. C50, and therefore the
elacfiopa may be something totally dif-

otroi TO diaypa(f)€u dpyvpiou iv noXepco ! fereut from the ancient property tax,
fXTj €l(Te(f)€pov. I may observe in tliis I ius the word signifit-s any contribution
place that a fragment of an inscription I or direct tax whatever. We may ob-

ClI. IX.] THE PROPERTY TAXES.

535

Moreover, if any person thought that he could show that he had
been unjustly included among the three hundred who paid the
taxes in advance, and that some other could with greater justice
be substituted in his place, the legal remedy for the aggrieved
party was the avrlhoai^ or exchange, to which the speech
against Phaenippus refers.

There still remain two points to be discussed, the explana-
tion of which we have intentionally deferred to the end of this
investigation.

In the first place, it appears singular that in the valuation
made in the year of Nausinicus a fixed sum, viz. 2500 drachmas,
was taken as the taxable capital for all persons indiscriminately;
and that it was then determined what portion of this amount
was in each class to be paid as a tax^'". For this I can find no
other reason than that this amount of property was the lowest
which came into consideration on the imposition of the tax; it
being fixed how much the valuation of each person should
amount to, if his property was only 2500 drachmas; and for
properties of greater amount, what the proprietor was to pay for
every 2500 drachmas. When Antipater made the rights of
citizenship depend upon the amount of property, the lowest
rate was 2000 drachmas, which agrees well with our assump-
tion. Demosthenes^^^ indeed asserts, that " whereas his family
used formerly to perform trierarchies, and to pay large property
taxes, now that he had only received from his guardians 31
minas and his father's house, by means of their shameless frauds
he could not even afford to pay small property taxes :^^ but an
expression of this kind, spoken in the feelings of bitterness, and

serve that from what is to a certain
degree intelligible in this inscription it
may be seen that at this period who-
ever did not pay this €la<popa, was
obliged to pay interest for it and pro-
vide sureties, and that after the expi-

XcDvrai irpcoTov fxcu eKaroa--

Tiaicov t6k(jj[v] ac\) ov 8eov Troirjcraa-dai
T^v €la[cf)Of}a.jp ovK iTroir]aavTO, fi-^Xpi
jxrjvaiv aWoiv dvo rrjs reXevraias dnoSo-
crecoy. fiera Se tovs [fxrjvas] tovtovs et
fxevoKV fiT) 7r€i66p,€i'oi, aTTodoaOccxTav oi

ration of the term the property might apyvporaynaL pera rod KT]pvKos ras vtto-

be confiscated vvliich had been given OrjKas 7rpa>Tov piv tcov [prj]

as security; ""E-mTipiov opiC^Tcoaav av- dedcoKoroiv, elra kol twv eyyvt]Tav, Sic.

Tois Kara rrju rrjS dneiOias ci^iav. [eav '^'^'^ See book iv. ch. 7-

di] ela<i}€p€iv pr] ^ov- I '^^ C. Aphob. i. p. 833, 24, of. 825, (i.

536 SYMMORI^ OF THE PROPERTY TAXES. [l3K. IV.

in the consciousness of the injury which he had sustained,
cannot be understood literally to mean that no taxes were im-
posed on a property of this amount; especially as it cannot be
denied, that a property tax upon so small an estate was oppres-
sive, and consequently a person might say that he could not
bear it, even if he was bound to pay it.

The other question is, for what reason Demosthenes**^
should propose in two places that all should pay taxes, every
one in proportion to his property, if? as we have assumed, this
was already the case according to the actual regulations. As it
is the unpleasant duty of the inquirer into ancient history to
collect every expression that may be accidentally thrown out,
he is often unable to explain such indistinct allusions as these,
since the author wrote for contemporaries, and not for posterity.
At the same time, our orator gives thus much to be understood,
that the public administration was left to some; while others
were compelled to perform the trierarchy, to pay the taxes, and
to serve in the army; and he proposes that it should not be per-
mitted that one party should be always passing decrees merely
for the disadvantage of the other, as the injured one would be
always indolent, and never perform as much as was required of
it**^ But who then are these who administered the public
afifairs ? They can have been no others, as has been before
stated, than the three hundred in the symmorise, who composed
the pohtical parties. If then there were some who did not pay
taxes, these appear to have been the very persons; and if this
was in fact the case, the irregularity was at variance with the
principles of the constitution. It almost appears as if the
wealthiest in the symmoriee had at that time unjustly thrown
the burden upon the poorer, exactly as was the case in the
symmoriee of the trierarchy^*^ Let any person who may hope
to find a clue suggest some other solution of the difficulty.

Olyntli. i. p. 15, 1. "Eo-Tidrj \vi- fore the meaning of to 'laov of course
nop, olfxai, ndvTas elacf)€p€iv, av iroWtov is, one person like another, in equal pro-
de^ TToXXa, av oXiycov oXlya. Olynth. portion.
ii. p. 27, particularly in the words "6 oiynth. ii. ubi sup.
\ey(o8f} K€(l)a\aiou, nuvras d(T(f)€p€iv \ "7 See below, chap. 13.
a</) <ai/ cKaaros ix.€i to laov. Where- ;

CII. X.] TAXES IMPOSED UPON RESIDENT ALIENS.

537

Chapter X.

The Property Taxes imposed upon, and the Liturgies performed
by, the resident Aliens,

We have hitherto been treating of the liturgies and the
taxes of the citizens, which fell upon (though only for the
property which they possessed in Attica), even if they lived
abroad*^". That those who had been created citizens {Stj/jlo-
irolrjTOL), such, for instance, as Pasion the rich banker, and
Apollodorus his son, paid taxes and were in the symmoriae
(unless, like Leucon, the king of the Bosporus, they had an
immunity), is hardly worth remarking; and the only reason
that Harpocration^*^ quotes out of Hyperides that the Btj/jlo-
TroLTjTot, were in the symmoriae of the trierarchy is, that they
were not admitted into the genea and phratriee, but only into
the tribes and demi.

But the resident aliens {/jbirocKoi) and the isoteles {[xeroLKOi
la-oreXeU) also performed public services which were different
from the liturgies of the citizens^^% and paid property taxes.
The resident aliens could, as well as the citizens, obtain an
exemption from the liturgies, particularly the choregia*^'; and
not only this, but there even occurs a case, apparently in the
age of Demosthenes, of some Sidonian citizens resident a
Athens having been allowed an exemption from the property
taxes^^'; at the same time we have but little knowledge of these
liturgies of the resident aliens. Their choregia, according to
the testimony of the Scholiast to Aristophanes^'% took place at
the Lensea: Lysias^'' speaks of the choregias which he had
performed; but, since he was an isoteles (though from what

*^» Demostli. c. Lept. § 31, fp. 46D,
5,)cf. §25, (p. 46G, 10 sqq.)

*-^ In V. avfifjiopia.

^''o Thence /xeroiKcoi/ Xeirovpy'iai and
TToXiTiKui XeiTovpyLai.

^* Deinosth. c. Lept. § 15 sqq. (p.
462, 13 sqq.) § 50, (p. 475, 23 sqq.)
Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 07 ad fin.

^^^ Inscript. iiLi sup. Concerning
the dTiKels fieroiKoi, as Pollux (iii. 56,)
calls them, also see book iii. ch. 7 and
21.

=^33 piut. 954, where the doubts of
Ilenisterhuis are of no importance.

^" C. Eratosth. p. 39G.

538 TAXES IMPOSED UPON [bK. IV.

time we are ignorant), this does not prove that the common
resident aliens performed several choregias. Of the trierarchy
and gymnasiarchy of the resident aliens nothing is known; in
fact it is impossible to conceive that they existed. On the
other hand, an account in Ulpian*^^, taken from some ancient
commentator, that they provided a banquet (ecrrtacrt?) in the
same manner as the tribes, has every probability on its side,
since they had their own Jupiter (Zeu? f^eroUcos), and separate
religious rites, and consequently their own festivals, at which
banquettings of this kind used to be given. Lastly, there
remain to be mentioned the scaphephoria^^^ the hydriaphoria,
and sciadephoria, which were inferior and dishonourable ser-
vices imposed upon the resident aliens.

With regard to the property taxes, Lysias"', a resident
alien or an isoteles, boasts of having paid several; and they are
often mentioned in connexion with the resident alien s*^^ This
class of settlers composed distinct symmorise {/jberoifctKal (tv/ju-
fiopiai,y^^, which had treasurers of their own, and a fixed con-
tribution was settled for each one by persons appointed for that
purpose (e7rA7/)a<^ets')'^*°, which was of course only to be paid
upon the moveable property in Attica, since, with the excep-
tion of the proxeni and isoteles, no resident alien had the right
of possessing land. What however was the average amount of
this tax for any given rate cannot be determined; and there can
be no doubt that the total valuation of the resident aliens was
very different at different times, as they were not domiciliated
in Attica. Probably the larger number of them were poor.
As examples of rich aliens we may mention Dinarchus the
orator, Cephalus, and his sons Polemarchus and Lysias*^': the
latter not only had three houses and 120 slaves, but, in addi-
tion to vessels of silver and other articles of furniture and

'^ ^ Ad Lept. § 15. '^'^ Harpocration in v. eTrty/ja^ets-,

'^^ Lex. Seg. p. 280, p. 304, and Isocrat. Trapezit. 21 .

otliers. ^' Concerning Dinarchus see Dio-

* ' Ubi sup. i nysius Ilalicarnasscnsis in the Life of

""» E. g. Lysius c. Frumentar. p. Diuarclius, and of the others Plat.

720. ' Itep. init. Lys. c. Eratosth. p. 380 sqq.

''-^ llypehdes ap. Poll. viii. 11-1.

CIl. X.] THE RESIDENT ALIENS. 539

manufactured goods, was possessed of 3 talents of silver, 400
cyzicenics, and 100 darics, in ready money. Other ricli aliens
are mentioned to have been executed by the Thirty Tyrants for
the sake of their property. It cannot be supposed that a large
sum could ever have been collected from them, however strict
the laws may have been against concealment, as their property
was easily concealed, and they were naturally ill-inclined to the
state'^*^ They were besides more severely pressed for money
than the citizens; hence Demosthenes speaks of the unfortu-
nate aliens : thus, for instance, in the tax levied during the
archonship of Nausinicus they contributed the sixth part^*^,
which is mentioned in such a manner that it is plain that this
was a higher rate than that which the poor citizens paid. The
tax in the year of Nausinicus was a twentieth, and are we to
suppose that while the citizens paid a twentieth, the resident
aliens contributed the sixth part of the valuation ? This cannot
appear probable. If a tax of a twentieth had been imposed
upon the taxable property of the citizens, a larger amount could
not have been raised from the resident ah ens, as the injustice
and severity of such a measure would have been too evident.
To understand with Ste. Croix^^* the sixth part of the property
itself is not less absurd than to suppose that the citizens paid a
fifth part. To contribute {ela<^epeiv) does not merely mean to
pay taxes, but to enter a certain taxable capital into the sym-
morise^^^ The citizens of the first class returned the fifth part
of their property as taxable capital; the other classes a smaller
part: the resident aliens however appear upon an average to
have been rated with the sixth part of their property, which
probably in the far greater number of cases was very
oppressive*.

Of the aliens who were resident in Attica there was a par-

^■'^ Lys. c. Fiiiment. iibi sup. tions, i.\ xlviii. p. 185, in his Memoir

■^*-^ Demosth. c. Androt. p. 612, upon the fieroiKoi.
7rpo(Tr]K€Lu avTa to €ktov fiepos €l(r(f)e- j "^^^ See above chap. 7j particularly
p€iv fxera rav fi€ToiK<ov. Cf. p. 609, I note 171.

* In England the rates of taxation
upon aliens were formerly double
those upon natives. Blackstone's
Commentaries, vol. i. p. 310. — Transl.

extr. where he uses the expression,
Toiii ToXcunoiipovs fxeToiKovs.

'^" Mem, do TAcad. des Inscrip-

540

TAXES IMPOSED UPON

[bk. IV.

ticular portion that enjoyed certain rights and privileges called
Isotelia, the nature of which, on account of the scarcity of
information, is involved in some obscurity. The isoteles (tVo-
reXeh, ofjLoreXehy*^, after the proxeni, were next in rank to the
citizens, without being in fact citizens; they were neither
entered into the tribes and demi, nor into the phratriee and
genea; and, like other foreigners and resident aliens, they were,
together with the proxeni, subject to the jurisdiction of the
archon Polemarchus''*'. Hence it may be justly wondered how
so acute a writer as Wolf could imagine that they had the right
of voting, and were eligible to public offices"^. No one but a
citizen could vote in the Assembly, and for this it was necessary
that he should have been entered into a tribe and demus: in
like manner no isoteles could sit in a court of justice. The
testimony of Ammonius and Thomas Magister, who assert that
they had all the privileges of citizens, with the exception of the
offices of government, is wholly undeserving of credit, unless
among the offices of government {to dpx^tv) they include, con-
trary to the usual custom, the rights of voting and judging {to
€KK\r]ai,d^€cv kol hiKa^eiv). With regard to the latter point,
indeed, they certainly had some privileges; for they could be
appointed disetetee^*®: it is however by no means probable that
they could have been appointed by lot public dieetetse ; since
there can be no doubt that they had no patron {irpoaTdTT^s),
which is evident without any express testimony; they could
transact business directly with the people and the proper autho-
rities, without it being necessary for that reason that they
should have the right of voting in the public assembly. They
had moreover the right of possessing both land and mines"*'.
With regard to the liturgies and taxes, they were, as their name
shows, on the same footing as the citizens; they neither paid

*^*' Pollux iii. 5G. Coiiceraing them
in general see also the Memoir of Ste.
Croix above cited.

2^' Pollux \-iii. 91.

^^8 Wolf, p. Ixix. sq.

^<° Deniosth. c. I'horni. p. 912, extr.
See Uudtwalcker von den Diiitcteu, p.

2, ■svho in pp. 40 sqq. makes it pro-
bable, from the authority of Suidas,
that aliens could not be public diaiteta?.
An isoteles was liowever only a /xeVot-
Kosy and so far an alien.
^i« Book i. ch. 24, iii. cli. 3.

CH. X.] THE RESIDENT ALIENS. 541

any protection-money, nor were they subject to the same obli-
gations as the resident aliens^^', but were upon the same level
with the citizens"^; and from these taxes they could be
exempted in the same manner as the citizens, for the law of
Leptines expressly mentions the exemption of the isoteles.
Their valuation must therefore have been entered in the register
of the citizens, more particularly as they possessed landed pro-
perty ; and it was according to this rate that they paid property
taxes, and not accordmg to the scale of the resident aliens.
With regard to the liturgies, they were unquestionably exempted
from the degrading services performed by the resident aliens;
and in reference to this point, as well as to the military service,
they may have been entered in the registers of the tribes.
Moreover, as to whether the isoteles, as is asserted*^^, were
compelled to give a larger sum for these distinctions, or whether
they gave less than the resident aliens"^, a determinate judg-
ment appears impossible, since, according to the different cir-
cumstances of the case, either the one or the other may have
existed. It is however evident that in the property taxes the
majority of the citizens, with whom the isoteles were equal,
were rated lower than the resident aliens. A more exact
account as to the obligations of the isoteles with regard to the
liturgies, was contained in the speech of Isseus against Elpa-
goras, which is unfortunately lost**^.

Chapter XI.
General Nature of the Trierarchy,

We will now proceed to consider the extraordinary liturgy, the
trierarchy, which, although it has been frequently treated of by

25'- Harpocrat. in v. laoTeXrjs. Lex. Seg. p. 207 upon this subject is

'^^ This is the reXos copLcrfJieuov, of quite correct : 'lo-oreXeis : fxeroiKoi ra

which Suidas (in v. IcroTeXrjs) speaks, fiev ^eviKO. reXtj fir] reXovvrei, ra 6e taa

i. e. a duty detemiined according to toIs aarots reXovvres. See also Pho-

the valuation, when the time occurred. , tins.

The other passages of the gramma- | "^ Wolf, p. Ixi.

rians and modern writers may be seen , ^^^ See Ste. Croix, p. 190.

in Wolf, p. Ixx. The article in the ^^^ Harpocrat. in v. laoreXrfs.

542 GENERAL NATURE OF [bK. IV.

the early scholars*'', and its nature more fully ascertained by
the inquiries of Wolf, must nevertheless be submitted to a new
examination, in order to explain what the person who provided
it furnished to the state; what changes it underwent in the
different periods, and when these took place ; and, lastly, what
proportion the services bore to the property of the trierarch.

The object of this liturgy was to provide for the equipment
and management of the ships of war. AYhoever undertook it,
was called, by virtue of his office, trierarch, and attended the
ship wherever it vrent in person, or, what is the same, by means
of a deputy. This institution produced great advantages to the
state, on account of the competition to fill the office of trierarch ;
but since in war the opportunity of victory, if not seized when
it presents itself, will not wait for the dilatoriness of the com-
batants, the favourable instant was frequently lost, by the want
of dispatch necessarily connected with the trierarchy*^'; and
since the division of the burdens was frequently made upon
unfair principles (until Demosthenes introduced the only just
method of allotment), many individuals were grievously
oppressed. The first disadvantage they sometimes remedied
by appointing trierarchs beforehand, especially in early times.
And we may, in the first place, consider that the duties of those
to whom Themistocles transferred the building of the ships,
were of this kind"^; and again, the trierarchs who in Olymp.
87 2, (B.C. 431), were required to provide the 100 triremes,
which were always to be kept prepared for the defence of Attica,
in case of an attack by sea^^^; and, lastly, the 400 annual trie-
rarchs mentioned in Xenophon^'". But in Olymp. 107, 1^
(B.C. 352), when Demosthenes delivered the first Philippic, the

25G I may mention Sigonius (de Rep. and Bartlielemy (Auacliarsip, t. iv.

Atli. iv. 4), Avho is so clear on all the chap. 56).

other subjects which lie has treated, "'^ Demosth. Philipp. i. p. 50, 18.
Petit, who is always confused (Leg. ^^^ Polyoen. Strateg. i. 30, 5. The

Att. iii. 4), Budseus (de asse et parti- other passages relating to this point,

bus ejus V. p. 531 sqq.), SchefFer (Mil. and some observations suggested by

Nav. ii. 4, and particularly vi. 6), them, may be seen in ray Dissertation

Toun-eil (Notes to his Translation of upon the Silver Mines of Laurium.
the Oration for the Crown in his ^^^ Thucyd. ii. 24.
Works, Paris, 1721, t. iv, p. 501 sqq.), ^"^ Xenoph. Kep. Ath. 3, 4.

cri. XI.]

THE TRIERARCHY.

543

appointment of the trierarchs did not take place till the fleet
should have been in readiness to sail*^'. They were nominated
by the generals, who^^^, as being the legal authorities for miUtary
affairs, brought the causes relating to the trierarchy into court.

The amount of expense was unquestionably fixed according
to the rate actually required by law, by means of the dia-
gramma of the trierarchy. If any one thought that he was too
heavily burdened in comparison with another who could bear
the liturgy better than himself, the avTihocns^ or exchange, was
open to him. In extreme cases they fled for refuge to the
people, or to the altar of Diana at Munychia"^ Those who
were in arrear could be put into prison by certain officers,
whose duty it was to expedite the business relating to the
trierarchy, and to despatch the fleet [ol airoardXelsY^*. On
the other hand, whichever trierarch first brought his ship off
the stocks, or distinguished himself in any other way, received
as a reward the crown of the trierarchy; on which account a
considerable degree of competition existed between the different
individuals. The trierarch was also exempted by law from all
other liturgies^^^, the advance of the property taxes included.

The duration of the trierarchy was limited by law to one
year, after which the successor elect {hidhoxo^) entered upon
the office. The latter was obliged to join the ship, in case it
was absent, and to take charge of it and succeed to the duties
of his predecessor, on pain of a severe penalty in case of non-
compliance. If any one had continued his trierarchy beyond
the legal period, he could charge the additional expenses, which
he was no longer bound to pay [tov iTTLTpcrjpapxvfJ'CiTos), to his
successor*^'. The trierarchy was legally dissolved, if the

•^'" Demosth. ubi sup.

^^^^^Demosth. c. Lacrit. p. 940, IG,
c. Boeot. de Nomine, p. 997, 2, conip.
Suidas in the passage quoted by ISIat-
tliige Misc. Philol. vol. i. p. 249.

^63 Demosth. de Corona, p. 262, 15,
and there Ulpian. Concerning the
place see Lysias, c. Agorat. p. 460.

^^ Demosth. ubi sup. and there
Taylor, also Demosth. de Coron. Trie-

I rarch. p. 1229, 6, where the orator
mentions a decree by which it was
ordained that tliose persons should be
imprisoned who did rfot bring their
vessel to the pier (x^H-"-) before the
last day of the month.

2«^ Bookiii. ch. 21.

■'''6 Demosth. c. Polycl. To tliis the
article in Lex. Sex. refers (diK. ovofi.
p. 193, 30,) TpirjptipxVH-fi '• ^i'"*' o Tpirj-

544

GENERAL NATURE OF

[bk. IV.

general gave out no pay to the sailors, and also if the ship had
run into the Piraeus, as then it was not possible to keep the
crew together''". In general no person was bound to serve a
liturgy for more than the alternate years ^^''; but in the later
times of Isaeus*^^, the citizens could only be compelled to
serve the trierarchy after an interval of two years, although
many made no use of this immunity.

Exemption from the trierarchy was prohibited by an ancient
law, which was still in force in Olymp. 106, 2 (b.c. 355), when
Demosthenes spoke against Lei)tines ; nor was it even allowed
to the successors of Harmodius and Aristogiton ; it was, how-
ever, granted to the nine archons, as being the highest public
officers'^^'*; whence it is easy to see that nothing but necessity
induced them 'to except those whose property was below the
amount required for the trierarchy. Demosthenes also evi-
dently leaves out of his consideration those exemptions which
were not personal, but founded upon causes sanctioned by law ;
the abolition of which appears not to have even come within
the scheme of Leptines, since the orator would not have failed
to touch upon this point. Demosthenes, in the speech con-
cerning the symmoriee^^', which was delivered in Olymp. 106,
3 (b.c. 354), mentions the circumstances under which a citizen
w^as exempted from the trierarchy. These were if a person was
incapable [ahvvaTos) ; by which we certainly must not under-
stand bodily incapacity (which could only have exempted from

papxos nepicrcrov 6i5a)cri ro7s. vavraii ;
an extremely incorrect explanation,
but not too incorrect for the compiler
of this Lexicon. The proper name is
moreover iiriTpir^pdpxqp.a, and not
Tpirjpdpx'TJP'a.- Photius in v. TpiTjpap-
XVH'" gives a somewhat better inter-
pretation,

^•^7 Demosth. ibid. p. 1209. Cf.
Isocrat. c Callim. 23.

^^^ 'EviavTov ?)LaXnro>u, says Demos-
thenes against Leptines. See book iii.
ch. 21.

■^^ Isaeus de Apollod. Hered. p. 184,
8uo ^TT] /caraXiTTci)!/. See also b. iii. c.22.

270 Demosth. c. Lept. § 15 (p. 462,
15), § 22 (p. 4G4, 29), § 23 (p. 465, 18).

271 P. 182, 14. That the following
words are neuter is shown by the ex-
pression opcpaviKwv, wliich, if the mas-
culine gender were meant, would be
6p(}>ava)v. Pollux iniderstood this
point correctly, as well as Harpocra-
tion in v. k\t]pqv)(oi ; but the same
grammarian in v. koivcovikwv inaccu-
rately considers this word as masculine.
Cf Poll. viii. 134, 136. Photius in
Kkrjpovxoi and koivwvikuv has only
transcribed Harpocration.

CH. XI.] THE TRIERARCHY. 545

personal services, and not from contributions to the symmoriee),
but insufficiency of property, since a man of sufficient property
for the trierarchy might by misfortune be reduced in his
circumstances; also the property of heiresses {iiriK\7]poi), of
wards {6p<paviKa), of cleruchi {Kkr)pov')(^LKa), and of companies
{fcoivoiVLKa)', for which exemptions he deducts altogether 800
persons from the 2000 whom he proposes to bring into the
symmoriee of the trierarchy. It is natural to suppose that
heiresses could only be exempted so long as they remained
unmarried ; if the heiress was married, the husband bore the
burdens and obligations attached to the property, as in the
case of the dowry. Wards were free from all liturgies during
their minority, and one year over^^*; hence Demosthenes, for
the ten years that he was in the hands of guardians, paid
property taxes, but no hturgies ; nor did he perform any
trierarchy, although his family was capable of supporting the
expenses of that service^'% and he himself became a trierarch
after the expiration of his minority. By the property of
cleruchi, Harpocration, perhaps, rightly understands the pro-
perty of those who were sent out by the state as cleruchi, or
colonists, and while they were absent upon the public service
could not perform the trierarchy. I should, however, conjecture
that the exemption was limited to the property which they had
taken with them. What kind of property is meant by the
property of companies admits of some doubt. Pollux ^^*
states that it was a legal term, and classes it with other words
which signify a property in common, and not of individuals ;
by which explanation little is gained. The most probable
conjecture is that in Harpocration, viz., that the property of
brothers, which had not yet been divided among them, is
meant, from which the father might be able to perform the
liturgy, although the sons were not sufficiently rich separately
to bear the expenses of trierarchy '^\ Perhaps, he adds, it

27^ Lysias c. Diogit. p. 908. I ^'' Cf. Orat. c. Euerg. et :Muesibul.

'^''' Demosth. c. Apliob. p. 833, 26. | p. 1149, 20, hp^M^ "^'to''. TvorfpajxeiLc-
Cf. Liician. Demostli/Eiilog. U. fuafxevos c'tq npos tov dbeXcpbv, rj koivtj

'■^^^ viii. 134, where it is joined with ' oucrta ea; ot^roT?, and immediately after-
dviixrjTo xpni^ara, Kol Koiva, iirUoLva, ov wards, on pevefirjficvos e'lq-
8u]prifi€ua. 2 N

546 GENERAL NATURE OF [bK. IV.

may refer to persons who had entered into a voluntary associa-
tion for trade, or for any other object, each member of which
was possessed of less than the whole valuation of the property
of the company. Is it, however, conceivable that persons in
this situation could have ever obtained an exemption by such
means; since, had it been the case, every person would have so
disposed of his property, or have vested it in similar associa-
tions, in order to exempt himself from the liturgies ? Lastly,
it hardly deserves to be observed, that mines, since they could
not be exchanged, did not impose upon their possessors the
duty of serving the trierarchy.

A peculiarity wdth respect to the trierarchy, which must not
be passed over, is the liability of the trierarchs to render an
account of their expenses^^^, which naturally excites our asto-
nishment, when we find it remarked in ^schines that the
trierarch applied his own property to the service of the com-
munity in a manner unknown to the public; yet our surprise
is diminished, and we perceive that the provisions of the law
were both wise and necessary, when w^e consider how manifold
were the relations in which the trierarch stood to the state with
regard to money and money's worth. The ship he always
received from the state, and at times ready equipped; and are
we to suppose that he was not required to account for this
public property? He also received money out of the public
treasury, whether it was for the payment of the sailors and
soldiers, or other expenses. Thus we find in Demosthenes 30
minas paid to each trierarch, and an equal sum is stated in an
inscription, the date of which is Olymp. 92, 3 (b.c. 410), to
have been given to a trierarch^^^ Thus even in the age of
Themistocles the receipts from the mines were distributed
among a number of rich men, at the rate of a talent apiece, in
order to build and equip vessels for the use of the state. The
trierarch supplied pay and provision money to the whole crew,
which the general was bound to provide him with^^% or he

276 JEschin. c. Ctesipli. p. 407 sq.
Deraosth. c. Polycl. p. 1222, 11.

^77 Demostli. de Trierarch. Coron.

p. 1231, 13, Corp. Inscript. No. 147,
Pryt. 9.

^7*^ Demosth. c. Polycl. p. 1209, 10.

CH. XI.]

HE TRIERARCHY.

547

furnished the necessary stores'^'^ which were paid for at the
public cost.

Those also who were appointed to manage the accounts
were called treasurers of the trierarchs^^% although we are
ignorant whether all vessels, or only the sacred triremes, had
officers of this description; nor can it be inferred from the
statement of Demosthenes^ client in the oration against Poly-
cles^^^, who himself kept the accounts of his expenses in tlie
trierarchy, that he had no treasurer. In the case of the
trierarchs of the sacred triremes, it was still more natural that
they should be responsible for their expenses, as the state was
there the party that performed the liturgy^^^ The fund be-
longing to these triremes, which was under the management of
the treasurer, and from which all the expenses were defrayed,
was a public fund. Trierarchs of this description^^^ were only
the representati^'es of the state in the character of commanders
and officers; and how large the sums were which they received,
we see from the instances of the trierarchs of the trireme Sala-
minia, and of the Delian theoris, which latter, for the voyage to
Delos alone, received 7000 drachmas from the funds of the
temple in that island.

Supposing however that the trierarch paid everything at his
own expense (though he was by no means bound to do so, and
it was an event of rare occurrence), even then it was necessary
that he should inform the state of his course of proceeding, and
deliver in an account, which would merely have stated that no
public money had been advanced to him, and would have given
him an opportunity of defending himself, if any one called his

"'^ Plutarch, de Gloria Athenarum,
6.

^*' Eupolis ap. Harpocrat. in v. ra-
fiiai, and the grammarians who tran-
scribe him. [Meineke, Fr.Com. Gr.vol.
ii. p. 505]. Compare too particularly
book ii. ch. 6, note 94.

^^^ Demosth. c. Polycl. p. 1216, 15.

^* Ulpian ad Demosth. c. Mid. p.
636, ed. Wolf.

^^^ In order that there may be no

doubt as to the fact of the sacred tri-
remes having trierarchs, I may men-
tion the trierarchs of the Salaminia in
Plutarch Themist. 7, of the Paralos in
Isseus de Dicseog. Hered. p. 90, and of
the Delian theoris in Corp. Inscript.
No. 158. No ship of war could be
without a trierarch; for he not only
provided for the expenses, but also
commanded the vessel.

2 N 2

548

FIRST AND SECOND FORMS OF

[bk. IV.

statement in question. And, lastly, it was probably necessary
for the trierarch to show that he had performed the required
services correctly.

Chapter XII.

First Form of the Trierarchy, or the Trierarchy of a single
Person, Second Form of the Trierarchy, or the Trierarchy
in part of a single Person and in part of two Syntrierarchs,
from Olymp. 92, 1 (b.c. 412) until Olymp. 105,3 (b.c. 358).

The trierarchy is as ancient as the regular constitution of
Athens, since it is mentioned in the time of Hippias^^*, and it
probably belonged originally to the forty-eight naucrarias of
Solon and the fifty naucrarias of Cleisthenes, according to some
fixed regulation, since each naucraria was obliged to equip a
ship*^^; so that the trierarchy of each tribe would have been of
5 vessels. But when the naval force was gradually increased
to 200 vessels, which was the number at sea at the time of the
battle of Salamis, the trierarchs also became more numerous.

For a long time each ship had only one trierarch; subse-
quently it was allowed that two persons should fill the office
together {crvvTpLrjpap')(OL, <7vvTpt7jpap')(^ovvT€S'), in order to divide
the expenses, and either of them commanded on board the
vessel for diflferent portions of the year, as they agreed with one
another*®^ When this was first permitted we are not informed;
since however in Olymp. 92, 1 (b.c. 412), after the defeat in

*«^ Pseud- Aristot. (Econ. 2, 4.

'^^^ See Look ii. ch. 21. NavKpapoi
are properly ship proprietors {vavKXr)-
pot) or their deputies ; the following
appears to have been the method by
which it happened that this name was
given to the managers of the political
associations, which were afterwards
replaced by the demi. The Athenian
citizens were first distributed into
forty-eight, and afterwards into fifty
corporations, and to each of these a ship
was allotted, which they were bound to
man. They then selected some one

member of the corporate body, who,
either alone, or with the support of
the rest, had in his turn the duty of
equipping the ship, and thus was for
the time being possessor of the ship
(vavKXrjpof, vavKpapos), and the com-
pany allotted to hira was the naucaria
or naucraria (naucleria), of which he
naturally was the principal person.
Photius properly compares the nau-
crarias with the symmorise.

^«« Demosth. c. Polycl. p. 1219, sup.
p. 1229, extr.

CH. XII.]

THE TRIERARCHY.

549

Sicily^ the union of two persons for the choregia was allowed*^^,
the same may have been permitted at the same period for the
more expensive trierarchy. The most ancient accomit of a
trierarchy performed jointly by two persons, or a syntrierarchy,
is later than Olymp. 92, 3 (b.c. 410), since Lysias speaks
of the syntrierarchy which the guardian accounted for to
the brothers of Diogiton, who perished at Ephesus under
Thrasyllus in Olymp. 92, 3 (b.c. 410)^*°: the next, which is in
Isocrates^^^ belongs to the year of the battle of ^gospotamos
(Olymp. 93, 3, B.C. 406) ; and the same form of the trierarchy
is alluded to in a passage in Xenophon^**", which refers to some
time anterior to Olymp. 95, 1 (b.c. 400). This usage continued
for a very long period : for when Demosthenes instituted the
suit against Aphobus (Olymp. 104, 1, B.C. 364), we still meet
wdth the syntrierarchy^^ ^; also in Olymp. 104,4 (b.c. 361)^^%
and even so late as in Olymp. 105, 3 (b.c. 358). The latter
year is that of the Euboean war, in which the Athenians sup-
ported a party against the other states, and against Thebes'*'^"';
and there were then at Athens for the first time voluntary
trierarchs, the terms of service for those appointed by law
having expired^®*. Demosthenes, who was one of them, had a

287 Book iii. ch. 21. Manso (Sparta,
vol. ii. p. 501) also supposes that there
were four trierarchs to one ship, by
erroneously combining diflFerent ac-
counts which have no connexion with
each other.

288 Lys. c.Diogit. pp. 907—909. The
date may be seen from pp. 894 — 897,
compared with Xenoph. Hell. i. 2.

289 Isocrat. c. Callimach.23.

290 See chap. 15, at the end.

29' Demosth. c. IMid. p. 564, 20, cf.
c. Aphob. ii. p. 840, 26, sqq. c. Mid. p.
539, extr.

292 Demosth. c. Polycl. p. 1218, 14,
cf. p. 1219 sup. and 1. 18, also p. 1227.

29-J Diod. xvi. 7. The following pas-
sages in Demosthenes also refer to this
fact, c. Androt. p. 597, 18, pro Mega-
lop, p. 205, 25, de Cherson. p. 108, 12,
c. Mid. p. 570, 23, ore ttjv eVt OrjlBaiovs
€^o8ov els Ev^oiav eVoificr^e v/xeis.

where Ulpian correctly notes, eyeVero
yap Koi 8ia tov UXovTapxov irepa : for
the expedition made for the sake of
Plutarch is not alluded to, concerning
which see chap. 13, but that which
took place in Olymp. 105, 3 (b.c. 358).
For in the expedition of Olymp, 106,
4 (b.c. 353), Meidias was trierarch of
his vessel at his own expense, but in
the earlier expedition was treasurer of
the Paralos. Spalding (ad Mid. p.
131) corrects the passage of Ulpian
without any reason ; for the only way
in which he can be imderstood is, that
he supposed that more than one cam-
paign was undertaken for the sake of
Plutarch ; he does not however appear
to have had any clear notion of the
question.

29^ Demosth. de Corona, p. 259, 12,
c. Mid. p. 566, 23.

550

FIRST AND SECOND FORMS OF

[bk. IV.

syntrierarch by name Philinus^"; and although this was a
voluntary service, yet there can be no doubt that it followed
upon the whole the regulations which were then in existence
for the regular trierarchy. Also in the oration against Euergus
and AInesibulus^^% mention is made in connexion with an event
of Olymp. 105, 4 (b.c. 357), of two syntrierarchs by name
Theophemus and Demochares, who were indebted to the state
for ship^s furniture belonging to a prior trierarchy, and thus
this syntrierarchy could only have been performed a short time
before, for instance, in the second, or more probably in the
third, year of the 105th Olympiad (b.c. 359 — 8); nor, lastly,
can it appear strange that even after the introduction of the
symmorice two syntrierarchs should have been employed for
the immediate direction of the trierarchy.

It is perhaps scarcely worthy of remark, that the syntrierarchy
of two persons was at most only a means of relief, in case there
did not happen to be a sufficient number of wealthy citizens
who could singly bear the expense, and numerous examples
occur between Olymp. 92, 1 and 105, 3 (b.c. 412 — 358)3 of
trierarchies performed by one individual; of which I will only
mention that of Apollodorus in Olymp. 104, 3 (b.c. 362)^^^;
and in two passages of Iseeus, which refer to this period, the
trierarchy of individuals and the syntrierarchy are mentioned as
contemporaneous^^^ It is therefore not difficult to conceive
that during this period about 400 trierarchs may have been
employed every year, which is the number stated by Xenophon
(or whoever is the author of the Treatise on the State of
Athens) as being annually appointed.

Concerning the services to which the trierarch was liable

'-95 Demosth. c. Mid. p. 566, 24.

•296 p^ 1145, 22sqq.where7roXi!'i/ ;;^po-
vov (p. 1146, 20) must only be taken
relatively, foi* it cannot mean any long
period of time.

^^7 Demosth. c. Poly clem.

298 De Dicgeog. Herod, p. 110, dWa

fMTfV TpirjpdpXOOV TO(TOVT(jiV KaTafTTaOiV-

TOiV OVT avTos €TpLT]pcipxr}(T€U ovff irepco
av/x^e/^XrjKei/ eV toIs toiovtois Kiupois

(after the Anarchy). 2v/i/3aXXfti/ is
said of the syntrierarchy, cf. a~vp.^a-
Xeadai ap. Lys. c. Diogit. pp. 908, 909,
also Isseus de Apollod. Ilered. p. 184,
6 jjLev yap TraTrjp avrov — Tpir)papxS>v TOU
ndvTa xpdvov SiereXcaev, ovk ck crvfjifio-
pias TTjv vavv TTOir](Tdp.evos axrirep ol vvv
(after Olymp. 105, 4, b.c. 357), JXX' e/c
Toiv uvTov dairavcov, ovde devrepos avros
o)v dXXd Kara p,6vas.

CH. XII.]

THE TRIERARCHY.

551

previously to Olymp. 105, 3 (b.c. 358), there cannot exist the
slightest doubt. The state always supplied the vessel. When
Themistocles built ships for the JEginetan war out of the funds
accruing from the mines, the building and the entire equipment
of them was delivered in charge to 100 wealthy individuals,
who were the trierarchs appointed for that service ; but they
were indemnified for the building, since, according to Polysenus,
they each received a talent. This law of Themistocles enacted
that twenty new ships should be built every year, and the ship-
building was continued on the part of the state, as far as we can
ascertain, during the independence of Athens"^ All the ships
in the public docks belonged to the state : private individuals
of great wealth had indeed triremes of their own, for example,
Cleinias, who fought in his own vessel at Artemisium; but
since it is particularly remarked^^" that he went out with a
trireme of his own, it may be inferred that the state was bound
by law to provide it. Those which were in the possession of
private individuals, they either built voluntarily for the public
service, or for their own use in privateering or similar objects, or
else for sale. The same was the case in the Peloponnesian war.
The 100 triremes which, according to a decree of the people,
were to be kept in readiness from Olymp. 87, 2 (b.c. 431), in
case Attica was threatened by sea, were evidently ships pro-
vided by the state, and trierarchs were appointed for those in
readiness^*'^ In the Knights of Aristophanes""^ (Olymp. 88, 4,
B.C. 425), Cleon threatens to make his adversary a trierarch,
and to contrive that he should receive an old ship with a rotten
mast, upon which he would be forced to spend much money for
the necessary repairs; it is therefore certain that the hull and
mast were at that time furnished by the state. In the expe-
dition against Sicily in Olymp. 91, 2 (b.c. 415), the state pro-
vided nothing but the pay of the crew, and the body of the
vessel; the trierarchs supplied the entire equipment of the ship,
and also gave voluntary contributions^"^; and when a trierarch

^^^ Concerning the building of the
ships, see book ii. ch. 19.

^fo Herod, viii. 17, Plutarch. Alci-
biad. i.

^°' This is the only manner in wliich
Thucyd. ii. 24 can be understood.
30^ Vs. 908 sqq.
'•^^^ Thucyd. vi. 31.

552 FIRST AND SECOND FORMS OF [bK. IV.

boasts of having, after the battle of ^gospotamos (Olymp.
93, 3, B.C. 40G)''% saved his ship, it is clear that the vessel must
have been pubUc property, as otherwise he would have gained
no credit by saving it. The same person also states that he
and his brother had voluntarily contributed the pay and pro-
vision of the crew. We may conclude then that at this time
the state furnished both the pay and provision, as well as the
hull of the ship together with the mast; the trierarch however
had to equip the vessel, and was also bound, as the threat of
Cleon shows, to keep it in repair.

We may likewise infer that the same regulations were in
force until Olymp. 105, 3 (b.c. 358), although the inaccurate
expressions of the ancients, who always presuppose more in
their readers than they have the means of knowing, have deceived
all modern writers from the ignorant Ulpian down to the acute
editor of the oration against Leptines. Demosthenes in his
speech against Meidias^"^^ says, that when he was trierarch in
Olymp. 104, 1 (b.c. 364), the trierarchs provided everything at
their own expense, and had to furnish the crews (TrXrjpcofjLara) ;
and if we are to give credit to the remarks of Ulpian upon this
passage^°% the state must frequently have supplied both the ship
and the seamen; and in fact in many instances have provided
nothing, but left it to the trierarch to supply the ship together
with the pay and provision of the crew. The real state of the
case, however, is as follows. Ulpian, as usual, has no authority
for his statement, but by a singular process of logic draws all
these conclusions from the words of Demosthenes. The orator
however, in speaking of the whole expenditure, refers to the
later form of the trierarchy in symmorise; when these were
instituted, the state equipped the vessel and provided the crew,
in addition to^ which the trierarch who commanded the ship
received pecuniary assistance from the symmoria; it follows
therefore that the whole expense did not fall upon him. Again,
when the orator speaks of the whole expenditure, it is evident
that he can only mean the entire amount of expenditure which

^^* Isocrat. c. Callimacli. 23. ^"^ P. 564, 22.

""5 r. UfJO A.

CH. XII.] THE TillERARCHY. 553

was customary at any time; the state however always provided
the pay and provision together with the hull of the ship, as well
before the trierarchy of Demosthenes, as in the time of the
symmoriee. Thus no one of the hearers of Demosthenes could
have thought that these expenses were alluded to. In short,
when Demosthenes speaks of the whole expenditure, he means
nothing more than the equipment of the vessel, and the keep-
ing it in repair, as well as procuring the crew, which last was
frequently attended with much expense, as the trierarch, not
being allowed to employ foreign sailors, was obliged to select
the crew from the native population, which produced consider-
able trouble and vexation, and subjected the trierarch tothe
necessity of giving bounties to induce persons to serve. Even
in Olymp, 104, f (b.c. 361), the state was bound by law to
equip the ship.

That this must have been the meaning of the orator is
partly evident from the expenses of his trierarchy, and partly
from the speech against Polycles. When Demosthenes had
attained his majority, and begun to prosecute his guardians,
Thrasylochus, the brother of Meidias, wished to compel him
either to the exchange of property, or else to take the trierarchy.
Demosthenes was wiUing to adopt the former course, reserving,
at the same time, his claims upon his guardians; it being how-
ever necessary to confirm this agreement by a judicial decision
which could not be obtained in a short time, he volimtarily
undertook the trierarchy, which was let to a contractor for 20
minas^"^; it was, however, a syn trierarchy^" % so that the whole

307 Demosth. c. Mid. p. 539 sq. C. bers, each of whom contributed 20
Aphob. ii. p. 840 sq. This Thrasy- minas, in order tliat he might make
lochus was himself trierarch three ; the sum a talent, since it is stated in
years later, 01>Tnp. 104, 4, Orat. c. i one other place, that a person had let

Polycl. p. 1222.

3»8 Demosth. c. Mid. p. 564, 20.
Kayo) ft€i/ Kar' eiceivovs tovs ;^pdi'ous
cTpiTjpdpxovv, evdvs eK naihcov e^eXdav,

his trierarchy to a contractor for a
talent. As if this had been a fixed
price, and Demosthenes did not dis-
tinctly say that there were only two

oT€ avvbvo ^/xei/ ol rpirjpapxoi, &c. trierarchs ! Spalding also ad Mid. p.
From this passage too Ulpian has de- i 43, has been led into error. It may be
duced some ingenious conclusions ; | observed that the words in the speech
tlms (p. 660 E— G) he supposes that against Meidias, p. 540, 18, ocrot rrpi
there existed a syntelia of three mem- | Tpirjpapxiav riaav fiefxiadaxoTeSt refer

554

FIRST AND SECOND FORMS OF

[bk. IV.

trierarchy only cost 40 minas. Can it, however, be conceived
that this was the whole expense of a trierarchy, if the ship,
pay, and provision were supplied by the trierarch, the cost of
pay and provision for one month alone being as much as that
sum? Moreover the speech against Polycles, which belongs to
Olymp. 104, f (B.C. 361), contains the best information con-
cerning the services which were required by law at that time.
There is not however the slightest mention of any obligation to
supply the vessel, but the trierarchs were only bound to launch
it (/ca^e\/cetv)**'^ The crew was appointed out of the demus,
but since a few only were obtained, and those inefficient, Apol-
lodorus was glad to hire some sailors of his own^^": he also
voluntarily paid them their wages, the generals having only
given him provision-money, and two months' pay out of seven-
teen^^ ^: he also subjected himself to many other voluntary
expenses, such as having fresh seamen in different places^ ^*: he
also equipped the vessel himself ^^^; nor was he single in this
respect, for others had likewise supplied the ship's furniture^ ^*,
and let it to their successors : other trierarchs however at this
period received their vessels ready equipped from the state; and
in the oration concerning the crown of the trierarchy^ ^% which
refers to the same form of this service, it is distinctly stated
that the state equipped the ship; and this is also evident from
the fact that in Olymp. 105, 4 (b.c. 35 7)^ ships' furniture which
had not been formerly paid for, was claimed from the trie-
rarchs^ '^ Apollodorus having supplied the furniture of his own
ship, had it in his power to demand of his successor to bring
new with him, or to purchase the old from himselP^^: with
regard to the ship itself there is nowhere any trace either of
selling or letting, but Apollodorus only requires of his successor

to both Thrasylochus and Meidias, the
latter of whom was only connected
with it as assistant to liis brother, and
had no share or partnership in the
trierarchy. Meidias was not trierarcli
before the introduction of these com-
panies, as we learn from Demosthenes,
p. 5G4.

=*«» P. 1207, 13.

^'^ P. 1208.
3^' P. 1209.
3^^ P. 1210 sqq.
3^3 P. 1208, 17, p. 1217, 15.
31^ P. 1219, extr.
3'* P. 1229, 15.

3'® Orat. c. Euerg. et Mnesib. p.
146.
3^7 C. Polycl. p. 1215.

CH. XII.]

THE TRIERARCHY.

555

to receive it from him according to law, in order that he might
be at length relieved from his trierarchy, which he had already
performed beyond the legal time.

It is therefore hardly worth repeating that at that time
nothing but the repairing and preservation of the ship and ship's
fm'niture was required of the trierarchs by law, all other
expenses being merely voluntary; although these were by no
means trifling, as the state frequently furnished damaged ships,
and on voyages, and particularly in battles, great losses were
experienced.

This ApoUodorus, the son of Pasion, is a remarkable
instance how harshly a man could be treated, if he was rich and
ambitious, and moreover, like him, a new citizen : for his state-
ments bear the stamp of truth in a greater degree than the
assertion of Phormion, that ApoUodorus in the offices of trie-
rarch and choregus had not even expended as much from his
own property as was required of himself with an income of 20
minas^^^. Such extreme contradictions are to be found in the
same orator, provided that both speeches are the work of
Demosthenes. Others again performed their duties at less
expense, and only supplied what was absolutely necessary : and
even before the institution of the symmoriee, the trierarchs
began to let their trierarchy for a certain sum to a contractor, of
which Thrasylochus is the most ancient among the known
examples, in Olymp. 104, 1 (b.c. 364). Another instance
occurs in Olymp. 104, 4 (b.c. 361), of the same person again^^%
and about what amount was given at that time we have already
seen. It is evident that they transferred their trierarchy to
whoever required the lowest sum^^% a custom detrimental to
the state, not only on account of the insufficient performance
of the duties, but also because the contractors by their priva-
teering practices gave occasion to reprisals against the state^*\
Upon occasions of defeat, the guilt therefore justly fell upon
those who had let their trierarchy, the letting being considered

^'^ Demosth. pro Phorm. p. 956 sq.
319 Demosth. c. Polycl. p. 1222, 26.

32" Demosth. de Trierarch. Corona
p. 1230, 5.

3^1 Ibid. p. 1231 sq.

556

FIRST AND SECOND FORMS OF

[bK. IVi

as a desertion of their post (XiTrord^covY^^, since the trierarch
was bound to be on board his ship and to command in
person.

Before we proceed further it may be worth mentioning,
that even after Olymp. 105, 3 (b.c. 358), the hull of the ship
was not supplied by the trierarchs or the symmorise, but that
the ships of war were in general the property of the public, as
Xenophon expressly says in his Essay upon the Revenues^**;
though I do not mean to deny that individual citizens occa-
sionally presented their triremes as a free gift to the state.
For since at these later times the trierarchy was often not
announced, and the trierarchs not appointed till the campaign
was already at hand^**, it was not possible that the trierarch
should build a new ship; if, however, it was expected from him
to buy one, a delay of this kind would have been most unwise,
as the possessors, in order to vex or defraud him, would have
been able (unless a maximum was fixed by the state) to demand
an exorbitant price; not to mention that of a sale of this
description, which must have occurred almost every year, there
is not the slightest trace in any ancient author. Or are we to
suppose that the person who had built a new ship, delivered it
to his successor gratis ? It is impossible to imagine that such
an inequality as this existed in the distribution of the burdens
of the trierarchy. To what purpose moreover had the Senate
of Five Hundred, together with the trireme-builders, the duty
of inspecting the ship-building^" ? To what purpose did the
latter receive their funds from the state, if the trierarchs
supplied their own ships ? To what purpose was it that about
Olymp. 106, 2 (b.c. 355), new triremes were built at the
expense of the state (as we see from the speech of Demosthenes
against Androtion), and that it was even enacted that the
senate should not receive its crown, if the ships were not in
readiness ? Do we not know that Eubulus superintended the

^^^ Demosth. de Trierarch. Corona
p. 1230.

^^^ Demoath. Philipp. i. p. 50, 10.

^■"^^See book ii. ch. 19, comp. also ii.
ch. 6. That the building was paid for
by the public is particularly shown by
Demosth. c. Androt. p. 599, 13.

CH. XII.] THE TRIERARCHY. 557

ship-building in the capacity of an officer of state^^^ 1 and that
Lycurgus provided 400 triremes, partly by repairing old, and
partly by providing new^^^ ? Still further ; in the proposal of
Demosthenes respecting the symmorise, the ships are supposed
to be already prepared, and together with the furniture were to
be assigned to the symmoriae by lot^*^ This proposal, how-
ever, only had in view a better regulation of the vessels
actually in the possession of the state.

There are only two passages which could seem to favour
the supposition that the state supplied the hull of the ship.
The first is where Ulpian asserts^ *° that the trierarch had at
times only supplied the ship; this, however, is an erroneous
conclusion from the oration against Meidias, in which it is
stated that at the institution of the symmoriae, the state
furnished the crew and equipment^'*'; whence he infers, and
with him the modern writers on the subject, that the trierarch s
supplied the ship. But as to this, what I have already
remarked upon the subject again applies, I do not consider it
necessary to bestow on it a particular examination. The
expression used by Isaeus'"', of an Athenian, might appear
more doubtful, "who did not make the ship {rrjv vavv iroLTjad-
fievos) by the assistance of a symmoria like the trierarchs of
the present day, but at his own expense ;'^ so that, according
to this passage, as well before as after the institution of the
symmoriie the trierarchs furnished the vessel. But the expres-
sion "to make a ship^^ must have another meaning in this
passage; because, as has been already shown, it is impossible
to suppose that the trierarchs supplied the hull of the ship
before the establishment of the symmoriae. Although to make
a ship may signify to build a new ship^^% it does not necessarily

3i6 Book"ii. cli. 7. | ^^^ Demosth. p. 564 extr. and p. oC5

3=^7 iii. 19. sup.

3=^« Demosth. p. 183 sup. (ha avy- \ ^^^ De Apollod. Hered. p. 184.
/cXr/pwo-ai (Tvyiiiopla (rco^droyv eKaaTj] ti)p \ ^'^'^ So in the speech against Audro-
nevreKaLbfKavatav. 1. 24, ra? rpL^peiS, \ tion, where rpi^peis TTOielaetu is the

as av CKaa-Toi Xap^cocrt, napeaKevaajxevas
Tvapex'^iv.

3=^9 Ad. Mid. p. 682 A.

same as Kaivas Tpn']peis TroielaSai, as
there the oi-ator is speaking of new
triremes ; and elsewhere.

558 THE TRIERARCHY. C^K. IV.

bear that meaning; but the expression is general, and the
extent of its signification must be determined from the context.
Now the trierarch never received a ship actually ready for
sailing : the hull was given to him, and he then built upon it,
repaired what was damaged, supplied the furniture and decora-
tions^^^ and put the whole in perfect condition. This labour is
so considerable that I know no reason why it may not be
signified by the words ^Ho make a ship'' or "/o build a sMp^^^-'^
for by these means the vessel is placed in a fit condition to sail.
Without, then, being hindered by this passage (which on
account of the indefinite nature of the expression, cannot be
considered as sufficient proof against us), we assert that the
state always furnished the pay and provision, in addition to
the empty vessel, and that all the alterations in the services of
the trierarchy, merely refer to the equipment of the vessel, and
to the method of levying the crews.

Chapter XIIL

Third Form of the Trierarchy. Syntelia and Symmori(B,from
Olymp. 105, 4 (b.c. 357) to the end of the I09th Olympiad
(B.C. 341).

From the account of Ulpian^^^, w^ho states that besides the two
trierarchs, sometimes three or even sixteen persons combined to
defray the expenses, it has been incorrectly supposed that this
must have been a peculiar kind of trierarchy, whereas Ulpian's

333 Cf. Thucyd. vi. 31.

^^* It might with equal justice be
called vavTTTjyTja-aadat, in the sense of
a thorough repair and refitting, and
yet this expression is also applied to
new ships. Merely repairing is irria-
KevdC^iv, e g., in the decree in the
Lives of the Ten Orators, p. 278, and
Xenoph. Rep. Ath. 3, ci tis tt)v vavv
fxfj eVtcrKfva^ei, which is also to be
understood of trierarchs, i. e., these
words relate to the duties of the trie-
rarchs already appointed, and aftei--

wards mention is made of the appoint-
ment of new trierarchs, and of their
lawsuits. Tr)v vavv with the article,
signifies a well-known and determinate
service, with regard to a fixed vessel,
which is assigned to an individual, and
shows that it relates to the trierarchs.
335 C. Mid. p. 681, G, p. C82, B.
The emendation of Petit, Koi ore 5e
€KKaideKa TpLrjpap)^ni, for 8e kcu 8eKa
rejected by Wolf, p. ciii. is evidently
correct.

CH. XIII.]

THIRD FORM OF TRIERARCHY.

559

words only mean that in the symmorise of the Twelve Hundred
sometimes three, sometimes sixteen, or any other number of
persons, managed the trierarchy of a ship^^*; it would be far
more consistent with his statement to refer these unions to the
symmorise ; a supposition which indeed can hardly be avoided,
as the symmorise were instituted immediately after the double
syntrierarchy, as will be presently shown ; and indeed at the
first establishment of the symmorise we find that two persons
held the trierarchy together, according to the ancient method, a
fact which we learn from the oration against Euergus and
Mnesibulus^^^ In the mean time, there is no proof that three
persons ever performed the trierarchy together: and it is
evident that Ulpian has merely fixed upon the latter number, in
order to explain how it was possible that Demosthenes should
have paid only 20 minas for a trierarchy, as he himself con-
sidered it certain that the lease of a trierarchy always cost a
talent ; notwithstanding that in the first place there could not
have been any fixed price, as it must have varied according to
the circumstances and expectations of the contractor ; and,
secondly, Demosthenes unquestionably performed the trierarchy
with one person only, and not with two^^^, and moreover long
before the introduction of the symmorise, viz. in Olymp.
104, 1 (B.C. 364).

The introduction of the symmorise is immediately connected
with the form of the trierarchy, which has been already treated
of, according to which this liturgy was borne either by one
alone or by two syntrierarchs. For in Olymp. 105, 3 (b.c.
358), it being found impossible to procure any or a sufficient
number of trierarchs according to the legal forms, it was con-
sidered necessary to summon voluntary trierarchs. As these,
however, could only suffice for the current year, it was
necessary to consider of some new regulation for the ensuing

3^^ P. 682, B, x^'^^oi yap Ka\ SiaKo-
(Tioi rjaav ol Tois rpiTjpapxtciis dcficopta-
pevoi. TOvTOiv 5e \ombv rj avveKKalbeKa
TTjv TpiTjpr] enX-qpovv fj crvvrpeiSf rj
6(roidT]noTe. The remainder of his
account is mixed with absurdities.

337 p. 1162 extr. cf. pp. 1148—1154,
in reference to the connection of the
fact and the time.

^^^ See above chap. 12, and particu-
larly note 308.

560

THIRD FORM OF TRlERARCHY.

[bk. IV.

year, and as it was impossible to provide for the public service
according to the actual system, they agreed to appoint 1200
partners {avvreXeLs) distributed into symmorise, who were to
perform the duties of the trierarchy. In the case to which the
oration against Euergus and Mnesibulus refers, the trierarchs
had been already regulated according to the symmoriee; the
trierarchy, however, of the person for whom this speech was
written, which was performed after the establishment of the
symmorise, took place in the archonship of Agathocles, Olymp.
105, 4 (B.C. 357)'"'. Yet even at that time, two persons were
sometimes appointed trierarchs out of the symmorise, in order
to perform their duties in person. In earlier times no trace of
symmoriee exists, but of the syntrierarchy alone. It is, there-
fore, highly probable that this year was the first in which the
symmoriee came into operation. In the oration of Isseus con-
cerning the inheritance of Apollodorus'", the date of which
might be placed further back, but cannot be brought lower
down, in the oration against Leptines^"^, which was delivered in

3=^9 Demosth. c. Euerg. et IMnesib.
p. 1152, 18, cf. Petit. Leg. Att. iii.
4, 10. Concerning the syntrierarchs,
see p. 1162, extr. The expenses
wliich were then entailed upon the
pei-son for whom this speech is written,
by his syntrierarchy, were so great
that he consumed the money appointed
for the fine to be paid to his adversary,
amounting to 13 minas and over, p.
1154. I must in this place explain
away a passage from which it might
appear that sjTnmorise Avere in exist-
ence before Olymp. 105, 4. It is the
passage quoted above on the subject
of the trierarchy, in the oration against
Euergus and Mnesib. p. 1145, 21.
ATjixo)(^dpT]s de 6 Ilaiavuvs fV ttj (Tvymo-
pia a>v Koi ocfxiXav rfj TTo'Xet (tk€vt) fiera
06o^i7/iou TOVTOv, crvvrpiy'ipap^os yevo'
fxfvos. It has been already remarked,
that the syntrierarchy of these two '
persons must have *^ taken place in
Olymp. 105, 2 or 3. Now Demochares |
was a member of the symmoriffi in

Olymp. 105, 4, and he may thus appear
to have served the former syntrierar-
chy in the symmorise, which, if it
were true, would give an earlier date
to the symmorire. But wliat prevents
us from supposing that Demochares
was syntrierarch before, and did not
belong to the symmoriae until Olymp.
105,4? What renders this the more
probable is, that he alone is stated to
have been in the symmoriai, while
Theophemus is not mentioned as a
member of one, and if they had both
been members of a symmorise when
they peiformed that trierarchy, Theo-
phemus must have been in the same
symmoriae as Demochares; whereas
the contrary must be inferred from
the words of the orator.

S'lo P. 1{;4, comp. Wolf, p. cix. who
supposes tlie speech to belong to the
105th 01}^npiad. If it was not deli-
vered in Oljnnp. 105, 4, its date is
Olymp. 100.

■^■'' § 19, p. 403, 24.

CH. XIII.] SYNTELI^ AND SYMMORI/E. 561

Olymp. 106, 2 (b.c. 355), in the oration upon the symmoriae
which was spoken in Olymp. 106, 3 (b.c. 354), and in the
oration against Meidias, which belongs to Olymp. 106, 4 (b.c.
353), this institution is recognised as existing. The law of
Periander, by which, according to the account contained in the
oration against Euergus and Mnesibulus^^*, the symmoriae of
the trierarchy were introduced, was evidently, as may be seen
from its agreement with what has been stated, the primary and
original enactment upon this subject.

The 1200 Partners (o-uz^reXet?)''' were properly the most
wealthy individuals according to the valuation, and among
these, as was the case in the symmoriae of the property taxes,
there was a separate body of three hundred, which was still in
existence when Demosthenes abolished the symmoriae^^*; the
whole number was divided into twenty symmoriae or classes^"*: in
these classes a number of members combined for the equip-
ment of a ship, which body was called a Synteleia {avvTe\€tay*\
A body of this kind often consisted of five or six persons^''^, so
that a symmoria could furnish ten or twelve ships; but there
were fifteen persons to each ship, and therefore only four ships
were provided by a symmoria of sixty persons. A division of
this kind, which, according to Hyperides"*^, was itself called a
symmoria, was at certain times appointed by law: the most
singular fact however is, that before Demosthenes introduced
the new law of the trierarchy according to the valuation, vv^hen
the institution of the symmoriae was still in existence^"",
according to the actual law sixteen persons were appointed out
of the syntelias for each ship, for twenty-five or thirty years"",

^*- P. 1 145. j tines as above, Harpocrat. and Etymol.

^*^ Demosth. c. jNIid. p. 564, extr. I in v. crvvreXe^s.
de Symmor. p. 182, 19, and the gram- \ '^^ Hyperides ap. Harpocrat. in v.

marians passim, Harpocration, Suidas,
Photius, Lex. Seg. pp. 238, 300, also p.
192, 3, which latter article is however
very incorrect.

^** Dinarch. c. Demosth. p. 33 ;
comp below, ch. 14.

»^* Demosth. de Symmor. p. 182, 19.

^*^ Concerning tins word see De-
mosthenes against Meidias and Lep-

avfifiopia, corrupted by Petit iii. 4, J.

3^8 Ibid.

^■*^ This is evident from the speech
for the Crown, p. 329, 17, p. 260, 21.

^^'^ Law in Demosth. pro Corona, p.
261, extr. Karakoyos. Tovs Tpiijpdp'
;^ovy /caXetcr^ai eVt ti)i> Tpirjpi] avvcKKai-'
dcKa €K Twv iv Tols \6xoLS (TvvTiKetiov
dno f'Uoa-i Kal nevre iroyv fU reTTapd-
2 o

562 THIRD FORM OF TRIERARCHY. [bK. IV.

and these sixteen bore the burden in equal shares. Since this
number does not agree with the constitution of the twenty sym-
mori^e of sixty persons each^ we must either suppose an entire
change in the internal arrangements of the 1200 Partners, w^hich
is by no means probable; or an increase in their number to
1280; or, if neither of these conjectures appears probable, dis-
cover some other method of explanation. Might w^e not assume,
since a part only of the law has come down to us, that there
were other material additions to it, which made the meaning
clear? It is possible that the syntelias did not consist only of
fifteen persons, as they are stated by Hyperides (although he
calls them symmorise), and that to these fifteen another mem-
ber was purposely added from a different syntelia, in order to
prevent any unjust proceeding among the other fifteen members,
and to perform the duties of a comptroller over them. The
superintendence of the whole business was performed by the
most wealthy, upon whom the burdens of the trierarchy chiefly
fell, that is to say, the leaders of the symmorise {rjyefioves rcov
o-vfi/jLopLMV )"^ and the managers of the symmoriae {eTrifie-
XrjTal TMV av/jL/JLopLcovY^'^.

KovTu, eVi 'laov rfj X'^PV'/^^ ;;^pco/xe'vov?. confused and unsatisfactory. Hiero
Cf. p. 260, 27, p. 261, 3, 16. XopTj-yLa , nymus Wolf is of opinion that farther
here means any public service in the researches are necessary as to the
general sense. But the difficulty in meaning of the ttoXltikoI and rpi-qpap-
the expression eV rots' \6xoi.^ cannot be x'-'^^'- ^oxoi, and considers that Demos-
solved, nor has F. A. Wolf, p. 112, thenes uses this expression for the
been able to remove it. It is certain symmoria?, which is the only method
that \6xos may mean a civil as well as of overcoming the difficulty. I may
a military division, and if net from likewise mention, that at that time, as
Xenophon (Hieron. 9, 5), where it is seen from note 349, the symmoriae
may be referred to a military division, , were actually in existence, and the
it is evident from Aristotle (Polit. v. only reason why in Demosth. adv.
8) : Tov ixeu ovv fxi) KXeTVTeadaL to. koivo. Bceot. de Xom. p. 997, 1, about Olymp.
77 TTapdboaLs yiyveadoi rcov xPW^'^^'^ 1^7, 1, the trierarch is opposed to the
TrapovTUiv rravTcov roiv noXiTcovy kol symmorije, is that the sjTnmorige of
dvTiypa<pa Kara (pparpias kgi Xoxovs Kai the property taxes were looked upon
(bvXcis Tideadcocrav. The lochitse also as the more ancient and important,
occui- in Eustathius in a passage where although there were at that time sym-
the context is of a similar nature. See i moriae of the trierarchy.
the passage quoted by F. A. Wolf i ^51 Demosth. de Corona, p. 329, 17,
from Salmasius, :Misc. Defens. p. Sal- 1 p. 260, 21.

mas. ad I. A. et R. p. 135, where how- 2^2 Qrat. c. Euerg. et :Mnesib. p.
ever the information given is extremely j 1145, 15, p. 1146, 10.

CH. XIII.] SYNTELI.E AND SYMMORIiE. 563

In treating df the amount of the services required, we may-
pass over the passages concerning the hull, and the pay and
provision, which have been already examined; with regard
however to the equipment and the levying of the crew we find
the most satisfactory accounts. For even before the introduc-
tion of the symmorise, the state provided the ship^s furniture,
although some trierarchs supplied it at their own cost^";
whence it happened that in Olymp. 105, 4 (b.c. 358) there was
none in the storehouse, the old ship^s furniture not having been
paid for by the former trierarchs; and even in the Piraeus
there were neither sails nor tackling to be bought in sufficient
quantities; therefore by a decree of Cheeredemus the payment
of the money due was required, and the names of the debtors
were delivered in by the overseers of the docks to the leaders
of the synnnoriae, and to the trierarchs whose ships were then
about to saiP^\ By the law of Periander it had been enacted
that the leaders of the symmorise should receive the names of
those who were indebted for the ship^s furniture, and distribute
among the several trierarchs the duty of enforcing the restitu-
tion of it for their own use. The names of the debtors were
engraven upon tablets, and all disputes arising between the
parties were brought before the court of justice by the officers
whose duty it was to dismiss the fleet (aTrocrroXet?) and by the
overseers of the docks. Any person who had received ship^s
furniture was obliged to deliver it up according to the inven-
tory [Stdypa/jL/jLa rcov aKevoov), either at Athens, or to his
successor who was sent from the symmoria^". At this time
any person's property could be confiscated, if he did not sur-
render the ship's furniture, or transfer his own by sale to his
successor, who probably had power to distrain the property of
the former. From all these circumstances, which are stated in
the oration against Euergus and Mnesibulus^^% it is evident
that the vessels were equipped for the symmoriee by the state.

353

Orat. c. Euerg. et Mnesib. p. absurd

^^^ Concerning this expression see
Lex. Seg. p. 236.

1146.

^^* ToLS Tpiripapxois Toi^ eKTrXeovai
t6t€. Reiske's ovk eWXeovo-i is highly ' ^*® Pp. 1145— 1152.

2 o 2

564 THIRD FORM OF TRIERARCHY. [bK. IV.

In the same manner Demosthenes, in his speech concerning
the symmorise"^, proposes that the money still owing for
ship's furniture should be collected according to the inventory
belonging to the great symmoriae; that these classes should dis-
tribute the money thus received among their several divisions,
which should then send out the ships ready equipped. We
learn from the same orator, in the speech against Meidias^'%
that the state furnished the crew and equipment of the vessel to
the syntelias.

The trierarch therefore had only to take care that the vessel,
with all its appurtenances, was in proper repair and order as he
received it. Yet the trierarchs withdrew themselves even from
this duty; for the most wealthy, who were to perform the ser-
vice for their syntelia, let their trierarchy to a contractor for a
talent, and received the whole sum from their colleagues; so
that many in reality paid nothing, and yet were exempted by the
trierarchy from all other liturgies^ *^ Why the leases should
have been higher in more recent than in earlier times, when the
services required of the trierarchs had been increased, may
appear singular; but of this more will be said presently.

The irregularities which soon prevailed in the symmoriae
appear to have prevented them from attaining their end. On
this account Demosthenes®^" in Olymp. 106, 3 (b.c. 354), made
a proposal to improve the constitution of the symmoriae: the
essential points of which plan are as follows. Instead of 1200
he proposed to take 2000 persons, in order that, subtracting
all who had any possible ground of exemption, there would
remain without fail 1200. These were, as before, to be distri-
buted into twenty symmoriee of sixty members, and each again
into five divisions of twelve persons, every person being suc-
ceeded by another less rich than himself; and upon the whole
there were to be 100 small symmoriee^^\ The number of tri-
remes was to be 300, in twenty divisions, each of fifteen ships;
so that of each hundred, either the first, the second, or the third

*•'•' P. 183, 17 sqq. ! Corona, pp. 2f;0— 162.

3*« P. 5b'4 extr. p. 566 Piip. | ■'"^" De 8yminor. p. 182 sqq.

?*" Demosth. c. Mid. tibi sup. cf. de ^' Cf. Phot, in v. vavKpapia,

CH. XIII.] SYNTELI^ AND SYMMORl^. 565

(so called because they were to be successively summoned at
different times), each great symmoria was to receive five^ each
small symmoria one ship. Upon the whole each great was to
have fifteen and each small symmoria three ships. Moreover
the whole valuation of the country, amounting to 6000 talents,
was, '^ in order that the money also should be well regulated/'
to be divided into one hundred parts, each of 60 talents, of
which five parts would come to each large, and one to each
small symmoria, in order that if 100 triremes were required,
there should be 60 talents of the valuation to supply the
expenses, and that there should be twelve trierarchs to a ship.
If however there were 200 triremes, he proposed that there
should be allotted to each vessel 30 talents and six trierarchs;
and if there were 300, that 20 talents should be given to meet
the expenses, and that there should be four trierarchs.

Here is a difficulty with reference to the valuation, which
has been passed over by most of the commentators, and which
can only be explained in the following manner. Since 6000
talents were the valuation of the whole country and of all the
citizens whose property was valued (and not only of the Twelve
Hundred, as Budseus assumes in his interpretation of this pas-
sage) ^^*, and as in the symraoriee of the trierarchy there were in
reality only twelve hundred, the division of the valuation among
the symmorise cannot have been made for the expenses of the
trierarchy, but only for that which the state supplied for the
equipment of the fleet, and the maintenance and pay of the
crew. The orator also, if the 6000 talents had been the taxable
capital of the Twelve Hundred, must necessarily have spoken of
it more distinctly, when he mentions the manner in which they
were distributed: he would doubtless have said, that they were
to be so divided that each of the symmorise was to receive an
equal sum of money; that is to say, each of the small sym-
morise 60 talents; although the arrangement could not have
been made precisely in this manner. Consequently the orator
only sketches out a plan for the distribution of the property
taxes according to the valuation, parallel to the symmorise of

»«- De asse et partibus ejus, v. p. 534 sqq. Comp. above chap. 9.

566 THIRD FORM OF TRIERARCHY. [bK. IV.

the trierarchy, in order that out of the part of the valuation
which belonged to each symmoria of the trierarchy all the
expenses should be defrayed which the trierarchs did not
undergo; a proposal by which the system of naval affairs was
first firmly organized, since there was so frequently a defi-
ciency of pay and provision, and of the other articles which were
furnished by the state.

Moreover the public equipment was to be furnished to the
symmoriee, according to the same proportion, at the public
cost. The generals were also to divide the docks into ten
parts, in order that ships' stations to the number of thirty
should be situated near to one another ; that each part should
be assigned to a tribe or two symmoriee of sixty members, with
thirty ships, and a trierarch be appointed to each ship. The
place which each tribe received by lot was to be further divided
in the same manner among its third part {rpcTTus)^ so that each
should receive ten ships. The levying of the crews was to be
effected in the same manner.

Whether these good counsels were ever put into execution
we are not informed, but we know that this liturgy continued
to decline until Demosthenes passed the law concerning the
trierarchy according to the valuation, as he saw that naval
affairs, particularly with regard to the companies of sixteen,
were totally mismanaged ; that the rich exempted themselves
from the moderate contribution which was required; that the
property of the middling or poorer classes was gradually sacri-
ficed, as they contributed an equal sum with the wealthier,
without any distinction of property; and, finally, that the pre-
parations were never ready at the right time, and the state lost
its opportunity^^ ^

3^ Demostli. de Corona, p. 260. The j the trierarchy. But, in the first place,
expression areXels dno fiiKpav dvaXco- the words conti'adict one another ; for
fxaTiov admits of a two-fold explana- ' if these persons contributed small sums
tion. In the first place it might mean they were not entirely free ; also it
that they had obtained an immunity would have been necessary to mention
by means of small payments, as by this the burden from which they exempted
small contribution to the trierarchy i themselves, and 5ta would have been

better than dno : I therefore under-
stand the words thxis : " they exempted

they were exempted from liturgies
during the time that they were serving

CH. XIII.]

SYXTELI/E AND SYMMORl^.

567

This last consequence of mismanagement is censured by
Demosthenes as early as in Olymp. 107, 1 (b.c. 852)''*, and it
was partly to this reason, and partly to the exhaustion of their
strength, that a fresh necessity for the existence of voluntary
trierarchs was owing. The first voluntary trierarchy (eVtSoo-t?)
has been already noticed, the second was used for the fleet
against Olynthus'", and the third for the war in Euboea, in
which the Athenian army at Tamynee was supposed to have
been surrounded, which account, as was afterwards shown, only
originated in a stratagem of Phocion; at that time some citizens
made free gifts of triremes''^ perhaps together with the hull;
although it is possible that to make a free gift of a trireme
{rpLrjpT) eTTiSouvat) only means to equip a public trireme lying
in the docks, and to manage it at the individuals expense.

This third voluntary trierarchy occurred immediately before
the time when Demosthenes was insulted by Meidias at the
Dionysia, and composed the speech against that individuaP^^.
Now Demosthenes, according to the correct view of Corsini,
was born in Olymp. 98, 4 (b.c. 385), and not, as Dionysius
supposes, in Olymp. 99, 4 (b.c. 381), and when he wrote the
oration against Meidias was thirty-two years old'^% which there-
fore falls in Olymp. 106, 4 (b.c. 353) '^^ and not, as Dionysius

themselves from the expense, which
was proportionally small for their pro-
perty ;" for, as has been already shown,
the whole expenses were often de-
frayed by their colleagues, and they
themselves contributed nothing. The
common expression is indeed dreXrjs
TLvos, but in an unusual phrase like
the present, with the addition of the
words fxiKpcbv civaXoifxaTOiv the orator
might have added diro for the sake of
distinctness. [The first of these two
explanations is preferred by Schsefer,
Apparatus ad Demosthenem, vol. ii.
p. 153.— Transl.]

"^^ Philipp. i. p. 50.

se-^ Demosth. c. Mid. p. 5G6.

^^« Demosth. c. Mid. pp. 566— 5G8.

^f' P. 566, 28, where observe vvv,
and p. 567, 16.

=^^8 P. 564, 19.

^^^ See Wolf, p. cviii. cf. p. Lxii.
Petit iii. 4, 7, with less accuracy as-
sumes Olymp. 106, 3, not reckoning
the thirty-two years complete. My
statement may be also supported
against that of Dionysius by the tes-
timony of Demosthenes against Mei-
dias, p. 541, Demosthenes, after the
suit against his guardians, had brought
an action against Meidias for libellous
words {diK-q KaKTjyopias), on account of
the insult which Meidias had offered
to him at the very time when the
cause against Aphobus was to have
been brought before the court. Mei-
dias was condemned in contumaciam
(elXov eprjfjLrjv, says Demosthenes); af-
terwards however, as he did not pay
his fine, Demosthenes brought against

568

THIRD FORM OF TRIERARCHY

[bk. IV.

thinks, in Olymp. 10/; 4 (b.c. 349), and the Euboean war in
like manner in Olymp. 106, 4 (b.c. 353), or a short time before,
since some interval had elapsed between the offence and the
composition of the speech, as several passages of the oration
show, and must necessarily be the case from the course of
judicial proceedings. I remark besides, that the battle of
Tamynee''", and other events connected with the Euboean
expedition, have nothing to do with the expedition against
Euboea in Olymp. 109, 4 (b.c. 341), with which it may be
easily confounded. Plutarch of Eretria had caUed upon the
Athenians for assistance^'', and having a party in Athens, to
which moreover Meidias belonged^'*, he was supported against
the advice of Demosthenes, (who, in the oration concerning
Peace, delivered in Olymp. 108,3, b.c. 346''% boasts of having

him an actio rei judicatce {biKq e^ovXrjs)
eight years before the npo^oXr) against
Meidias on account of the insult at the
Dionysia. One cannot however well
reckon that so many years intei-\'ened
between the action against Apliobus
and the institution of the diKrj e^ovXrjs,
as to make the latter fall in Olymp.
105, 4; it would be more conveniently
placed in Olymp. 104, 4 j according to
which supposition the oration against
Meidias was written in Olymp. lOG, 4.
Taylor (Fvsef. ad Mid.) and Wolf (p.
c^•iii.) are indeed of opinion that events
are mentioned in the oration against
Meidias which happened later; but
there can be no doubt that none but
the expeditions already mentioned are
alluded to, which are evidently of ear-
lier date, and have been confounded
with the subsequent wars, the Olyn-
thian expedition even having been
mistaken by Ulpian ad p. 578, Reisk.
Upon the whole there is no reason for
supposing that Demosthenes wrote the
speech against Meidias a considerable
time after the event itself took place ;
on the contraiy, it may be distinctly
shown, for which at present 1 have no
room, that the speech was written soon

after the 7rpo/3oX^, and before the com-
position with Meidias, for which reason
it was left by him unfinished. [See
Clinton's Fast. Hellen. vol. ii. App.
c. 20, ed. 3.— Transl.]

370 ^schin. de Fals. Leg. p. 332
sqq. (delivered in Olymp. 109, 2,) and
c. Ctesiph. p. 480 sqq. Plutarch, Phoc.
1 2, 13, is most explicit upon this point ;
the date however cannot be deter-
mined from his account, as the events
that follow are narrated very briefly :
I only remark that the dismission of
Chares to the Hellespont, mentioned
in the Life of Phocion, chap. 16, must
not, for the purpose of reconciling it
with my account, be referred to that
which took place in Olymp. lOu, 4
(Diod.xvi. 34), but the historian passes
over to occurrences of far later date ;
of which elsewhere. Of the passage
in the speech agamst Bceotus de Nom.
p. 999, with regard to the battle of
Tamynse, I have already treated in
note 194.

-7' ^schin. p. 480, Plutarch, ubi
i sup.

"7* Demosth. c. :Mid. p. 579, 2, cf.
p. 650, extr.

=^7 P. 58, 3.

CH. XIII.] SYNTELI^ AND SYMMORI^E. 569

Opposed him,) and Phocion being sent as general was successful
in the battle against the mercenaries of Philip and those from
Phocis. Subsequently Plutarch the Eretrian was himself again
driven out by Phocion^^^ for having in conjunction with Hege-
silaus the Athenian deceived the people, and stimulated Eubcea
to revolt; on which account Hegesilaus was brought before a
court of justice^^'*; the free constitution of Euboea was re-esta-
blished; and the people were for a time their own masters,
until dissensions arose, which ended with the setting up of three
tyrants favoured by Philip; Hipparchus, Automedon, and Clei-
tarchus, and also of Philistides in Oreus, as Demosthenes^"*
relates in the third Philippic, which was spoken in Olymp.
109, 3 (B.C. 340); these same tyrants were however finally
driven out by the Athenians, at the persuasion of Demos-
thenes^'", and Cleitarchus was slain by Phocion in Olymp.
109,4 (B.C. 341)'^^ So much with regard to the Euboean
expedition.

With reference to the second voluntary trierarchy, for the
expedition against Olynthus, it will be seen that it did not occur
long before the third; for the war of Olynthus was still going on
at the conclusion of the Euboean war, as the cavalry which had
served at Euboea went from thence immediately to Olynthus^^".

374 Plutarch, in Phoc. j 16, p. 324, 16. Concerning Philistides

375 Demosth. cie Fuls. Leg. p. 434, see Demosth. Pliilip. iii. p. 119, 22,
14, and there Ulpian p. 390 D. To i p. 126, 3 sqq. de Corona p. 248, 15,
this war the passage in Orat. adv. : p. 252, 17 sqq.

Neter. p. 1346, 14, refers. Schneider ' ^77 Demosth. de Corona p. 252.
ad Xenoph. de Yectig. p- 151, con- ^78 j)Iq^ xvi. 74. Wesseling, in
founds with it the war of Olymp. 105, his note upon this passage, was aware
3, concerning which see above chap. 12, of the difference between the two bat-
and particularly the passages in note | ties won by Phocion, but he himself,
293. The passage there quoted from : as well as the commentators upon Plu-
tke speech for the Alegalopolitans, tarch, are in error, when they propose
which was delivered in Olymp. 106, 4, to write KXeirapxov for UXovTapxov
might indeed be refen-ed to the war of in Phoc. 13, not to mention others,
the latter year; the oration however i who confound the totally different
appears to have been spoken before accounts respecting Plutarch and Clei-
the beginning of the war, otherwise tarchus.

more mention would undoubtedly have ' ^^9 Demosth. c. Mid. p. 578 sup. Cf.
been made of it. 1 Orat. c. Neaer. ubi sup.

376 See p. 125, cf. de Corona p. 248, ,

570

THIRD FORM OF TRIERARCHY.

[bk.

We cannot therefore understand the auxiliary troops which
Athens furnished to the Olynthians against Philip in Olymp.
107j 4 (B.C. 349), although a body of cavalry was also sent
from Athens on that occasion^^"; nor can the war of Timotheus
against Olynthus be meant^^', which this general still carried on
with the assistance of the Macedonians^^', and which must thus
occur even before the first voluntary trierarchy (Olymp. 105, 3,
B.C. 358), probably in Olymp. 104, 1 (b.c. 364), when Timo-
theus took Torone and Potidsea^^^ cities which were of the
greatest importance to the Olynthians^ ^*. This expedition more
probably belongs to the times subsequent to Olymp. 105, 3
(B.C. 358), in which year Philip made an alliance with the
Olynthians, and gave them Pydna, with the promise of Potidaea
as welP^^; Athens and Olynthus were afterwards engaged in
hostilities^^^ for which in the 106th Olympiad the second volun-
tary trierarchy was doubtless necessary, after the Athenians had
exhausted themselves with the Social war.

Chapter XIV.

The Fourth Form of the Trierarchy. Trierarchy according to
the Valuation, as prescribed by the Law of Demosthenes^
after Olymp, 110, i (b.c. 339).

Demosthenes, being well aware of the defects in the constitu-
tion of the symmorise, at the time when he held the office of
manager of naval affairs {iTnardrrj^ rev vavrtKov), brought for-
ward in a new law an improved and rational constitution of the
trierarchy, having rejected the bribes which the leaders and
other wealthy members of the symmorise offered him, and with-
stood the action for illegal proceedings (ypa(f>r) Trapavoficov)
which Patroclus of Phlya had brought against him^^^

^" Philochorus ap. Dlonys. Halicar-
nass. vol. ii. p. 123, ed. Sylb.

^^' Concerning the latter person see
book ii. cli. 24.

^^^ Deniostli. Olynth. ii. p. 22, sup.

^«^ Diod. XV. «].

^^* Diod. xvi. 8.

3«5 Diod. ibid.

^^^ Libauiiis Argum. ad Demosth.
Olynth. 1.

^^ Demosth. de Corona, pp. 260,
261. Concerning the office which De-

CH. XIV.] FOURTH FORM OF TRIERARCHY. 571

The symmoriee and syntelice then in existence, the members
of which had even given up the names of trierarchs, and called
themselves partners or sharers (avvreXeh), were abolished, and
the services were again brought back to the valuation. The
trierarchs were, according to the words of the law, rated for a
trireme according to their property as stated in the register, in
such a manner that one trireme was required from 10 talents;
whoever was valued at a higher sum was, according to the same
proportion, returned to the trierarchy as being bound to furnish
three triremes and one auxiliary vessel {uTrrjperiKov) ; while all
those who had less than 10 talents were to unite in syntelias
until they made up that sum^^^ The terms of the law, although
towards the end they are not expressed with precision, distinctly
show that the 10 talents were not merely property, but the
property according to the valuation, or the taxable capital, as
Budaeus before understood it^^^ Thus if the valuation of the
year of Nausinicus was still in force, which was the foundation
of the proposals made in the speech concerning the symmorise
in Olymp. 106, 3 (b.c. 354), whoever was possessed of 50
talents was obliged to pro\dde one trireme; of 150 talents and
over, as in the case of Diphilus, was to supply three triremes,
and, to preserve the proportion, an auxiliary vessel besides: for
the sake however of preventing the burden from being too
oppressive, this was the highest rate 6ven for the most w^ealthy;
so that if a person was possessed of 500 talents, the number

mosthenes held when he put his pro-
ject into execution, see ^sch. c. Cte-
siph. p. 614. The law first came be-
fore the senate, who referred it to the

ovoiv T} ovaia a7T0T€TifjiTjfj.eur} fj )(^pr]fj.aTa>v,
Kara tov avaXoyKTfxbv ecoy TpicovrrXoiav
Koi vTTTjpeTLKOv T) XeLTOvpyla e(TT(0' Kara
TTjv avTTjv 8e avaXoy'iav earo) koi ols

people. Instead of eiarjveyKe vofiov eXdrTcov ovcrla earl twv deKa laXavTcop
els TO rpi-qpapxi-K-OV in the speech for the eiff avvreXeuiv (Tvvayop.4vois els ra dcKa
Ci own, should be read, elarjveyKe v6p.oi> Tokavra. On account of an observa-
rpiTjpapxiKov ; which I mention in order tion of the last editor, I may mention
that it may not be supposed that there ' that the ancient form is rpirjpapxos
existed a separate office called to Tpir)- ; and yvfxvaaiapxos, and not Tpirjpdpxijs,
papxiKov. ' yvfxvaaidpxf]S, as is proved by inscrip-

^^^ Demosth. ibid. p. 262, sup. Ka- | tions, for example, Corp. Inscript. Nos.
ToXoyos. Tovs Tpirjpdpxovs alpeladai ! 147 and 158.
enl TYjv TpLr)pr] dno ttjs ovcrias koto. tI- ^^^ Ubi sup. p. 543.
jXTjaiVj OTTO TaXdvTiov beKa' iav be rrXet- \

572 FOURTH FORM OF TRIERARCHY. [bK. IV.

which he was bound to furnish was the same: all who were
possessed of an inconsiderable property contributed according
to their valuation, and diminished in a corresponding ratio to
the diminution in their property.

By this law a great alteration was effected. All persons
paying taxes were rated under the new regulations; while the
poor, who had been very much oppressed during the time of the
Twelve Hundred, received some relief, which was the intention
of Demosthenes^®"; and those who formerly contributed a six-
teenth to the trierarchy of one vessel, were now trierarchs of
two^®'; that is to say, if their taxable capital amounted to 20
talents. Of persons whose valuation was still higher than this
sum Demosthenes says not a word, and it would almost appear
as if no higher valuations had been then in existence, although
they are allowed for in the law; and if the statements of the
property were correctly made, there must have been some of a
higher amount.

The consequences were, according to Demosthenes, highly
beneficial; during the whole war, which was carried on under
the regulations of the new law, no trierarch threw himself on
the protection of the people, or took refuge at the altar of Diana
of Munychia, or was thrown into prison; no trireme was lost
to the state, or remained lying in the docks, from there being no
means to send her out to sea, which had formerly been the case,
as the poor were unable to perform the necessary services.

What portion of the expense the trierarch was forced to
sustain, we are not informed; probably the same as under the
symmorise: and if the distribution was really made as the law
directed, and the trierarchy was performed in turn through the
whole valuation, \nthout ever falling a second time upon the
same person, however rich, it could not have been oppressive.
If we reckon that, as formerly, it cost about a talent, the total
expense of the trierarchs for 100, 200, or 300 triremes amounted
to an equal number of talents, or a sixtieth, a thirtieth, and a
twentieth of the valuation; that is to say, for the first class one-
third, two-thirds, and one per cent, of their property; for the

''s" De Corona, pp. 260—262. 39' Ibid. p. 261.

CH. XIV.] FOURTH FORM OF TRIERARCHY.

573

poorer a proportionally less amount: and of the annual incomes,
if they are only taken as a tenth part of the property, 3^, 6f,
and 10 per cent, for the most wealthy. But we may reckon that
at that time Athens had not more than between 100 and 200
triremes at sea; at least the occasions on which there were 300
must have been extremely rare, although the orators in exao--
geration speak of that number: so that this war-tax did not for
the richest class amount on an average to more than one-third
and two-thirds per cent, of their property.

The arrangement of Demosthenes was upon this occasion,
as in his former proposal concerning the constitution of the
symmorise, calculated for 300 triremes^^^; and for this number
300 trierarchs serving in person must have been necessary.
The chief burden therefore naturally fell upon the leaders of
the former symmorise, and upon the second and third symmo-
rites who were next in order (of whom Demosthenes says that
they would have been glad to have given him large sums of
money in order to prevent the passing of the law^^^), or upon
the Three Hundred, according to an earlier form of trierarchy,
as is proved by Hyperides making mention of them^^^; but
whether the Three Hundred continued to exist as a corporate
body, after the passing of the new law, cannot be ascertained,
although it can be hardly doubted thatnews ymmoriae and new
leaders were created.

Demosthenes boasts of his resistance to bribes in the intro-
duction of this law; while Dinarchus reproaches him with the
most disgraceful and rapacious conduct in the proceeding:
Demosthenes extols the fortunate consequences of his mea-
sures; but, as iEschines thinks that he has proved, he deprived

3»* Msch. c. Ctesiph. p. 614.

^83 De Corona, p. 260, 21, cf. Di-
narch. c. Demosth. p. 33, where the
bribery of the Three Hundred is men-
tioned. "Wolf p. cxv. after Corsini
was aware that Dinarchus and Demos-
thenes allude to the same thing ; the
points in which we disagree I leave to
the consideration of the reader.

'"^^■^ Hyperides ap. Harpocrat. in v.
(TVfifiopLa, compare Pollux viii. 100.
The Three Himdred mentioned by
Demosthenes de Corona, p. 285, 17, in
a narration belonging to Olymp. 110 2
(bc. 339), appear to be the three hun-
dred of the symraoriae of the property
taxes.

574

FOURTH FORM OF TRIERARCHY.

[bk. IV.

the state of the trierarchs of sixty-five swift-sailing triremes^''^
Which shall posterity believe, when it wishes to form a
judgment from the accounts of deceitful orators? It appears
to me that the statement of Demosthenes is defended by
the fact itself, and the general opinion concerning his whole
public Hfe. But instead of entering more largely into this
subject, I will only attempt to fix the period at which this law
was proposed.

According to a document still extant it was passed on the
16th of Boedromion in the archonship of Polycles^''; but
unfortunately no year bears his name. Corsini^" places him
in Olymp. 109, 4 (b.c. 341), which is called the year of Nico-
machus; but if his arguments are closely examined, their weak-
ness is soon perceptible. In Olymp. 109, 4, in the archonship
of Neocles or Nicocles, which falls in the year of Nicomachus,
it was proposed by Aristophon in the prytaneia of the tribe
Hippothontis on the last day of Boedromion, to claim from
Phihp the ships which he had taken away^^^: the law of Demos-
thenes was however passed on the 16th day of Boedromion
during the presidency of the same tribe; consequently, says he,
Polycles must have been archon in the same year. This con-
clusion is perfectly unwarranted. Nothing more follows, than
that in the year in which Polycles was archon, the tribe Hippo-
thontis had the third prytaneia, and likewise in Olymp. 109, 4;
only however in case both were common years: if the. year in
which Polycles was archon was an intercalary year, this agree-
ment could not have existed, but the same tribe must have had
the second prytaneia in that year; but even supposing it was a
common year, why should not the tribe Hippothontis have
been allotted the same prytaneia in two successive years?
Do we not find that the tribe Aiantis often held the first
place, although there was no necessity that it should be so^^^ ?

^^^ See Dinarclius and yEschines as
above.

=*«« Demosth. de Corona, p. 261.

397 F. A. vol. i. p. 352. He con-
fuses himself however in his inquiry,
and this confusion led Wolf into the

eiTor of supposing that Corsini meant
Olymp. 109, 3, when Sosigenes was
archon Eiionymus, p. 1 13 sq.

3»8 Demosth. de Corona, p. 250.

^^9 The tribe Aiantis had indeed so
far tlie preference that its chorus

CH. XIV.] FOURTH FORM OF TRIERARCHY. 575

Secondly, Corsini asserts that Demosthenes passed the law
before the war with PhiHp, which broke out in Olymp. 110, 1
(B.C. 340), consequently it must belong to the year mentioned
before. But I am unable to discover any proof that the law
was passed before the war.

Petit'*" on the other hand places the archon Polycles in
Olymp. 110, 2 (b.c. 339). For in Olymp. 110, 1, PhiHp
attacked Byzantium and Perinthus; and on this occasion the
Athenians, according to the account of Philochorus, equipped a
fleet upon the instigation of Demosthenes, who was the author
of the decrees, and also continued their preparations in the
succeeding year. Now Demosthenes, after having related that
Byzantium and the Chersonese were saved by his counsel, men-
tions the law concerning the trierarchy as the next service
which he had rendered the state*"'. The supposition of Petit
therefore appears to be well founded.

But it might be assumed with greater probability that the
law was passed in Olymp. 110, 1, in the month Boedromion,
that is in the autumn, about the month of September. Phihp,
according to the account of Philochorus, made an attack upon
Perinthus in the archonship of Theophrastus in Olymp. 110, 1,
and, when this undertaking had failed, upon the city of Byzan-
tium: it appears however that this either took place at the very
beginning of this civil year, or at the end of the former year,
■vHz. in the summer of Olymp. 109, 4, and Olymp. 110, 1, which
is signified by the new archon of the civil year which began in
the middle of this summer, and not by the archon of the pre-
ceding year which ended in the middle of the same summer.
For the historians reckon the natural year from spring to
spring: if then they wish to express the same year by the name
of the archon, or, what is the same thing, to compare it with

could never be the last (Plutarcli Qu. •'<"' Leg. Att. iii. 4, 8.
Symp. i. 10). In the allotment of the j ^"^ Philochor, pp. 75, 76, of the col-
prytaneias, it was however on pre- lection of his Fragments published by
cisely the same footing as the rest, ! Lenz and Siebelis. Demosth. de Co-
and might be the last : of which an in- rona, p. 260, 4, ^ovXofiai roivvv enaveX-
stance occurs in Demosth. de Corona, ^eti/, e^' a tovtcov e^rjs enoXiTevofjLTjv.
p. 289.

576 FOURTH FORM OF TRIERARCHY. [bK. IV.

the civil year, the natural method would be to choose the civil
year of which three-fourths coincided with the natural one, and
not the preceding year, which has only three months in com-
mon. If this is true, and the next summer of Olymp. 110, ^ is
not meant, the preparations must have been made in the same
autumn, in the beginning of Olymp. 110, 1, and Demosthenes
carried through the law concerning the trierarchy about the
September of Olymp. 110, 1, in order that in the following
campaign the war might be carried on in the spring with better
success; the archon Polycles must therefore be placed in the
year in which Theophrastus was archon Eponymus. There
cannot however be any doubt between any other years except
Olymp. 110, 1, and 2.

Of the duration of this law we know nothing, as we have no
accounts concerning later times. In the oration for the Crown
(Olymp. 112,3, B.C. 330), in which so much is said upon this
subject, it is neither mentioned that this law was still in
existence, nor that it had been repealed, nor that anything
had been substituted in its place; it appears, however, that
^schines, influenced by the bribes of the leaders of the
symmoriee, succeeded in procuring its abrogation*"*.

Chapter XV.

General Observations upon the Expense of a Trierarchy.

From what has been said it is evident that the trierarchy, the
most expensive of the liturgies, was not necessarily oppressive,
if the regulations connected with it were fairly and properly
arranged, though on the other hand no tax was more intolerable,
if the burthens were unequally imposed and distributed: for
thus it frequently happened that the property of those who
from motives of ambition or patriotism were induced to incur
greater expenses than were necessary, was exhausted by it.
Accordingly, not only were the rich impoverished by the
liturgies*"^ but they corrupted the people by their lavish

Domosth. de Corona, p. :\2\K "'•^ Xenoph. Rep. Atli. i. 13.

CH. XV.] EXPENSE OF A TRIERARCHY. 577

expenditure, as the sailors are said to have been by Apollo-
dorus, the son of Pasion, when trierarch^°^; we must not there-
fore be surprised at the exaggerations of the comic poet* % who,
in order to show the insecurity of all property which a man did
not hold, as it were, between his teeth, says that the payer of
property taxes might be utterly ruined by them, the choregus
could furnish his chorus with golden dresses, and leave himself
afterwards in rags; and the trierarch hang himself in despair.

But similar measures have also been employed in our days,
though under other circumstances, and in a somewhat different
form. If the ancients had been as well acquainted with the
pressure of armies living at free quarter, of war supplies and
forced loans, as we in the present time are with their liturgies,
they would have had more to apprehend from the introduction of
our system than we could have of theirs; especially as the means
of legal redress were then far more accessible than in modern
times. If we (in Germany) had the same publicity of govern-
ment and freedom of discussion as existed in Greece, as many
stories to our prejudice would descend to our posterity as have
been handed down to us in the works of their orators on the
subject of the liturgies; and if the persons who were liable to
war taxes, or who had soldiers quartered on them, were allowed
to challenge an exchange of property with any one who might
appear better able to bear these burdens, the same number of
courts of justice as existed at Athens would hardly suffice
to decide the disputes which would arise in a city of equal
extent*.

With regard to the trierarchy, although the expenses
required were very different at different times, the statements
of the ancients all lead to the same result, viz. that a whole
trierarchy did not cost less than 40 minas, nor more than a
talent; and that a half trierarchy cost between 20 and 30
minas, except in such a case as that of ApoUodorus, where

*"■* Demosth. c. Polyclem.
•*"* Antiphanes ap. Athen. iii. p.
103 F.

* [It is to be borne in mind that

the original of this work was pub-
lished in 1817, a time when the re-
flections in the text might naturally
occur to a German. — Transl.]
2 P

578 EXPENSE OF A TRTERARCHY. [bK. IV.

the trierarch supplied the pay, or subjected himself to other
unnecessary expenses, or managed his affairs without economy.

A trierarchy which lasted for three years after the battle of
Cnidus, cost, according to Lysias, 80 minas*"% that is, upon an
average, 26f a year, which was doubtless only a half or syn-
trierarchy; in the later times of the Peloponnesian war a
trierarchy of two partners cost 48 minas, 24 a-piece**'^ The
half trierarchy which was let by Demosthenes, cost 20 minas,
the state neither providing the equipment, nor even supplying
the crew.

At a subsequent period the lease of a whole trierarchy cost
a talent, although the vessels were both manned and equipped
by the state'"', which may be explained by supposing that the
contractors, who had before reckoned upon captures, and there-
fore required less assistance, had been taught by former losses
to raise their demands; the ship^s furniture might also have
been damaged and imperfect, and the vessels themselves in
want of much repair. A whole trierarchy for seven years in
earlier times (from Olymp. 92, 2, until Olymp. 93, 4, B.C. 411
— 5), had cost a client of Lysias 6 talents, that is, 51^ minas a
year*•'^

But the proportion which the services bore to the property,
before a correct allotment had been enforced by law, cannot be
ascertained, on account of the absence of a fair scale founded
upon fixed principles. The only question therefore of which
we can offer any solution is, what was the amount of property
which obliged the citizens to the performance of the trierarchy;
even upon this point however we are unable to state a determi-
nate sum, although some fixed rate must have existed.

ApoUodorus the trierarch had an annual income of 2
talents*'"; the family of Demosthenes, which was liable to the
performance of the trierarchy, an estate of 15 talents*' ', that
produced at the least an income of 90 minas a year, and

*o« Pro Aristoph. bonis, p. G33, p.
643.

4"7 Lysias c. Diogit. pp. 907—909.

*°8 See chap. 12 and 13.

"'^ Book iii. cli. 22.
^•° Book iv. ch. 3.
^" Book iv. ch. 3

CH. XV.J EXPENSE OF A TRIERARCHY. 579

Isaeus''^ complains that a person with an income of 80 minas,
which supposes a property of about 1 1 talents, had not per-
formed any trierarchy. Critobulus, as mentioned in Xeno-
phon*^% had a property of more than 500 minas, which would
subject him, in the opinion of Socrates, among other expenses
to the pay of more than one trierarchy, in case a war should
break out; that is to say, he would be forced to perform the
syntrierarchy, which had been introduced about twelve years
before the death of Socrates, and which was in existence when
Xenophon wTote this passage. The word 7j«?/ is used because
a trierarch who did not command his own vessel, made a pay-
ment to the other trierarch who served in person, which appears
to be in strictness a remuneration for services performed. I
am aware of no instance of liability to the trierarchy arising
from a property of less amount than this; and since an estate of
1 or 2 talents never obliged the possessor to the performance of
any liturg}^*^*, what shall be said to the assertion of Is8eus*'*, that
many had borne the expensive office of trierarch, whose property
did not amount to 80 minas ? If this is not a rhetorical exag-
geration, or a deceit on the part of the rich, who, by concealing
their property, wished to enjoy the credit of a greater sacrifice,
while they only performed their just share, these must have been
services performed by ambitious and public-spirited citizens,
who did not hesitate to contribute to a syntrierarchy a con-
siderable portion of a small property. The same judgment may
be formed on the case of another client of the same orator*' ^
who defrayed the expenses of a gymnasiarchy from a supposed
fortune of about 83 minas.

•*^- De Dicaeog. Hered. p. 110. j was never bound to furnish the pay,

•*^3 (Econ. 2, 6, Tptrjpapxias pnaOovs. | and if pay were meant, the expression

Pay for the sailors cannot be here used must have been pna-Qovs vavrav

meant. Reckoning the pay without and not rpirjpapxLas.

the pro\ision at 20 minas a month, al- I *'"* See book iii. ch. 21.

though 30 were often given, the result *^' De Dicaeog. Hered. ubi sup

would be such a sum as no trierarch ""^^ De Menecl. Hered. pp. 219—223.

overpaid or could pay; we have also Orell.

sufficiently proved that the trierarch

P 2

580

THE ANTIDOSIS.

[bk.

Chapter XVI.

The Antidosis, or compulsory Exchange of Property,

At the conclusion of our researches concerning the liturgies,
it will be necessary to say something on the subject of the
exchange (avr/Soo-t?).

For the purpose of relieving the poor^ and particularly those
whose property had been diminished by reverses of fortune^ '%
from the oppression of an unfair burden^ and in order to pre-
vent the wealthy from escaping the liturgies, it was enacted by
law that whoever named another person to a liturgy, whom he
thought to have been passed over, though better able to under-
take it than himself, was empowered to transfer it; and in case
the latter party refused to take it, he could demand an exchange
of property, with the condition that he should then perform the
liturgy from the property received by him in exchange; and
the party, to whom the exchange had been oiFered, could no
longer be called upon to perform if^^ Solon was the author
of this regulation, which, though obviously subject to many
difficulties, was neither unjust nor absurd^^% and it provided a
ready means of redress against arbitrary oppression. To assist
every man in obtaining his right, and to afford protection to the
poor, were the predominant objects of the legislation of Solon,
which he pursued without paying any regard to the inconve-
niences which might arise from the means employed in attaining
them.

The exchange most frequently occurred in the case of the
trierarchy, and not uncommonly in that of the choregia"-"; it
existed, however, in the other liturgies, and could also be had
recourse to as a relief from the property taxes, if, for example,
any one complained that his means were not greater than those

*-7 Orat. c. Phaenipp. pp. 1039, 1040.
''^^ Suidas in v. avridoais, Lex. Seg.
p. 197, Ulpian ad Mid. p. 660 A.
*'^ Orat. c. Phsenipp. init.

^'" Xenoph. fEcon. 7, 3, Lysias 7rep\
Tov dSvvar. p. 745, Demosth. c. Lept.
§ 109 (p. 496, 20), c. Mid. n. 565, 8.

CH. XVI.]

THE ANTIDOSIS.

581

of some other person who was rated to a lower class, or, as
was frequently the case, that persons could prove themselves
unfairly included in the class of the Three Hundred"'. This
proceeding was allowed every year to the persons nominated
for the liturgies by the regular authorities, which in the case of
the trierarchy and property taxes were the generals"*, to the
great delay of military aifairs. The offerer immediately laid a
sequestration upon the property of his opponent, and sealed up
his house, if he refused to accept the liturgy; the house was
however free to the first party. The next step was that both
the parties undertook upon oath to give an account of their pro-
perty, and were bound within the space of three days to deliver
in an inventory [airo^avcns) to each other. Then the cause
was decided by the court^^^. If the decision was unfavourable
to the party who made the offer, the proposed exchange did not
take place; and it was in this manner that Isocrates gained his
cause by means of his son Aphareus, against Megacleides, who
had demanded to exchange property with him. If however the
decision was in favour of the oflferer, the opponent was free
either to accept the exchange, or to perform the liturgy. On
that account Isocrates undertook the third of the three trie-
rarchies performed by himself and his son, when Lysimachus
liad claimed to exchange with him''^*; and it is to this the
oration concerning the exchange refers, a speech of great
length, but barren of information. Lastly, the party to whom
the ofi"er was made, could not bring the cause into court,
after the seal had been once imposed; but he was then

''2' Orat. c. Phaenipp. particularly p.
1046, 24, from whence it is pretty cer-
tain that the question in the speech
relates to the advance of the taxes.
Concerning translation from one class
into another, compare also the argu-
ment to this oration.

4^^ Orat. c. Phtenipp. p. 1040, De-
mosth. Philipp. i. p. 50, 20, Xenoph.
Rep. Ath. 3, 4 ; comp. Suidas in the
passage quoted by MattliiaB, Miscell.
Philolog, vol. i. p. 249.

*'^'^ Orat. c. Pha3uipp. cf. Xenopli.

ubi sup. (unless it be thought that law
suits wdth regard to ship's furniture
are here meant, see the speech against
Euergus and Mnesib. p. 1148, I? sqq.)
Suid. in v. diadiKaa-ia.

^2-» Isocrat. de Antid. 2, ed. Hall, p.
80, ed. Orell. Comp. the inaccm-ate
account in the Lives of the Ten Orators,
p. 240, and the more correct one in
p. 244. Dionys. Halicarn. Vit. Di-
narch. ad fin. Aphareus is also men-
tioned as triei-arch in Orat. c. Euerg.
et Mnesib. p. 1148.

582 THE AXTIDOSIS. [bK. IV.

obliged to take the liturgy; as was the case with Demos-
thenes^".

All immoveable and moveable property was transferred in
the exchange, with the exception only of mines''^% which were
exempted from the extraordinary taxes and the liturgies, as
being already taxed. On the other hand, Wesseling upon
Petit maintains that all actions, and Wolf that all civil actions,
of the parties making the exchange, were transferred from the
one to the other. Both regulations are too absurd to be
imputed to the Athenian law. With regard to public actions it
is evident at first sight that this could not have been the prac-
tice. We will suppose that Demosthenes and Thrasylochus
exchanged their property, and that Demosthenes had an action
for illegal proceedings pending against him; if then Demos-
thenes was afterwards condemned to death, is Thrasylochus
to be executed? No one indeed imagined this possible; but
supposing Demosthenes was condemned to a fine of 50 talents,
is Thrasylochus to pay the fine, and in case of failure to be
thrown into prison, and to suffer whatever were the other con-
sequences of such omission ? A regulation of this kind would
be impossible, for the law could only punish the person who
actually committed the offence. The case is precisely the same
with civil or private cases. If Thrasylochus struck Callias, or
injured his property in any manner, and an action was brought
against him before the exchange took place, and after it had
been completed, was condemned to pay to Calhas a certain
sum for damages, Demosthenes is evidently not bound to pay
this sum; for the liabiUty is personal, and necessarily continues
so. Or if Thrasylochus had a private law suit relating to some
mining affair, the mines being a species of property which was
excluded from the exchange, it is manifest that when the
exchange was made, the law suit could not have been trans-
ferred to Demosthenes.

Now let us suppose another case. Demosthenes brings an
action against Aphobus for having damaged his property, and

*** C. Aphob.ii. p. «41, c.Mid. p. 540. I my Dissertation upou the Silver Mines
*''^^ Orat. c. Phaeuipp. p. 1044. Com. | of Laurium.

CH. XVI.] THE ANTIDOSIS. 583

demands a compensation of 10 talents: while the case is
pending^ he exchanges his property with Thrasylochus; in this
instance it is agreeable to common sense that the cause should
pass over to Thrasylochus, who is at liberty either to proceed
with itj or allow it to fall to the ground; and if he adopts the
former course, he has no one to blame for the issue of it but
himself. In otlier words, the parties making the exchange
transferred their property, mines being excepted, with all claims
and obligations attached to it, and particularly all debts, as
may be seen from the speech against Pheenippus. This holds
good of every other transfer of property, even when there was
no interchange: whoever received an estate by inheritance,
received also the rights and duties belonging to it: and with
regard to the exchange the same rule obtained.

The single case from which it has been inferred that law
suits were transferred in the exchange, exactly proves what has
been stated. When the action of Demosthenes against his
guardians (from whom he claimed compensation for the pro-
perty of which they had defrauded him, and thus in fact
demanded restitution of what had formerly belonged to him,
as of an unpaid debt) was to have come before the court in a
few days, Thrasylochus offered to exchange property with him,
having a secret understanding with the guardians, that if Demos-
thenes accepted the offer, he (Thrasylochus) would not proceed
with the cause against them; because these law suits, as
the orator expressly says, were transferred to the party who
made the exchange**^ Demosthenes accepted the exchange,
reserving, however, his claims upon the guardians, in the
hope of a judicial decision, by which the reservation would
be granted to him: failing, however, to attain this object,
and as there was no time to be lost, he cancelled his agree-
ment to the exchange, and performed the trierarchy, in order
that he might not give up the cause against his guardians, to
whom his opponent had already yielded the dispute''^\

''^^ C. Aphob. ii. p. 840 ext. tv' el j dvTibovros yiyvofxevcou.
fxev dvTi8(OT]v, fxr) c^eir] fxoi npos avTovs \ ^'■^ Ibid. p. 841, c. Mid. p. 539 sqq.
avTidmelv, cos Koi tu>v 8ik(ov tovtoov tov \

584 MEANS EMPLOYED TO [bK.

Chapter XVII. .

Extraordinary means employed by the Greek States to relieve
pecuniary difficulties: namely y Foreign Subsidies, Plunder,
Captures, forced and voluntary Contributions,

Notwithstanding the extensive resources of Athens and her
various means of raising money, she shared the common fate of
the Grecian states, and was frequently exposed to the greatest
difficulty by an inability to pay comparatively trifling sums,
arising from the want both of foresight and economy in the
management of the revenue''"^ Thus Athens, after the
anarchy, at a time when the state was completely exhausted,
was driven into hostilities w4th the Boeotians, by an inability to
raise 2 talents""; and subsequently the Thebans themselves
were prevented from recovering their citadel from the foreigners
by being in like manner unable to raise 5 talents; and an expe-
dition of all the Arcadians failed in attaining its object from a
want of 9 talents'"^ It is not therefore surprising that the
states of Greece resorted to other means of raising money than
those that have been already mentioned, and particularly for
defraying the expenses of war.

Among these may be mentioned the Persian subsidies,
which were chiefly obtained by Sparta for the purpose of being
employed against Athens*^^. The occasions upon which the
latter state receiv^ed support from the king of Persia or his
satraps were rare, as for example, through Alcibiades and
Conon; in the contests against Macedon, when it was the policy
of the Persian king to assist the Athenians with money, he at
first refused it in a coarse and barbarous epistle; and shortly
afterwards, when it was too late, and the Athenians no longer
ventured to accept any aid, he off'ered them 300 talents.

^*^ Instances of embarrassment see
iu Thucyd. viii. 4, and above book iii.
ch. 19.

*'" Lys. c. Nicomach. p. 860.

"' ^sch. c. Ctesiph. p. 633.

^32 More than 5000 talents; see
book i. ch. 3. This took place later
than Olynip. 91, 4 (b.c. 413), as is
shown by Andoc. de Pace, p. 103, cf.
Thucyd. viii. 5.

en.

XVII.] RELIEVE I^ECUXIARY DIFFICULTIES.

585

Another productive source of revenue*^^ was the plunder
obtained in war; for according to the international law of the
ancientSj the bodies of all prisoners, together with their wives,
children^ and slaves, and their whole property, moveable and
immoveable, became the property of the conqueror ; and it
was only by particular stipulations that milder conditions were
obtained; for example, that the free population of a conquered
city should be permitted to go out with a single garment each,
or to pay a large contribution, or to cultivate their own lands
upon the payment of a rent. The troops were also frequently
paid out of the plunder; and the conquered land was theu
immediately sold. The Athenian generals also in one instance
received 60 talents for nine triremes, w^hich had been captured
from Dionysius''^*. For reprisals against the enemy they were
in the habit of taking prisoners {dvBpoXyyfrLa, avhpoXrj^iovY^^,
and granted, both against states and individuals, permission to
privateer (aOXa, avXaL)*^^. A prize-court decided upon the
plunder which was taken*^^; the tenth part of which was allotted
to the temple of Minerva^^^, and the rest must have belonged
to the adventurers: under certain circumstances however it fell
to the state*^% and the proceeds were frequently considerable.
Thus a ship of Naucratis, which the court had adjudged to the
state, was estimated at 9^ talents''*''.

The contributions, which were imposed upon conquered
states, were sometimes of large amount; Pericles raised 80 and
at another time 200 talents from the island of Samos as a fine
and compensation for the expenses of the war, for which indeed
they were not sufficient'"'; at times they were taken not from
the whole state, but from individuals whose principles were not

*33 ^schin. ubi sup. p. 632 sq. cf.
Dinarch. c. Uemosth, p. 14, where the
same occurrence is probably alluded to.

*3* Diod. XV. 47, xvi. 57.

*35 See Petit Leg. Att. vii, 1. 17,
Lex. Seg. p. 213.

^^® Conceruiug the avXas diBovai,
comp. e. g. Demosth. c. Lacrit. p. 931,
23.

^37 Cf. Salraas. M. U. p. 211 sqq.
Liban. Argum. ad Demosth, c. Timo-
crat. p. 694, 20.

*^^ See book iii. ch. 6.

^39 Demosth. c. Timocrat. and Liba-
nius ubi sup.

^■^^ Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 696, 5,
14, p. 703, 15.

**' Diod. xii. 27, 28, Thucyd. i. 117.

586

MEANS EMPLOYED TO

[bk. IV.

agreeable to the ruling power''^^ In general^ ho^yever, these
contributions had the character of mere arbitrary extortions
alike from friends and foes; vessels were dispatched in order to
collect money {apyvpoXoyelv, BaajjLo\oyelv)**^, and not legal tri-
butes alone but additional contributions, which impoverished
the ill-fated inhabitants of the islands; Alcibiades, who had a
particular dexterity in business of this description, and to
whom they were most willing to give contributions, raised 100
talents in Caria alone^". The Athenians went about as pirates,
in order to defray the expenses of war; and this even in the
earlier and better times of Athens, for we find that Miltiades
undertook an expedition for plunder against Paros, in order to
raise 100 talents*^^ They also imposed fines upon different
states for particular offences; thus for example the Melians, (or
according to another reading, the Tenians,) were required to
pay a fine of 10 talents, for having harboured pirates in their
island, which sum was collected with violence^".

Lastly, a source of revenue by no means unproductive
existed in the calls frequently made in the assembly*^' for
voluntary contributions {eTTtSocrecs), either in money, arms, or
ships; and these, as they smoothed the way to popular favour,
and as many were either willing to sacrifice all they had to the
good of their country, or expected advantage to themselves
from its prosperity, were bestowed largely by citizens and
foreigners, especially such as were endeavouring to obtain the
rights of citizenship. The voluntary trierarchies and the great
sacrifices which were made in the earlier times for the expe-
dition to Sicily, have been already mentioned; Pasion the
banker furnished 1000 shields from his own manufactory,
together with five triremes which he manned at his own cost*"*^;
Chrysippus presented a talent to the state, when Alexander
moved against Thebes, and afterwards the same sum for the

**^ An instance occurs in Diod. xiii.
47.

**^ Tliucyd. iii. IJJ, and frequently in
the Historians.

''' Xenoph. HeUen. i. 4, 4.

*^^ Herod, vi. 130.

*'^ Orat. c.
—28.

Theocrin. p. 1339, 2

^•'^ Demosth. c. Mid. p. 567, Plu-
tarch. Alcib. 10, Theophrast. Char. 22,
Athen. iv. p. 168, E. Plutarch. Phoc. 9.

*^» Demosth. c. Steph. p. 1127, 12.

CH. XVII.] RELIEVE PECUNIARY DIFFICULTIES.

5S7

purpose of purchasing corn'''; Aristophanes, the son of Nico-
pheraus, gave 30,000 drachmas for an expedition against
Cyprus""; Nausicles, general of the hoplit® in Imbros, sup-
plied 2000 men with pay without requiring any compensation
from the state; Charidemus and Diotimus, two other comman-
ders, made a free gift of 800 shields'*''; Demosthenes not only
performed voluntary liturgies and contributed money for the
public works, but gave on diflferent occasions three triremes,
and also at one time eight talents, to which he afterwards added
three more for the building of the walls, one talent after the
battle of Cheeronea, and another for the purchase of corn*".
As they were accustomed to give presents upon so large a scale,
Isseus"^ might well reproach Dicaeogenes, who was possessed of
an income of 80 minas, with having given no more than 300
drachmas, even less than Cleonymus the Cretan. It is singular
that voluntary contributions were not claimed for wars only, or
to assist the people during a scarcity of provisions, but even for
sacrifices'*'*.

Chapter XVIII.
Public Loans.

Of the other measures by which the Greeks endeavoured to
provide for any temporary difficulty of the state, and of which
the second book of the CEconomics attributed to Aristotle fur-
nishes a considerable collection, I will now mention some of
the most remarkable, although many are not better than
common tricks of roguery and swindling.

Of these the most frequent, and indeed the least objection-
able, is the borrowing of money, which was not so extensively
practised in ancient as in modern times, both because credit
was at a low ebb, and also because the high rate of interest was
a great obstacle to the creation of a national debt; besides
which their system of finance had not the solidity nor was of

*^» Demosth. c. Pliorm. p. 918, inf.
'*" Lys. pro Aristoph. bonis p. 644.
^*' Demosth. de Corona, p. 265.

4^ Decret. ap. Vit. x. Orat. p. 275 sq.
453 De DicsBOg. llered. j). 111.
4*-' Plutarch. Thoc. 'J.

588 PUBLIC LOANS. [bK. IV.

the artificial nature which this method of raising money
requires; hence they preferred procuring the necessary supphes
immediately by a property tax_, to borrowing the necessary sum
and aften\'ards repaying it at a high interest. We do however
find examples of loans of various kinds (either from foreign
states and individuals, or from the inhabitants of the state
itself), as of property sacred or not sacred, paying or not pay-
ing a rent, with or without security, voluntary or compulsory,
and sometimes with a certain allowance of a currency of tokens.
The loans of most frequent occurrence were those obtained
by a state from its own citizens, as they required the least credit
and were most easily eflfected: rich aliens at x\thens under the
protection of the state sometimes made a voluntary oflfer of
lending money*": a loan to one state from a citizen of another
occurs in an Orchomenian Inscription*. Sparta furnished the
Samians, w-ho endeavoured to reconquer their native country,
with a sum of money which they raised by a public decree in
a manner w^hich seems more amusing to us than it could have
been agreeable to the Spartans. It was eflfected by the inha-
bitants fasting for one day together with their slaves and cattle^
and each person was obliged to contribute to the state the same
quantity that he would have consumed''^^ for which probably
no repayment was required. This state also lent 100 talents to
the Tliirty Tyrants at Athens; w^hich the people, whether from
love of justice, as Demosthenes affirms, or through fear of the
Spartans, redeemed by a general property tax, though some
persons required, and not without an appearance of justice, that
those who had incurred the debt should pay if*". In this loan
there was doubtless neither interest nor security. Loans of
money belonging to the temples frequently occur, and, for the

■»** It was however necessary for ' the same story of a present of corn
them to avoid committing any solecism sent by the Spartans to the Sniyr-
in their language which could shock j nseans. Are we to suppose that this

the Athenian ear, if they wished their
proposal to be accepted. Photius in
V. Bepici).

* Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 1569.

*^'^ Aristot. (Econ. ii. 2, 9, Plutarch,
(de Discrim. Amic. et Adul. 33), relates

generous action was repeated, or that
one of the accounts is untrue ?

••^7 Demosth. c. Leptin. § 10, 11,
Isocrat. Areop. 28, Lysias c. Nicoiii.
p. 800, Xenoph. Hell. ii. 4, 19, Plu-
tarch. Lysand. 21.

CH. XVIII.]

PUBLIC LOANS.

589

most part without interest**®. Besides the large sums of money
which Athens borrowed from its temples, it may be also men-
tioned, that the temple of Delos, which was under the power of
Athens, had lent money upon interest to private individuals,
and even to many states*". The money deposited in the hands
of Lycurgus, and advanced by him for the use of the adminis-
tration, may be considered as a loan of private individuals
without interest.

Of a security or pledge in the case of public loans there are
but few examples : Memnon of Rhodes, the governor of Lamp-
sacus, assigned to the creditors the national revenues which
were next due ; Tachus, the king of Egypt, did the same, upon
the advice of Chabrias*^"; the Oreitge of Eubcea are stated to
have pledged the public revenues to Demosthenes for a debt
bearing interest ^®^; and at Orchomenus the cattle-pastures
appear to have been given to an Elatean, as a security for a
loan of money*^^

Compulsory loans are all those which were imposed upon
certain persons by a decree of the people, or the command of
a tyrant, either because they were particularly rich or in the
possession of those objects which were required. The advance
of taxes made by the wealthy Athenians^" belongs generically
to this class, although there is a difference in the form, for the
state was not, in this instance, the debtor, but the poorer
citizens, who escaped the equal proportion of the taxes. The
Chians obtained a forced loan, which fell solely upon the
capitalists, in the following manner: they ordered that all the
money lent out to private individuals, which in this island was
entered in a public register, should be delivered up by the
debtors to the state, which then undertook their obligations,
and engaged itself to pay the interest out of the public
revenue until it was able to redeem the principal"^ Diony-
sius the elder, and Tachus, required all the uncoined gold
and silver to be lent to the state : the Mendaeans, wishing to

*-^^ Corp. Inscript. Nos. 76 and 144.
"^^ Corp. Inscript. No. 158.
'^<* Aristot. (Econ. ii. 2, 20, 25. Cf.
Polygen. v. 11, 5.

■*«' .ICschin. c. Ctesiph. p. 496.

^^^ Corp. Inscript. No. 1569.

^^ See book iv. ch, 9.

'^^ Aristot. (Econ. ii. 2, 12.

590 PUBLIC LOANS. [bK. IV.

raise money for the war against Olynthus, decreed that every
person should sell all his slaves, with the exception of one
female and one male, in order to lend to the state the money
which accrued from the sale : the Clazomenians passed a decree
compelling private individuals to advance all their stock of oil,
a commodity which was produced in that state in great
abundance, in consideration of the payment of a sum of money,
with a view to remedy the scarcity of corn : the Ephesians
prohibited the women from wearing gold ornaments, and com-
pelled them to deliver what they had as a loan to the state"".
The Clazomenians owed 20 talents to their mercenaries for
arrears of pay, for which they paid a yearly interest of 4 talents
to the commanders ; thus they were continually making useless
payments, without arriving any nearer to the redemption of
the debt. They, therefore, coined 20 talents of iron money, to
which they arbitrarily gave the value of silver, distributed it
proportionally among the most wealthy, and received an equal
quantity of silver in return, by which they redeemed the debt"^\
The iron, which was thrown into circulation by the possessors,
replaced the silver as a currency of tokens, and therefore the
quantity of money in circulation was not diminished ; the iron
money performed the same service at home as the silver
formerly, and whatever silver they possessed besides that
furnished to the state, could be used for foreign exchanges. So
far then this iron coinage stood to them in the same relation as
the paper money of modern days. But the state also paid an
interest to those persons whose silver it had received, and
gradually redeemed the iron for silver: thus these iron coins
also served the purpose of a certificate of debt. It is manifest
that the interest must have been small ; for they probably gave
less than the common rate, as the creditors also possessed the
current tokens : if the state paid 10 per cent., with the 4 talents
which were formerly given to the commanders every year, it
might have both paid the interest and redeemed the principal
in about eight years.

•*" Aristot. (Econ. ii. 2, 20, 25 (cf. | •"^'' Aristot. (Econ. ii. IG.
Polysen. V. 11,5), 21, 16, 19.

CH. XIX.] ALTERATIONS IN THE CURRENCY.

591

It hardly deserves to be mentioned that states as well as
private individuals gave bonds of debt, which were sometimes
deposited in the hands of private individuals"^^, particularly of
bankers, and sometimes, if the money had been borrowed from
sacred corporations, in temples, &c''^''.

Chapter XIX.

Alterations in the Currency, as a Financial Ea?pedient.

A fraudulent method of assisting the finances, which was
only effectual for the moment, and in the sequel produced the
most pernicious consequences, was the coining of base kinds of
money.

Many Grecian states, even in the time of Solon, openly
made use of silver money alloyed with lead or copper'*"^, which,
although it was not productive of any disadvantage to the
inland traffic of the country, was either wholly or nearly devoid
of value in foreign exchanges. It happened, however, but
seldom that the state was an intentional coiner of false money;
a charge which nevertheless falls with justice upon Dionysius
the Elder, who left no evil means untried of putting his tyran-
nical projects into execution. In order to pay a sum of money
which he had borrowed from the citizens for defraying the
expenses of ship-building, he compelled the creditors to receive
a coinage of tin, which, according to Pollux, who probably
follows Aristotle in the constitution of the Syracusans, passed
for 4 drachmas, and was only worth 1"^". The same person, on
another occasion, being unable to repay a loan which was
claimed of him, commanded his subjects upon pain of death to
produce all their silver, which he coined and reissued at twice
its former value, and then paid the debt at this standard*^ \

*«7 Corp. Inscript. No. 1569.

^''^ Ibid, No. 76.

"69 Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 766, 10.
Cf. Xenoph. de Vectig. 3.

''^o Aristot. CEcon. ii. 2, 20 ; Pollux,
viii. 79. That Dionysius the Elder is

here meant, is shown by the siege of
the Regini, the date of which is
Olymp. 98, 2 (b.c. 387). Cf. Diod.
xiv. 111.

"'^^ This is the meaning of the passage
in the CEconomics. The two accounts

592 ALTERATIONS IN THE CURRENCY, [bK. IV.

An action of similar dishonesty had been before committed at
Athens, by Hippias the Pisistratid. He called in all the silver
in circulation, which was taken at a fixed value ; and after-
wards, a new device having been agreed upon, he reissued the
silver at a higher value than that at which it had been paid
in*'*. Republican Athens, on the other hand, anxiously main-
tained the purity of her silver coin ; and although the fineness
of the standard was latterly somewhat diminished, the state,
which had made the forging of coins a capital offence'''^, never
chose to derive any profit from the debasement of her silver
coinage.

It is, however, true that Athens, in the archonship of
Antigenes (Olymp. 93, 2, B.C. 407), there being at that time a
great difificulty in raising money for the extensive military
preparations in progress, was reduced to the necessity of
coining gold with strong alloy from the statues of Victory*^* ;
and in the year which succeeded the issuing of this adulterated
money, in the archonship of Callias (Olymp. 93, 3, B.C. 406),
a coinage of copper was struck^^% which was soon afterwards
recalled^ -^ This copper was doubtless intended to supersede
the silver oboli, and must have been issued below its real value,
as otherwise there could have been no reason for recalling it
from circulation : Athens, however, had some copper coins
which were always current, viz., the chalcus, having the value
of an eighth obolus, and also the lepta, it being impossible to

are totally different, although they
have been confounded by the same
writer. Salmasius (M. U. p. 247) con-

eys Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 737-
■*76 Aristoph. Eccles. 8J0 sqq. The
Commentators upon Aristophanes and

founds them with one another, and I Eckhel (see book i. ch. 6, note 78)
arbitrarily mutilates the words of I have confounded the gold coins alloyed
Pollux. with copper and the copper coins ;

^"■^ This is the manner in which and if the words of Aristophanes are
Aristot. CEcon. ii. 2, 4, should be un- ' correctly explained, it will be seen

derstood.

"73 Demosth. c. Lept. p. 508, 13, c.
Timocrat. p. 765 extr.

^7^ See book i. c. 6. It is to this that

that the poet speaks of the former in
the Frogs, and of the latter in the
Ecclesiazus9B : the distinction is also
shown by the difference in the yeai'S,

Demetrius alludes, Trept ipfirfv. § 281, { which the Scholiast states upon good
and thence Quintilian I. O. ix. 2. 92, j authority.
" Victoiiis utondum esse." 1

CH. XIX.] AS A FINANCIAL EXPEDIENT. 593

coin silver in such minute pieces. These copper coins were
perhaps introduced by the statesman and elegiac poet Diony-
sius surnamed the Brazen, who in Olymp. 84, 1 (b.c. 444),
went as leader of the colony to Thurii*", and consequently can
hardly be considered as the originator of these monetary
regulations, which were made in the 93rd Olympiad. Lastly,
passing over the copper-money of Athens, in the times of the
emperors, I may mention the coinage in that metal issued by
Timotheus, for the purpose of extricating himself from a
pecuniary embarrassment ; this, however, must be considered
in the same light as paper-money, and not as a false coin, since
its value was secured by the engagements of the general to
take it in the stead of silver, and to redeem whatever
remained *^^.

The employment of base kinds of money derives its origin
either from fraud, a scarcity of the precious metals, or from the
notion that the precious metals are a source of corruption, and
that therefore their home circulation must be prohibited. From
this latter cause, Plato in his second State imagines, according
to the Doric model, a money circulating in the country, and
devoid of value abroad {v6/jbi,afMa iiTL^copLov).^ deriving its cur-
rency from the countenance of the state ; and together with this
another coinage, not in circulation, but kept in the public
coffers, of universal currency {kolvov 'EXkrjvLKov vofjucrfia), for
the uses of persons travelling in foreign parts, and the carrying
on of war"^®.

This is not mere theory, but was actually put into practice
in Sparta*'^^ Even in the time of the Trojan war, the precious
metals were well known in the Peloponnese, and the Achaic
Spartan Menelaus is particularly mentioned to have possessed
both gold and silver ; but the former remained scarce for a long
time''' ; whereas silver in the Grecian, as well as in all other

•'vr Athen. xv. p. GG9 E. Cf. Plu-
tarch. Nic. 4. For specimens of his
poetry see Aristot, Rhet. iii. 2, Athen.
XV. p. 668 E. p. 702 C. X. p. 443 D.
xiii. p. 602 C.

■*78 See book ii. ch. 24.

^'« De Leg. v. p. 742 A.

^^^ In the following account I differ
somewhat from JNlanso (Sparta, i. 1,
p. 162): I leave to the reader to de-
cide which of us is the most correct.

■'«' See book i. ch. 3.

594 ALTERATIONS IN THE CURRENCY, [bK. IV.

nations, must have been the most general medium of exchange,
as there were few places in which it could not be procured ; in
the more early times indeed it was not coined, but circulated
in bars of a certain weight. But the Dorians, a people inha-
biting a mountainous district, and carrying on no trade, were
doubtless scantily supplied with the precious metals ; and since
it was a national principle, which existed both by usage and
institution, and was afterwards confirmed by what is called the
legislation of Lycurgus, to prevent as much as possible all
intercourse with other races, they strictly prohibited, at a time
long anterior to the coining of money, the use of silver and gold
as a medium of exchange, and thus effectually prevented their
introduction into the country. If this regulation had not been
made in early times, the interdiction of silver and gold could
not have been ascribed to Lycurgus ; no modem institution
would have been attributed to so ancient a name. The Spar-
tans therefore were driven to the use of some other metal as
the common medium of exchange, and iron being abundantly
obtained in the country, they made use of bars of that metal
(o/9eXofc, o/SeXicTKoi), which were stamped with some mark in
the iron furnaces of Laconia; while in other countries bars of
copper*^'' or silver were current ; whence the obolus or spit, and
the drachma or handful, received their names. When after-
wards Pheidon abolished the use of metallic bars''^^ and intro-
duced coined money, the Spartans also began to stamp their
iron in large and rude pieces ; for which purpose they either
used, as the author of the Eryxias asserts, lumps of this metal,
which were useless for other purposes, such perhaps as are now
used for making cannon-balls, or, according to other accounts,
they softened the best iron, so as to render it unfit for working,
by plunging it when hot in vinegar.

But when Sparta began to aim at foreign dominion, it had
need of a coinage that should be current abroad, for which pur-
pose it imposed tributes upon the inhabitants of the islands,
and demanded a contribution of a tenth from all the Greeks : a

"•^^ Plutarch. Lysand. 17. Concern- I the passages quoted in book i. ch. 15.
ing the words obolus and drachma see I ^^^ Cf. Etymol. in v. o^eXia-Kos.

CH. XIX.] AS A FINANCIAL EXPEDIENT. 595

large quantity of the precious metals was also brought into the
country by Lysander; and, as we learn from the first Alci-
biades of Plato, the wealthy possessed much gold and silver ;
as, when once imported, they were never suffered to leave the
country. Nevertheless, at this very time the prohibition of all
private use of the precious metals was re-enacted, and the pos-
session of gold or silver made a capital crime, the government
remaining by law the exclusive possessor, as in the ideal state
of Plato ; a sufficient proof that this was an extremely ancient
custom of the Spartans''^^ ; although it again fell into disuse
in the times which immediately succeeded, it being found
impossible to maintain so unnatural a prohibition after the
advantages of gold had been once made known to the people.

In this instance the iron money was founded upon ancient
usage and moral views. The iron coinage of the Byzantians
was of a totally different character, and was similar to the
money of the Clazomenians, with this difference that it was not
also a certificate of debt. Byzantium, notwithstanding the fer-
tility of its territory and its favourable situation for commerce,
was for the most part in unprosperous circumstances. The
Persian, and afterwards the Peloponnesian war, as well as the
wars of Philip, shattered its power and resources; it was
engaged in continual warfare with the neighbouring barbarians,
and was unable to keep them ofiP either by resistance or tri-
butes ; and to crown the other evils of war, they suffered this
additional torment, that after having by much trouble and
expense obtained an abundant harvest, the enemies either
destroyed or carried off the produce of their labour ; until in
Olymp. 125, 2 (b.c. 279), they agreed to pay the Gauls a yearly
tribute of 3000, 5000, and 10,000 pieces of gold, and at last the
large sum of 80 talents, on condition that their lands should
not be ravaged*^\ This annoyance compelled them to have

^^ The whole of this may be seen ' p. 350, Eryxias 24, cf. Salmas. Usur.
by comparing the following passages, p. 320.

Plutarch. Lysand. 17, Lacon. Apoph- ^«^ Polyb. iv. 45, 4G. Compare Liv.
thegm. Lyciirg. 9, 30, Polyb. vi, 49, xxxviii. 16, ITerodian. iii. 2, and others
Pollux vii, 105, ix. 79, Xenoph. Rep. concerning the fertility of the country
Laced. 7, Porphyr. de Abstin. iii. and its favourable situation.

2 Q 2

596

ALTERATIONS IN THE CURRENCY

[bK. IV.

recourse to many extraordinary measures for procuring money,
and finally, to the imposition of the transit duties, which in
Olymp. 140, 1 (b.c. 220), involved Byzantium in the war with
Rhodes.

Among the means resorted to in early times for relieving
the financial distresses of the Byzantine state, was the intro-
duction of iron money for the home circulation, that the silver
might be used for foreign trade and the purposes of war'*^^ It
was current in the times of the Peloponnesian war, and bore
the Doric name Sidareos, as the small copper coin of the Athe-
nians was called Chalcus^^^ As it is stated that it was thin
and worthless''^^ it appears to have been only a plate of iron
stamped or pressed in upon one side.

The Greeks were acquainted with no other kind of money
but the metallic. There is no necessity for entering into a
refutation of the writers*^^ who mention the leather-money of
the Lacedeemonians, a fable which we must at once reject,
without attempting to remove the testimonies of ancient writers
by incorrect alterations'*^**. The same may be said of the
leather-money in use among the Romans prior to the reign of
Numa: Carthage however made use of a token of this descrip-
tion, as we find that some unknown substance of the size of a
stater, enveloped in leather and marked with the public seal,
supplied the place of metaP\

*^^ See Heyne Byzant. p. 11, whose
opinion is nearly the same.

^87 Aristoph. Nub. 250, Plat. Comic.
ap. Scliol. Aristoph. ubi sup. Strattis
ap. Poll. ix. 78. [See ^Meineke, Fr.
Com.Gr.vol.ii. p.649,775.— Transl.]

'*^^ AeTTTOV, eXdxiO'Tov rravTOiv Koi
(jiavXoTaTov, Schol. Aristoph. ubi sup.
Pollux ubi sup. (cf. vii. 105,) Hesych
in V. (xibdpeoi. The word eXd^^icrTov
does not mean smaUness of size, but of

value, according to an Attic idiom
already remarked by other writers.
This iron coin also occurs in Aristid.
Plat. Orat. ii. p. 241, vol. iii. ed. Cant.

•^^^ See the passages quoted by Fis-
cher ad Erj-x. ubi sup.

^^^ Which is the method adopted by
Salmasius with a passage in Pliny,
Usur. p. 4G4 sqq.

^^ ' Concerning which see Salmasius
ut sup. p. 363 sqq.

CH. XX.] OTHKR FINANCIAL EXPEDIENTS. 59/

Chapter XX.
Other Financial Expedients employed by the Greek States,

The sacred property was held in much respect by the Grecian
repubUcsj and although some instances occur in which they
seized the possessions of foreign temples^ as was done by the
Phocians and also the Arcadians in 01ympia*^% yet in these
cases offence was given not only to the Greeks in general, but
even to many of their own fellow-citizens. The Athenians
indeed borrowed money from the temples, and Pericles coun-
selled them even to remove the golden ornaments of the statue
of Minerva, pledging themselves at the same time to replace
what they took^^^ : none however but the tyrants, such as Dio-
nysius, Lachares, and others, who hesitated not to commit any
kind of sacrilege, ever ventured to plunder the property of the
temples. But although it may be true that the Greeks, until
the period of their final decline, were upon the whole a religious
people, yet the confiscation of sacred property is of Grecian
origin. Tachus, upon the advice of Chabrias, acquainted the
Egyptian priests, that on account of the impoverished situa-
tion of the countr}^, it was necessary that some of their oflSces
should be abolished. Upon which communication (every
priest being unwilling that his own situation should be sup-
pressed), they readily furnished him ^vith considerable sums
of money; these he exacted not from particular individuals
but from their whole number, and allowed all their ofiices
to remain as before; he then limited their expenses to a
tenth of the former amount, and required the other nine-tenths
as a loan until the conclusion of the war. At the same
time, by the advice also of Chabrias, he imposed a tax upon
houses, a poll tax, a tax upon com, viz., of 2 oboli upon each
artabe of corn sold, one to be paid by the seller, the other by
the buyer, and an income tax of 10 per cent, upon the captains
of vessels, the possessors of workshops, and all other persons

Xeiioph. Hell. vii. 4, 33 sqq. '^' Thucyd. ii. 13.

598

OTHER FIXANCIAI. EXPEDIENTS

[bk.

IV.

engaged in trade^^\ Also Cleomenes, the satrap of Alexander,
threatened the Egyptians with diminishing the number of the
priestSj and, as was the case with Tachus, obtained large contri-
butions from them, each one wishing to retain his station*".

Another favourite measure in pecuniary difficulties, and one
well known to the Athenians, was the appropriation by the
state of a monopoly of certain commodities, of which I have
already spoken in the first book''^^.

The measure of the tyrant Hippias had an appearance of
justice, when in order to raise money he ordered those portions
of the houses to be sold, which projected into and over the
public street, upon the plea that the street was public property
and ought not to be overbuilt : the possessors then repurchased
their own property, by which he raised a considerable sum"*®^.
The same method was adopted in after times by the Assembly,
with the same object and consequence, upon the counsel of
Iphicrates"*®^. Another unjust measure was introduced by the
same Hippias, who for a moderate sum liberated any citizen
from the trierarchy, choregia, and other liturgies, which then
pressed heavily upon the other contributors*'®^

The Byzantines^"*' in some financial difficulty sold the unpro-
ductive lands of the state (by which we are to understand
uncultivated and wooded land) in perpetuity, and the productive
lands for a term of years, so that in the latter case they in fact
only received in advance the rent which would have been annu-
ally owing : the same course was pursued with the proj^erty of
sacred corporations and the phratrias [OiaawTiKa /cal irarpt-
(OTiKo), particularly with that which was surrounded by the
estates of private individuals, since the proprietors of these
would naturally give a high price for lands thus situated : as a

*9^ Aristot. (Econ. ii. 2, 25.

*" Ibid. 33.

*^^ See chap, 9.

**7 Arist. (Econ. ii. 2, 4.

*^8 Polyaean. iii. 9, 30.

^^^ Aristot. CEcon. ubi sup.

-'"" See Aristot. (Econ. ii. 2, 3, re-
/x€i/t; d-q^oaui are public lands which
were not connected Avith temples, in

which case they wonld be oaut. In
everything else I have followed the
text of Schneider, except that I place
a stop after aXaroTTcoXicw, and omit de
after rpiTov. There are however pro-
bably other false readings in the pas-
sage, so that the accoiuit given in the
text cannot be relied upon as certain.

CH. XX.] EMrLOYED BY THE GREEK STATES. 599

compensation for which a portion of the pubUc lands in the
gymnasium, the market, and harbour, the places of sale, the
sea-fishery, and the sale of salt, were allotted to these corpo-
rations. It was also resolved to impose a tax upon jugglers,
fortune-tellers, &c., amounting to a third part of their gains ;
the money-changing business, which, if the iron coin was in
existence, must have been of considerable importance, was
farmed out to a single bank; and it was prohibited to buy
money from or sell it to any other bank upon the penalty of for-
feiting the amount. The rights of citizenship were sold also for
money; for whereas the law required that a citizen should be of
pure descent both on the father^s and the mother^s side, they
were granted to those who were descended from citizens only
on one side, upon the payment of 30 minas. Also several resi-
dent aliens had lent money upon mortgage, and as the law stood
they were unable to take possession of the lands thus pledged,
upon which the state granted them the right of holding landed
property, on condition that they paid to the state a third part
of the principal. In a scarcity of corn they kept back the ships
coming out of the Pontus, and when the merchants began at
last to complain that they had been detained for the sole pur-
pose of selling corn to the Byzantines, a compensation of 10
per cent, was allowed to them, which was paid by imposing
upon sales a tax of equal amount"*^

Chapter XXI.

Xenophon^s Proposals for Promoting the Welfare of Attica.

The defects in the Athenian system of finance were not unper-
ceived by the acute observers of antiquity; its most striking
peculiarity was that the revenue was derived chiefly from foreign
contributions : the managers of pubhc aflfairs were indeed aware
of the injustice committed against the allies, but they conceived
that it was rendered necessarv^ by the poverty of the Athenian
people*"*.

^'^^ This is the meaning of the ac- 1 has completely misunderstood,
count, which Salmasius M. U. p. 219, I ^"'^ Xenoph. de Vectig. init.

600

XENOPHON^S PROPOSALS FOR PROMOTING [bK. IV.

It was with this view that Xenoj^hon wrote his Essay on the
Revenues^ or the Sources of National Prosperity {Trepl Tropcov),
about the close of his life, probably in Olymp. 106, 1 (b.c. 356),
after his sentence of exile had been reversed at the instigation
of Eubulus ; and it is even possible that he wTote it to serve the
cause of Eubulus, as' it exactly coincides with the known opi-
nions of that statesman, his desire of peace, and love for the
theorica, as well as his attention to the welfare of the people, by
which he obtained so great popularity^*^^

5°3 That this short treatise was wi-it-
ten for Eubulus was first remarked by
Schneider, p. 151, vriih great probabi-
lity, who has sufficiently disproved the
date assigned to it by Weiske (Olymp.
89, 3), both in the discussion p. 139
sqq. and in the notes. Some observa-
tions which I had made in writing
with regard to the date of this treatise
before the appearance of Schneider's
edition mostly agree with the inquiries
of this editor, bi;^ as there are some
discrepancies between us I will shortly
explain my notion.

It is evident from 2, 7, and 0, I, that
Xenophon had returned from banish-
ment, nor should Schneider (ad 4,
43) have allowed himself to be misled
by Weiske into the idea that this trea-
tise was written at SciUus or Corinth,
from the circumstance of Thoricus
being placed to the north, and Ana-
phlystus to the south, which might
have been as well said in Athens as in
the Peloponnese ; concerning this
point however I may defer any detailed
examination until another place. "We
do not indeed know the time of his
recal, nor how long he remained at
Athens, for he is said to have died at
Corinth; but it appears to me that
Eubulus could not have had any influ -
ence before Olymp, 102, or 103, or
even later still

The following events are mentioned
in the course of the treatise, which
took place after tlie 100th Olympiad :
the voluntary election of Athens to the

supreme command by sea (5, 6), the
voluntary recognition of the Athenian
ascendancy over Thebes on the part of
the Thebans themselves (5, 7), after
the latter had received benefits from
Athens; both these events took place
in Olymp. 100, | (see book iii. 17, con-
cerning both; Schneider, p. 173, states
it differently); Sparta having been sup-
ported by Athens, allows the latter to
maintain its ascendancy as it chooses
(5, 7), y^z. in Olymp. 102, 4 (Xenoph.
Hell. vii. 1. Diod. xv. 67, see Schnei-
der, p. 174), when Athens had sup-
ported the Spartans against the supe-
rior force of Epaminondas. Athene
assists the Arcadians under the Athe-
nian general Lysistratus, who does not
occur elsewhere (3, 7), an event which
cannot have happened before the alli-
ance concluded in Olymp. 103, 3 (cf.
Xenoph. Hell. vii. 4, 2 sqq. Diod. xv.
77> Schneider, p. 150). Also the expe-
dition under Hegesilaus, who com-
manded at the battle of Man tinea
(Diogenes Laert. in A"it. Xenoph.
Schneider, p. 150), in Olymp. 104,2;
for the expedition against Plutarch in
Euboea, on which occasion Hegesilaus
was condemned to death, is not here
meant, nor did it take place as Schnei-
der (p. 138, p. 150) supposes in Olymp.
105, 3, but in Olymp. 106, 4 (see book
iv. ch. 13). The confusion prevalent
in Greece (5, 8), he correctly places
(p. 174) after the battle of Mantinea.

Immediately before the comi)0.sition
of this essay a war took place, and a

CH. XXI.]

THE WELFARE OF ATTICA.

601

He begins with considering whether it could not be possible
for the Athenians to obtain sufficient subsistence from their

peace was concluded, by means of which
quiet was re-established by sea (4, 40;
5, 12, which latter passage has no
reference to the duration of the war by
land; it is only to be understood of the
ill consequences of the past war) :
therefore the peace which followed tlie
battle of :Mantinea (Olynip. 104, 2)
cannot be here intended. It would be
better to understand that with Philip
in Olymp. 105, 2 (Diod. xvi. 4); it
appeal's to me however most probable
that the peace which terminated the
Social war in Olymp. 106, 1, is meant,
as this was the war which had such a
disastrous effect upon the finances of
Athens (see book iii.ch. 19), and by this
peace the security of the sea was re-
stored; both facts agree particularly
well with 5, 12.

According to my idea, then, the
treatise was written in this year; and
at the same time Isocrates laboured to
attain the same object as Xenophon in
his oration nepl Elprjvijs, and also
makes similar complaints of the dimi-
nution of the revenue : and moreover
the object of the whole treatise being
to improve the situation of the Athe-
nians without oppressing the allies,
agrees exactly with this period of impo-
verishment, and with the peace between
the Athenians and their allies; and
finally, since Schneider (ad Xenoph.
Hell. p. 10) has proved that Xenophon
Avas alive in Olymp. 105, 4, it is only
necessary to lengthen his life by one
year.

On the other hand, Schulz (de
Cyrop. Epilog, p. 27), and after him
Schneider (p. 139 sq. 1/4 sq.), propose
to refer this treatise to so late a date as
Olymp. 106, 2, upon the idea that the
Phocian war is mentioned in it : it may
however, in my opinion, be shown that
it was written before that war. The
passage in question (5, 9) is as follows :

— " If the Athenians, without being
parties to any war, would, by sendmg
ambassadors to the different states of
Greece, use their influence to make
the temple of Delphi independent, as
before, they would have all the Greeks
on their side against those who had
endeavoured to seize the temple after
' the Phocians had quitted it {eKXtnov-
I Tcov Tcov $co<ea)i^)." The Phocians
' had taken the temple of Delphi in
Olymp. 106, 2, and since they remained
in possession of it during the whole of
the Sacred war, the plundering of the
sacred property was gradually com-
pleted, and they retained possession
until the termination of the war in
Olymp. 108, 3, which may be seen from
Diod. xvi. 23 — 59, cf. Demosth de
Fals. Leg. p. 356, 17- Now since
Xenophon cannot have written this
passage after Olymp. 108, 3, it must
refer to some period antecedent to
Olymp 106, 2, for it is expressly stated
that the Phocians had quitted the
temple ; and even if any one were to
object that cKkiTrovrcov means, thei/ had
become effeminate, they had degenerated,
the result remains the same.

But it may be asked, why are the
Phocians mentioned in this place?
The state of the case appears to be as
follows. The temple of Delphi was,
according to the agreement of the
Greeks, an independent sacred posses-
sion, the chief management of whicli
was exclusively vested in the council of
Amphictyons and the sacred assembly
at Delphi ; but the Phocians were al-
ways putting in claims for the direction
of this temple, which they aflirmed to
belong to them, and that they had even
once been in possession of it (Diod.
xvi. 23), an assertion which they also
strengthened with the authority of
Homer (II. u. 518); and these claims
were according to Diodorus again

602

xenophon's proposals for promoting [bk. IV.

own country; for which purpose, he observes, the land is excel-
lent, the climate mild, the soil capable of yielding the best pro-
ducts ; and those districts which do not produce corn, are made
infinitely richer by the presence of mineral treasures; the sea is
also productive, and Attica is most favourably situated for com-
merce both by sea and land; and is moreover by her remoteness
from barbarian nations relieved from any apprehension of an
injury which had been felt by most other states.

Having thus gone through the natural adva ntages of
Athens, he next proposes some plans for improving the general
welfare of the country, and creating revenues by which the
needy citizens might be maintained; proposals which are
neither remarkable for their acuteness or depth, nor capable of
being put into practice with advantage, however benevolent and
praiseworthy the motives may have been from which they pro-
ceeded. The first^''* refers to the resident aliens; these, he
says, maintain themselves without receiving anything from the
state, and also pay a protection-money; in his opinion the best

brouf^ht forward in Olymp. 106, 2,
when they were assisted by the coun-
tenance of Sparta (Diod. xvi. 29).

In the time of Cimon, the Lacedae-
monians had given the temple to the
Delphians, that is to say, bad made it
independent; but Athens immediately !
afterwards transferred it to the Pho- I
cians (Thucyd. i. 112). In the peace j
of Nicias (Olymp. 89, 3) independence, \
a native jurisdiction, and freedom from
all foreign tribute, were secured by
treaty to the sacred property of Del-
phi, the temple of Apollo, and the city
together with the territory belonging
to it (Thucyd. v. 18), as in the pre-
ceding armistice the free use of the
temple and the oracle had been gua-
ranteed, and assistance against sacri
lege had been promised to the Delphi-
ans (Thucyd. iv. 118); with regard to
the first article of this armistice, Sparta
particularly invited Boeotia and Phocis
to accede to it. The Phocians, how-
ever, may have frequently repeated

their claims, until they at last ceased,
as it is stated by Xenophon.

In Olymp. 106, before the renewal
of these claims, the Thebans played
the chief part in the council of the
Amphictyons ; by their means the Spar-
tans were condemned to the enormous
fine of 500 talents, and afterwards to
double that amount (Diod. xvi. 23, 29).
Thebes at that period was still the pre-
dominant power, whence Sparta and
Athens combined against her, and from
their hatred towards Thebes took the
side of the Phocians. It is therefore
more than probable, particularly since
Xenophon speaks so briefly and ob-
scurely of the transaction, that it was
the Thebans who had endeavoured to
obtain possession of the temple, and
this before Olymp. 106, 2. Of the
claims of the Phocians renewed in this
year, and asserted with violence, the
author was entirely ignorant.

*"^ Cap. 2.

CH. XXI.] THE WELFARE OF ATTICA. 603

of all revenues. For these reasons it is fit that they should
receive some farther encouragement: to which end it would be
sufficient to relieve them from some degrading liturgies, that
were of no advantage to the community, and from serving as
hoplitee; for the state would be more benefitted if the armies
were composed of citizens, than if they were mixed with
Lydians, Phrygians, Syrians, and other barbarians; and again,
it would be honourable to the Athenians to rely in battle rather
upon themselves than upon foreigners. He also proposes that
those who on application might appear worthy, should be
allowed to serve in the cavalry, and should receive permission
to build houses, in order to cover the empty spaces within the
walls; also that protectors of resident aliens {/jLerooKocpvXaKes)
should be appointed, and rewards given to those who brought
more persons of this class into the city; which would have the
double effect of increasing the good-will of the aliens actually
resident, and of bringing all refugees under the protection of
Athens.

If the Athenians followed the counsels of Xenophon, the
prosperity of Athens would have been in imminent danger of
being destroyed by internal causes. The citizens would in that
case have singly carried on a perpetual war, and have been
swept away in battle; while the resident aliens passed their life
in security: and although the latter might have borne some
share in the dangers of war, would not all the noble families
have gradually become extinct? The citizens would have been
compelled to give up their occupations, and submit to an entire
loss of property, while the resident ahens, having obtained pos-
session of all commerce, all industry, and at last of the land,
would have become sole proprietors of all wealth at the expense
of the Athenians. They would also have received the rights of
citizenship in greater numbers than was actually the case, and
the state thus have suffered the severest injury. Nothing con-
tributed more to the destruction of Athens, than the gradual
extinction of the descendants of the ancient Cecropidse; and a
foreign race, enriched by banking and other usurious practices,
destitute of all noble motives, and bent only upon momentary
gain, forced themselves into the rights of citizenship, and the

G04 XENOPHON^S PROPOSALS FOR PROMOTING [bK. IV.

adnuiiistration of the state. If the Athenians had deUberately
sanctioned this course of pohcy, they must either have been
beyond measure philanthropic and benevolent, or been willing
to sacrifice their real prosperity for the purchase of a trifling
benefit. A comparatively large number of resident aliens may
indeed have been advantageous for commerce, for industry, and
the public revenue; but higher considerations of policy could
not permit that they should be favoured in the degree proposed
by Xenophon.

The unquestionable advantages, he proceeds to say, which
Athens possessed for commerce*'^*, arose not only from its
favourable situation, its magnificent and commodious harbours,
but also from the excellence of its coin, which could always be
exchanged with profit; so that the merchants of Attica, instead
of being, like the traders of other places, obliged to export
commodities for the purpose of barter, had the option of carry-
ing out money. The first suggestions that our author makes
for the improvement of trade are, that prizes should be
appointed for the commercial court, to be awarded to which-
ever member should give judgment with the greatest rapidity
and fairness: the object of this proposal was afterwards efi^ec-
tually gained by the introduction of the monthly suits^^®: also
that particular honours should be given to the merchants and
the masters of vessels, in order that with the increased number
which these distinctions would attract, the amount of the
exports and imports, of the sales, of the wages of labour, and
the public duties, might be augmented^. He also recommends
a particular plan, which required a contribution of money, from
a conviction that the Athenians, who had been so often taxed

^^^ Xenoph. chap. iii. I Thus also Aristotle Polit. i. 3, ^(vtxio-

^"^ See book i. ch. 9. I repay yap yiyvop,evT]s rrjs l3oT)6ias tu>

^ [The sentence in the original is, eladyearBai wv eVSeeTy Ka\ eKTrefXTreiv wv
drJiXov on TocrovTco av ttX(7ov koI elad- ^ iiiK^ovu^ov, i^ thdyKTjs f] tov vofiicr/Jia-
yoiTO Koi i^dyoLTO Kai eKTreixnoLTO Koi . tos eTTopiadr) xpr^aLS. And again vii.
TTooXoTro Koi [xto-du(f)opo'LTO Ktii reXecr- 6, to. nXeovd^ovra tcop ycyuofxevuiv e'/c-
(fiopoiri. The last editor, Diudorf, pro- Tre/jLyj/aadai. vii. 12, toIs dnu rrjs dciXda-
poses to expunge the words kcu i^d- (tijs iT€p.iTop.€vois. Thucyd. iv. 26,
yoiTo, comparing i. 7> rrpoadyeTdi 8e I ecnrefineiv rd airla, iv. 30. (t7tov ecr-
av delrai kuI dnuTrefxneTat a ^ovXerai. I Treixneiu. — Transl.]

CH. XXI.] THE WELFARE OF ATTICA. G05

for the maintenance of fleets and armies, and had expended
large sums without any sure prospect of benefit resulting to the
state, and with a certainty of never recovering their money,
would willingly contribute to this undertaking. He proposes
to build public inns and warehouses, in addition to those already
in existence, for the entertainment of captains of vessels and
merchants, as well as son:ie conveniently situated market-houses;
and to purchase some public trading-vessels, which, like other
property belonging to the state, were to be let out for hire upon
the production of sufficient security. The author supposes that
the profit upon this speculation would amount to 3 oboH a day;
so that the subscribers would obtain a very high per centage
upon their shares: a subscriber of 10 minas would receive
nearly 20 per cent. [vavriKov a-)(^ehov eTrLTrefiirrov), exactly
180 drachmas for 360 days; and of 5 minas more than the
third part of the principal [eTrlrpiTov vavriKov). The larger
number however would receive annually more than their
original contributions; for example, subscribers of 1 mina
nearly double that sum, and this in their native country, which
appears to be of all others the safest and most desirable method
of investment. Foreigners also might be expected to contri-
bute, if in return for their contributions they were registered
among the eternal benefactors of the Athenians, an honour of
which some kings, and tyrants, and satraps, might wish to
partake.

In all this exposition there is nothing obscure, but nearly
the whole is without any foundation in reality. Xenophon
supposes unequal contributions, according to the diiferent
amount of property, agreeable to the principles of a property
tax, but an equal distribution of the receipts for the purpose
of favouring and aiding the poor; the reason which induced
him to fix upon the rate of 3 oboli, appears to have been that
this sum was just sufficient for the most scanty subsistence ;
the common daily wages were likewise 3 oboli, as were also the
salaries, for example, the pay of the judges and the assembly;
but the payment of the wages of the judges is no more in
question than the wages of sailors; what Xenophon is speaking
of is an income annually arising upon each share, either equal

606

XENOPHON^S PROPOSALS FOR PROMOTING [bK. IV.

to or exceeding the interest of loans on bottomry^"'. Where
however was the security that the undertaking would produce
3 oboli a day to each subscriber? This most essential point is
entirely wanting to these airy speculations of the Athenian
philosopher.

The most important and explicit part of this short Essay is
the chapter upon the silver mines ^''^ According to Xenophon,
the Athenian mines were inexhaustible: "they have/' he says,
'^ been worked from time immemorial, and yet to how small a
portion of the hill in which the metal is found have the works
already extended ! nor is the place which contains the silver
narrowed by the further progress of the mining, but is evidently
increased as more of the soil is exposed. Even at the time
when the number of persons labourhig there was at the highest,
there was enough, and more than enough, employment for all.
And at the present time no proprietor of slaves in the mines
reduces their number, but, on the contrary, keeps increasing it
to the utmost of his power. The value of silver,^' he proceeds
to say, " is not diminished by an increase in the quantity, for
the uses to which it can be applied are manifold, and no one is
satisfied with the amount which he actually possesses. Gold,''
he allows, " is equally useful with silver; this, however, I

5«7 Salmasius M. U. chnp. 1, falls
into innumerable eiTors, by consider-
ing the triobolon to be the pay of the
dicasts, from which however he ex-
cludes the Pentacosiomedimni and the
Thetes (the latter of whom were the
very persons who had the chief share
in it) ; but, not to mention that to
allow of this interpretation it must
have been to rptoi^oXov, the whole ex-
planation is so senseless, that it is un-
intelligible how a rational being could
have hit upon it. Of a part of this
confused investigation, Heraldus, his
victorious adversary, justly says (Ani-
madv. in Salm. Observ. iii. 15, 17),
" Somnium est hominis harum rerum,
etiam quum vigilat, nihil scientis" He-
raldus (ibid. ii. 20, 2), refutes the ab-

surdities of Salmasius, but under-
stands it just as absurdly himself to
mean the pay of the seamen (^S 3), and
considers vavriKov to mean salarium
nauticum{% 4), whereas it is evidently
to be taken, with Salmasius, for money
lent upon sea security, which Schneider
has also observed against Weiske.
Who would agree to give a sum of
money, exceeding indeed that contri-
buted by others, in order to receive a
share in a salaiy given for labour on
board a vessel, without any distinction
being made as to the different amount
of tlie deposit, and this only three
paltry oboli, which he might have had
without contributing anything !
"^^ Chap. 4.

CH. XXI.] THE WELFARE OF ATTICA. 607

know/^ he says, " that when it appears in large quantities, it
becomes itself cheaper, and makes silver dearer. Now although
the state sees that many private individuals grow rich by their
mines, who by hiring out the slaves working in them obtain a
net profit of an obolus a day for each slave, it does not imitate
their example : it might, however, secure a permanent revenue,
by purchasing public slaves, until there were three to each
Athenian (that is, about 60,000) ; and by letting these, like all
other public property, upon proper security. In this proceed-
ing there would be no danger of loss ; for if the slaves were
marked with the public seal, it would not be easy to steal
them: nor would the state be injured by the competition of
other slave-proprietors.^^ He then proposes first to purchase
1200; "from the profits arising from these the number might
in five or six years be raised to 6000^"% which would produce an
annual income of 60 talents ; of this sum, 20 talents might be
applied to the purchase of fresh slaves, and 40 used for other
expenses. When the number shall have been brought fo
10,000, the income will be 100 talents; but that it would be
possible to procure and maintain a number far greater than
this, is proved by what happened before the war of Decelea.
It might also,'^ he then suggests, " be advisable to undertake
new works, in which there would be some hazard of loss, from
the various success experienced in searching for ore; as this
uncertainty deterred many private individuals from purchasing
new mines from the state.^^ In order, therefore, that the
danger might not fall upon single persons, he proposes to give
an equal number of slaves to the ten tribes; that each tribe
should open new mines, and that they should bear the good or
ill success in common ; and former experience did not justify
the expectation that all the trials would be unsuccessful. He
also observes, that it would be safer for private persons to form
associations of this kind; an arrangement which was subse-
quently adopted.

Now it was impossible that all these proposals should attain
their object. In the first place, it is inconceivable that, in

^^ See above book i. ch. 13.

608 xenophon's proposals for promoting [bk. IV.

addition to the private slaves, 60,000 public slaves could have
continued for any length of time to work the mines with profit,
but either the state or individuals must soon have been losers.
That Xenophon^s belief in the inexhaustibility of these mines
was a mere delusion, has been proved by subsequent experi-
ence ; not to mention that in bad seasons the dearness of corn,
joined to the imperfection of the smelting processes known to
the ancients, would have precluded any profitable employment
of capital in this business : and in fact many proprietors did
cease working, and the mining was at length discontinued^^ ^

Xenophon then properly remarks, that it would not be
prudent to attempt all these schemes at the same time, both
from the large amount of contributions requisite, and the
necessary result of purchasing any considerable number of
slaves, viz., that their quality would be bad and price high.
Whereas, if they were tried in succession, the profit derived
from one undertaking might be applied to the execution of
another. "But,^' he proceeds to say, "if it should be supposed
that on account of the property taxes raised in the preceding
war, it would be impossible to obtain any contributions from
private individuals, the expenses of the administration for the
coming year might be defrayed from the smaller revenues, as
had been done in the last war, and the surplus which would be
created by peace, the encouragement shown to the resident
aliens, and the improvements in trade, might be applied to
these undertakings. Nor would the arrangements proposed be
useless in case of war, for by reason of the increased population,
the state would be enabled to augment the number of sailors
and soldiers : the mines again, being already protected by
fortresses, might be easily put in a state of greater security;
and partly on account of their situation, partly from the
difficulty which an enemy would find in obtaining provisions
there, and his inability to profit by the ore, they would be but
little exposed to attack. Lastly, the state would not only
derive a greater revenue from the slaves, but with the increased

•''"* Tlie proofs of all these assertions may be seen in my Dissertation upon
the Mines of Laurium.

CH. XXI.] THE WELFARE OF ATTICA. 609

numbers of those dwelling near the mines, a large income
would be obtained from the market, from the public buildings,
and several other sources ; and the land in their neighbourhood
might acquire as great a value as that around the city; and not
only this, but the citizens would be made more tractable,
regular, and warlike, by the increase of the public prosperity,
as they would receive daily wages for exercising in the
gymnasia, for garrison duty, military service, &c."

Among all his schemes and recommendations, the exhorta-
tion to peace''' is the only one which is entirely unobjec-
tionable; it is not, however, peculiar to him, for the same
proposal was made by Isocrates at the same period, and is
perpetually inculcated by the orators, who sometimes repeat it
at very unseasonable moments. "The prosperity of Athens
wilV^ in his opinion, " be thus raised above that of any other
state; for,^^ he continues, "would not ship-captains and
merchants flock thither ? where would those who are rich in
the various products of the earth, together with all w^ho are able
to gain their livelihood either by talents or money, handicrafts-
men, and sophists, and philosophers, poets, and those who
minister to the productions of poetry, with all who are desirous
to hear or to see the spectacles and splendour of Athens, both
sacred and profane, as well as persons w^hose object it is to buy
and sell with dispatch — where would all these obtain their
several ends so well as at Athens ? The ascendancy or empire
over the Greeks would be more easily preserved by mildness
and peace, than by wars and violence. In war not only are
several branches of revenue deficient, but all the money paid
into the treasury is consumed in defraying the expenses of it.
And,^' he urges, " it may be seen that the revenue has always
fallen off in time of war, and that the whole receipts were
immediately consumed. And if any one were to ask me," he
says, "whether, if another nation commits an injury against
the state, I should dissuade any revenge of the wrong,
my answer would be no: but I must remind you, that it
would be far more easy to punish the offenders, if we have

5'' Chap. 5.

fnO XENOPHOn's proposals. [bK. IV.

committed no injury ourselves; for in that case they would
have no ally/^

" If these proposals are put in practice'*' %^' he continues to
say, " we shall obtain the good will of the Greeks, an increase
of security, and a more lasting fame ; the people will be well
supplied with food, the rich be relieved from the expenses of
war; from the abundance and plenty that would exist, the
festivals will be celebrated with greater splendour, the temples
will be restored, the walls and docks repaired, and the priests,
the senate, and j)ublic officers, and knights, receive their former
dues. If these proposals should meet with the public approba-
tion, I would counsel you,^^ he says, ^^to send messengers to
Delphi and Dodona, and consult the gods as to the expediency
of these plans : for if they are done with the favour of the
divinity, it is to be expected that the measures of the state will
always have a fortunate issue.^^ This pious conclusion recon-
ciles the reader with his author, notwithstanding the many
weak points in the work itself; at the same time, it is hardly
possible to forgive him for not advising the Athenians to be
more sparing in their festivals, instead of which he flatters them
with the prospect of increasing the expense and magnificence.
This wish, however, proceeds from the most sincere conviction
and earnestness; Xenophon^s own disposition coincided with
the inclinations of his patron, and the pernicious tendencies of
the Athenian people.

Chapter XXII.
General Vieiv of the Financial System of Athens.

If we now take a general survey of the financial system of
Athens, which more or less resembled that established in all
the other Grecian repubhcs, with the exception of Crete and
Sparta, we shall perceive that in many parts it was both
planned and executed with acuteness and judgment; and that
even its imperfections were so blended with its excellences, that

''■' Chap. 6.

CH. XXII.] FINANCIAL SYSTEM. 611

by their removal, liberty, the source of all public virtue, would
have been endangered.

Although the Greeks were neither poor nor indifferent to
riches, the quantity of the precious metals in circulation was
proportionally far less than in the European states of later
times. Much therefore was effected with little money; and as
property returned high profits, individuals could contribute
largely to the state without infringing upon their capital.
Moreover the financial system of the Athenians was in itself
simple; their views seldom reached beyond the service of the
current year, unless indeed the command of some extraordinary
resources, such for example as the tributes, led to the adoption
of an extended plan of operations. To peculation and the
embezzlement of money they were frequently indifferent; and
from ignorance of the limited extent of their resources, they
incurred great expenses, and soon became involved in diffi-
culties. The numbers of the popular assembly embarrassed
their statesmen in the management of public affairs, and pre-
vented the execution of prompt or decisive measures. A large
portion of the public money was through piety devoted to the
worship of the gods; much of it also was expended upon monu-
ments which will form a lasting record of their elevated
thoughts, their heroic deeds, as well as of their consummate
taste for the arts.

But though they executed the most splendid works which
have ever been conceived by the mind of man, their resources
could not be altogether appHed to such noble objects: the
craving wants of the lower order of their citizens also required
to be satisfied; who by salaries and donatives in time of peace
had become accustomed to indolence, and to the idea that the
state was bound to maintain them: and as by these means the
lowest persons were placed sufficiently at their ease to attend to
the administration of the state, the influence of the democracy
was insensibly extended. Their statesmen were always endea-
vouring to discover some method by which the mass of the
people might be enriched and supported out of the public
revenues, rather than by individual industry and prudence; as
the commonweal was considered as a private possession to be

2 R 2

612 GENERAL VIEW OF [BK. IV.

enjoyed in common, the proceeds of which were to be distributed
among the members who composed the state. And yet it
w^ould appear that donations and salaries are nowhere less
necessary than for states in which slavery is established. The
degradation of the greater part of the inhabitants enables those
who are free to obtain their subsistence by the labour of the
slaves ; and it is thus that they have sufficient leisure to attend
to affairs of state; whereas in countries in which slavery does
not exist, the citizens having to labour for their subsistence are
less able to employ themselves in the business of government.
Plato, therefore, in his sketch of a perfect state, proposed that
the governing class should be maintained at the public cost.
The pay of the soldiers, which was early introduced in Athens,
is less objectionable; but the expenditure incurred on this, as
well as on other accounts, far exceeded the internal resources
of the state. Extravagance at home, the expense of the mili-
tary operations, and the maladministration in their foreign pos-
sessions, gave rise to the oppression of their allies, whose
dependant and tributary condition drew down upon the tyrant
state the hatred of Greece. In order to maintain her power
which was derived from foreign resources, Athens heaped injus-
tice on injustice, and endeavoured by oppression and terror
to assert that dominion, which indeed no state in Greece had
so just a claim to, and to which she had, as it were, been led
and pressed onward by the natural course of events. As how-
ever the galling restraints imposed upon the subject states
could necessarily endure only for a time; and as a voluntary
combination among the Greeks, such as that against the Per-
sians, could never have been permanent, the Athenian state,
and w^ith it the rest of Greece, must in the end have been
overthrown, even if Philip of Macedon had not risen up
against it.

Of the different revenues of the state, the custom duties
were the least oppressive, as having been imposed with suit-
ableness and moderation. On the other hand, the immense
fines, although they produced a large income to the state, were
a constant inducement to unjust decisions. The power of con-
fiscating property was in the hands of wild and thoughtless

CH. XXII.J THE FINANCIAL SYSTEM. 613

demagogues^ a dreadful scourge upon the rich and great; par-
ticularly if the proceeds were forthwith distributed among the
people. The liturgies^ although of great utility, were injurious j
because they were not arranged according to any fair propor-
tion. Patriotism, religion, enthusiasm, and not less than these,
ambition, stimulated individuals to make great sacrifices for the
state. The three first however gradually became extinct; while
the latter, being applied to base instead of to worthy ends, exer-
cised only a pernicious influence.

In the history of the Greeks, we do not wish to undervalue
their greatness, or to detract from their noble qualities: we
allow that much was better than in modern states, better than
in the Roman empire when sunk in corruption ; better far than
under the oppressive and degrading despotisms of the East: but
much also was worse than in our times. It is only a partial or
superficial view which discovers nothing but ideal perfection in
antiquity. The eulogy of past times, and the unquahfied cen-
sure of everything contemporary, are the results frequently of
perverted judgment, or perhaps of a narrow and disdainful
selfishness, which considers the heroes of antiquity to be the
only associates worthy of its own imagined greatness. There
are however parts of the Grecian history less brilliant than
those which are commonly brought into view. Even in the
noblest races of Greece, among which the Athenians must
without doubt be reckoned, depravity and moral corruption
were prevalent throughout the whole people. Although their
free governments, and the small independent communities into
which the different nations were divided, may have produced
an intense and constant excitement, they were at the same
time the causes of innumerable disturbances; and, if we except
those exalted minds, which found sufficient support within
themselves, we shall in vain search for that abundance of com-
fort and charity which a purer religion has poured into the
hearts of mankind. The Greeks, with all the perfection of their
works of art and the freedom of their governments, were more
unhappy than is usually believed; even in the times of their
glory, they bore within themselves the seeds of that destruction
which was sooner or later destined to befal them. The forma-

614 FINANCIAL SYSTEM. [bK. IV.

tion of large states into monarchies, which has limited the
sphere of individual action, and given a greater degree of
stability to the principles of government, appears to be an
essential advance in the condition of the human race ; provided
that there be also present that energy of individual character,
that free and daring spirit, that implacable hatred of oppres-
sion and the arbitrary power of rulers, which so distinguished
the Greeks. For without these w^e should in vain hope to
escape that destruction in which the states of Greece were
ultimately overwhelmed.

DISSERTATION

THE SILVER MINES OF LAURION

ATTICA\

§ 1. Situation of the Laurian Mines, and their 7'elation to
the neighbouring Towns,

If we consider the advantages which Athens derived from the
mines of Laurion, a prominent station should undoubtedly be
assigned to them among the numerous gifts of nature' with which
the country of Attica was favoured^. The means which they
afforded for the profitable employment of capital served at the
same time to enrich many private individuals and to maintain
large numbers of slaves (who, when occasion required, might
be used in manning the fleets^) ; and the state derived from
them an income, which, as being productive of injury to no one,
an ancient writer^ justly considers as the best source of public
revenue. If we except the happy situation of the country, the
freedom of the constitution, and the mental superiority of the
inhabitants, no one circumstance perhaps contributed so much
to the prosperity of the state as the possession of these mines.

" From the Memoirs of the Berlin : x^oj/os-.

Academy for the years 1814 and 1815,
p. 85—140.

^ iEschylus (Pers. 235), mentioning
the resources of the Greeks, says,
upyvpov TTT^yrf ns avrois icrri, drjaavpos

■^ Cf. Xenoph. de Vectig. 1, 5.

3 Cf. Xenoph. nt sup. 4, 42.

■* The author of the Introduction to
the second book of the (Economics
falsely attributed to Aristotle.

616

SITUATION OF LAURIAN MINES^ AND

The power of Athens depended on her fleets, her wealth upon
foreign commerce. It was the produce of the silver mines
which first enabled Themistocles to found the naval force of his
country; and nothing so much promoted her trade as the purity
of her silver coin, which, while many other states of Greece
circulated a metal current only at home, was every where
exchanged with profit\ This wise arrangement was doubtless
in great measure occasioned by the possession of silver within
their own territor)\

The mountain, or rather hill, in which the silver mines were
situated, was called Laurion or Laureion, but never Lauron;
the mines themselves Laureia or Lauria; and the district Lau-
riotike^ Its height is inconsiderable; Attica is of less eleva-
tion from Hymettus down to the coast, so that whenever the
mountains of this country are spoken of, Brilessus, Lycabettus,
Parnes, Corydallus, Hymettus, Anchesmus, and others are
named^, but never Laurion, although the latter was no less
remarkable than any of the others. Hobhouse^ describes it as
a high and abrupt hill, covered with pine trees and abounding
in marble; Stuart also recognised in Legrina and Lagriona
near Sunium, the name Laurion, which has also evidently been

* Xenoph. ut sup. i. 3, cf. Aristoph.
Ran. 730—736, Polyb. xx. 15, i6.

" Aavpiov, and \avpeiov, both either
with or without opos, frequently occur,
the former in Thucyd. ii. 55, where see
the commentators, Pausanias i. 1,
Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 361, Suidas in v.
yXav| tTrrarai, Hesychius in v. yXavKes
Aavpi(OTLKal, Schol, yEsch. Pers. 237,
and Liban. xx. ; the latter in Herod,
vii. 144, Andoc. de Myster. p. 19, 20,
where it is falsely accented Aavpelov
(a MS. has however in both places I
instead of EI.) In Thucyd. vi. 91,
the reading varies in the manuscripts.
The first method of writing this word
is confii-med by the derivative Aavpioi-
TiKos, with a short Iota, in Aristoph.
Av. 1106. Plutarch (Nic. 4,) calls the
district AavpioiTiKrjy where Reiske in-

correctly proposes to read AavpeayriKTJ.
Aavpeia for the mines occurs in Hesy-
chius, and consequently Aavpia was
also in use, but that Aavpov was used
for Aavpwu cannot be believed on the
credit of the same grammarian (in v.
Aavpov).

^ Strabo ix. p. 275, (ed. Casaub.
1587,) Pausan. i. 32, Plin. Nat. Hist.
iv. 11, &c.

^ Travels in Albania, &c. vol. i. p.
417. It might be inferred from his
account that the silver ore ran into
marble ; this is however uncertain :
the passage in Stuart afterwards re-
ferred to is Ath. Ant. vol. iii. p. xiii.
Compare the passage from the Un-
edited Antiquities of Attica, quoted in
note 16.

THEIR RELATION TO NEIGHBOURING TOWNS. 6l7

preserved in the names Lauronoris, Mauronoris, Mauronorise
[Aavpiov opo^). According to his statement, it is an uneven
line of mountains full of exhausted mines and scorise, stretch-
ing from Porto Raphti to Legrina: and there forming the Pro-
montory called Mauronise: it appears that the highest part, as
laid down in the maps, is near the south-west coast; for accord-
ing to Pausanias in the commencement of his work, this moun-
tain is seen by a person sailing from Sunium to the Piraeus, in
the direction of the desert island of Patroclus: but the silver
mines stretched from coast to coast in a line of about sixty
stadia from Anaphlystus in the south-west, to Thoricus on the
north-east sea^ To what distance they reached downwards to
Sunium and upwards to Hymettus, is unknown. In the age of
Xenophon, the extent of the mines was continually increased,
as new spots abounding in ore were discovered^": but to none
of the bordering countries, either towards the sea, or towards
the main-land, did any veins of silver extend: Attica alone,
says Xenophon, had received this gift of heaven' \

If WQ may judge from the dense population of the whole
country, it seems evident that the particular district of the
mines must have been very populous, and necessarily included
several villages, which served for the habitation of the labourers:
and by these the situation of the mines might perhaps be more
accurately ascertained. Laurion itself was indeed neither a
harbour, as is stated by Meletius in his geography, and by
Lauremberg in an old map wnich has now become useless'^;
nor a demus, as Corsini has correctly observed against Meursius

^ Xenopli. ut sup. 4, 44. In a letter I (Whaler, Travels, p. 424), is meant,
of Francis Vernon, who had travelled which lies farther northwards near
in Greece, translated by Spon from the ' Zoster, not far from the harbour of
Philosophical Transactions (Travels, j Phalerum, and according to Wheler is
vol. iv. p. 301), the wi'iter observes ; the Phaura of Strabo, as the situation
that he had seen an island between | shows. It is however more probable
Phalerum and Sunium, called Phlehes I that salt was found there than ore.
{(pXe^es), where the Athenians once ^" Ibid. 4, 3.
had mines. Lest it should be sup- " Ibid. 1, 5.

posed that a place near Anaphlystus is '^ Melet. Geogr. p. 349, the old edi-
intended, where the veins ran across tion, Lauremberg Grsecia Antiqua, p.
to an island, I remark that La Phlega 23, in Gronovius' Thes. A. Gr. vol. iv.

618 SITUATION OF LAURIAN MINES, AND

and Spon'^; and the grammarians '% who call it a place in Attica,
probably mean something more than the mountain ; for it is
very possible that there were public buildings erected in some
particular spot, which, together with other houses and foundries,
composed the town of Laurion.

Anaphlystus was one of the chief demi; Thoricus was in
early times one of the twelve independent towns, and after-
wards became a demus, although by Hecatseus and other later
writers it is called a town : in Mela^s time, however, it was only
a name, for, according to the probable conjecture of Chandler,
it sank at the same time with the mines. Leroy, in the year
1754, was driven by contrary winds into a port near a place
which, according to his account, was still called Thoricus. He
describes it as situated in a plain bounded with hills, into which
to the south (according to our maps to the south-west) projects
a mountain which he recognised as Laurion ^^ Chandler, on
the other hand, considers the modern Cerateia (which Meletius
calls a village {Kcofir]), and which, according to Hobhouse, con-
tains about 250 houses) as Thoricus, without however having
been upon the spot. Wheler, who suggested another notion,
had visited Cerateia, a town which, fifty or sixty years previous
to his arrival, before it had been destroyed by corsairs, had been
a considerable place, and had possessed certain privileges; but
from its situation, this cannot be Thoricus. Spon is entirely
mistaken in considering the modern Porto Raphti as the ancient
Thoricus. The statement of the modern English writers is
undoubtedly true: viz. that the harbour now called Theriko,
situated seven miles to the south-east of Cerateia, was the
ancient Thoricus; as is now evident since the publication of

^^ Meursius de Pop. et Pag. Spon, ' Stephan. Byzant. in v. QopiKos, PHn.
Travels, vol. iii. pai't ii. p. 153, Cor- I Hist. Nat. iv. 1 1, Mela ii. 3, iv. 7,
sini Fast. Att. vol. i. p. 248. Even j Wheler, Travels, p. 448, Chandler,
Sigonius, who always shows judgment. Travels, chap. 33, Leroy, Les plus
although he has left many inquiries beaux Mouumens de la Grece, ed. 2,
uncompleted, omitted Laurion in the vol. i. p. 3. Alost of the passages upon
list of the demi. Thoricus have been collected by Meur-

^* Suidas and Photius. sins (de Pop. et Pag.); cf. Duker ad

'* Strab. ix. p. 274, Hecataeus ap* Thucyd. viii. 95.

THEIR RELATION TO NEIGHBOURING TOWNS.

619

the remaining part of Stuart^s work'^ The country near that
place is mentioned as the particular district of the mines ^^.
-^schines, the orator, also mentions an ipyacrrripcov or com-
partment in the silver mines of Aulon, which place was so
called from its forming a long and narrow valley resembling a
channel' ^

A mine situated near Maroneia is mentioned by Demos-
thenes^*: the identity of the name of this place with that of the
Thracian Maroneia, a colony of the Chians, either arose acci-
dentally, or from the name being carried over from Attica to
Chios, and thence being introduced into Thrace; to which sup-
position the hero Maron, who is celebrated in the Odyssey, and
from whom the Thracian town is said to have received its name,
does not furnish any well-founded objection. Mines or work-
shops at Thrasyllus are also mentioned by both the above-cited
orators. This place received its name from a monument of
Thrasyllus (as Harpocration informs us), and must have been
situated in the district of Maroneia^"; for in Demosthenes, the
mine near Thrasyllus, as may be gathered from the context, is
the same with the mine at Maroneia.

Lastly, in several maps of Attica, the demus called Besa is
placed in the district of the mines, nearly in the middle between
Thoricus and Anaphlystus*', the position of the place being

^^ Spon, Travels, vol. iii. part ii. p.
135. Stuart ut sup. Hobhouse, Tra-
vels, vol. i. p. 411, 420. The unedited
Antiquities of Attica, comprising the
Architectural Remains of Eleusis,
Rhamnus, Sunium, and Thoricus,
London, 1817, p. 57-

^7 Plin. xxxvii. 5, Schol. ^sch. ut
sup.

1^ iEsch. c. Timarch. p. 121, Suidas
in V. av\a>v€S, Lex. Seg. p. 206, AvXav
Toiros TTjs WTTiKrjS KoXeTrai, eneidr) eVt-
fjLr]Kr]S Koi arrevos as avXm eoiKcvai.

^» C. Pantaenet. p. 907, 17, and
thence the argument of the same ora-
tion, Harpocration, Suidas, Photius,
Lex. Seg. p. 279.

2" iEschines ut sup. calls the district
eVi Gpao-u^Xo), Demosthenes ut sup. p.

973, 29, eTTt QpaavWov ; Harpocration
however in v. eVi QpaavXXcp reads
QpaavXXco in the latter place, although
from the interpretation eVi tS QpacrvX'
Xov p.urifj,aTi the genitive might seem
preferable. Meursius Lect. Att. v.
30, accuses Harpocration of confound-
ing the bath of Thrasyllus with this
monument; besides this pm-ely arbi-
trary assumption, he confesses that lie
has incorrectly referred this place to
Amphitrope, to which he was misled
by the false derivation of the words in
-/Eschines now long since corrected.

^^ As is laid in the map by Philip
Argelatus in the works of Sigonius,
vol. V. and in Kitchen's map in Chan-
dler's Travels.

620

SITUATION OF LAURIAN MINES, AND

fixed on the authority of a passage of Xenophon. According
to this writer, there were, on both coasts, fortifications at Tho-
ricus and Anaphlystus : and if a third fort were placed upon
the highest point of " Besa," the two first would be thus con-
nected, and on the alarm of an hostile attack, every person from
the mines would easily be able to take refuge in one of the
walled places". The meaning of this writer is indeed too
obscurely expressed to allow of our drawing any sure inference;
the reading moreover is not sufficiently certain, and the term
Besa is ambiguous: the latter word may either be the proper
name of a place, or signify a low ground covered with bushes; it
is however by no means improbable that the district received
the name of Besa from this particular circumstance, and that
this demus should be here sought for ; besides which the name
Besa is, according to Stuart, still in existence. It may be
observed, that by the iQrm fortifications we are not to under-
stand long walls, but single castles, in which the labourers
might take refuge; the connexion spoken of by Xenophon
was caused by the contiguity of the three places, from which
the intervening country might be commanded. The works at
Thoricus and Anaphlystus are the fortifications at those places.

■^^ Xenoph. ibid. 4, 43 sqq. from
which I will extract the following
words : ecrrt iiev yap drjTTOv nepl ra
fieraXKa ev rfj npos fxea-TjplBpiav daXdrTt]
reT;^os' ev ^ Ava(p\vaT(o., ecrri 8e iv rfj
TTpos apKTOV relxos iv OopiKW' une^eL
8e ravTOf ott' aXXT^Xcoi^ dp-Cpl to. e^rjKovra
(TTadia. El ovv Koi ev pecra tovtcov
yevoiTO eni rco v'^Xotutco ^r^acrr^i rpi-
Tov epvpa^ (jvvrjKOL t (not as is com-
monly read crvvrjKOLT) av ra epya els ev
e^ cnravTOiv tuiv Teixo>v Kal e'l ri alaoa-
voiTO TtohepiKOV, ^paxp av e'lt] eKaarco
els TO da(PaXes u7ro;(a)pj}crai. Brjaarjs
was first edited by Stepliauus ; if the
borough is meant, ev Brjarj would be
the most natural expression ; but if
only a low hill covered with bushes, it
would seem to require the article ttjs
^r)(Ta-r)s. A'^alesius (ad Harpocrat. in v.
^r)ar)Ls) is of opinion that the borough

is meant. Strabo ix. p. 293, observes
that the borough was written Brjcra
and not Bi]oraa, which is confirmed by
inscriptions ; but there can be no doubt
that the appellative was originally
wi-itten in tlie same manner, and that
the ancient form was retained in the
proper name, while in the otlier word
it soon disappeared. Schneider, whose
edition of this work of Xenophon did
not appear until after the completion
of this Essay, has received Brja-ijs into
the text : Chandler and Hobhouse (ut
sup. p. 420), also assume that Besa is
here mentioned. [The author says in
his collection of Greek Inscriptions,
vol. i. p. 290, " De Besa nunc addenda
est eximia Issei aiictoritas de Pyrrhi
Ilered. p. 27, postquam Bekkerus ex
libris restituit verum Bj^cra^e." Orat.
Att. p. 34.— Transl.]

THEIR RELATION TO NEIGHBOURING TOWNS. 621

which on account of their importance as military posts had been
converted into castles. Thoricus had been placed in a state of
defence by the Athenians in Olymp. 93, 1 (b.c. 408), perhaps
with a view to the protection of the mines": that Anaphlystus
was a fort (ret;^©?) is also observed by Scylax in his Peri-
plus; and as Sunium had been fortified in Olymp. 91, 4
(b.c. 413)^*, these places were entirely defended from attacks
by sea.

Invasions by land, against which Xenophon^s new fort was
to be erected, were attended with great difficulties; for, accord-
ing to the remark of this military writer, the enemies^ troops
would be forced to pass by the city; and if their numbers were
small, they would be cut off by the cavalry and guards in the
country; while, by coming in large force, they would both
expose their own territory, and be unable to maintain their
ground from want of provisions: and even if they were masters
of the mines, they would derive no more benefit from the silver
ore, than from mere stones. In the second year however of
the Peloponnesian war Olymp. 87, f (b.c. 430), the Spartans
and their allies advanced in the district of Paralos as far as
Laurion*'; and although it is not mentioned that they obtained
actual possession of the mines, yet the working of them would
probably have been suspended, even if the enemy had not
advanced so far. At a later period the fortifying and the conti-
nued occupation of Decelea by the Spartans, which was main-
tained by the advice of Alcibiades, deprived the state of the
revenues from Laurion^^, as the regular working of the mines
must probably have been thus impeded ; the slaves too eloped,
and the connexion with the capital was interrupted by the long
protracted warfare carried on within the country.

23 Xenoph. ITellen. i. 2, 2. I ^^ Ibid. ii. 55.

^* Thucyd. viii. 4. I ''^ Ibid. vi. 91.

622 PERIOD DURING WHICH

§ 2. Period during which the Mines were worked.

That the silver mines of Laurion had been worked in remote
antiquity, is certain from the testimony of Xenophon^^; no one
indeed ever attempted even to say at what time the ore was first
extracted.

The working of mines had a very early origin both in the East
and in Egypt : for as the precious metals generally lay near the
surface of the soil, they would naturally attract the attention
even of the mere savage wanderer. Man indeed appears to
have been originally endowed with an instinct analogous to that
possessed by the bee and the beaver; an instinct subservient to
the ends of social union (to which man, as x\ristotle truly says,
is determined by the command of nature), yet at the same time
not incompatible with those higher endowments which are
requisite for the establishment of civil society; with the advance
of civilization however its use and existence gradually dis-
appeared, and the original acuteness in the mental perceptions
gave place to a more simple state of these functions; in the
same manner that the instinct of animals and the quickness of
their senses are diminished by taming. But, next in order to
husbandry and the keeping of cattle, the most essential requisite
for a social life is the possession of metals. Without therefore,
incurring the charge of fanciful speculation, we may infer that,
as mankind discovered the food suited to their wants by the
instinct of nature and not by accident, in the same way also
they were led to seek after metals and to perceive their uses.
This supposition is equally removed from two opposite and
improbable suppositions, either that the human race was in its
earliest stages in a state of brutish savageness, or that it was
possessed of a high degree of illumination and wisdom; between
which extremes the truth is to be looked for.

Whether the art of mining in general had so remote an
origin in Greece is in itself another question. It is certain
however that many mines in this country were first worked by

De Vectig. 4 2.

THE MINES WERE WORKED. 623

inhabitants of Asiatic nations, as for instance those of Thasos
by the Phoenicians. The Athenian silver mines indeed appear
to have been opened long after the emigration which probably
took place from Egypt. Whatever Xenophon may say of the
early period at which they were worked, the scarcity of silver in
the time of Solon proves that no systematic or artificial process
of mining could at that time have been established. But in the
time of Themistocles, before Xerxes' expedition against Greece,
when at the advice of that statesman a large fleet was fitted
out from the revenues of the mines for the purpose of the
^ginetan war, they must have been worked with considerable
activity.

In the age of Socrates we find indeed that a large number of
labourers were employed in the mines by private individuals ;
but the public revenue derived from them was much lower than
in earlier times'^; and consequently the amount of silver
obtained was less considerable: notwithstanding which, Xeno-
phon in his Essay upon the Revenues, entertains such exag-
gerated notions of the excellence of these mines, that he appears
to have believed that they were inexhaustible ; for he states it
as an important point that of the district which contained the
silver a small part only was worked out, when compared with
that which remained, although the works had been going on
from time immemorial ; that after innumerable labourers had
been employed there, the mines always appeared the same as in
the time of their ancestors ; and that everything indicated that
the number of labourers in them could never be increased
beyond the means of profitable employment. The number of
the labourers however, according to his own statement, had
already begun to diminish. The majority of the mine proprie-
tors were at that time beginners^ ^; the working of the mines
therefore appears to have nearly ceased before the last years of
the life of Xenophon (during which the Essay in question was
written), either from the frequency of the wars, or because the
poverty of the ores had prevented the proprietors from obtaining
a profitable return.

28 Xenoph. ISIemor. Socrat. iii. G, 12. | '^^ Xenoph. de Vectig. 4. 2, 3, 25, 28.

G24 PERIOD DURING WHICH MIXES WERE WORKED.

In the age of Philip which immediately succeeded, there
were loud complaints of unsuccessful speculations in mining ;
and subsequent experience showed that the silver mines could
be so far exhausted as to leave no hope of an adequate profit.
In the first century of the Christian era, Strabo^" remarks
that these once celebrated mines were exhausted ; for, as the
farther working of them did not yield a sufficient return, the
poorer ore, which had been already removed, was smelted,
together with the scoriae from which the metal had been imper-
fectly separated in former times. Pausanias in the latter^ half
of the second century after Christ makes mention of Laurion,
with the melancholy addition that it had once been the seat
of the Athenian silver mines.

§ 3. Ores and Minerals found in the Laurian Mines,

The ore from which the silver v\as obtained is generally called
silver earth {dpyvplris yrj or simply apyvplnsy^', but that by
this we are not to understand soft earth, may be collected from
an expression of Xenophon, who says that the enemy could
make no more use of the ores from these mines than of stones.
The word earth in Greek is of very general application, and
may include ores even of solid stone : the Romans also applied
the same term to silver ore^*.

The quality of the ore in the mines of Laurion is nowhere
expressly stated : it is possible however to throw some light
upon the subject by a few incidental accounts. As the works of
Laurion are always called silver-mines, and as neither lead,
copper, or any other mineral is ever mentioned, it is evident
that, in early times at least, they must have afforded ores
extremely abundant in silver, more particularly as the ancients,
from their imperfect knowledge of chemistry, could not make

^° ix. p. 275. Plutarch. deDef. Orac. v. fUToXka) is an inaccurate expres-
c. 43. I sion, for earth and sand have not by

^' Thus Xenophon, compare Pollux any means the same import in tlie
vii. 98, ^Apyvplris afipos in tlie gram- | lan^iage of tlie ancients.
marians (as e. g. Lex. Seg. p. 280, in | ^^ Plin. xxxiii. 31.

ORES AND MINERALS IX THE LAURIAN MINES. 625

use of ores in which the proportion of silver was inconsiderable.
This is also proved by the fact of the ore being called silver
earthy and not lead or copper earth. Mines of the precious
metals are usually more productive nearer to the surface of the
soil than at a greater depth, and the quantity of silver contained
in many ores diminishes in proportion as they recede from the
surface : therefore when the miners penetrated farther into the
interior of the mountain, it is not impossible that they met with
ores of inferior quality; which partly explains the diminution in
the profit already alluded to. The ore of these mines appears
moreover to have occurred for the most part in thick layers,
since otherwise the whole mountain would not have been so far
excavated that nothing was left but supports for the purpose of
safety; whereas ores in which the silver composes the larger
part of the substance usually occur in veins.

Other less distinct traces, moreover, would seem to prove
that a considerable part of the ore was lead ore containing a
portion of silver. It is mentioned by Spon^% that old men
residing in that district remembered a lead mine, which the
inhabitants had suffered to fall into neglect, from fear that the
Turks might think proper to work it, and by that means subject
them to inconvenience. " Lead," he states, " is brought from
the neighbouring places of a more perfect quality than the com-
mon kind, as the goldsmiths in the process of purification find
some silver in it." To this account, however, the statement of
Wheler^"' is most strikingly opposed, who in a journey from
Porto Raphti along the north-eastern coast of Attica to Sunium,
within a short distance from the latter place, arrived at a small
mountain, where, according to his statement, a large quantity of
copper had been formerly obtained, and the Athenian gold-
smiths, as was said, found silver in it: this was not, however,
allowed to reach the ears of the Turks, lest the grand seignior
should make the inhabitants slaves for the purpose of working

^ Travels, vol. ii. p. 2C5. i Wheler, as well as Chandler. Hob-

^^ Ut sup. Hobhouse (ut sup. p. 420), house likewise saw the heaps of cin-

also speaks of copper in this dis- ders.

trict, but evidently only copying from I

2 S

626

ORES AND MINERALS FOUND

the mines. The ashes which he there remarked confirmed him
in his belief of this statement: to which he adds the strange
remark, that whether there once was in that place a city called
Laurion he knows not: if, however, it did exist, it was assu-
redly built upon the advice of Xenophon, who proposed the
erection of a fortress in this place; that probably, however, it
was nearer to the sea, where there is an harbour for the car-
riers who go to Macronisi, the ancient Helena. Both travellers
evidently speak of the same fact ; if both are right, we must
suppose that there was a mixture of ores, in which copper and
lead, as is frequently the case, were combined : the mention of
emeralds at Thoricus, of which I shall afterwards speak, may
indeed be taken as an indication of the existence of copper ore,
although the hill of which Wheler speaks was further inland,
about the place where Besa is placed. Hobhouse saw at
Athens a specimen of the ore found a short time previously, but
what it was he does not mention. Clarke, who, from his know-
ledge of mineralogy, was best fitted to give a solution of the
difficulty, could learn nothing of the silver mines^\

Spon^s statement, however, receives confirmation from an
account in an ancient author. According to the Second Book
of the CEconomics^^ (which, although not the production of the
writer to whom it is attributed, is not for that reason undeserv-

'' Travels, vol. ii. part ii. p. oTJ.
The quotations from ancient writers
made by Walpole in the note on that
passage are of very little importance :
he also states that the Athenians ob-
tained copper from Laurion ; probably
however from a misconception of So-
phocl. CEd. Col. 57.

^^ IIvdoi<\ris\\dT]ya'ios* Adr]V(iLois avv-
€^ov\eva€ TOP fioXv^dov tov ck tcov
TvpLOiV TTapaXu^^dueiv napa twv ISicotcov
Tr)v ttoXlv axTTrep evrcoXoui/ dldpa^fiov,
fira rd^avra avTols Tipr)v e^adpdvfxov
ovTO) ncoXelv. For rd^avra avTols
should eitlier be read rd^arrti' atrois or
Ta^avras avTovs. The correction which
I have adopted was first proposed by
Sylburgius ; but it is not necessary

with the same commentator to write
TOV Aavplov or Aaupe/ou, as the mines are
called Aavpeia and consequently also
Aavpia. Salmasius, de Usuris, cap. 9,
p. oof), silently follows the true read-
ing: Tvpfxidav, the conjecture of Ca-
merarius, does not deserve any notice.
Reitemeier, in his learned Treatise
upon the Arts of Mining and Founding
among the Ancients (vom Berghau und
Hiittenweseu der Alten, Guttingen,
1 785), has too hastily considered the
lead from Tyre as of Spanish origin.
See p. 18. [Mr. Wordsworth, Athens
and Attica, p. 208, conjectures e'/c Ta>v
dpyvp'ioiv^ which ought rather to be
dpyvpficov. — Transl.]

IN THE LAURIAN MINES. 62/

ing of credit), Pythocles the Athenian counselled the state to
buy up the lead from private individuals, at the usual price of
2 drachmas, and having obtained a monopoly, to fix the price
at 6 drachmas. According to the common reading, this lead
is supposed to come from Tyre; but would it be possible for
any person in such a small country as Attica to propose a
monopoly of an article of import, which was not necessarily
consumed in any large quantities ? Again, if imported lead were
meant, it would have been mentioned that the state was to buy
it of the merchants, and not of private individuals. How much
more obvious would it have been to obtain a monopoly of some
domestic product of extensive consumption : if Athenian lead was
consumed to any great amount in foreign countries, the state
would have made a considerable profit, so long, at least, as the
buyers did not find a market where they could purchase on
more advantageous terms. If, moreover, it is remembered how
easily the singular expression rbu Sk tcov Tvplwv may be altered
into the more commodious one of tov Ik tcov Aavptcov, this pas-
sage must be considered as a complete proof that the mines of
Laurion supplied a considerable quantity of lead; which for
evident reasons I will not endeavour to confirm by the fact that
litharge is particularly mentioned as coming from the Athenian
silver foundries.

Besides lead, and perhaps copper, ores containing zinc were
also found at Laurion, as will be shown presently.

By some grammarians these mines are called gold mines,
without any mention of silver^^; and the Scholiast of Aristo-
phanes and Suidas explain the owls of Laurion as gold coins.
I do not mean to deny that Athens issued gold coins, and the
owl would probably have been the device upon them; but there
can be no doubt that the staters or tetradrachms, as well as
other silver coins which bore this device, were commonly called
owls of Laurion. The Scholiast of Aristophanes'^ in another
passage also mentions that both gold and silver were found at
Laurion ; but the testimony of so uncertain a witness cannot

37 Hesycb. in v. Aaipeia, Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 1091, Suidas in v. y\ai>
InraTai. '' Eq. 361.

2 S 2

628 ORES AND MINERALS FOUND

have any weight against the silence of all good writers. Mele-
tius also asserts (perhaps on the authority of these writers)
that between Sunium and Cerateia, and therefore somewhere
near Thoricus, there existed mines of gold and silver. An
amusing story preserved in some grammarians relates that the
Cecropidae, misled by a false report, once ascended the moun-
tain Hymettus with an armed force, for the purpose of obtain-
ing possession of the golden sand guarded by the warlike ants,
and that after many troubles they returned home, without effect-
ing their object^ ^ ; a tale of equal authority with the statements
above noticed. If indeed some small portion of gold was mixed
with the silver ore of Laurion, it was far too inconsiderable in
quantity to be extracted profitably, with the imperfect know-
ledge of the art of smelting possessed by the ancients.

The emeralds, the cinnabar, and the sil of Attica, deserve
also to be mentioned.

Of twelve kinds of emerald, which is the number assumed
by the ancients, three were particularly valued, and would at
this time be considered genuine emeralds : the other nine were
stones resembling emeralds, and, according to Pliny, were all
found in copper mines; the best of these were the Cyprian,
which, as well as those of Chalcedon, even Theophrastus calls
spurious; a fortiori then the same exclusion may be applied to
the Athenian, among the defects of which Pliny particularly
instances their dead colour, and that their green tint was
gradually bleached by the light of the sun. They were found
in the silver mines of Thoricus ; if therefore Pliny is accurate
in his account, as he had just before stated that all the nine
spurious kinds were found in copper mines, it follows that at
Thoricus copper ore was present in the silver mines*".

Of cinnabar {Kcvvd^apt), with the exception of that brought
from India, which belonged to the vegetable kingdom, there
were, according to Theophrastus"', two species, the natural.

^^ Harpocration and Suidas in v. I *° Concerning the emeralds see Plin.
Xpva-oxoflov, and the passage of Eu- xxxvii. 17, 18, Theophrast. de Lapid.

buhis tlie comic poet there quoted. § 46, ed. Hill.

[See Meineke, Fr. Com. Qr. vol. iii. I *' Ut sup. § 103, 104, avTo(f)ves and

p. 215. — Traxsl.] I TO KGT^ epyaaiav.

IN THE LAURIAN MIXES. 629

found in Spain, which was hard and stony; and the artificial,
chiefly made above Ephesus. The material from which the
latter was prepared was a shining sand of the colour of scarlet
or cochineal {kokkos), which was comminuted and washed down
to a fine powder. Callias the Athenian, who worked silver
mines at his own expense, found some of this sand in his mines,
which he ordered to be collected, thinking from its shining
appearance that it contained gold. Finding himself deceived
in this expectation, but still admiring the briUiancy of the sand,
he hit upon the method of preparing cinnabar from this sub-
stance, in Olymp. 93, 4 (b.c. 405)''^ Consequently, although
this artificial cinnabar was not made of quicksilver and sulphur,
it was nevertheless real cinnabar : which fact, as far as I am
aware, has never been pointed out. For although Theophrastus
distinguishes it from the natural, it cannot be inferred that he
means the spurious kind, since immediately afterwards*^ he gives
it to be understood that it was not some peculiar substance
manufactured by an artificial process, but that the preparation
of art endeavoured to imitate the work of nature. In the same
place he treats of the preparation of quicksilver from cinnabar,
without remarking that it was necessary for this purpose to have
the natural kind; if, however, quicksilver could be obtained
from cinnabar prepared artificially, it was in fact the very sub-
stance which we call cinnabar. Pliny"* also reckons the prepa-
ration discovered by Calhas as the genuine minium or cinnabar,
the true test of which was, as he states, its scarlet colour, which
distinguished it from the minium secundarium, an inferior pro-
duction of the silver and lead foundries.

But the most complete proof that the artificial cinnabar was
derived from an ore of quicksilver is furnished by a comparison
of Vitruvius with the two writers already mentioned. The
cinnabar above Ephesus was prepared artificially according to
the method discovered by Callias: Pliny, upon the authority of
a passage of Theophrastus, states with greater accuracy that

*-^ Theophrast. ut sup. Plin. xxxiii. j *'^ § 105.
37. Cf. Corsiiii Fast. Att. vol. iii. "* xxxiii. 37, 40.
p. 202.

630 ORES AND MINERALS FOUND

the Cilbian plain was the precise spot of its manufacture; now,
according to Vitruvius**^, cinnabar was at this very place pre-
pared, in the manner mentioned by Theophrastus, from a
material which consisted in part of cinnabar dust, and partly of
indurated quicksilver ore, with intermixed drops of quicksilver
in a liquid state. According to Vitruvius, quicksilver flowed
from the ore itself when exposed to the action of heat. The
only distinction then between cinnabar and the sand from which
the artificial cinnabar was prepared, was, that in the latter a
foreign substance, as it were, was combined, which was sepa-
rated by washing (in the same manner that in the inflammable
cinnabar ore of Idria the cinnabar is intimately combined with
inflammable schist) : whereas Theophrastus only calls that
natural cinnabar, which was found in an unmixed state. It may
be also mentioned, that the minium secundarium of Phny, which
was far inferior to the artificial cinnabar of Callias, must have
contained cinnabar; for a species of quicksilver, although of an
inferior kind, was prepared from it, which, to distinguish it
from the genuine argentum vivum, was called hydrargyi'us*^.

Besides the quicksilver ore, which, agreeably to what has
been just said, was found at Laurion, there occurred a substance
called Sil, which was likewise used as a material for dyeing.
The Romans obtained it from diff'erent places; among others,
within their own territory, about twenty Roman miles from the
city; but that which came from Attica was most esteemed''^
If a vein of it was discovered in the silver mines, it was followed
in the same manner as one of precious metal; since it was much
used for white-washing and also for painting, to which latter
purpose it first was applied by Polygnotus and Micon. In the
time of Vitruvius it could no longer be procured from Attica.
Pliny, who wrote at a later date, speaks of it as an article
still in use, either transcribing the statements of earlier writers,
as Salmasius supposes, or perhaps because supplies had been
again obtained. Salmasius''^ indeed asserts that sil was the
same substance with cinnabar; an error into which he was led

" vii. 8, 9. I "7 Vitruv. vii. 7, PHn. xxxiii. 6C, 57-

'•*' See Plin. xxxiii. '62, 41, and there *^ Salmas. Exercit. Pliu.p. 1157 sqq.
Hai-douiu. , I ed Par.

IN THE LALRIAN MINES. 631

by combining the account of Callias having collected a sand,
with the fact that so great value was attached to the veins of sil
in the Athenian mines; and which, when once adopted, he
endeavours to support by other still weaker arguments. The
editor of Theophrastus irepl XlOcov assents to his opinion with-
out examination'^ But were it not sufficient that Vitruvius
and Phny treat of sil and cinnabar in totally different places,
the statements with regard to the two substances are in them-
selves irreconcileable : cinnabar was sold at Rome for 70 ses-
terces a pound, and the Attic sil for only 2 denarii or 8
sesterces: the artificial cinnabar was prepared from solid ore or
from sand, while sil is described as slime or mud {limus), that
is to say, soft earth'".

Vitruvius, whom Salmasius accuses of error, affords us the
clearest explanation with regard to the nature of sil; for he
states that its Greek name was M)(pa, i. e. ochre. Theophras-
tus'^ distinctly calls w-^pa an earth, which he opposes to sand;
and Dioscorides and Zosimus the chemist particularly mention
the Athenian ochre'^. Sil and cinnabar were therefore totally
different substances, and by the first (of which the distinguishing
marks, as stated by ancient authors, are very obscure) can
hardly be understood anything but an iron ochre, of a yellow
colour, sometimes of a darker, sometimes of a brighter shade.
I may also remark the great improbability of Salmasius^s charge
against Pliny and Vitruvius, that they confounded sil with cin-
nabar, the former having been found in the neighbourhood of
Rome; and farther, that there is no necessity for tracing the
Greek origin of the name sil, as Italy possessed the same sub-
stance (though in less perfection) within her own territory.

It may be also observed, that the Te(o<pdvLov, which was the
subject of the oration of Dinarchus against Polyeuctus, was
probably a pit from which sil was extracted. The gramma-
rians expressly state that it was a yellowish earth (777 ^avOorepa)
used by painters; "perhaps,'^ they add, "raddle {/jll\to<;) or
potters' clay, or else earth for other purposes" .^^ Ameipsias

*» Ad § 103.

*" Plin. xxxiii. 40.

*' De Lapid. § 71.

^^ Dioscorid. v. IOC, Zosimus ap.
Salinas, iit sup.

^■^ Etyni. in v. yecofpavelou, Lex. Seg.

632

MINING PROCESSES

the Athenian comic poet had also made mention of raddle pits",
which is by no means inconsistent with what has been said.
Farther accounts with regard to the minerals in the Laurian
silver mines I have not been able to find".

§ 4. Mining Processes used at Laurion.

Of the various artificial processes of mining in use at Laurion a
better account could be given, if what the followers of Aristotle
had written concerning metals and mines were still extant.
Theophrastus in his book upon Stones, refers to his earlier
work upon Metals, in which they had been treated of in detail;
according to the List of Theophrastus's Works by Diogenes, it
consisted of two books. It is frequently called the Metallicon,
and undoubtingly ascribed to Theophrastus; in one passage,
however, in which it is cited by Pollux, he adds, "whether the
book is the production of Aristotle or Theophrastus;" although
in another place he simply mentions Theophrastus. Probably
the treatise was first included among the works of the Stagirite,
and was subsequently, after critical inquiries, correctly assigned
to his pupil. Although the fragments preserved are incon-
siderable, they show that this great natural philosopher had
paid a particular attention to mining or the art of founding^\

p. 227, Ilarpocr. Hesycli. and Suidas
in V. y€a>(f)dviov, and the commentators.
Dionys. Halic. in Yit. Dinarchi. The
y€(ocf)dviov in the island of Saraos, of
which Ephorus treated (Harpocr. in v.
yeaxpdviov, Pollux vii. 199, cf. Marx.
Ephor. p. 262 sqq.) differed from this.
It might indeed appear from Pollux
that Dinarclius had written upon the
ye(ocf)duLov of Samos; but the words
vnep (ov 6 Aeivupxos Xeyet, which are
wanting in a manuscript, are evidently
the production of a later hand; and the
speech of Dinarclius against Polyeuctus
referred to an offence committed by
the latter in Attica, and not in Samos,
although this island was at tliat time
settled with Athenian cleruchi. I con-
tent myself with merely pointing this

out; the space does not admit of a
more detailed examination.

^■^ Pollux vii. 10, Phot, in v. ^tXro)-
pv)(^ia : TOTTos iv co piXros opixracTaf
ovToas 'Afietylrias. Cf. Ilesych. in v.
IxiXTcopuxLa, and Eustath. ad II. b 637.

^^ As a circumstance worth remark-
ing, it may be mentioned, that of the
Attic honey, which was much esteemed,
that made in the neiglibourhood of the
silver mines held the second rank after
that of Uymettus, and bore the name
of uKdnuiarov or aKanvov, Strabo ix. p.
27'>. Compare Plin. Nat. Hist. xi. 15.

*^ Theophrast. de Lapid. ^^ 3, rrepX
pev ovv Tiou peraWevopevciiv iv liXXois
TfdfcoprjTiii : in this sentence the ex-
pression peraXXevopeva should be re-
marked, which was intentionally chosen.

USED AT LAL'RION. 633

His successor, Straton of Lampsacus, treated of the machinery
used in mining {Trepl twv /JLeraWtKcov /jajx^vrj/ndrcovy, by
which we are to understand all the artificial contrivances.
Atheneeus^^ also mentions a Metallicoti of an unknown author,
named Philon; where it is evident from the context that among
other subjects mention was made of the Egyptian mines, which
had been described by Agatharchides and Diodorus.

The information given by Reitemeier in his ingenious trea-
tise on the "^Arts of Mining and Founding among the Ancients/^
concerning the system of labour in the Athenian mines, though
superior to what he has said upon the other branches of the
art, has by no means rendered a more circumstantial investiga-
tion superfluous. It will therefore be necessary that the subjects
connected with this question, and especially the system of
founding, should be considered independently of that essay^^

The mines at Laurion were worked either by shafts {(ppeara^
putei) or adits (vttovo/jlol, cu?iei); and by neither of these two
modes of working did they, in the time of Xenophon, arrive at
the termination of the ore^°: for the chambering of the mines
timber was probably imported by sea^', which according to
Pliny was the case also in Spain®^. Hobhouse^^ mentions that
one or two shafts have been discovered in a small shrubby plain

as /xeVaXXoi/ properly signifies a mine, i ^'^ Diog. Laert. v. 59. This is the
Alexander of Aphrodisias (see Menage true name of the book ; the various
ad Diog. Laert.) also calls the treatise readings and Menage's attempt at
irepl Tcou ^€TaXX€vofjL€v<ov ; it does not emendation are equally to be rejected,
however by any means follow fi-om ^^ vii. p. 322 A.
this, that it did not embrace the sys- ! ^^ The treatise of the Abbot Pas-
tem of mines and foundries. Diog. chalis Karj^ophilus de antiquis metalli-
Laert. v. 44, and from hira Suidas in fodinis (Vienna, 1757) I have not been
v. Gedc^paoToy, have the general name able to refer to; from his Essays de
TTfpi /xeraXXo)!/, as in later times fieraX- Marmoribus Antiquis and de Thermis
\ov signified both mine and metal, Hercv.huds et de Thermarum usu, little
without any distinction. The other , however can be expected,
places in which the book is quoted are i ^° Xenoph. de Vectig. 4, 26.
Olympiodorus ad Aristot. Meteor iii. , ^' Demosth.c. Mid. p. 568, 17.
6 nevTOLTOVTov ('AptaTore'Kovs) fiadTjTrjs ; ^^ xxxiii. 21.

eypayp-ev Id'ia nepl eKdcrrov peraXXov, ^^ Ut sup. p. 417, the following is
Pollux vii, 99, X. 149, Harpocrat. in v. the entire passage: "One or two of
Kfyxpewi/, and thence Suidas and He- the shafts of the ancient silver mines,
sychius in v. npoo-cfxiurj, aKap<f)ci)if, ' for which this mountainous region was
crv^QXTfia. so celebrated, have been discovered in

634

MIXING PROCESSES

not far from the sea, on the eastern coast; and if the hole
which Chandler'* saw upon Mount Hymettus, was really, as he
conjectures, a shaft, it follows that some at least had a consider-
able width, for the circular opening was of more than forty feet
in diameter; at the bottom of the hole two narrow passages led
into the hill in opposite directions. It was also the practice,
according to Vitruvius, to make large hollows in the silver
mines''. The pillars, which were left standing for the support
of the overlying mountain, were called opfiot; and more com-
monly fjL6o-0KpLV6L^^\ as they at the same time served for the
divisions between the different compartments, or, as they were
called, workshops. As these pillars contained ore, the pro-
prietors were tempted by their cupidity to remove them, though
by law they were strictly prohibited from doing so: in the time
of the orator Lycurgus the wealthy Diphilus was condemned to
death for this offence'^. The opening of new mines was called

a small shrubby plain not far from the
sea, on the eastern coast ; and a speci-
men of one, lately found, was shown
to me at Athens."

«* Travels, chap. 30.

65" vii. 7.

^^ Yit. X. Orat. in Plutarch, vol. vi.
p. 256, ed. Tubingen, Pollux iii. 87,
vii. 98, Lex. Seg. p. 280, Phot, in v.
who expressly states them to be boun-
daries. Tliey are called op^oi in Lex.
Seg. p. 205, dnoaeax^v tovs opfiovs tov
iierdWov : uTrocre^at to diacrelcraL kul
KLvrjaaL. opjxoi 8e dcriv wancp K'.oves
Toil /xerdXXov, ovtoi S' rjaav Koi opci Trjs
€Kd(rTT]s p.epi8os, rjv epiaOcoauTO rrapa
TT)s TToXeco?. The paragogic v of utto-
aeo-x^v alone shows that the gloss is
corrupt, and if dnoaeo-x^tv be substi-
tuted, this, as well as the aorist utto-
o-€|ai, remains unknov/n and suspici-
ous : but the sense is clear. It refers
to the cutting or working of the sup-
ports of the mines, by which they were
undermined and shaken, so as to cre-
ate a danger of the overlying mass
falling in, wldch in the Lives of the
Ten Orators is called tovs pca-oKpiue'is

v(/)eXerj/, and in Lex. Seg. p. 315, imop-
vTTiiv TO fjLeTaXkov. To the same sup-
ports refer two other glosses in Lex.
Seg. p. 286, which perhaps belong to
one another ; onoepKels Kioves : ol Toiv
fiCTdWcov KLOves, and opoi : oti KaTO.
p-eprj Tivd €[xia6ovvTO tu dpyvpela, opois
diGKeKpipeva. [In a fragment of a
Rhetorical Lexicon, published by Mr.
Dobree after his edition of Photius,
the following gloss occurs (p. 673) ;
MeaoKplvT] (/xecro/<pii/eT?) : ovtco be Xe-
yovTai ol iv toIs vno ytjv epyois gtvKoi,
o\ vTTofiacTTd^ovcn to. ^dprj tci eirdvco
Twv peTokXcov (Icrl 6e e^ avrrjs tt^s yrjs
KaraXeXei^fteVa vTrepeio-fxaTa. They
are also called Kioves in an Inscription
in Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 162. —
TuANSL.3 Concerning the supports
used in mining by the Romans, see J.
C. J. Bethe, Commentatio de Hispanise
antiquse re metallica ad locum Stra-
bonis, lib. iii. Gottingen, 1808, 4to.
which treatise may be also consulted
upon the other technical subjects, for
which I have not referred to it.
^'' Vit. Dec. Orat. ut sup.

USED AT LAURION. 635

KaivoTOjjielv or Kaivorofila^^, and on account of the great risk
and expense^ no one would willingly undertake it. If the spe-
culator was successful, he was amply remunerated for his
undertaking; if unsuccessful, he lost all his trouble and ex-
pense: on which account Xenophon proposed to form com-
panies for this purpose, of which I shall afterwards treat. The
ancients speak in general terms of the unwholesome evapora-
tion from silver mines^% and the noxious atmosphere of those
in Attica is particularly mentioned^"; although the Greeks as
well as the Romans were acquainted with the use of shafts for
ventilation, which the former called -^vxaycoyia'^^ In what
manner the water was withdrawn from the mines, we are not
informed; it is however probable that the Greeks made use of
the same artificial means as the Romans'^ The removal of the
ore appears to have been performed partly by machines and
partly by men, as was the case in Spain and Egypt, in which
latter country the younger slaves brought the ore through the
adits to the surface of the soil: whether however the miners in
Attica used leather bags for this purpose, and were on that
account called bag-carriers {Ov\aKocj)6poi), is, to say the least,
uncertain; for according to the grammarians these bags con-
tained their food'\ The stamping of the ore at the foundries
in order to facilitate its separation from the useless parts of the
stone, was generally performed in stone mortars with iron
pestles. In this manner the Egyptians reduced the gold ore to
the size of a vetch, then ground it in hand-mills and washed it on
inclined planks, by pouring water over it; which is the account
given by a Hippocratean writer of the treatment of gold ore'*.

^^ This expression was translated
from the particular sense of opening
fresh mines to signify anythhig new,
Poll. vii. 98, Phot, in v. KaivoTO}iiiv.

^^ Casaubon ad Strab. iii. p. 101.

70 Xenoph. Socr. Mem. iii. 6, 12,
Plutarch. Corap. Nic. et Crass, init.

71 Lex. Seg. p. 317, and Etym. in v.
•vL-vyaycbyia : at 6vp'ihes tcov fxeToXkoiv
ai irpos to ai/a>//'i;;^eiv yLyvofMevai.

sqq. Ameilhon in the M 'moire quoted
below, p. 494.

73 Pollux vii. 100, X. 149, with the
commentators, and Hesychius in v.
6vXaKo(f)6pciy according to whom they
were also called 7rT]pocf)6poi. Both
6v\aKos and rrrjpa generally mean a
small bag, such as a travelling bag or
a bag for carrying bread.

'"^ Diod. xiii. 12, 13. Agatharchides

'^ Concerning these see Reitemeier de mari rubro ap. Phot. Bibhothec. p.
ut sup. p. 114 sqq. Bethe ut sup. p. 32 | 1342, Hippocrates de victus rat. 1, 4.

636 SMELTING OPERATIONS

In Spain it was bruised in the same manner, and then, if Pliny-
does not invert the proper order, first washed and afterwards
calcined and pounded; even the quicksilver ore, from which cin-
nabar was prepared, was similarly treated; that is, first burnt,
in which operation a part of the quicksilver evaporated, and
then pounded with iron pestles, ground, and washed^\ In
Greece the labourers in the foundries made use of a sieve for
washing the comminuted ore, and it is mentioned among the
implements of the miners, by the appropriate name craKa^'^^.
This method of treating ore was not only in use in ancient
times; but it was the only one employed either during the
middle ages or in more recent times, until the discovery of
stamp-works-'.

§ 5. Smelting Operations at Laurion.

Upon the art of smelting in the foundries of Laurion, nothing
definite is known. That the Athenians made use of the bellows
and of charcoal is not improbable, the latter indeed may be
fairly inferred (notwithstanding the doubts expressed by Reite-
meier) from the account of the charcoal sellers, or rather char-
coal burners; from which business a large portion of the
Acharnians in particular obtained their livelihood.

The art of smelting among the ancients was so imperfect,
that even in the time of Strabo, when it had received consider-
able improvements, there was still no profit to be gained by
extracting silver from lead ore in which it was present in small
proportions'^; and the early Athenians had, in comparison with
their successors (who were themselves not the most perfect
masters of chemistry), so slight a knowledge of the manage-

^^ Pliu. xxxiii. 21. Quod effossum \ num. 3. Chassot de Florencourt upon
est^ tunditur, lavatur, uritur, molitiir in j the Klines of the Ancients (Gottingen,
farinam : the addition, ac pilis tundunt, 1785), p. 24 sqq. Reitemeier ut sup. p.
appears to refer back to tuyuUtur, but 121 sqq.

its position is such that the passage is j "^^ On this point see Beckmann ut
perhaps coirupt. sup. vol. iv. part iii. p. 333, Chassot

'^ Polhix vii. 97. X. 149. ■ de Florencourt, p. 37, 51, Reitemeier,

'''' Upon this subject see Beckmann, i p. 133.
History of Inventions, vol. v, part i. j

AT LAURION. 63?

ment of ore, that, according to the same writer, not only was
that which had been thrown away as useless stone subsequently
used; but the old scoriee were again employed for the purpose
of extracting silver^^ According to Pliny^% the ancients could
not smelt any silver without some mixture of lead [plumbum
nigrum') or gray lead {galena, molybdcena) ; he appears, however,
to mean only ores in which the silver was combined with some
other metal to which it has a less powerful affinity than to lead.
At Laurion it was not necessary, at least in many places, to add
any lead, it being already present in the ores. Pliny states in
general terms the manner in which argentiferous lead ores were
treated^ ^; and there can be no doubt that this was the method
adopted in Attica. According to his account the ore was first
melted down to stannum, a composition of pure silver and lead:
then this material was brought to the refining oven, where the
silver was separated, and the lead appeared half glazed in the
form of litharge, which as well as gray lead the ancients call
galena and molybdeena: this last substance was afterwards
cooled, and the lead {plumbum nigrum, fjLoXv^So?, to distinguish
it from tin, plumbum album, or candidum, Kaaalrepo^) was pro-
duced.

Here the investigation into the technical part of this ques-
tion would terminate, were it not necessary to inquire what is
meant by the Athenian spuma argenti, by KejxP^^ ^^d Key-
')(p€a)v, and, lastly, by the substance called Lauriotis, from
Laurion.

The spuma argenti, which was employed in medicine, was
chiefly a product of the silver foundries; and according to
some authorities there were three kinds of it ; the best called
chrysitis, the next arg^^itis, and the worst molybditis, which
appear to have differed principally in the colour, although.

73 Strabo ix. p. 275, Ka\ 8f} kcu oi I ^^ xxxiv. 47. See Beckmann lit sup.
epyaCofievoi t^s fj-eToXXeias dadevcos ' vol. iv. part 3, p. 332 — 335, Cliassot de
VTraKovovaTjs ttjv nnXaiau cKjSoXdSa Koi . Floreneourt, p. 35 sqq. Upon the
aKcopiav duaxoivevovrcs evpicTKov en i^ method of the ancients of striking the
avTTii dnoKadaipofxevov dpyvpiov, rcov metal during the process of fusion, see
dpxaicov dnelpfos KUfxivevovTcov. i Reitemeier, p. 79 sqq.

8» xxxiii. 31. '

638 SMELTING OPERATIONS

according to Pliny, the first was made from the ore itself, the
second from silver {i.e. probably it was produced at the smelt-
ing of silver) ; and the third from lead, as at Puteoli. " There
is the same difference,^^ he observes^ *' between it and scorige,
as between foam and froth. — The former is the impure portion
(vitium) of the substance given off during the process of purifi-
cation, the latter when it is already purified." The Athenian
was considered the best. Dioscorides and other Greek writers
call it lithargyrus^^ As some writers mentioned by Pliny
called a species of it molybdeena, which is the term for litharge,
and the Italians and French still call the same substance by this
name {litargirio, litargio, lit urge), the common opinion is cer-
tainly probable that spuma argenti is the same as litharge;
which, as being a separation of the impure part of the ore in
the second stage of refinement, and having an unmetallic
appearance, might be called the vitium of the purified substance,
in opposition to the slacks which ran off during tlie smelting of
the ore, and were separated while the ores still contained a large
proportion of unmetallic substance, until the metal consisting
of silver and lead appeared, lliose who were less accurate in
their language might at the same time consider litharge as slacks,
and therefore lithargyrus as coming under that denomination''^
Spuma argenti was however also distinguished from molybdsena
or htharge, for that litharge was called the best which looked
like lithargyrus^*; but in order not to be misled by this state-
ment, it must be borne in mind that by spuma argenti and
lithargyrus we should understand a species of litharge particu-
larly prepared for medicinal purposes, which differed not essen-
tially, but only by a contrary treatment, from the common
molybdsena ; and this explanation removes all difficulties.

The expressions Key^P^^ ^^^ /ceyxp^cov are more obscure.
The latter is a term used by a plaintiff in an oration of Demos-
thenes^^ for a separate foundry in the Laurian silver-mines.

^* riin. xxxiii. 35, chiefly from ' ^^ See Salmas. Exerc. Plin. p.
Dioscorid. v. 102, comp. Oribasius xii. i 1079, 1082.

fol. 228 B. quoted by Hardouin, who I ^* Dioscorid. v. 100, cf. Plin. xxxiv.
however does not entirely agi'ee with 53.
the other writers. ^^ C. Pantaenet. p. 974, 15.

AT LAURION.

6.39

without however any account as to its nature. The explana-
tions of the grammarians are so indefinite and obscure that
they appear to have had little knowledge of its import. Photius
and the compiler of the Rhetorical Lexicon^® state that Ace7-
XP^^J^ was a place at Athens, i.e. in Attica, where the apyvplrcs
Kejxpo^ and the sand from the mines were purified. It might,
therefore, mean the works upon which the comminuted ore
was washed. In this case it would have been called Keyxpos
or millet, from having been first bruised or washed down to the
size of a grain of millet, in the same manner as it is said that
in the Egyptian foundries the gold ore was ground down to the
size of a vetch : but we are compelled by other statements to
give up this idea. Pollux*^" observes that the slacks of iron
were called aKcopla (which was the general name for all slacks),
as the flower of gold was called dSafjuas and the impurity of
silver Kep^vos; which is only a difi'erent form of K6yxpo9.
The latter evidently cannot here mean pounded ore ; but must
signify a refuse given off in the smelting of the silver ore, as
scoria in the case of iron, and adamas in that of gold. The
dBd/jLa<; is, according to the clear account of Plato ^% a substance
unknown to us, of a black colour, and great brittleness, like
copper and silver intimately combined with gold, only separable

^^ Lex. Seg. p. 271. Keyxp^oiv:
TOTTOS ^Adrjinjaiv ovtco KoXovfievos, onov
€Ka6aip€T0 fj dpyvplris Keyxpoi Kai yj/'dn-
[los T) dno rav dpyvpiav dva(})epop.€vr}.
Similarly Pliny in the first article.

^^ vii. 90. TavTTjs 8e (-yj)? (nBrjpiTi-
dos) TO Kadapfia (TKinpiav wv6fj.a^ov,
^cnrep tov xP'^^'^^ "^^ (ivdos dddpavra
Koi TOV Tcov dpyvpicov KoviopTov Kepxvov.
KoviopTos is dKuOapala : see Salmasius
Exerc. Plin. p. 1082.

88 Polit. p. 303 E, Tim. p. 59 B. In
Pliny xxxvii. 15, some diamonds are
called cenchri, where Salmasius sup-
poses a confusion of the true diamond
with this impurity given off in the
fusion of gold. Hardouin is of a con-
trary opinion, and although Pliny as
well as his interpreter Salmasius fre-
quently confound different subjects.

yet diamonds may really have been
called Kcyxpoi, from the small size of
grains of millet, in the same manner
that another stone in Plin. xxxvii. 13,
is called cenchritis. I have hoped in
vain to find an investigation upon the
adamas arising in the fusion of gold in
Ameilhon's Me'moire sur I'exploitation
des mines d'or, in the iSIem. de I'Acad.
des Inscriptions, vol. xlvi. p. 477 sqq.
although in p. 565 sqq. he treats of
the smelting and purification of this
metal. I may also mention that this
memoir might have been more fre-
quently quoted than it has by me, as
several points are well explained in it :
but most of the subjects treated there
are too remote from my pui-pose, or
are already mentioned in other well-
known books.

640 SMELTING OPERATIONS

in the fire ; and called the flower of gold by Pollux, probably
from its being an efflorescence arising during the fusion of
this metal.

The nature of the impurity which in the fusion of silver
was called Keyx^po^;, cannot be determined with certainty, our
knowledge of the smelting processes of the ancients being very
imperfect; but the opinion of Salmasius^^ appears to me most
probable, that Key^^pof; and spuma argenti or lithargyrus are
identical. The different names do not render it necessary to
consider the substances as materially unlike, as slight varia-
tions determined by the different processes adopted might be
differently signified : in what manner, however, the litharge
w^as obtained which bore the name of Kejxp^'^y ^^'^ shall presently
see. That Pollux should call Keyxpo9 an impurity of the
metal, although, as being litharge, it was a substance that
could be applied to various uses, cannot be a matter of surprise;
for even the spuma argenti is called scoriae and refuse {vitium).
If Pollux is correct in classing the adamas with the KeyxP^^y
we have another reason for considering the latter to be litharge,
lithargyrus being called the flower of silver, as adamas the
flower of gold. Now^ Harpocration's obscure explanation of
Kejxp^^^ may be reconciled with this supposition. For
according to his statement, it means the purifying-place, where
the Kejxpo^ from the metals was cooled, as Theophrastus
mentioned®".

The expression receives some light by comparing what is
said by other writers of the flower of copper (xoXkov av6o<i,
flos aeris), the name of which alone seems to prove some
affinity or similarity of origin with lithargyrus, or the flower of
silver. For when the copper has been smelted, and the last
impurity or all the foreign parts have been separated from it.

*^ Ut sup. p. 1078 — 1082, in which, is copied by Suidas and Photius in the

however, there is much error and con-
fusion.

^" Ilarpocrat. in v. Kfyxp^oiv : to

Ka3api(TTT]piOV, OTTOV TTjV €K TWV jXeTok-

Xcoi/ Kfyxpou dif-^vxov, o)? VTToarjixaivei
Q€6<j>pa(TTns (V t<o nepl pfraWcov. This

second article. Kuster's conjecture
ipyaa-Ti-jptov for KadapiaTTjpiou, and his
acquiescence in the explanation of
Photius in the first article, only prove
his want of reflection upon the subject.

AT LAURION. 641

It is again, for the purpose of finishing the process, fused in
the same or another oven, and cooled in water: by this means
an efflorescence is formed upon the surface of the metallic cake,
which was called the flower of copper : Dioscorides says that it
resembles millet in its form {KeyxpoeiBes rS pvO/juS); Pliny
compares it with the scales or pods of millet {milii squamce),
and the Scholiast of Nicander with mustard seed^'. It is easy,
therefore, to see that this process is the same in reference to
copper as that of which Harpocration speaks in reference to
silver, and that the Key^pos^ which was produced in the silver
foundries, must also have been an efflorescence, in shape like
the pod of a vegetable, arising from the cake of silver. In the
last stage of the refining of copper, particularly of the inferior
kinds, something similar is formed according to the process
now in use.

It is probable, therefore, that this fcey^pecbv at the silver
foundries was in fact the foundry where the silver which had
been already fused was refined : the impurity detached in this
stage, was called Key')(^po9, and perhaps chiefly consisted of
glazed lead ; and here the silver was again cooled with water.
By this method of viewing the subject all difficulty is removed;
for that Harpocration should state that the Key')(^pos and not
the metal itself was cooled is quite natural in a grammarian of
considerable authority on other subjects, but ignorant of metal-
lurgy. Schneider^'' explains Keyxpos to be granulated metal;
but apparently w^ithout reason ; nor is it at all probable that
silver should have been fused in a granulated form.

Lastly, with respect to the Lauriotis, it will not be necessary
to dwell so long on it. The ancients, as is well known, not
only include zinc ore and calamine under the name Cadmia,
but also the refuse, which in the fusion of ores containing zinc
adheres to the sides of the fumace®% and they expressly remark
that the cadmia or refuse was found in silver foundries® ^

®' Dioscorid. v. 88, Plin. xxxiv. 24,
and there Hardouin and Salinasius ut
sup. p, 1078, Scliol. Nicand. Tlier. 257-

^'^ Greek Dictionary in v. ^likKavQ-q.

^3 See Beckmann, History of Inven-

tions, vol. iii. part 3, num. 3.

^* Dioscorid. v, 84. From hini Plin,
xxxiv. 22, and from the latter waiter
again Isidorus, as quoted by Hardouin-

2 T

GV2 WHETHER LAl'RTOX

They mention in connexion with this substance the flower of
zinc {pompholyx) as the finest and whitest sublimate, and the
spodos, a similar refuse, but of a harder and coarser texture, and
of a darker colour, which was scraped off the walls of the fur-
nace, mingled with ashes and sometimes with charcoal : both,
like the spuma argenti and the flower of copper, were used
in medicine®\ The spodos of the silver foundries was called
Lauriotis®^; a proof that ores of zinc were present in the
mines of Laurion. This spodos of Attica was probably much
esteemed, since the refuse of silver foundries (as the ancients
remark) was whiter and finer than that which came from the
copper foundries.

§ 6. Whether haurion coined Money,

It might be supposed that Laurion was also the mint of
Attica, as the Athenian silver coins are called in joke Laurian
owls^'^; but they received this appellation from the place
where the silver was found, and not from the money being
coined there ^ and it is proved incontestably by an ancient
inscription that the mint for striking the silver coins {apyvpo-
Koirelov) was in Athens*.

If subordinate corporations in Attica enjoyed the privilege
of stamping money, there might be ground for supposing that
mints existed in difi'erent Athenian towns : and in fact the
writers upon coins mention several supposed to have been
struck by townis or bodies in Attica, \dz., Anaphlystus, the
Azetini, Decelea, Eleusis, Eradse, Laurion, Marathon, and
Salamis^^. There appears, however, to be no reason for sup-
posing that any one of them exercised the right of coining

^^ Dioseorid. v. 85. Tlin, xxxiv. 33. j ^7 Aristoph. Av. HOC. Schol. Aris-
Comp. Galen and Oribasius in the toph. Eq. 1091. Hesy chins, Suidas,
passages quoted by Hardouin. and other collectors of glosses and

^^ Plin. xxxiv. 34. At the conclu- proverbs,
sion of these technical inquiries I * See above note A, page 144.—
should state that I have been assisted Traxsl.
in them by the judgment of two I »8 g^^ Eckhel D. N. vol. ii. p. 225

scientific friends.

sqq.

COINED MONEY. 643

before the time of the Romans, particularly as a simple investi-
gation sufficiently proves that most of the coins referred to
these places are not of Athenian origin.

Who has ever heard of Eradee or of the Azetini in Attica?
which undoubtedly are diflferent from the demi Azenia and
Eroiadse. In order to coin money it was necessary that there
should be a corporation : how then could Laurion, which was a
mining district, and not a demus, have stamped coins with its
name? The supposed inscription AATPEI2N upon two coins
in the museum of Theupoli must be changed with Sestini into
MTPEflN, and referred to Myra in Lysia, particularly as
AATPEflN is not a form derivable from Laurion, which would
be AATPIEflN or AATPinTflN, and not, as Eckhel sup-
poses, AATPIflN. The coins attributed to Anaphlystus be-
long to Anactorium, with the exception of a copper coin invented
by Goltz. The coins marked with the word XAAAMINION
should be referred to the island of Cyprus, where Pellerin
obtained them : and others with the letters XA prove nothing
whatever for the Athenian demus. With regard to Marathon,
Hardouin alone mentions one coin belonging to it, with the
unabbreviated inscription MAPA0I2N AHMOX, a circum-
stance which makes his statement suspicious. He does not
mention the place where it was preserved, and nobody has since
seen a similar coin; so that, if the whole is not a mere inven-
tion, he had perhaps read upon some coin the initial letters of
these words, the explanation of which he gives as a fact. It
seems utterly inexplicable how the island of Helena or Crana^,
upon which, as far as is known, there was not even a village,
should have struck coins. There can be no doubt therefore
that the silver coins of Helena are an invention of Goltz; and
there is no occasion why other coins of the emperors, with the
inscription of the Cranaans, should be referred to the island of
Attica: the coin quoted by Hardouin with the wonderfully
explicit inscription of EAENITflN TflN KAI KPANAA-
TflN could hardly have had a real existence : but a copper coin
with the words KPANAIflN AOH cannot well be referred to
any other place than the Attic Cranae; it must however belong
to the times of the emperors, when Cranae may perhaps have

2t 2

644 WHETIIPTR LAURTON COINED MONEY.

been a demus; probably after the tribe of Hadrian had been
instituted, additional demi were created in order to fill it.
Besides these, there are genuine brass coins of Eleusis and
Decelea, which no doubt also belong to the time of the Roman
dominion? and after the great fall which Athens sustained
under the Romans, it is easy to conceive that the demi were
allowed to stamp small copper coins. The coins attributed to
Prasia, the demus of Attica, have been already set aside by
Eckhel.

§ 7* Mode of granting the Mines,

It now remains for us to investigate the following important
questions, viz. In whom was the right of property in the mines
of Laurion vested ? By whom and on whose account were they
worked ? What advantage did their produce afibrd to the state
and to individuals ? And what were the duties, rights, and
immunities of the mine proprietors? With regard to all these
points nothing will be found in modern writers but confused
statements, or assertions unsupported by any satisfactory proof.
The account which I propose to give will be derived from dis-
tinct authorities, and founded on a close investigation of the
subject.

As long as Attica remained free, no direct tax was imposed
either upon the produce or value of landed property, except
that during the continuance of peace the liturgies, which were
necessary for the service of the state and of religion, fell upon
property generally, and necessarily for the most part upon
visible (ova la (fiavepa) or landed property, w^hich in case of
preparations for war was also liable to the trierarchy and the
payment of extraordinary taxes {elo-cfiopal). The circumstances
however which determined this liability were directly reversed
in the case of mines: the proprietor of these paid an annual
tax into the public treasury; to the liturgies and extraordinary
property taxes from a possession of this kind he contributed
nothing. From this fact, which I shall presently put out of
doubt, it is fair to infer, agreeably moreover to all accounts on
the subject, that mines were not like other lands the freehold

MODE OF GRANTING THE MINES.

645

property of the citizens, but in the absolute dominion of the
state; and that they were transferred by it to individuals, under
certain legal conditions, to make what use of them they should
think proper.

The Romans for a considerable period let the mines be-
longing to the state for a term of years, until it was found more
profitable to work them at the public cost*^ Now that this is
the most disadvantageous mode of letting has been proved by
the experience both of ancient and modern times; for the
tenant works them wastefully and unfairly; he rifles the rich
ores, leaving the less productive unworked; and while he endea-
vours by a large number of labourers to exhaust the mines
during the period of his lease, he pays no attention to the pil-
laring and chambering, without which the value of the mines is
much diminished. Nor is it easy to enforce from the tenant a
strict compliance with the conditions of the lease; and at the
expiration of his term the mines are let at a lower rent, having
in the interim lost a considerable portion of their value.

The state of Athens, whether from policy or accident, had
avoided this injurious practice: it granted to private individuals
the mines in the Athenian territory on perpetual leases, which
might be transferred to a third person by inheritance or sale'°%
and in short by every kind of legal conveyance. The possession
was therefore obtained by the payment of a sum of money once
for all, as purchase or entrance money. Thus Demosthenes
mentions the buying of mines from the state as the ordinary
proceeding, and Panteenetus purchased a mine from the people
for 90 minas'"*'. This sum cannot have been an annual rent,
for as its amount depended upon the produce of the mine, it
could not have been definitely stated beforehand.

^» Reitemeier ut sup. p. 99 sqq.

lo" ^sch. c. Timai-ch. p. 121, De-
mosth. c. Pantsenet. passim.

i"i Demosth. ut sup. p. 973, 13,
o(TTis av fxeraXXov napa rrjs TrdXeeoy
7rpir]Tai. And before in the same
speech : KUTa^oXrjv rrj noKei tov fieraX-
\ov, 6 eyo) eirpidp.T]u evvevrjKovra p-vav.
The oration called rrpos MtjkvBov pe-

raXkiKos, falsely ascribed to Dmarchus,
began with the words Trpidpevoi peraX-
Xov (o aVSpef. See Dionys. Dinarch.
p. 119, 11, ed. Sylb. Dionysius after-
wards calls this pia6a>(Taa-6ah in his
own language ; which, however, as the
sale was only a perpetual lease, is the
natural word, and frequently occurs in
the grammarians.

646 MODE OF GRANTING THE MINES.

There remains now only one objection that can be urged;
viz. that it was allowed to open new works without the payment
of any purchase money; and that the money paid by Pantie-
netus might have been for a mine already opened, which the
state had obtained by confiscation, an occurrence by no means
uncommon; and to confirm this supposition the argument
of the speech against Panteenetus'"^ might be cited, in which
it is stated that the purchase money was paid in silver
from the mine, which implies that the mine was already pro-
ducing metal. But if this grammarian were worthy of credit as
to a fact about which he could not have possessed any better
knowledge than ourselves, it does not by any means follow that
a confiscated mine is intended; for it could scarcely have been
compulsory upon a tenant to pay to the state the purchase
money of a new mine, if, after having expended his trouble and
capital, he was unsuccessful in finding any ore. It is far more
probable that any person was allowed to dig for ore in those
parts of the mountain which had not yet been alienated, and
that he was not compelled to purchase the soil until he
found productive ores, and w^as willing to work them. As
the contradictory of this supposition would be absurd, it is
manifest that the purchase money even of a newly opened mine
might have been paid with silver from the mine itself. Pantse-
netus however was possessed of other mines besides this one;
and it is moreover unnecessary to assume that this silver came
directly from the mines.

Lastly, it is stated by Harpocration (who generally follows
the authority of Aristotle) that the poletse had the duty of
superintending all sales of public property, particularly those of
customs and other duties, of mines, leases, and confiscated pro-
perty"'^. In this passage the sale of the mines is clearly
distinguished from that of leases and of private property
accruing to the state, and the mines which were sold must
necessarily have been newly opened.

'"^ P. 964, 13. I iJna3a>(r€is kol to. drj^ievofieva. This is

103 iiarpocrat. in v. 7ra)X?;r«i. 8loi- transcribed by Siiidas, Photius, and

Kova-i be TO. nnrpaa-Koixeva vno r^v Lex. Seg. p. 21)1.

TTuXeoiS TTOiVTa, tcXt) k(u fieraXXa kcii

MODE OF GRANTING THE MINES. 647

In this conveyance of public property to a perpetual tenant,
the boundaries of the allotment purchased were accurately
defined/ and a documentary instrument {Btaypacj)?]) was taken '*'\
For this purpose some knowledge of mine surveying was requi-
site, which, from the want of the necessary instruments, must
have been very imperfect^ "^

In addition to the purchase money, the purchaser paid the
twenty-fourth part of the produce of the new mine; that is, of
the gross, and not the nett produce, as the amount of the latter
would have been too inconsiderable' "^ By these means all the
disadvantages were avoided which might arise from letting the
mines for a term of years. If a tenant exhausted the ore in a
short time, the duty upon the metal obtained was augmented;
and if he worked the rich ores alone, he injured himself. If
the proprietor violated the laws and conditions under which
the mine was made over to him, for example, if the annual duty
was not paid, the state could resume the mine; if however he
did not act contrary to the agreement, this species of property
was equally secure with other landed estates. In short the
circumstances of the tenure were the same as those, which,

*°^ Harpocrat. Suid. and Zonaras in
V. btaypa(prj. 7] SiarvTrcDcris rcov Trnrpacr-
KOfievcov /xerdXXcoJ' Sr/Xoucra bia ypofx-
yLUToav GTTu noias (ipx^l^ H-^XP'- '^'^^^^
TTiTrpdaKeTaL Treparos. Upon the boun-
daries comp. Demosth. ut sup. p. 977?

chase money and yearly duty were
connected is stated by Barthelemy,
Anachars. vol. v. cl'.ap. 59. Suidas
omits the purchase money, according
to the usual habit of the grammarians
of stating the subject imperfectly ; what

and above note 6G. [See Corp. In- i he says of newly opened works is con-
script. Gr. No. 1G2. — Traxsi..] I uectcd with the fact which he wishes
^'"^ See Reitemeier, p. 112 sqq. i to explain, and it is self-evident that
'"^ Suidas and Zonaras in v. dypd- the other px-opiietors paid the rent of
(f)ov p.€TaXXov diKT) ol TO. dpyvpela fie- ! the twenty-fourth part. It cannot be
raXXa epya^op-^voL ottov ftovKoLvro Kai- ; shov.n that there ever existed any
vov epyov ap^ua6ai (Zonaras more cor- j mine vvhicii was originally freehold
ractly a^aa-Bai) (puvepov inoiovvTo rols \ property, and not transferred by the
eV eKeivoLs Terayixeuois vtto tov Stjixov ' state, and subject to the payment of no
(i. e. tlie poleta?) Ka\ dneypafPovTo tov [ tax. It may be observed, that the tax
reXci!/ evcKa r(o brjpo) elKoarrjv rerdp- from the smelthig furnaces (otto Kafii-
Trjv TOV Koivov pieTuWov. Cf. Harpocr. vcov) of which Xenophon spealcs (de
and Suid. in v. dirovopLTj, whose words I Vectig. 4, 49) is the rent of the twenty-
will presently quote. That the pur- fourth.

64S

MODE OF GRANTING THE MINES,

according to the Roman law, regulated the possession of the
Vectigalia in the Municipia^''^

We are justified in assuming that all the mines of Laurion
were obtained in the manner just stated; of a distinction
between those which were held on this tenure and others which
were freehold property, I have been able to find no trace. All
the large proprietors of mines who are mentioned in ancient
authors, such as Nicias, Callias the brother-in-law of Cimon,
and the other Callias who discovered the method of preparing
cinnabar, together with Diphilus, Timarchus, and before him
his father Pantsenetus, &c. had only perpetual leases ; the state-
ment therefore that the mines before the time of Themistocles
were the absolute property of families, rests only upon the mis-
apprehension of Meursius'^^ The state was at all times the
exclusive and original owner; nor did it ever use this property
in any other manner than by leasing it in perpetuity. There
nowhere exists any proof that mines were ever let by the state
for a term of years; nor could there have been any stronger
motive for working them at the public cost than for the collec-
tion of the customs and other taxes: nothing indeed but a gross
ignorance of the public policy of Athens could have allowed
such a notion to be entertained^ °^; and the only fact brought in
support of the assertion is, that a revenue was derived by the
community from these mines in the age of Themistocles, as if
this did not arise from the purchase money and the yearly
rents: even Xenophon did not go so far as to recommend that
the mines should be worked at the public cost; he is satisfied
with proposing''" that the community might, in imitation of
private individuals, procure public slaves, and let them to mine
proprietors, in connexion probably with such mines as were not

'"^ See Niebuhr, Rom. Hist. vol. ii.
p. 376 sqq.

'"^ F. A. cap. 7j from Yitruvius vii.
7, where familice means slaves, nor is
the time before Themistocles distinctly
alluded to (see note 138). Meursius
has been followed by several writers,
among others by Chandler, Travels,

chap. 30.

^"^ As Reitemeier iit sup. p. 70, and
Manso, Sparta, vol. iii. p. 495, suppose,
Meiners, vom Luxus der Athener, p.
57, correctly remarks that the state of
Athens never carried on mining at its
own cost.

"" De Vectig. 4.

MODE OF GRANTING THE MINES. 649

as yet alienated; the object being to derive a revenue from the
letting of slaves in addition to the rents paid in silver: it can
indeed be asserted with safety that this object was never con-
templated.

In short the state did not in any manner interfere with
mining, except that it enforced its own rights and laws; to these
points alone its superintendence applied. The poletse sold the
mines, subject to the payment of the yearly rents. In the
observance of the laws all the members of the community had
an interest, and were empowered to institute public suits, in the
event of their violation. The account given by a modern
writer of "a director of the mines ^^ appointed by the public, is,
as far as I am aware, wholly devoid of foundation.

It is probable that the gold mines in Thrace, opposite to
Thasos, from the time that Athens obtained possession of them,
were under similar regulations. Whether the former proprietors
retained their property in them, or whether new possessors
were introduced by the Athenians either by a free grant or by
sale, after the manner of the cleruchiae, it is certain that the
proprietors paid a rent in metal, which practice had probably
existed under the former independent government: all new
mines were purchased from the people of Athens. But the
gold mines in Thasos and the mines of other subject countries
were undoubtedly retained by the tributary state ; while Athens
exacted from them, under the form of tribute, whatever sum it
pleased, without interfering with the original right of possession.
This however is not the object of our present inquiries*.

§ 8. Amount of the Proceeds of the Mines accruing to the State^
and the manner in which they were disposed of

The purchase money of mines aUenated by the state was paid
by the buyer directly into the pubhc treasury'^'; but with the
annual rent there is some doubt whether this was the case. All
the regular duties (even those of which the collection was easy
and attended with little expense, and the amount of which

* See above, b. iii. ch. 3.— Transl. ^" Demosth. c. Puutaeuet. p. 973.

650 PROCEEDS OF THE MINES,

could be judged with tolerable accuracy, as, for example, the
protection money and the rents of the public lands) were sold
to individuals or companies as farmers-general: are we then to
suppose that an exception was made in the case of the twenty-
fourth of the silver, the amount of which must necessarily have
been very different in different years, and where, without an
accurate inspection of the quantity raised, the tenant was able
to commit great frauds ? It seems therefore probable to me
that this duty was sold to a farmer-general by the poletse; but,
although there is little objection to this hypothesis, no distinct
authority can be found in favour of it.

It is mentioned in Demosthenes that Eubulus, the well-
known manager of the Theorica, had been accused by Mcerocles
of unjustly exacting 20 drachmas from "those persons who
had purchased the mines' ^^^^ Now there can be no question
that the chief farmers of the rents are not here meant by " the
purchasers of the mines,'' We must, therefore, refer these
words to those who had obtained possession of the mines
themselves, and from the use of the definite article ''the mines''
it must be supposed that Demosthenes is speaking of some
well-known sale of a considerable number of mines, which had
taken place a short time before : for it would have been a very
aflfected phrase, and liable to misconception, to denote all the
mine proprietors both old and new, by the circumlocution,
'' those who had purchased the mines,'^ particularly as they are
usually called the workers of the mines {ol epya^ofievoc iv rols
e/)7ot9, or iv rols fjuerdWoLs): consequently Mcerocles must be
considered as having been employed to collect purchase monies,
in which capacity he obtained, under some false pretence, 20
drachmas from each purchaser.

When the sausage seller in the Knights of Aristophanes^''
threatens Cleon that he will buy mines, in order, as the
Scholiast observes, to obtain favour w^th the people by enrich-
ing the state, he must mean the actual possession of the mines
themselves, this being the only transaction by which the state

"■^ Tlapa Toiv TCI fieraWa etovTjfxevcov. I "' Ecj. 3<»1, dXKa a^f^i^as fdrjSo'
Demosth. de fals. leg. p. 435, 5. | ku)s wvijno^iai fieToKXa.

AND MANNER OF DISPOSAL.

651

would have profited from the intervention of any particular
individual ; for it would be manifestly indifferent to whom the
duties were let ; and moreover if the letting of the duty were
signified, some more precise expression must necessarily have
been employed.

Lastly, it is stated by Ulpian that Meidias had rented the
silver mines from the state'**; although the vagueness of the
expression would lead one to imagine that he means the chief
farmer of the rents, we are compelled to relinquish this notion
upon perceiving that the commentator wishes to explain why
Meidias imported wood to the mines, for which a chief farmer
of the rents could have had no inducement. Was Meidias
then a tenant, or proprietor of mines ? The use of the
article proves nothing against this supposition in a writer of
such mean authority. Yet why need a moment's attention be
paid to the statements of this Pseudo-Ulpian ? Is there any
Scholiast that rivals the ignorance and confusion displayed in
this chaos of notes ? Because Meidias imported timber to the
mines, perhaps only to sell it there, or during the time that he
was bound to serve the state with his trireme, to indemnify
himself for the expenses of the trierarchy by employing his
ship in some profitable manner, Ulpian immediately infers,
from the words of Demosthenes, that Meidias rented mines.
This method of commenting frequently occurs in this writer,
and has not always been sufficiently attended to.

In the Athenian revenue the income accruing from the
mines was a regular receipt' '^; it arose from the purchase
monies and the reserved rent which was paid in silver, and
was exclusive of what was received from the market and the
public buildings"®; and consequently its amount depended upon

''* Mefi'icrdcoTO yap to. fieraWa napa
TTjS TToXeo)?, a rjv Tov dpyvpLOv,p. 685 C,
ed. Wolf. Mi'o-^coo-t? for the granting
a lease of the mines cannot appear an
unnatural expression, as the Greek
language had no separate term for this
idea. See Photius in v. ix€(TOKpLve7s,
Harpocr. and Said, in v. dnovoixfj, and
above notes 6fi and 101. All those

instances, however, in which ^.taOoi-
aaaOaL is used of the mines, occur in
later writers, viz., the grammarians
and Dionysius. The words for it in
the ancient authors are ayveiadai and
TrplacrBaL.

^'* Cf. Aristoph. Vesp. (io? sqq.

"« Xenoph. de Vectig. 4, 49.

632 PROCEEDS OF THE MINES,

the greater or less number of mines sold by the state, upon the
quaUty of the ores, and the greater or less activity with which
the working was carried on : by which circumstances the tenant
would naturally be guided in the amount of his offer. In the
time of Socrates (as has been before remarked) the receipts
from this source had already begun to decrease ; we have also
statements of their amount in the age of Themistocles, but
obscurely and inaccurately expressed.

The money accruing from the mines was originally distri-
buted among all the citizens in the same manner as the
Theoricon in later times. Every person whose name was
registered in the book of the Lexiarchs was entitled to receive
his portion ^^^ When, however, at the recommendation of
Themistocles, the Athenians, instead of thus wasting the public
revenue, resolved to apply this money to ship building, in the
w^ar against the ^ginetans, each person was (as Herodotus
states) to have received 10 drachmas for his share' '^ If we
reckon with this historian that there were 30,000 citizens in
Athens, the whole sum must have amounted to 50 talents ; but
it wiU be better to assume 20,000 as the average number of the
adult Athenians; and accordingly there were about 33^ talents
for the distribution. And that the distribution was made
annually might have been presumed from the principles of the
Athenian administration, without the testimony of Cornelius
Nepos"^ We are not, therefore, to suppose that the savings
of several years are meant, nor merely a surplus ; but that all
the public money arising from the mines, as it was not required
for any other object, was divided among the members of the
community '"\ Supposing now that among these revenues no
purchase money of mines in actual possession is included, and
that the revenues of a whole year are meant, the total of the
produce would have annually amounted to more than 800

^'^ Demosth. c. Leochar. p. 1091. j of absurd fancies has been broached.
^'^ vii. 144. Cf. Herald. Animadv. in Salmas. Ob-

"® Themistocl. 2. serv. ad I. A. et R. vi. 3, 9. Other

**" I make this remark on account I passages of later writers which refer
of a passage of Aristides in the second to this point of history I pass over, as
lUaton. Oration, on which a sufficiency they contain nothing new.

AND MANNER OF DISPOSAL.

ess

talents. I say more than 800, as the profit of the chief farmef
is not allowed for in the calculation ; but according to Poly-
senus'*', whose account is more explicit, the Athenians wished
to divide, as usual, 100 talents arising from the mines ; when
Themistocles undertook to wean them from this custom, and
persuaded them to give a talent apiece to the 100 most wealthy
citizens, to be employed by each in the equipment of a vessel ;
if the vessel was approved of, the talent was not reclaimed^ and
in the contrary case it was restored to the state, and that thus
the Athenians obtained 100 well-built and fast-sailing vessels.
Now is this account to be wholly rejected as the mere embel-
lishment of later writers ? It might indeed appear preferable to
discredit it_, when we consider that if the state received a revenue
of 100 talents from the mines (exclusively of the occasional receipt
of purchase monies), it would imply an annual produce of 2400
talents, a sum which is incredible; though it is certain that
many mines in ancient times, for instance, those of Spain and
Thasos, produced a very large amount of metal. But in that
case could Herodotus have assumed that the Athenians built
200 ships with SB or 50 talents ? or, taking the lowest state-
ment, would this sum have been sufficient for building even
100 triremes ? And what was done in the following years with
the monies received from the mines, as it is not mentioned that
they were afterwards distributed'^*? Herodotus probably
thought that the 200 ships were built from the revenues not of
one year, but of a term of years. We must also suppose that
the 100 talents mentioned by Polysenus were the revenues of
several years, which after the adoption of the practice suggested
by Themistocles, were no longer distributed, and were laid by
that they might be from time to time assigned to each of
100 trierarchs.

This mode of viewing the subject reconciles both narrations,
and is moreover, when considered by itself, the most probable ;
it also shows that the accounts of some writers who mention

'^' Strateg. i. 30, 5.
^^^ Themistocl. 4. Nepos is least of
all to be listened to, as he speaks of a

war with Corcyra instead of that with
iEgina.

654

PERSONS ENTITLED TO ACQUIRE MINES,

100, and of Herodotus who states that 200 ships were built
with the revenues from the mines, may be both true, if Themis-
tocles' principle had been followed for a considerable period ;
for if a longer series of years were taken, twice the number of
ships would have been built that is stated by those who referred
only to half the number of years. Diodorus'", in Olymp. 75, 4
(B.C. 477)5 speaks of a law of Themistocles, which enacted that
20 new triremes should be built annually; this, however, is
probably the same fact; and the account, which in other
respects may be correct, has been transferred by this careless
writer to later times.

§ 9. Persons entitled to acquire Mines. Value of Single Shares,

Although the mines were not freehold property, the tenure
on which they were held was sufficiently secure. It is there-
fore probable that the leases of the mines could only be trans-
ferred to such as were entitled to the possession of landed
property, and consequently only to citizens, isoteles, and
proxeni; for the isoteles had a right to the possession of
land^"**, since, with the exception of political rights, they were
upon the same footing as the citizens ; whereas the foreigners
in the more limited sense [^evoi) and the resident aliens
{fierotKOi), neither in Athens nor in any other part of Greece,
were entitled to hold landed property. Xenophon proposes
that the state should grant to individual resident aliens, who
might appear worthy of it, the right of building houses and
holding them as property '^^; from which it is evident that by
law they were excluded from this privilege ; and indeed the
right of owning land was generally granted together with the
rights of citizenship, of isopolitia and proxenia, by a decree of
the people^*^ Hence no resident alien could with safety lend
money upon landed property, as he was disqualified from taking

12^ xi. 43.

'^ Lysias c. Eratosth. p. 39o, ac-
cording to whom Lysias and Polemar-
chiis, both isoteles, possessed three

houses.

'" De Vectig. 2, ad fin.

'^^ See tlie inscriptions cited in b, i.
note 665.

PERSONS ENTITLED TO ACQI IRE MINES. 655

possession of it without he became a citizen'" % unless indeed it
happened that the community gave a special permission : thus
for example, the government of Byzantium, to reUeve itself
from one of its many pecuniary difficulties, gave the resident
ahens the privilege of holding the lands mortgaged to them, on
condition that they payed into the public treasury the third
part of the money claimed '^^.

Now that isoteles as well as citizens were possessed of
mines, we know from Xenophon'^^: the requisite privilege of
isotelia must thus have been granted by the public to such of
the foreigners or resident ahens as rented mines from the state,
for the furtherance indeed of its own interest, as it was highly
beneficial to the revenue that many mines should be purchased
and worked, and consequently that the access to them should
be facilitated as much as possible; but without being an
isoteles, no resident alien or foreigner could hold a lease of a
mine, though he might rent the duties for a term of years ^^".

With respect to the number of mine proprietors, there is
reason to believe that it was not inconsiderable ; in the speech
against Phaenippus they are mentioned together with the
husbandmen as a separate class of producers. Sometimes
individuals had one or a few mining shares, as, for instance,
Timarchus and Pantsenetus and others ; sometimes several, as
Nicias, Diphilus, and Callias the brother-in-law of Cimon,
whose wealth was chiefly derived from the mines.

The values of single shares or work-shops {ipyaarrjpia)
were different. Pantsenetus purchased one from the state for
90minas^^^; the same person had borrowed 105 minas upon
another share, together with 30 slaves, that is, 45 minas upon
the slaves of Nicobulus, and a talent upon the mine of Euergus,

^*7 Demosth. pro Phonn. p. 946, 4, ' ra ^ovXofieva epyd^faBai eurols fierdX-

\ois. ^'Epya^eadai ev toIs fieraWois is
the common expression for the mine
proprietoi-s. I do not quote the pas-
sage 4, 22, as only tenants for a term
of years may be there meant.

'30 Plutarch. Alcib. 5.

i"" Demosth. c Pantsen. p. 973, 5.

6pa>p OTi fiT)7r<o rrjs TroXireias avr^ nap
vfxiv ovcTTjs ovx oios re eaoiro elaTTpaT"
TCLV oaa Uaaicov in\ yrj koX (TWOiKiais
bedavfiKOiS rjv.

'28 Pseud- Aristot. (Econ. lib. ii.

'^^ De Vectig. 4, 12, Trapex^'- yovv
(J] noXts) cVi ifforeXfia Koi tSuv ^evatv

656 VALUE OF SINGLE SHARES.

for which sum it was bought from another private individual' "**.
It is soon after stated that this was not so, and soon after that
it was, and presently that the mine was sold together with the
slaves for 206 minas'". The customary price appears indeed
to have been a talent ; thus the mine proprietor, for whom the
speech against Phaenippus was written, when the mine in which
he had a share reverted to the state, paid 3 talents, one for
each share, when he wished to regain possession of the confis-
cated property '^\ Nor is this the only instance of several
partners in one mine'"; generally, however, a mining company
appears to have been formed by several persons who combined
for the purpose of opening a new work; and afterwards, if
fortunate enough to meet with ore, they divided the space into
different compartments, which were then worked independently,
each person possessing a separate share. Thus these partners
only bore the expense and loss in common, until they found a
sufficiently rich vein of metal. No arrangement of this kind
can indeed have been in use before the publication of Xeno-
phon's Essay upon the Revenue '^% for in that tract he recom-
mends that companies should be formed for working new
mines, and that the profit or loss should be shared equally by
the adventurers ; and this judicious proposal] appears to have
been acted upon. An association of several persons was how-
ever sometimes formed for working a single work-shop '^^

'^^ Ibid. p. 976. Nicobulus had j means the state's share iu the proceeds
lent money upon the slaves, Euergus I of the mines, or the portion which

upon the mine, p. 976, 18; p. 972, 21.

'3-« Ibid. p. 981, 8, and p. 970, 3;
p. 975,21; p. 981,8.

*3^ P. 1039, 20, Kui TO TcXevToiov
vZv e/xe Set t^ nokei rpia rakavra Kara-
6e7vai, ToXaifTou Kara rnv ftepi'Sa* /xere-
(Txov ycipi cos fiTjUOT a>cf)e\ou, Kayco tov
'drjfxevOevTOS peraXXov.

'•*^ Cf. Demosth. c. Pantaenet. p.
977,21 ; 969, 11.
■ '36 4, 32.

^^'^ As may be infen-ed from Dem.
c. Pantaen. p. 969, 1 1, when the gram-
marians wish to explain the word

each of several sharers in the profit
received. If the latter explanation
were connect, we must understand a
working in common of the same mine.
Harpocration, and Suidas who trans-
cribes him, in v. aTrovofXT] : rj dnofioipaf
coy pepos Ti TOiV TTfpiyLyvopevcov e/c tcov
peToXkoiP Xap^avoiKTTjs r^s TrdXecoy rj
a)s diaipovpevoov eiy nXelovs piaOcorovs
(read p,ia6coTas, tenants) 1v eKaaros
Xaftu TL p.€pos. Afivapxos iv ra irpbs
Tovs AvKovpyov naldas noXXaKu . [ The
reading p-ia-diaras has been received
by Bekker into the text of his edition

dnovofiT), they are in doubt whether it | from two MSS. — Traxsl.]

LABOUR OF SLAVES IN THE MINES. 657

Upon the boundaries of the mines purchased from the state,
the proprietors were required to leave supports, as has been
already stated.

§ 10. Labour of Slaves in the Mines,

In mining, as in everything where labour was necessary, the
actual work was performed by slaves^ ^*. It cannot be proved
that in Greece free citizens ever laboured in mines or foundries
under the compulsion of tyrants, as has been asserted '^^ The
Romans condemned the oflfenders who had been enslaved by
public ordinance, to work in the mines, in the same manner
that criminals of this description are now sent to the mines of
Siberia: this method of punishment, however, cannot ha\'e
existed at Athens, as the community did not carry on any
mining at the public expense ; nor did it let mines for a term
of years together with the labourers, which was only done by
private individuals. The master, however, could probably
punish his slaves by forcing them to labour in the mines, as
well as in the mills ; and in general none but inferior slaves
were employed in them, such as barbarians and criminals.
Their condition was not indeed so miserable as that of the
slaves in the Egyptian mines, where the condemned labourers
worked without intermission until they were so exhausted as to
fall lifeless; but notwithstanding that in Attica the spirit of
freedom had a mild and beneficial influence even upon the
treatment of slaves, yet myriads of these wretched mortals are
said to have languished in chains in the unwholesome atmo-
sphere of the mines^^^

For this degraded state of their fellow creatures the Athe-
nians felt no greater compassion than the other nations of
antiquity. In vain we seek in the social relations of the Greeks

'^8 These are the familicB in Vitruv. is said to have been possessed of an

vii. 7, where see Schneider.

1^9 The instance, which Reiteraeier
(p. 73) adduces is not Grecian, but re-
fers to a Persian satrap named Pythius
or Pytlies of Celaense in Phrygia, who

enormous treasure in gold. See Herod,
vii. 27 sqq. and the commentators.

'*" Athen. vii. p. 272 E, Plutarch
Comp. Nic. et Crass, init. [See above,
p. 38, note b. — Transl.]

2 U

658 LABOUR OF SLAVES

for traces of the humanity which their arts and their philosophy
would indicate ; and in the same manner that their treatment
of the female sex was^ with few exceptions, unworthy and
degrading, so by being habituated to slaves from early youth,
they had lost all natural feelings of sympathy towards them.
No philosopher of antiquity, not even Socrates, raises an
objection against the institution of slavery. Plato, in his
perfect State, only desires that no Grecians should be made
slaves. Aristotle founds the existing usage upon apparently
scientific principles. But who would not be willing to pardon
the ancients for their hard-heartedness in this point, which is
at variance neither with their morality, their religion, nor their
international law, if, after Christianity has extended the influ-
ence of milder feelings and dispositions, after slavery has been
denounced by all moral, religious, and international laws, the
nations of Europe felt no shame in again establishing the same
institution, and still bargain and stipulate for it in treaties of
peace ?

As was the case in Italy and Sicily, and has been also in
modern times, the insurrection of these hordes of slaves was in
Greece neither unfrequent nor unaccompanied with danger.
In a fragment of Posidonius, the continuer of the history of
Polybius, it is related that the mine slaves in Attica murdered
their guards, took forcible possession of the fortifications of
Sunium, and from this point ravaged the country for a con-
siderable time; an occurrence, which, if Atheneeus expresses
himself correctly, must be referred to the time of the first
Sicilian servile war, about the year of the city 620 (b.c. 134),
at which time the Romans were already in possession of that
island ^*^ It is, however, more probable that it belongs to the
end of the 91st Olympiad, about which time, during the war of
Decelea, more than 20,000 slaves, of whom the greater portion
were manual labourers, eloped from the Athenians^**. Yet at
that time Sunium could hardly have been a tenable position, as
Thucydides would not have failed to mention the capture of it

'*' Athen. iit sup. and Scliweighseuser's note.
'^2 Thncyd. vii. 27-

IN TH& MINES. 659

by the slaves. It was first fortified in Olymp. 91, 4 (b.c. 413),
for the protection of the vessels employed in importing corn,
and probably after it had been recaptured from the slaves,
whose ravages could scarcely have lasted beyond a summer.

It should be also observed, that of the slaves who worked
in the mines, some belonged to the lessees, and for some a rent
(d7rocj)opa) was paid to the proprietor'", the maintenance being
provided by the person who hired them. The price of slaves
varied, according to their bodily and mental qualities, from half
a mina to 5 and 10 minas: a common mining-slave however did
not cost at Athens, as Barthelemy asserts, more than from 3 to
6 minas, but in the age of Xenophon and Demosthenes not
more than 125 to 150 drachmas^^\ When it is stated that Nicias
the son of Niceratus gave a talent for an overseer of his
mines'", we are to understand a person in whom he could
repose great confidence, and to whom he might entrust the
superintendence of the whole business, so as to be free from
the necessity of employing a tenant, in short, a person rarely
to be met with; from this therefore nothing can be inferred
with regard to the usual price.

Since then slaves were neither dear to purchase nor expen-
sive to maintain, the working of mines was facilitated by the
institution of slavery; but as, for the most part, compulsion was
the only incentive to labour, and little favour was ever shown to
the slaves, the art of mining was necessarily retarded, while the
small benefit it received from the exertions of free inspectors
or managers, could have been of little avail; and thus the
higher character which mining bears in modern times was then
altogether wanting. By the hiring of slaves the profit was dis-
tributed into various channels, and by this means persons who
otherwise would have been unable to advance capital sufficient
for so expensive an undertaking, were enabled to engage in this
business.

^"3 Andocid, de Myst. p. 19.

^^■^ This may be obtained by compu-
tation from Xenoph. de Vectig. 4, 23,
and by an obvious inference fiom De -
mosth. c. Pantsen. p. 976. The latter

passage has been quoted before. Con-
cerning the different prices of slaves,
see b. i. ch. 13.

'^* Xenoph. Socr. Mem. ii. 5, 2.

2 U 2

660

LABOUR OF SLAVES

Many persons had a considerable number of slaves in the
mines. Nicias the celebrated general (and not the younger
Nicias, as has been erroneously supposed) had 1000 slaves
there; Hipponicus the third, the son of Callias the torchbearer,
600; Philemonides, 300; and others according to their circum-
stances' ^^ These wealthy and distinguished persons let their
mines to contractors, who were either poor citizens, isoteles,
freedmen, or resident aliens ^''^^ or perhaps not unfrequently
slaves belonging to the proprietors themselves, upon the con-
dition that the tenant should maintain the slaves, and pay an
obolus a day for each, free from all deduction, and should return
the full number which he had received. Thus Nicias received
from Sosias the Thracian one mina and two-thirds a day, Hippo-
nicus one mina, Philemonides half a mina. According to Xeno-
phon many slaves in the mines were in his time let upon the
same conditions'*^.

It does not appear probable that a rent of so considerable
an amount should have been paid for the slaves alone. Xeno-
phon, in stating the annual profit of 6000 mining-slaves, sup-
poses 360 days of labour, distributing the intercalary month
through the several years, and only deducting five holidays. If
however we reckon 350 days, and take 140 drachmas as the
average price of a oommon mining-slave, each slave would have
produced a return of nearly 50 per cent. (47ii) of his value;
which, when compared with the far inferior profit derived from
more valuable slaves skilled in some mechanical art, is out of all
proportion, though these latter were also supplied by their pro-
prietors w^ith the raw materia^''^ And although the masters
were without doubt paid for the goods thus furnished, yet the
procuring them required an outlay of capital, the profit on
which was also to be replaced. Are we to suppose that a
worker of mines like Sosias the Thracian would not have been
more willing to borrow a sum of money for the purpose of buy-

'** Xenoph. de Vectig. 4, 14, and
thence Athen. vi. p. 272 E.
'■'^ Cf. Xenoph. ut sup. 4, 22.
i« Ut Slip. 4, 16.

''^ Demosth. c. Aphob. i. p. 816,
^sch. c. Timarch. p. 118, which pas-
sages are examined more at length in
b.i. ch. 13 (above p. 6.0).

IN THE MINES.

661

ing slaves, than to pay away their whole value in the space of
two years in the shape of rent ? If he was able to hire slaves
by giving security, he would have been able to find sureties for
a sum of money. The profit upon slaves must indeed have
been much higher than upon monied capital, as the proprietor
lost unless both capital and interest were replaced before their
death; and the usual rate of interest being 12 per cent., slaves
must have produced more than this percentage; but how wide
is the difference between 14 or 15 per cent, and nearly 50? Is
it not then more probable that Nicias and others, who let slaves
in the mines upon these terms, received an obolus a head not for
the slaves alone, but for the mines also in which they worked?
An instance of a lease of a mine jointly with the slaves occurs
in the speech against Pantsenetus; thirty slaves, together with
a workshop, were let for the interest of 105 minas; but the
transaction was in fact only fictitious, as the money was in
reality lent upon the slaves alone, as will be presently shown:
but any fictitious transaction of this sort must have been
founded on a real custom.

Are we not also told that Nicias was possessed of several
mines? Plutarch indeed remarks'^'' that he had wasted his pro-
perty in this hazardous business; but it is not possible to refer
his statement to the letting of slaves, as in that trade no hazard
could have existed, the person who hired them being always
bound to return the same number that he received, and to pro-
vide sureties for the fulfilment of this obligation. To what pur-
pose again did Nicias purchase an inspector of the mines at the
price of a talent, if he did not work them at his own expense?
He is even said to have maintained a diviner, and to have sacri-
ficed daily for the success of his mines, and procured numerous
gangs of slaves, with the sole object of employing them for his
own profit. The management of them however would naturally
have been troublesome to the anxious disposition of Nicias,
occupied as he was with both civil and military concerns, and
he therefore divested himself of this care by letting both his
mines and slaves; a supposition which is at least more probable

"° Nic. 4 and Comp. Nic. et Ciuss. in init.

662 PIIOFITS DERIVED FROM

and simple than that to which we are driven if it is rejected;
viz. that Nicias kept a hundred slaves for hire in addition to
those who worked in his own mines. According to the former
hypothesis, some part of the rent, which amounted to nearly
10 talents a year, must be considered as proceeding from the
mines. Xenophon, when he proposes that the state should
derive similar advantages from the letting of slaves, probably
implies that it should be connected with the letting of such
mines as were still unalienated, in which it is evident that the
lessee who obtained the metal also paid the rent in silver, which
Nicias and the other slave-proprietors would doubtless have
demanded from their tenants.

§ 11. Profits derived from the Working of the Mines.

So long as the rich ores were not exhausted, the working was
extremely profitable to the possessors, especially as the prices
of provisions were very low in comparison with that of silver.

Although after the death of Niceratus, who inherited from
his father Nicias, less property is said to have been found than
was expected, his father was considered as one of the most
wealthy citizens : the property of Diphilus, another mine pro-
prietor, who indeed encroached illegally upon the supports of
the mines, amounted, at the time that it was confiscated, to 160
talents'''; an amount of property which for Athens and the age
of Lycurgus is very considerable; and when the possessions of
Diphilus were in his own hands, they were no doubt still larger,
for confiscated property seldom came into the public cofi*ers
without suffering some diminution, or being wastefully sold
under its proper price. Callias (a person of mean extraction,
and not of the celebrated family of Phsenippus), who out of
love for the sister and wife of Cimon paid Miltiades' fine of

151 Vit. Dec. Orat. in Plutarch, vol. ; the most approved statements. The
vi. p. 252. Of the property of Diphi- | words in the text, rj as rives fxvav, do
Ills each citizen received 50 drachmas, ' not deserve any consideration, wliether
which supposes a number of 19,200 j they are interpolated or genuine.

citizens, thus completely agreeing with I

WORKING THE MINES.

663

50 talents, had also derived his wealth from the mines'"; and
the Callias who discovered the method of preparing cinnabar^
was perhaps his grandson, having been, as is manifest from this
fact, personally engaged in the working of mines, and conse-
quently cannot have been the extravagant Callias, the son of
Hipponicus, nor was he at all connected with this noble family,
as Schneider appears to suppose.

We must not, on the other hand, be surprised, if, in subse-
quent times, especially when the quality of the ores had been
impoverished, many proprietors of mines suffered severe losses,
particularly when it is remembered that the working of mines
was rendered difficult by the want of gunpowder, that the
machinery was imperfect and scanty, and that the management
of the foundries was so defective that much metal was lost in
smelting. At the time when Xenophon wrote his Treatise upon
the Revenue, the greater number of the mine proprietors were
beginners, who were unable, from want of capital, to open new
mines, like the former possessors, though this practice was still
allowed by the legal conditions^"; the proprietors were never-
theless at that time increasing their number of slaves^**. Not
long afterwards, however, in the time of Demetrius Phalereus,
there was no want of willingness to devote capital and trouble
to the working of the mines; they mined with so much eager-
ness, says Demetrius, that they thought they would fetch up
Pluto himself; but they generally failed to obtain what they
sought for, and what they already had they lost^"; at last there-
fore they entirely gave up all farther excavation, and only made
use of the scoriae and the rejected stones.

Besides the necessary importation of timber, for which the
ports of Thoricus and Anaphlystus and the two harbours of

152 Plut. Cim. 4, Nepos Cim. 1. For
Schneider's opinion see his note upon
Xenoph. de Vectig. 4, 15.

1*3 Xenoph. ut sup. 4, 28.

154 Ibid. 4, 4.

155 See Demetrius, and from him
Posidonius ap. Strab, iii. p. 101 , Athen.
vi. p. 233 D, cf. Diod. v. 37. The

expression of Demetrius contains an
enigma, like the Homeric riddle. See
the commentators upon the author
just mentioned, particularly Casaubon
upon Strabo ; but as the enigma can-
not be solved, I have only been able to
give the approximate sense of the

664 PROFITS DERIVED FROM WORKING THE MINES.

Sunium were employed, the expenses of mining were enhanced
in bad seasons by the high prices of corn. Upon most regions
which abound in ore nature has laid the curse of sterility**®; and
thus Athens^ as being the market of Greece, was in its flourishing
times supplied with corn by importation; but when it was
l)lockaded by sea, which frequently took place after the loss of
its ascendancy, or if prices were raised by a general failure in
the crops, the mine proprietors were the severest sufferers, as
they had to maintain large establishments of slaves. The
medimnus of corn sold at Athens in the time of Solon for a
drachma; in the time of Socrates and Aristophanes the common
price was from 2 to 3, and in that of Demosthenes from 5 to 6
drachmas; but in later times prices advanced so greatly that
barley sold for 18 drachmas'": at this juncture even those
mine proprietors were distressed for money, who before had
contrived to carry on their business with profit, and they are
said to have received assistance from the state; but we are not
informed in what manner* *^ We hear however of mines being
confiscated about this time'^®; the cause of which doubtless
was, that the possessors were unable to fulfil their obligations
to the state; while, as the author of the speech against Phee-
nippus says, the agricultural classes were making undue profits.

§ 12. Some Legal Regulations respecting the Mines.

Lastly, we may consider some legal regulations respecting the
possession of mines.

As the ownership of the mines was vested in the people, no
compartment of a mine could be worked without information
being given to the public officers; and if this was not done, the
party offending was subject to a public action for not having
registered his mine {aypdcpov fieiaXkov BUtj)^^'^; the action

' '" The ancients cite the instances I "' Orat. c. Phcenipp. p. 1039, 18, p.

of Thasos (see Archilochus quoted by 1044, ad fin. p. 1045, init. p. 1048, ad

the interpreters of Herod. N-i. 46), and fin. See b. i. eh. 15.

Hispania Felix: in which few places | '*« Ibid. p. 1048, 27.

made an exception. Pliu. xxxiii. 21, j '*^ Ibid. p. 1039, 20 sqq.

Strabo iii. p. 146. . I '*" Suidas and Zonaras in v. oypa^ou

LEGAL REGULATIONS.

665

however could be also commenced by referring the matter to
the public assembly (tt/jo/SoX?;)'"'. Any person buying a share
from the state upon the legal conditions was bound to pay the
purchase money at the appointed time; if he exceeded his
term, he was subject to the common proceedings against public
debtors, and therefore to infamy, to imprisonment, and to a
fine of double the amount''^; and if the debt thus doubled was
not paid, to forfeiture of property, the debt being also inherited
by the children until the payment of the fine. If a mine pro-
prietor did not pay the rent in silver, the farmer-general was of
course empowered to institute a public suit against him. There
must however have been this difference between the methods
of proceeding against a mine proprietor and a public debtor,
that in the former case the community only laid claim to the
mine for which the twenty-fourth was in arrear, and not to the
whole property of the defaulter; while the obligation to pay the
purchase money fell upon the person of the buyer, and by that
means upon his whole property; there can therefore be no
doubt that if the rent fell in arrear, the defaulter was not liable
to the penalty of imprisonment. The speech against Phaenippus
furnishes a satisfactory example of the confiscation of a mine,
in which several persons had a share, without the other pro-
perty of the proprietors being forfeited to the state'"; for the
person in whose name this speech was composed, possessed
other property besides that which was forfeited, which he offers
to exchange with Pheenippus; and what is more, he had other
mines^^*, which were not forfeited to the state when the former
mine was confiscated. It was only in the case of peculiarly

^UTaS\ov hiKT] : Ei Tty ovv edoKci \dBpa
epyd^eaOoL fieraWov, rbv firi drroypa-
yjrdfievov (^r]v rw (BovXofieva ypd(f)ea6ai

^^' See Taylor, Preface to Demosth.
against Meidias, who states this from a
Cambridge manuscript, which contains
additions to Hai-pocration. [The ma-
nuscript has been published by Mr.
Dobree at the end of his edition of
Photius; and the whole article here

alluded to is in p. 676, as follows:
Upo^oKr] : (f)av€pov /xev rivos \av6dvov-
Tos di p.r]w(TLS' KeKTjXios (KaLKiXios) de
(Prjcriu (Ivai fju Kara touv drjixocna fieraX-

Xa VTTopvTTOvroiv dnocfiepovai

be Ka\ KudoXov tS)v ret KOivd kXctttov-
T(oV KoXe^adai 6e ovtcos koL tcis efiiro-
pUas p,Tjvu(r€is- — Traxsl.1

^6^ Demosth. in Pantsen. p. 973.

^"3 P. 1039, 22.

^^* See p. 1044.

666 LEGAL REGULATIONS

aggravating circumstances that the state could inflict severer
punishment upon persons who failed to pay their rent; for,
from the nature of suits of this description^ the assignment of
the penalty rested with the judges.

In all cases connected with mines, if it appeared that the
state had been injured, the mode of proceeding was by a public
action, and generally a phasis, which was the form when the
injury received had reference to the harbours, to embezzlement,
or detention of public property, to custom duties and other
taxes, or to sycophancy, and the defrauding of orphans, who
were under the immediate protection of the government'^\ An
oflfence which was especially liable to this method of prosecu-
tion was the undermining of or encroachment upon the sup-
ports^^% which considerably endangered the security of the
mines, and also displaced the boundaries. Now the law had
not appointed any definite punishment for a large portion of the
pubhc offenders, which was particularly the case in all offences
prosecuted by phasis; but the accuser fixed the penalty in the
memorial which he presented, and the defendant made a
counter-assessment {avTirt/jbrjcris), on which the court exercised
its discretion, without being bound by the amount of penalty
fixed upon by the litigant parties; the punishment assigned
might however be either death, fine, infamy, or banishment;
e.g., Diphilus was punished with death, and his property con-
fiscated, for some oflfence connected with the mines. The
phasis, according to Pollux, was brought before the archon, by
which we are to understand the archon Eponymus. This archon
however was not the president of the court [rfye/jbcov BcKacrTrj-
plov) in mining cases: we must therefore either assume that if
a phasis was instituted, it was first brought before the archon
Eponymus, who then referred it to the tribunal in which the
supreme jurisdiction was lodged; or we must limit the assertion
of Pollux to the phasis in cases of orphans^ ^'property, which

^"5 Pollux viii. 47, Epitome of Har- ; 315.
pocration quoted by the commentators j '®° Lex. Seg. p. 315, ^a.(Tis : fxTjwa-is
upon Pollux, Etymol. Photius, and j Trpos rovs (ipxovTas Kara rSiV viropv-rrov-
Suidas, in v. (jidcis, Lex, Seg. p. 313, ! rmv to peToWov. Cf. Phot, ut sup.

R-ESPECTING THE MIXES.

667

were certainly introduced by the archon Eponymus'". All
mining cases^ whether proceeded in by phasis or by any other
method, were introduced by the thesmothet^e**^ The court
appointed for such causes is called by a grammarian the
mining court'^^.

The speech against Pantsenetus is a paragraphe against a
mining action; from this it is evident that a suit like that insti-
tuted by Pantsenetus as a mining case belonged to the monthly
causes {efi/jLrjvoL StVat)'^% that is to say, it was necessary that
judgment should be given within a month; the object being no
doubt that the mine proprietor might not be too long detained
from his business, a preference which was allowed to the mining
cases as well as to the proceedings in commercial causes
{ifiiropLKoX hlKai), and to litigation concerning dowries and
between eranistse (ipaviKal Blkui)^^^: in commercial cases how-
ever, and probably in all others, this regulation was not intro-
duced till after the date of Xenophon's Essay on the Revenue,
in which it was proposed that a more rapid progress should be
allowed to commercial suits: in the time of Philip the monthly
causes are mentioned as if they had not been previously in
existence, and were then but lately introduced^ ^^

Among the SUaL fieraWcKal were included all suits which
related to the mines, and particularly to the mining companies,
and whatever else was mentioned in the mining law (fieraX^
\lko<; vofMosY''^, Concerning this law we have no satisfactory
account; there are only four heads of which we have any
information, namely, of encroachment, of expulsion from the
business, of arson, and of armed attack; the two latter were
without doubt always the subjects of a public action, and the
first might certainly take this form of proceeding, if public
property was encroached upon; but it is by no means true that

• 167 Pollux viii. 89, &:c. i

^68 Demosth. c. Pantsen. p. 976, 18,
Pollux viii/ 88.

169 MeTaXkiKov^^iKao-TTjpiov, in the
argnment to the speech against Pantte-
netus, p. 965, 24.

170 Demosth. c. Pantsen. p. 966, 17-

171 Pollux viii. 63, 101, Harpoc. and

Said, in v. efjLfXTjvoi dUai, Lex. Seg. p.
237.

'7* Xenoph. de Vectig. 3, Orat. pro
Haloneso, p. 79, 18 sqq.

17^ The only passage on the subject
of the /xeraXXtKat dUai is in Demosth.
c. Pautaen. p. 976, 977.

66S

LEGAL REGULATIONS

all mining causes were brought on as public actions. If De-
mosthenes expresses himself correctly, the law was divided into
these four parts alone '^■'; but cases which referred to the mining
companies belonged also to the mining suits'^*, and as these
four heads contain nothing of the kind, we are compelled to
suppose that the enactments concerning encroachment and
expulsion from labour mainly referred to partners in the same
mine divided into different workshops. It is certain from the
speech against Panteenetus that private suits between mine
proprietors and other private individuals, which referred not to
mining, but to any general question of law, with which a mine
was incidentally connected, were not of the number of mining
cases; as, for example, if a law suit arose for a sum of money
lent upon a mine; it is evident indeed that such would neces-
sarily be the case. Moreover the actions for not registering a
mine, and non-payment of the entrance money and the rent of
the twenty-fourth, did not belong to the mining causes, nor
were they mentioned in the mining law: the first doubtless fell
under the head of embezzlement of public property; the second
was determined by the laws respecting the pubhc debtors; the
third was decided according to the laws relating to the farming
of the revenue {po/jlol reKwviKol), and accordingly the phasis
could in such a case be instituted.

The clause in the mining law which prohibited the pro-
prietor from working outside his own boundary, or carrying an
adit into another compartment' ^% does not require any farther

'''* Ibid. p. 976, 27,-977, 9.

'-'"> Ibid. p. 977,20.

^^^ The words in the text are eVt-
KaTarefiveLV tcov fierpoiv evTos, p. 977,
10. It has been thought preferable to
write €KTbs, which certainly makes the
sense clearer, but is still an improbable
correction. Evtos appears, like the
ciira of the Romans, to mean both in-
side and outside, according as the spec-
tator adopts his station, as Herodotus
(iii. 116) says evrbs divepyovTai : they
exclude without in reference to us, but
within in reference to the countries

which exclude. Thus emKaTarefiveiv
euros TCOV fierpcov means to cut outside
your own boundaries, but inside the
boundaries of those whose property is
invaded. Another expression for trans-
gressing the boundaries occurs in p.
977, in the words rols erepov (/iie'raX-
\ov?) (rvvTpr)(Tacnv els tcitwv ttXtjctIov.
Whether the words els ra raiv TvKrjalov
should be struck out is difficult to de-
cide. [See Wordsworth, Athens and
Attica, ch. 2f{, on the OopUioi ^ 5io-
pxjTTiDv of Autiphanes. — Transl.J

RESPECTING THE MIXES.

669

explanation, of which however the other three stand in need; of
these one clause relates to persons driving out a mining pro-
prietor from his business (i^elXkovaLv eK rrj? ipyaalas). Ex-
pulsion (i^ovXTj) is the term in the Athenian law for obtaining
possession of another person^s property, when wrongfully taken
from the legal possessor; and probably it was only used in
reference to immoveables^". The action brought by the injured
party in such a case as this was called the Slkt) i^ovXrjs; the
same form could also be adopted if a man was interrupted in
the enjoyment of what he had bought, i.e. taken, from the state,
or was obstructed in the prosecution of his business^ ^^ Again,
if any person was declared by judicial decision to be the rightful
possessor, by which he obtained permission to seize the pro-
perty of his antagonist, and was obstructed in the seizure by
the resistance of the actual possessor, this was considered an
act of expulsion just as much as the non-payment of a debt by
a private individual to his creditor at the appointed term : in
both cases the Slkt] i^ovXij^ equally obtained' '^ But even
without the authority of a judicial decision, the creditor had a
right of seizure over the mortgaged property, whether moveable
or immoveable, as soon as the term of payment had expired ;
and if any resistance was made to him in the exercise of this
right, the BIkt} e^ovXT)^ might also be instituted, the mortgaged
property being considered as his own, as soon as the time had

'77 According to Hudtwalcker (von
den Diateten, p. 135) who goes upon the
authority of Suidas,on moveable property
as well. But the action for the forcible
abstraction of moveable property was
the Si'kt; ^Laitov. It is therefore pro-
bable that the diKrj €^ovX7]s only affected
moveables when it was an actio rei ju-
dicatce, and when the mortgagee was
obstructed in the exercise of the right
of seizure upon moveable property.
See book iii. ch. 12.

178 Pollux viii. 59, 17 be r»)y e^ovXrjs
8lkt] yiyverai, orav Tis rbv e/c brjixocrlov
Trpidfjievov p; ea KapnovaOac a enplaTo.

Kai an epya-
(ocTLv 6 v6p.os

Suidas in e^ovXrjs 8ikt)
cnas bk ei tis e'lpyoLTO, I
biKaCea-dai npus top Hpyovra e^ovXrjs.

'79 The exercise of the right of sei-
zure upon immoveables and ships is
generally called ep^areveiv : but in the
case of slaves or other moveable pro-
perty this expression could not be
employed. Of the right of seizure by
a judicial verdict, and of the dUr) e^ov-
\r]s for not paying a fine {actio rei ju-
dicata), see Hudtwalcker, von den
Diateten, p. 134 sqq.; and with refe-
rence to the decisions of the diaetetae
and arbitrators, pp. 152, 183.

670

LEGAL REGULATIONS

expired in which his claims should have been satisfied'^". In
like manner a hUj] i^ovXrj^ could be brought on^ if one party-
asserted that he had purchased anything and laid claim to it on
that ground, while another party claimed it as mortgagee'^';
where this method of proceeding would naturally be allowed to
the creditor as illegally deprived of his mortgage, if the purchaser
did not recognise his title.

Expulsion from a mine might, therefore, be considered
either as a seizure or retention of property, or as obstruction
in the use of property purchased from the state, and as an
impediment in the prosecution of the business. As, however,
the mining law contained separate provisions upon this point,
expulsion from a mine must have been forbidden under severer
sanctions than from other property, or there must have been
particular privileges granted to the mine proprietors against
persons who by the general law would have been authorized to
take possession of their mines. It appears to me probable,
that a creditor, who lent money upon mortgage on a mine,
could not, as in the case of other mortgaged property, make

^^ That the creditor had the right
of taking possession of the security,
after the expiration of the term of
payment, without a judicial decision, as
Sahnasius (de M. U. cap. 13) assumes,
can hardly be denied. This is clearly
shown by an instance in Demosth. c.
Apatur. p. 894, 5, erv^e 5e ovroal
6(p€iXa>v €7rt rfj vrjl t^ avrov reTTapd-
Kovra fivas, Koi ol xRW^f^i- naTfjTreiyov
avTov aTraiTovvTes, kol eve^drevov els
TTjv vavv elXr)(p6T€S rfj V7reprjfiepia,where
there is no question of any previous
judicial decision. The passage of the
Etymologist in v. ip.^arevcrat. is not
decisive; but Suidas in v. e^ovkijs
plainly distinguishes the diKT] e^ovXrjs
which was founded upon a judicial
verdict, from the suit which the cre-
ditor instituted on being obstructed in
the exercise of the right of seizure:
c6i/cd^ero Se Kui e^ovXrjs Koi 6 XPW'^'V^

KaT^X^LV eTTlX^lpOiV KTT]p.a TOV XP^^O"
TOVVTOi KOL KCoXvOfieVOS VTTO TLVOS. In

the agreement of bottomry in Demosth.
c. Lacrit. p. 926, the nght of seizing
the goods without a judicial verdict is
granted in a separate clause. Seizure
for debt without a judicial decision
occurs in the Clouds of Aristophanes,
vs. 34.

*^^ Pollux viii. 95, kol fifjv, el 6 fieu
ct)S eayvrjfxevos dfi^iafi-qTa. Krrjp.aTos, 6
be cos VTVoOrjKrjv excoVj e^ovXrjs r) diKT].
I do not perceive what is the obscm-ity
which Hudtwalcker (von den Diateten,
p. 143) finds in these words. It may
be observed that the same sense is
contained in the words of Suidas just
quoted, only that Pollux expresses
himself more generally, KwXvofxevos imo
Tivos. This t\s is in our case the
dfi<pi(r^T]Tcov cos €covr]p.€uos-

RESPECTING THE MINES. 6?!

use of the right of seizure without the decision of a court of
justice; and that if he ventured to attempt it without such
authority, the debtor could institute the hUr] e^ovkrjs against
him. For we find that in cases of money lent upon mines, the
mines were not given simply in mortgage, as other landed
property, but the creditor was instated as legal possessor by a
fictitious sale for the amount of the sum lent, and the debtor
was considered as the tenant of the mine upon paying the
interest of the principal.

Mnesicles had bought from Pantsenetus, the son of Tele-
machus, a mine together with the slaves belonging to it :
Mnesicles was properly the creditor of Pantaenetus, but he is
represented as proprietor of the mine. For when Euergus and
Nicobulus engaged to lend money to Pantsenetus upon this
mine, Mnesicles and not Pantsenetus transferred it to them as
vendor ; Euergus and Mnesibulus then became the proprietors,
and let the mine and slaves to Pantsenetus, fixing the interest
of the principal as a fictitious rent, and appointing a term for
the payment of the money and the conclusion of the pur-
chase^ ^^ Pantsenetus afterwards, wishing to satisfy Euergus
and Nicobulus, the purchasers, to whom Pantsenetus next
transferred the mine, were willing to take it upon the condition
that the two former should call themselves the vendors of the
mine and the slaves ^^\ In no place is there the slightest
indication that this formality so frequently repeated, was at all
unusual or surprising. To what purpose would have been all
these tedious proceedings, if a mortgagee had the right of seizing
the mortgaged mine without a judicial decision, and could
institute a ZUri i^ovKt)^ against the debtor for obstruction in
the seizure ? If, however, the creditor had no right of seizure
upon the mine, prudence required that he should call himself
the purchaser, in order to have a better legal title to the
possession of the mortgaged property, and not to suffer his
claims to be dependant upon the uncertainty of a judicial

182 Demosth. c. Pantsen. p. 967. i by Heraldus Anim. in Salmas. Obser.

183 Ibid. p. 970, 971, 975. An ex- ad I. A. et R. iv. 3.
planation of the whole case is given I

6/2

LEGAL REGULATIONS

decision. Many reasons can be thought of why a preference of
this kind should have been granted to the mines in regard to
mortgage debts ; for example, that the mine proprietor, after
having incurred much expense without any return, might not
be subsequently deprived of it against his will, just at the time
when he was beginning to reap the fruits of his exertions ; or
else that the working of the mines might not be interrupted to
the prejudice of the state by a seizure of this kind. It hardly
requires the authority of Demosthenes^^" to state, that expulsion
from the lease of a mine taken by one individual proprietor
from another, also authorized the institution of a hLKrj e^ovKr}^,
as it was obstructing the proprietor in the prosecution of his
business.

The two other heads of the mining law are very obscure.
By arson, or under-burning, which is the exact meaning of the
Greek expression [eav v(f)dyfrrj Tt9)'^% we might either under-
stand the burning of the wood used for supporting the mine ;
or the setting fire to the ores (a practice which was well known
to the ancients), for the purpose of undermining the pillars
which supported the overlying mass, after they had become
infirm. To what the prohibition referred of attacking the
miners with arms, and what could have been the reason of it,
cannot be now ascertained; so far, however, is certain, that
armed attack is meant, and not the seizure of the tools or
instruments, as Petit imagines '^^

One of the chief preferences enjoyed by the mine proprie-
tors, was the immunity from taxes, which the laws had allowed

'«* Ibid. p. 968, 6, and p. 974. An
instance of the expulsion of a proprie-
tor and not of a mere sub-tenant, was
contained in the oration against Mecy-
tlius. See Dionys. ut sup. note 101.

^8-^ Demosth. ut sup. p. 977, 7.
Upon the practice of setting fire to
the ores as used by the ancients,
besides Reitemeier and others, Ameil-
hon as above p. 490 sqq. may be con-
sulted.

»«« In the first law Petit (Leg. Att.

vii. 12) also supposes that the cham-
bering and the pillars of the mines ai'e
meant, but expresses himself in a
singular manner. The words, av onXa
€7ri<f)epT], he alters by a most absurd
correction : AVesseling ha^ already
remarked that arms are meant from
the words, ttXt^v et firj tovs KOfML^ofxivovs,
a TrpoelvTo croi, /xeB' onXoiv rJKeiv vofxi-
^€Ls. Petit's whole article upon the
mining law is as ill executed as most
of the other parts of his work.

RESPECTING THE MINES. 673

to property vested in the mines '^^ The fact itself is unques-
tionable ; but as it occurs in the speech against Phsenippus, in
which mention is made of the relief which the state had granted
to the mine proprietors, it might be thought that nothing
more was meant than a temporary alleviation for the year in
which they had sustained a severe loss ; a supposition which
would apparently be confirmed by the assertion of iEschines^®%
that Timarchus had sold his estates, including two mines, in
order, by the concealment of his property, to withdraw himself
from the obligation of serving the liturgies. But as ^schines
is not accustomed to weigh his words with great exactness, the
fear of the liturgies entertained by Timarchus perhaps extended
only to his other estates, together with which his mines were
only accidentally mentioned ; and even if mines did not oblige
the possessor to perform liturgies, yet the possession of them
strongly confirmed the idea entertained of a man^s wealth, and
the public opinion on this subject had no inconsiderable influ-
ence upon his nomination to the performance of liturgies.

In the speech against Pheenippus, however, the orator would
not have omitted to remark that the immunity from taxes
enjoyed by the mines was only introduced a short time before
for the purpose of relieving the possessors, if such had been
the case; for as the complainant is particularly earnest in claim-
ing the good will of the people towards the mine proprietors, it
would have exactly suited his object to mention the preference
recently shown to them ; but instead of this, he speaks in a
general manner of the laws by which immunity had been
granted to the possessors of mines. It is necessary therefore
to consider the exemption of the mines from property taxes
and liturgies, as estabhshed by laws of ancient standing: but
whether intended as an encouragement to mining, is another
question. Are we to suppose that the people of Athens, from
no other motive than that of favouring a particular department
of industry, would have exempted a large number of their citi-
zens from all liturgies and taxes for property vested in mines,
including moreover the trierarchy, from which no one with the

'^' Orat. c. PhEenipp. p. 1044, 17. '°' C. Timarch. p. 121.

2 X

674

LEGAL REGULATIONS

exception of the nine archons had an absolute and personal
immunity^ ^*; while from the property taxes, at least according
to the statement of Demosthenes, no exemption ever existed?
What renders this the more improbable is, that a large portion
of the mine proprietors were extremely wealthy at certain
times : and that any person might, when he pleased, have with-
drawn himself from the public services, by purchasing and
working mines.

My opinion is that this immunity was conceded not as an
encouragement to mining and mine proprietors, but only upon a
legal principle. The mine proprietor was a tenant, who was
permitted the use of public property in consideration of the
payment of a sum of money, and of a portion of the yearly
produce as a fixed rent. But the property taxes and liturgies
only fell upon freehold property, while the mines, being con-
veyed by the people on condition that the tenants made an
annual payment to the state, were for this reason considered as
tax-free.

Whether slaves were included among the property vested
in mines, I do not venture to determine: there being however
no reason of any cogency why a tax should not have been
imposed upon them, it appears to me more probable that by
the property in the silver mines, we are only to understand the
mines belonging to a citizen.

A legal consequence of the exemption of the mines from
taxes was their exclusion from the property which was made
over in the Exchange (avrlBoacs)^^'^, Moveables and immove-
ables belonging to the two parties were conveyed in the
Exchange from one to the other, all such property being liable
to property taxes and liturgies, with the exception only of the
silver mines, which did not oblige the possessor to perform any
of these services.

'^^ A temporary exemption from
the trierarchy was allowed in certain
cases, e. g. orphans were exempt

during their minority, and for one year
over.

's'' Orat. c. Phgenipp. ut sup. See
book iv. ch. 16.

RESPECTING THE MINES. 675

[There follows in the original an abstract of Xenophon's
proposals with respect to the silver mines in his Essay on the
Revenues. But as an account of this plan has been already
given at the end of the fourth book'^ the translator has omitted
it here, as a needless repetition. He will however take this
opportunity of offering a few remarks upon an argument
brought forward by Mr. Boeckh both in his Treatise on the
Prices of Slaves, and in the above Dissertation^.

It is stated by Xenophon to have been a common practice
in Attica, to let slaves to be employed in the mines at the rate
of an obolus a day for each. The proprietor therefore received
for one slave 350 oboli, or nearly 59 drachmas a year. Now
the selling price of mine-slaves appears, upon the author^s com-
putation, to have varied from 125 to 150 drachmas. " Conse-
quently," he says, " capital laid out in this manner produced an
annual return of nearly 50 per cent., a rate so disproportionate
to the profits obtained by other modes of investment, that the
statement of Xenophon must evidently have another meaning:"
and he ends by conjecturing, that the rent of the mine in which
the slaves worked was included in this payment of an obolus.
Now it should be observed that the passage of Xenophon is
both explicit and precise^, and therefore unless the obvious
meaning of the words leads to a complete absurdity, there is
strong reason for not acceding to this interpretation. Perhaps
however, if the circumstances of the letting are more closely
examined, the apparent difficulty may be diminished at least, if
not altogether removed.

A person engages to supply a large number of slaves for the
severest and most unwholesome* description of labour, and
always to keep that number complete. For this he must spe-
culate in slaves as a dealer speculates in horses ; he must pur-

^ Above, p. 606. I o/3oXoi/ fxev dreXr] Udarov r^y rjnepas

2 Above, p. 73. dnodidovai, top 5' dpi3ix6v taovs del

3 Xenoph. de Vectig. 4, 14. 'Niklus l napexetv drap ri to. TroXaia M

TToW 6 NLKT)pdTov €KTr]aaTO iv Tols dp- j XeycLV ; Kol yap vvv noXkoi daiv iv rois
yvpeiois xiXt'ovs dvOpooTTOvs, ovs eKelvos j dpyvpeiois avBpoinoi ovtcos eKdidop-evou
^coaia Tto QpuKi e^epiadoxrev, ecji <a | * Above, p. 636, 657-

2x2

676 LEGAL REGULATIONS RESPECTING THE MINES.

chase large numbers with a certainty that many will be of very
inferior value to others; the sick, the weak, and the aged must
be maintained, when their labour is of little value. In Attica
moreover there was very considerable danger of the elopement
of slaves; and in time of war, when once lost, they could never
be recovered. On one occasion too the mine slaves mutinied
against their masters, and seized a neighbouring fortress, from
which they ravaged the country around for a whole summer;
and it is probable that, for this one successful, there were many
unsuccessful attempts. It is evident then that all these circum-
stances, by increasing the risk and expense, would also produce
an apparent increase in the amount of profits on capital thus
invested.

It would be easy to pursue the subject farther, and to cite
parallel cases of apparently high profits in modern times, when
indemnification for extraordinary danger or expense is required:
but until the author can bring stronger arguments in favour of
his conjecture, what has been said appears to be sufficient.]

NOTE. 677

NOTE.

Since the publication of Professor Boeckh's Dissertation on the Laurian .
Mines, a more accurate description of the district has been given by Mr. Dod-
well in his Tour through Greece, from whose account the following notices are
extracted.

At a short distance from Thoricus, in his way from Athens, Mr. Dodwell
observes, " that in some places the road was elevated like a bank, and had the
appearance of being artificial ; great part of it being composed of scoria from

the silver mines of Laurion (vol. i. p. 534) One hour from Thorikos

brought us to one of the ancient shafts of the silver mines ; and a few hundred
yards further we came to several others, which are of a square form, and cut
in the rock. We observed only one round shaft, which was larger than the
the others, and of considerable depth, as we conjectured from the time that
the stones, which were thrown in, took to reach the bottom (p. 537). Near
this are the foundations of a large round tower, and several remains of ancient
walls, of regular construction. The traces are so extensive, that they seem to
indicate not only the buildings attached to the mines, but the town of Laurion
itself, which was probably strongly fortified, and inhabited principally by the

people belonging to the mines We observed several large heaps of

scoria scattered about (p. 538) We proceeded over the low part of

Laurion, and had some difficulty in finding the way to Sunium, to which there
was no regular track, &c. Travelling here by night would be attended with
almost certain destruction, owing to the numerous shafts, which, concealed by
the weeds and bushes, form a treacherous ambush by the way" (p. 539).

On his return from Sunium, Mr. Dodwell observed, not far from that place,
" a great quantity of scoria heaped up near the sea ; and a little further inland
the shaft of a mine.''

Mr. Wordsworth likewise travelled across the district of the Laurion
mines, and has described it in his Athens and Attica, ch. 26'— 28. In ch. 27 he
says, "We now pass along the eastern shore towards Thoricos, now Therico.
The hills are scattered over with juniper bushes. The ground which we tread
is strewed with rusty heaps of scoria from the silver ore which once enriched
the soil. The silver source of these mines, which was once the treasury of the
land, is now dried up. On our left is a hill called Score, so named from these
heaps of scoria with which it is covered. Here the shafts which have been
sunk for working the ore are visible, from which the name of the country is
derived." And he adds in a note : " Aavpa, in ancient Greek, is a street or
lane ; Aavpelov, a place formed of such lanes ; i. e. a. mine of shafts, cut as it
were into streets like a catacomb." In ch. 28 he says, " Leaving this morning
the hut in which we were lodged at Thoricus, we enter a glen between jNIount
Kordra on the right and Mount Tibari on the left. The country becomes

678 NOTE.

more cheerful as we approach the village of Keratid. Heaps of scoria still
occur near the road-side ; a peasant who accompanies us calls it by its ancient
name {anapia). These heaps suggest the meaning of the title of a lost comedy
by Antiphanes, which was inscribed QopUioL ^ dtopvTTcov. I conceive that
the Thoricians were satirized in that play, as guilty of unfair dealing, by
piercing through from their own into theii* neighbours' shafts in working their
mines for the ore, of which the scoria is now visible near their own village."
(See Meineke, Fragm. Com. Gr. vol. iii. p. 56.)

In support of the emendations of the passage of the Aristotelian (Economics
proposed by Professor Boeckh and Mr. Wordsworth (see p. 626, note 36) it
may be observed that the ores of this district have been ascertained to contain
lead as well as silver- The following passage is from Walpole's Memoirs
relating to Asiatic Turkey, p. 426 : — " When Mr. Hawkins was on his voyage
to the Euripus, he was detained by the Etesian winds many days on the coast of
Attica, and was enabled to make during that' time an accurate examina-
tion of the mining district. The result of this mineralogical survey was, the
discovery of the veins of argentiferous lead ore, with which that part of the
country seems to abound." See further Col. Leake's Demi of Attica, p. 65. —
Traxsl.

INDEX.

Actors, gains of, 120

Additional payments, 342

^Abvvaroi, 242 sqq. ; applied to pro-
perty, 544

vEgina, its area and slave population,
38, 39 ; Eicostologus there, 337

*Aei(f)vyia, 393

'A-yobi/ aTifiTjTos and rifirjrosj 371

Agonothetae, 216

* Ay opd, revenues from, 313
'AyopaTot, 313
^Ayopavo^oiy 48, 333
"Aypacplov dUr], 349, 389
'Aypd(f>ov fxeraXXov dUrj, 664
Agyrrhius, 220, 223, 224, 228, 236,

316 sqq.
AlyiKopeis, 494

AiVetay dUrj, 352, 364, 372, 374
Alexander's plunder and revenues in

Asia, 11, 12
Alcibiades, treasurer on the Acropolis,

198 ; his assessment of the tributes,

401 ; his profligacy, 293; his property,

484
Alcmaeon, 7 ; his wealth, 476
Allies, dependent and independent, 403
'AXnyiov dUt], 193
"AXc^tra, 94, 96, 286
Altars, building of, 202, 385
Ammonis, 240
Amorgus, stuffs of, 105

* AfxcjiOTepoTrKovs, 133
Anaphlystus, a fortress, 202, 617, 619
^ Ava7r6ypa(f)a, 337

^Avaavvra^is, 511

Andocides, oration of, irepl Elprjvrjs not

spurious, 176; Andocides interpreted,

196 sq. ; explained and emended, 315

sqq.
^AvdpanoBiapos, 409
'Ai'SpoX7;\//'ta, dvbpoXrjyjnov, 585
Androtion, 530 sq.
'Aj/Tiyoi/is, a sacred trireme, 240
^AvTiypa(pr), 358
'Ai/rtypa^ely for the public money, 185

sq. 188; for distributions of corn, 89

'AvTidoa-is, 580 sq. 674

Antiochus the Great, 12

Antipater, regulation made by liim
concerning the rights of citizenship,
486, 535

Antiphon's orations concerning the
tribute of Samothrace and of Lindus,
413 sq.; Antiphon emended, 502;
interpreted, 406

*A7ray(oyr}, 352, 380

Aphidna, a fortress, 202

Apodectae, 1 59 sq.

'A7roypa(j)ai^ 510

'ATTo^opa, 72, 659 ; d7ro(f)opa of the al-
lies to the Lacedaemonians, 396

'ATToppTjTa, contraband articles, 53

'ATTOo-roXety, 543

'A7rdra|t$-, 414

'AnoTiiJiTjpa, 143

'Ap;tJ7, 158, 239

'ApXlT€KTCOV, 220

Architheoria, 214, 452

'ApxcovT]s,m5, 316,336

Archons, Athenian, mode of their no-
mination and qualifications requisite,
508 sqq.

Archons or governors of the Athe-
nians in the subject states, 406, 407

Area of Attica, 30, 31

Areopagus, 154, 189, 495

'Apyd8eis, 494

'Apyias diKT], 475

'ApyvpoXoyetv, 586

"Apyvpos and dpyvpiov, difference be-
tween, 23

Aristides, 165, 176; his assessment of
the tributes, 396

Aristophanes, property of, 458

Aristophanes the poet, Eq. I74, 1300,
p. 388, Vesp. 657, 298 ; Ecclesiazu-
sae illustrated, 493, 520

Aristotle,the (Economics incon-ectly at-
tributed to, 3,299, 587; emended, 300

Arms, prices of, 107

Arrhephoria, 452

Artabe, 93

Artemisium, battle of, 256

"Apros, 96, 97

r>80

INDEX.

'Ao-f/Sfi'ay ypcKfyf), 380, 38-2

Assault, action for, 357

Asses, price of, 7-4

^AcTTvvofioi, 204

Ast)Ta, mines of, 8

'A(7vyypa<f>ov, 128

' AreXeia, 85 sqq. ; rov fiCTOiKLOv, 330 ;
from liturgies, 450 ; from the pro-
perty tax, 472 ; from the trierarchy,
544 sqq.; of the resident aliens, 538 ;
of the isoteles, 541

' AreXavrjTa, 337

Athenians in Delos, 430

AthlothetiB, 215, 216

"Arifiia, 381, 390 sq.

Avreperai, 279

Automedon's decree for the Tenedians,
420

AvTOVonoi, 403

Bankers, 126 sqq.

Baths, price of, 1 19

Beggary, unknown at Athens in its
best times, 486

Besa, 619, 620

Biaioiv diKT], 378

Birds, prices of, 102

B\a^r)s diKT], 371

Bond slaves, 70, 475, 494

Books, trade in, 47

BoSivai, 216

Bottomry, 131 sqq.

BovXcvaecos ypafprj, 349, 390

Bowmen, 208 sq. 264 sq.

Bread, 96, 97

Building, works of, undertaken by the
state, 201 sq.

Burials, expense of, 114, 214

Byssus, 104

Byzantium, decree of, 452 ; its finan-
cial difficulties and measures, 596 sq.
598 sq.

C. X.

Callias, family of, and its wealth, 482

Callias, son of Calliades, 484

Callias, the mine proprietor, 484 ; dis-
covered a method of making cinna-
bar, 629

Callistratus, the son of Callicrates, 228,
318, 419, 488

Campaigns, duration of, 287

Carthage, >dews of Athens against it,
291

Cassander, his arrangement respecting
the rights of citizenship, 487

Cavalry of the Athenians, 43, 274, 288;
pay of, 251; ratio to the infantry,
263; provision money of the cavalry,
251

Centesima {jisura), 125, 130, 534

Chalcideansreceivedshipsfrom Athens,
256

Chalcis, a state of cleruchi, 426

Chabrias, his profligate life, 293

Chares, his profligacy, 292

X.ecp68oTov, 128

X€Lp6ypa<pov, 128

Xeipoovd^iov, 300

XXu/xvy, 105

Choregia, 449, 454 sq. 461 sq.; of the
resident aliens, 537 sq.

Chorus of comedy altered, 461

Xcopiy oIkovvt€S, 261

XpvfTos and xP'^^''-^'^-> difference be-
tween, 23

Cimon, his liberality, 115, 486 ; his mili-
tary force, 259; takes Thasos, 312;
compare 313 ; his fines, 385

Cinnabar, 628 sq.; method of preparing
discovered by Callias, 629

Cistophori, 20

Citizens, number of at Athens, 32 sqq.

Citizenship, rights of fixed by Antipa-
ter and Cassander, 486 ; sold at By-
zantium, 599

Clarotge, 425, 475

Classes, three, 505 sq.

Clazomenians, iron money of the, 590

Cleomenes, satrap of Egypt, 84

Cleon, 43; his policy, 394; his pro-
perty, 485

Clerks, 185

Cleruchi, 424 ; Athenian citizens, 429

Cleruchiae, 115, 217, 424 sqq.

Clothing, 104

Colacretse, 173 sq. 360

Colchis, gold washings at, 8

Commercial court, 49

Commercial weights, 144

Confiscation of property, 392 ; not
productive, 395

Conon, his property, 22

Constantine the Great, 1 1

Contributions, 585

Copper coins of .the Athenians, 15, 29,
30, 592

Copper money issued by Timotheus,
294, 593

Copper ores at Laurion, 628

Corinthians sold triremes to the Athe-
nians, 109

Corn, prices of, 93 sq.

Corn, regulations with regard to, 81 sqq.

Corn, engrossing of, 82 sqq.

Corn land in Attica, 80

NDEX

681

Courts of justice, 23 T i

Craterus, collector of decrees, 198 '

Crenides, mines of, 8
Crossus, offerings of, 40 ; stater of, 22
Crowns, weight of golden, 25 ; bestowal

of them, 246, 247
Custom duties, 313 sqq.; farmers of, |

336 ; frauds committed by the far- ;

mers of, 316 sq.; by land, 319 !

Cyrus the Younger, amount of pay ;

given by, 273
Cythera, tribute of, 401
Cyzicenic stater, 10, 1 1
Cyzicus, battle of, 269

D. A.

Damaretion, 24

Darics, 21

Aa(TfJLo\oye7v, 586

Datum, mines of, 8 ; Callistratus foun-
der of, 228

Debt, national, 142

Debtors, public, 385 sqq.

Deigma, 58

AcKaTT), 300, 304 sq.

AeKUTevTTjpioVj 325, 326, 336

AcKUTTjXoyia, 326, 336

AeKaTTjXoyoi, 327, 336

AeKarevTaij 327

Ae/<arcoi/at, 327, 336

Delian archons, 406

Delos, claims of the Athenians to, 410

Delphi, temple of, properly indepen-
dent, 602

Demades, 169, 170, 225, 3S3

Demarchs, 157, 512 sq.

Demetrias, a sacred trireme, 240

Demetrius Phalereus, census in the
time of, 35 ; his financial adminis-
tration, 440

ATjfjLioTrpara, 197, 475 sq. 392 sqq.

Atjuoctioi, 207

Demosthenes against Meidias inter-
preted, 374, 377 ; first oration against
Aristogeiton of doubtful autliority,
the second spurious, 34 ; the oration
Tzepl avvrd^eois spurious, 65 ; the
fourth Philippic spurious, 181, 219;
the speech against Timotheus spu-
rious, 229 ; speech against Polycles
explained and emended, 135 sq.;
against Lacritus explained, 137 sq.;
oration concerning the symmorise,
257; the npoolpLu br)p.r]yopiKay the
orations against Nicostratus, Pliae-
nippus, Nesera, T^ieocrines, Onetor,
Euergus and Mnesiljulus and others,
are falsely ascribed to Demosthenes.

Property of Demosthenes, 478, 491;
oration against Meidias belongs to
Olymp 106—4, 525, 567; or ition
against Boeotus de nomine about
Olymp. 107 — 1, 525 ; his regulation
of the symmorise, 564 sq.; law of the
trierarchy, 570 sq.

ArjjjLOTiKr] Upd, ioprai, dvcriai, 212, 213

ArjixoTiKO. Ifpd, 212

Denarius, 18

A(pp.aTLK6v, 333

AtdSo^oj in the trierarchy, 543

AiaSoVei?, 89, 216

Disetetae, pay of the, 236, 237 ; whether
an isoteles could be a diaetetes, 540

AiayoryLov, 300 ; of the Byzantines,
326

Aidypap-p-a of the sjTnmoria?, 533 ; tcov

(TK.€VaiVy 563

Aiaypa(f)rjs, 157, 533

Aiavofiaiy 216 sqq.

AtaTTuXtov, 324

AUui anb avp^oXuiVy 49, 403

AipiOipiay 274

Diobelia, 222 sqq.

AioiKTjais lepd koI oa'ia, 169

Dionysius the Brazen, 593

Dionysius the Elder, his military force,
255 ; coined false money, 59 1

Diophantus proposed to make the ma-
nual labourers public slaves, 45, 475

Diphilus, property of, 34, 169, 485

Docks in the Piraeus, 201; inspectors
of, 203

Aopv8p€7ravoVj 282

AovXeia of the allies, 409

AwpodoKias ypa(f)r]y 372, 384

Acopo^evuis ypa<pr], 349

Dowry, 514 sq.

Drachma, the common money of ac-
count, 16 sq.; heavy iEginetan, light
Attic, 16 ; drachma before the time
of Solon, 16, 144 sqq.

Duties, high out of Attica, 334

Economy, divided by Aristotle into

four kinds, 299
Eels, Copaic, 103

ElKoarrj, 325, 401
EtKocrroXoyoi, 325, 336
EiVayyeXta, 55, 357, 380
ElacjiepeiPj 539
Ela-cpopd, object of, 181, 470
"EkSoo-is, 132
^EKXeyeiv to reXos, 335
'ExXoy^y, 156, 177, 335

682

XDEX.

'EK(f)6piov, 300
Eleusis, a fortress, 202
'EXev^epi'a of the allies, 409
'EXXi/xeVtoi/, 320
' EXKifieviarai, 320, 336
Embassadors, pay of, 237 sqq.
Emeralds, 628
"EfjL^Tjvoi dUai, 50, 667
'EixTTopiov, taxes from, 313
"EfinopoL, 313

"Er8fi|iy, 373, 388, 389, 392
^Eyyeypap-fievos iv ^AKponoXei, 388
'Eyypacprj Qeap-oBeTcdv, 388
Engrossing restrained in Attica, 82
"EyyvoL, eyyvrjrai, 335
'Ey KTTjTiKov, 297
'Evi/o/itov, 468 •
'Ei/oiKi'ov btKT], 354
'EiTos-, 668
"Ecpea-eLs, 360
'E7ri/3arat, 279
Epicrates, property of, 485
Epidemeticum, 285
'ETTiSoo-iy, 567, 586
'ETnyva>p.ov(S, 305
'E7Tiypa(p?is, 156, 157, 533
'EnLKapTria, 300
'E7riKe(^dXatoi/, 300
^EttlkXtjpoi, 357 sq.
^ETTifxax'to., 403
'ETnixeXrjTrjS ttjs KOiprjs Trpoa-odov^ 164 ;

entpe'krjTa). tov epnopiov, 48, 81 ;

eTnp-eXTjTai Ta>v Aiovvaicov, 215; of

the sacred olive trees, 305
^ETnarjixaiveaduL ras evBvvas, 193
'ETTtcTKOTrot, 156, 238
'ETTio-rarai of the temples, 161; rav

brjpLOCTioiv €py(ov, vbdrcov, 203
'ETTi'^erot eoprai, 211
'ETnTpiTjpdpxrjp-a, 543
'E7rtrpo7r>)s Sikt;, 353 sq.
Epobelia, 132, 364 sq.
'Ettcoi/iov, 323

Equestrian nations of Greece, 258
"Bpavos, 245
'Epe'rai, 280
^EpyaarTTjptov, 655
'Y.pyo\dfioi, 204
'E(r;(ariai, 63
Euboea imder the Athenian dominion,

411, 427
Eubcean wars, 549, 567
Eiibulus of Anaphlystus, 150, 180, 225
Euripides the Yoxmger, tax proposed

by, 493, 506, 520
EvOvva, 196
EvBvvoi, 189 sq.
'E^aipeVecas 8ikt;, .378
Exchange, 514, 580 sqq. 674
'E^€Ta<TTaiy 292

'E^ovXtjs biKt], 317 sqq. 669 sqq.
Exports from Attica, 41, 47

Fifth, 323

Fiftieth, produce of, 318 ; of the gods
and heroes of the tribes, 329

Financial difficulties of states, 584
sqq.

Fines, 375, 382 ; under what condi-
tions they could be remitted, 391,
392 ; low rate in the laws of Solon,
375

Fish, prices of, 102, 103

Fishmongers, 103

Foreign dancers, 377

Fortifications of Athens and other
places in Attica, 201 sq.

Fortune-tellers, tax on, at Byzantium,
332

Freedmen, protection money, and
triobolon of, 330, 332

G. r.

Galepsus, 312

Generals, different kinds of, 181 ; their

lavish expenditure, 292, sq.
Tepa, 495
Teaxpdviov, 631
r^ dpyvplris^ 624
Gold, rare in the earliest times, 7, 21;

ratio of to silver, 21, 27 ; coins of in

Greece, 21 sq. ; issued by Athens,

21, 592; bad gold coins, 592 ; gold

talent, 24 sq.
Tpap,fjLaT€vs, 185 ; different kinds of,

186 sqq.
Tpacfyai, 349
Guardians, actions for misconduct of,

353
Gyges, his sacred offerings, 10
Gymnasiarchy, 401 sqq.

Hadrian, law of, respecting the fur-
nishing of oil, 305

Halmyris, 468

Harpalus, 12

Harpocration emended, 512

Hecatombs, 75

Hegemon of Thasos, his lawsuit, 405

Hegemonia of Athens, duration of it,
444

Helena, island of, its area, 3 1

XDEX.

683

Hellenotamige, 167, 176 sq. 402

Helots, 258, 2G1, 475

'Eo-Tiao-is, 452, 465 ; of the resident

aliens, 538
'Eraiprjo-ecos ypa(f)rf, 380
'ErepoTrXovy, 57, 133
'ifpoSovXoi, 70
Hieron of Syracuse, 7
'lepoTToioiy 216

Hierum on the Bosporus, 137
'iTTTraycoya liKoia, 288
'iTTTr^s-, LTTTrdba reXovvres, 495; see

Knights.
Hippias the Pisistratid, his financial
measures, 592 ; sold the parts of the
houses which projected into the
street, 64, 598 ; sold an exemption
from the liturgies, 598
Hippodamus built the Piraeus, 64
^ImroKOfjLos, 271
Hipponicus, his family and wealth,

481, 482
'OdoTTOLoi, 203
Honey, price of, 104 ; of the mines,

632
Hopletes, tribe at Athens, 494
Hoplitse, number of, 260, 266 sq. ;
pei-sons who served as hoplitae, 500 ;
resident aliens as hoplitae, 260 sq.
'OTrXiraycoyoL Tpirjpeis, 279
"Opoi on mortgaged lands, 129, 512
Horses, price of, in Attica, 73, 74,

490
Houses let by the state and by the
temples, 305 ; their value in Attica,
66 sq. ; their number, 39, 64 ; me-
thod of building at Athens, 64
Houses, rent of, 140 sqq.
Himdreth, duty of, 321
"Y^peccs dUr} or ypa(f)^, 364, 374, 380,

387
Hydriaphoria, 538
YXcopoi, 303

YTTrjKooi., subject allies, 403
YTTTjpeo-La opposed to dpxrjy 239
YTTTjpeTai, sailors, 280
YTTTjperqs of the hoplitae, 271
YTroypajJLfiaTevs, 187
YnoTeXels, 408
YTroTinrjo-iSj 510

Imports of Attica, 47

Incomes of the citizens, as compared

with the taxes, 460
Independent allies of Athens, 403
Independent and tributary allies, 407
India, gold of, 9

Industry, taxes on, 332
Inheritance of public debts, 391
Intercourse with men and women,

price of, fixed by the state, 122,

333
Ionia, large revenues accruing to the

Athenians from, 412
Iron money, 590, 595, 596
Isaeus emended, 477
Ischomachus, his property, 479
Islands, subject to tlie Athenians, 411
Isoteles, could possess landed property

in Attica, 540; their rights, &c.,

539 sq. 654

Jurisdiction of Athens over the allies,
403 sqq.

KaivoTOfji€7v, 635

Kara^okr] re'Xovs", 338

Keyxpeayv, 638 sq.

K€yxpo9, 638 sq.

Knights, order of, at Athens, 263 sq.

495 sq. ; theii" right to fill superior

offices, 507 ; see Imrrjs.
KoivcoviKdj 545 sq.

Lachares, the tyrant, 597

Laconia, estates in, 81

Lampadarchy, 463

Land, value of, 62 sq. ; division of in
Attica, 486

Land forces of Athens, 254 sqq.

Land tax, not regular at Athens, 297

Laurion, mines of, 409, 615 ; their im-
portance to Athens, 616 ; situation
of, 616 sq. ; defended by fortresses,
620 sq. ; metals found in, 624 sq. ;
right of property in, 645 ; belonged
to the state, 645; were let in perpe-
tuity, 645 ; Xenophon's proposals
with regard to, 606

Lauriotis, 641

Lead, price of, 30 ; found in the mines
of Laurion, 625, 627

Lease, advertisement of, by the
demus Piraeus, 307, 467

Leather money, 596

AenroixapTvplov dUrj, 371

Letting of public property, 303

Leucon, comedy of, the "Ovos dcrK0(f)6-
pos, 324

684

NDEX.

Lexicon Segiueraniim emended, 313,
316

Litras, 17

Liturgies, 448 sqq. ; superintendence
of, 157 ; as revenues of the state,
448 ; liturgies in other Grecian
states besides Athens, 298 ; Xeirovp-
yiai ficTOLKOiv and noXiTiKal, 637 sq.;
liturgi, 526

Loans, 587

Aoxos, 278

Aoyio-nos, 190 sq.

Aoyiarai, 1 89 sqq= ; were open to
bribery, 195

liupins, 103

Lycurgus, 1C5, 167, 169, 218; his
accounts, 196 ; completed the docks,
20) ; liis financial administration,
436 sqq.

Lysander sent large sums of money to
Sparta, 29

Manager of the public revenue, 1 64 sqq.

Marathon, battle of, 257 ; festival for
it, 212

Maroneia, 619

Mdarpoi and /JLaarrjpes, 158

MdCa, 96

Meals of the Athenians, 191

Medifxvos o-LTTjpoSy size of, 91

Mr}vvTpa, 248

ISIercenaries, 291

Metals, the precious, places where
they were found in Greece, 7 sqq. ;
the use of forbidden to private indi-

■ viduals in Sparta, 594 ; species of
metals found in the Laui'ion mines,
624 sq.

MeraXXiKos vopos,

Aletronomi, 48

Metroum, 405

Mines of Laurion, 43 ; manner in
which they were let, 73, 142, 155,
310, 645 ; revenues from them, 649
sq. ; value of a single share, 655 ;
see Laurion.

Mint at Athens, 144, 642

Miados, pay of the soldiers, 272 ;
meaning of the word picrOoi in the
Wasps of Aristophanes, 298 ; piaBol
Tpi.-qpapx'-as,b']{); piaOos ^ovXcvtikos,
232 sq. ; SiKao-ri/cos, 232 sq. ; ckkXtj-
(TiaaTiKos, 228 sq. ; avvqyopiKos, 233

MicjQoicns oiKOVj 142 ; blio} fj.La66icre<os
o'Uov, 355 sq.

Miadovpevoi, tenants of landed estates,
335 ; used by the grammarians for
perpetual tenants, 651

Missiles, 289

Mixture of languages at Athens, 47

Moixeias ypa(PT], 349

Money, exportation of, 46

Monopolies of the state, 52 sq. 698.

Myronides, 228

Mytilene, cleruchi there, 430 ; rent or

tribute paid by the Mytileneans to

them, 431, 602

National wealth of Attica, 487 ; how

distributed, 486
NavKXrjpiKci, 178
'NavKXrjpoi, speculators in houses, 141,

306
Naucrari, 157, 512, 548 ; origin of the

name, 548 ; TTpvTaveLS tcov vavKpdpmv,

255
Naucrarias of Solon and of Cleisthenes,

255 sq. 548 sq.
Navcriv vtttjkooi, 408
Nausinicus, valuation in the archon-

ship of, 615 sqq. 520, 523, 539
Nairai, 280

NavTLKov, bottomry, 606
Nautodicse, 49

Naval force of Athens, 255 sq. 265 sq.
Naxos, subjection of, 409
Nicias, the son of Niceratus, his family

and its wealth, 480 ; his expedition

to Sicily, 266 j his archetheoria,

214
'Nopiapa imx^pt-ov, 29; Koivbv 'EXXt;-

viKov, 593
Nd/ioi reXcofiKot, 337
Nopa)VT]Sy 304
Nomothetse, 239
Nummus of the Sicilians, 17

O. Q.

Obligation to military service accord-
ing to the different classes, 500

Obolus and obelus, 97 ; o/3eXot and
o^eXiaKoi, spits, 594

Oenoe, a fortress, 202

OIkos, the whole property, different
from oiKia, 110, 142, 354

Oil, price of, 99

Olives, 1 04 ; culture of encouraged, 4 1

Olive trees, action for destroying them,
41,352

OlvovTTa, 287

Ointment, price of, 106

Olynthian wars, 569

^QveicrSai used of the public revenue,
110,335

INDEX.

685

Opisthodomus of Minerva, treasure

preserved there, 441
"Oyjrov, 101
'OpyecovLKo. lepd, 212
"Opo^oi, 103
Oropus, custom duties taken there,

319
"Oa-TpaKiafxos, 231, 393
Ovaia (fiavepa and d(f)avr]S, 489
Oxen, prices of, CI, 75

P. n. $. *.

TLapd^oXov, 360

TJapaKaTa^oXt], 3C0

TLdpaXoi, TrapaXiraiy 240 ; all freemen,

262
UdpaKos, treasurer of the, 171
TLapavoixcou ypa(f)T], 280, 282
IlapaTrpecr^eias ypa(f)r}, 283
Udpedpoi of the hellenotamiae, 180 ;

of the euthuni, 191
Parthenon, treasure preserved there,

442
Pasion the banker, 480, 486, 537, 586
Passports, 207
HdrpioL 3vai.aij 211
narpKOTiKd at Byzantium confiscated,

598
Peloponnesian war, expenses of, 290
Penestae, 261, 475, 494
Pentacosiomedimni, 495 sqq. ; when

they served in war, 262, 500, 501
UevTrjKoa-rrj, 314; tov (tItov, 315
Pericles, 11, 195 sqq. 232, 597 ; his
administration of the tributes, 399,
400 ; cleruchise sent out at his re-
commendation, 427
Persians, provisioned their troops from
the enemy's country, 285 ; gave sub-
sidies to the Greeks, particularly to
the Spartans, 11, 584; revenues and
treasure of Persia, 9 ; Pei-sian booty
enriched the Greeks, 11, 585
Persons, taxes on, 297
Phasis, 85, 368, 386, 66.S
Phidias, 195

Phidon did not coin gold, 20; sup-
planted the use of obeli or spits, 594
Philippi, mines there, 8
Philochorus, a collector of inscriptions,

197 ; his date, 244
Phocaic stater, 22, 23
Phoceans, coined gold from the trea-
sures at Delphi, 1 1 ; their claims to
the temple of Delphi, 601, 602
Phocion, 12 ; his expeditions into Eu-

boea, 569
^opfjLoif 82

^opoi, 396, 397, 419
^aypcov }<ipT)v, 337
^liXaKes, 156
Phyle, a fortress, 202
Physicians, pay of, 120
Pisistratus, originator of the mainte-
nance for the poor, 242

Plataefe, battle of, 257

Platsean rights of citizenship at Athens,
262

Pledge, 128

UXrjpoifia, 278, 279

Plethron, size of, 62

Plumarius, 69

Plunder in war, 585

Plutarch of Eretria, 569

UoikiXtcu, 69

Polemon, 6 o-rr^XoKOTras, 197

Poletse, 155, 646

TIcoXijT-qpiov TOV p,eTOiKLOv, 330

Political economy, knowledge of
among the Greeks, 3

Poll-tax, 301, 302

Pollux explained, 499

Polybius refuted, 487 sqq.

Population of Attica, 30 sqq.

Uopia-Toij 166

IlopviKov reXos, 333

IlopvoTeXayvai, 333

Potidaea, tax there, 534

Poverty great at Athens in later
times, 486, 487

npdicTopes, 156, 376

Ilpidfjifvoi, used of custom-duties, 335

Privateer, licences to, 585

npo/3oXj7, 374, 665

Ilpodocrias ypacp-q, 384

Upo€i(T(popd, 299, 450, 526, 533

Profits of the merchants, 58, 59

npo/cara/3oXi7, 342

Prometretae, 48, 239

Property, immoveable, 489 ; move-
able, 489 ; necessary for the com-
plete rights of citizenship, 487 ; re-
gisters of property, 510 sqq.

Property of the temples of Delphi
and Delos lent out at interest, 308,
589

Property tax, when first levied at
Athens, 471

Property taxes, 492, 505, 515,623; not
a liturgy, 472

Propylaea, the expense of, 202, 444

npoaKard^XtjiJia, 342

Upoa-TifiTjfia, 373, 380,382, 390

Upo^evoi, 50, 140, 238, 513, 540

Provision money, 272, 275, 282

Provisioning of armies, 282 sqq.

Prytaneas, payment according to them,
141, 241, 243, 306, 338; in later

686

XDEX.

times coincided with the months,
241, 244

Prytaneia, justice-fees, 345 sqq.

Prytanes, originally judges, 173

Prytaneum, maintenance there, 246

"irevBeyypacprjS ypacprj, 349, 390

SirevboKkfjaias, "^evdoKXrjTelas ypa(t)r],
349, 382, 390

"^evbop-apTvpiov biicr), 373

^iXoi, 500

^v;(a'yco'yia, 635

Ptolemais, sacred trireme, 240

Ptolemies, their wealth, 13

Public assembly, numbei-s of, 230 sq.

Public property, 302, 512; sold at
Byzantium, 598

Purple, price of, 105

Pythes, or Pythius, prince of Celsense,
9

Pythocles proposed to the state to ob-
tain a monopoly of lead, 30, 52, 627

Quartering, not admissible in Greece,
284

Ransom, 71, 72

Registers of property, 510 sqq.

Rent of land in Attica, 141, 142

Reprisals, 585

Requisitions, 284

Resident aliens, number of, in Attica,

35 sq.; indispensable for Athens, 44;

served in war, 260, 261, 265, 268;

had not the right of possessing

landed property, 140 ; their services,

537 sq. ; their immunities, 537, 538
Responsibility of public officers, 189
Revenue of Athens, 433 sqq.
Rhamnus, a fortress, 202
Rhodian laws, 133
Roads, construction of, 202
Roman pound, 18
Rowers, of three kinds, 281; divided

into six lochi, 278 ; their arms, 281,

282

S. 2.

2aKxi^<^"VTat, 69

2aXa|, 636

Salaminia, 240 ; its crew called Sala-

minians, 240
Salamis, area of, 31 ; battle of, 208,

250
Sales, tax on, 323

Salt in Attica, 100

Samos, when settled by cleruchi, 428

Samothrace, tribute of, 414

Scaphephoria, 538

Scapte Hyle, 7,313

Sciadephoria, 538

Scythians, 208

^eiaaxdeia of Solon, 16, 126, 129, 145,

482, 495
Self- valuation, 510
Senate of Five Hundred, its financial

powers, 153
Seuthes, rate of pay given by, 274
Sheep, prices of, 76
Shipbuilding, 107, 108, 554 sqq.
Ships' furniture, price of, 108
Sicilian war, 2G6 sqq. 290 sq.
Sieges, expenses of, 289, 290
Sil, 630
Silver found in the mines of Laurion,

624
Silver money of the Athenians, 14
Silver ornaments, 491
^iTrjpeaiov, aiTapKeia, alros, 272
^LToboaiai, 89
Sitonse, 88
Sitophylaces, 83
'2Kevo(f)6pos, 271
^Kopobov iv diKTvois, 286
^KvpcoTTj odos, 203
Slaves, their number in Attica, 35, 36 ;

of Mnason, 117; their employments,

37; served in war, 257, 26"'l, 262;

at Corinth and yEgina, 38; worked

as day-labourers, 37, 72 ; prices of,

67 sqq. ; profit obtained on them, 72,

659 ; duty on, 331
Socrates, his property, mode and

means of li^"ing, 109 sq.
Solon, his institution of classes, and

changes in the government, 495 sqq.

506 sq.; his alteration of the money

standard, 145 sq.
Sophists, pay of, 121 sq.
'2(o(f)poviaTaL, 238
Spain, mines of 14
Sparta, swallowed up much precious

metal, 29 ; its military force, 254, 258
Spartocus, king in the Pontus, 90
Speusinians, 208
2(f)payiSy passport, 207
Spuma Argenti, 637 sq.
Statei-s, tetradrachms, 15; Corinthian,

16; golden, 21 sq. ; Cyzicenic, 22;

gilt staters of Polycrates, 21
^radnovxoi, do, 306
Standing armies not fitted for the

Greeks, 283
Si-^Xat on mortgaged lands, 129, 512
Stephanephorus, a hero at Athens, 144

INDEX.

687

Stone, writing on, expense of, 118

Stone quames, 43, 311

Storehouse, 201, 249

"STpariaiTides rpcrjpeis, 279

Subsidies, Pei'sian, 1 1, 584

Subsistence, what sum requisite for,
109 sqq.

Suidas emended, 497

SCXat, avXa, 138, 585

2vXXoyi7, avWoyels, public officers,
158, 215

2vfi^o\ov, a passport, 207; of the di-
casts, 235; fit/cat dno avix^oXiovj 49,
403

^vfifiaxia, 403

^vfJLfiopLai, of the property taxes, 515
sq. ; 523 sq.; of the trierarchy, 559
sqq. ; eTnfjLeXrjToi tcov avppopLa>v, 533,
562 ; Tjy€p.6ves tcov crvp.iJLopLoi)v, 494,
532, 562 ; of the resident aliens, 538

^vfip.np[apxoi, 532

^vyx^ipw''^) on the part of the plain-
tiff, 372, 382

2vvdiKoi, 178

2vv€dpiov of the Athenian allies, 418

2vj/j)yopot, 193, 237

^vyypa(pT], 128; vavriKJ], 133

Sunivun, a fortress, 202, 658

"SiVvoiKiaiy 65, 141

^vurd^eis, 419, 423

Suj/reXeTy, allies who paid their tribute
jointly, 414 ; in the symmorise of the
trierarchy, 560, 561

Sureties, 49

Suttlers, 285

Syntelias, 560 sq.

Syntrierarchy, 548 sqq.

T. e.

Taxe'iai rpiTjpeis, 279

Talent, divisions and value of, 15;
Attic talent before the time of Solon,
16, 145; ^Eginetan, 16; Egj-ptian,
Alexandrian, 18 ; Babylonian, 19 ;
Euboic, 19 ; S}Tacusan or Sicilian,
17 ; Ptolemaic, 18 ; of Thyatira, 25 ;
talent of gold, 25 ; commercial
talent, 30, 144, 145

Tap.Las TTjs Koivrjs Trpoaodov, 164, 165 ;
r^y dioiKTjcrecos, 168 ; tcov TpiTjponoicov,
171 ; Tafxiai TCOV reip^oTTOicoi/, 171;
Tap,l.as Tov drjpov, 172 ; (XTpaTioiTtKcov,
180. See Treasurer.

Tamynae, battle of, 525

Tdpixos, 103

Taxable capital, 492, 503

Taxes, advance of, 533 sqq.

Taxes before the time of Solon, 494 ;
taxes of the classes, 495 sqq. ; extra-
ordinary, 501 sq.; of the resident
aliens, 541 ; on persons and on the
soil only imposed by tyrants, 301

Taxes, register of, 510 sqq.

TetxoTTOioi, 170, 203

TeXeoi/res-, 494

TeXcovai, 155, 335

TfXcoviKoi vopioi, 337

TeXcovdpxrjS, 336

Te'Xoy, 297, 302, 471; reXoy rcXeTj/, 50 1 ;
reXr/. 297, 298 ; reXj? of Solon, 495

T€p.evos, object of, 303

Terp(i)/3oXov ^ios, 273

Thasos, mines of, 7 ; produce of them,
311

Theatre, cost of, 210, 213; entrance-
money to, 219 sqq.

QeaTpa>in]s, OeaTponcoXrjs, 220

Themistocles, his law with respect to
the building of ships, 249, 652 sqq. ;
his courtezans, 292 ; his property, 485

Theopompus, 225, 293

Theori, 214 sq.

Theoria, Delian, 214

Theoricon, managers of, 170 sq.; gene-
ral account of it, 216 sqq.; its rela-
tion to the funds for war, 170, 181 ;
distribution of, 219 sq.

QeppoVf 104

Thetes, yj/iXol, 500 ; made hoplitse, 257,
500 ; served in the ships, 262, 500 ;
original meaning of the word, 494 ;
meaning after the time of Solon, 496

QLaercoTiKa in Byzantium confiscated,
598

Thoricus, a fortress, 202 ; its situation,
618; the modern Therico, 618

Thousand drachmas, fine of, 379

Thracian mines, 312

Thrasyllus, 619

Thucydides the historian, his mines in
Thrace, 312

Thucydides, decree of for the ^Enians,
420

Qveiv dno picrdoopdTcov, 211

Timber for shipbuilding, want of, in
Attica, 250

Tip^fiaTa, 298, 345, 362, 367, 370 sqq.;
of Solon, 495, 503 ; meaning of the
word Tipi]p,a as connected with
taxes, 503

Tip.r]pa, taxable capital, 492

Timocrates, his law respecting the
public debtors, 339 sq.

Timotheus, the son of Conon, 293 sq.;
415 sq.

Tissaphemes, what rate of pav given
by, 276

688

NDEX.

Tithes, different kinds of, 326, 327 sq.;
to the goddess, 160, 328

Tithes of the Athenians at Byzantium,
325, 415

ToKoyXvCpos, 127

Tokos tyyeios, eyyvos, 129; vavTKos,
132

To^apxos, 208

To^drat, 208; To^orm ^eviKol, dariKol,
2'J5; see Bowmen.

Trade, freedom of, 51 sqq.

Trading vessels, 48

Tpta/caSey, 32

Treasiu-e, public, of Athens, 10, 160
sq. ; 441 sqq.

Treasurers of the tribes and boroughs,
160; of the sacred monies, 160, 168,
196; treasurer of the administra-
tion, 168; of the generals, 181 ; of
the triremes and trierarchs, 182;
see Ta/xi'ay.

TpiaKoaiofxedifjLvoi, 497

Tributes of the allies, 298, 396 sqq.; of
the states of cleruchi, 432

Tributary states of Athens, 409 sqq.

Tiierarchy, 541 sqq.; 547, 578; ex-
penses of it, 577; trierarchy for
mock sea-fights, 452 ; frauds of the
trierarchs, 292

Tpirjpapxos, not Tptr]pdp)(T]s, the ancient
form, 571

Tpip.oipia, 274

Tpico^oXoi/, 229, 234, 605; slave duty,
331

Triremes, kinds of, 279 ; sacred, I7I,
240 ; number of the Attic, 259 sqq.;
265 sq. ; nimibers of the crews, 280

Trumpeters, 9 1

Twentieth, imposed by the Pisistra-
tidae, 327 ; in the allied states, 325

Ulpian, scholiast of Demosthenes, 450,
526, 527, 651

Valuation in the archonship of Nau-

sinicus, 487, 493 sqq.
Vectigal prcBiorium, 285

Wages of labour, 116 sqq.

Weights and measures at Athens, 49,

144
Wine, cheapness of, 98
Wood in Attica, 100

Sevias ypa(j)r}, 90, 349

SevLKo. reXeTr, 332

Xenophou nepl rropcov, 4, 37, 136, 600

sq. ; date of its composition, 600 sq.;

on the authenticity of his Essay on

the Athenian state, 44, 321; Qi^co-

nomics explained, 579

Z^TTjTaly 158
Z^vyiaiov, 496
Z?vy irai, 496
Zfvyoy, 496
Zvyirat, 281

London:— Harrison anu Co., i'niNTKKS, St. Martto's Lank.

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