£x Lib r is C. K. OGDEN >CCC (ft- (CC((( - C ( HI MM. *t^ ^' ^C'T-' : rr ff . .:C . ^C . c .((.' r ^yas particularly valued, and everj^'here exchanged with profit''. It appears however probable, that the average was not so high as represented by Barthelemy ; and that it is safer to take the Attic drachma at nearly 65^ Troy grains : which, as the shiUing contains about 80f grains of pure silver, is nearly equal to 9^d. of English coinage ; whence the mina amounts to 41. Is, Sd., and the talent to 243/. Ids.^ It may be moreover observed, that as the Romans reckoned in sesterces, so the Greeks generally reckoned in drachmas; and where a sum is mentioned in the Attic writers, without any specification of the unit, drachmas are always meant ''^ Before the time of Solon, the weight of the Attic money was greater than in the standard that was afterwards used. The weights commonly employed in trade were also in later times heavier than those by which the money was measured. Com- paring these facts together, it may be assumed with the greatest probability, that Solon intended 100 drachmas to be coined out of 75, but that the new money proved in fact rather too much debased, so that 100 new drachmas were only equal to 72|-| of the old coinage; the old weights being however retained for every- thing except money ^°. In comparison with the heavy drachma of -^gina [hpa^M 7ra')(^eta), the Attic is called the hght drachma {BpaxM ^eTTTT?) ; the former was equal to ten Attic oboli; so that the ^ginetan talent weighed rather more than 10,000 Attic drachmas^ ^ The Corinthian talent was equal to the latter in value^^; the Corinthians however had staters or deca- ^* Xenopli. de Vectig. 3; cf. Aris- See Taylor ad Marm. Sandwic. p. toph. Ran. 730— 73C. Polyb. xxii. 29, 30. 15, 26. I 50 ggg j^otg (A) at the end of the ' In adapting this computation to book. English money, the translator has fol- ^^ Pollux, ix. 76, 86, and the com- lowed the weight and value assigned mentators. Hesych. in v. Xenras and to the Attic drachma by Mr. Hussey, nax^ia dpaxf^fj. Essay on the Ancient Weights and ^^ Gell. Noct. Att. i. 8, whether the Money, p. 48. — Traxsl. ■ words 7) rakavTov are genuine or^inter- *^ Thus biuKocnai, xikiai, biaxi^t^ai, polated : in the latter case they are a &c., in the Orators and elsewhere, learned interpretation. CH. IV.] OF THE SILVER MONEY. 17 litras of 10 ^ginetan oboli in weight"; 3600 of which were consequently equal to the Corinthian talent. The computation by litras was transmitted from Corinth to Syracuse : therefore the Sicilian htra, which was struck in silver, was equal to an -^ginetan obolus, according to the statement of Aristotle^\ Probably the Sicilian nummus was the same as the litra. The accounts of Aristotle^^, who only estimates the nummus at li Attic oboli, and of Festus, who, according to the same pro- portion, reckons 12 nummi to 3 denarii (whereas the litra was equal to If Attic oboli), are perhaps inaccurate, although they may come near the real value of the coin, if, as is probable, the Syracusan nummi or litras, of the same weight as the jEginetan oboli, were struck from less fine silver than the Attic drachmas. Twenty-four nummi of this kind, com- posed, according to Aristotle, the old, 12 the new Syracusan or Sicilian talent, which last Festus makes equal to 3 denarii^^ According to our supposition therefore, the former was equal to 4, and the latter to 2 ^Eginetan drachmas, both doubtless, like the decalitron, being coined in silver. Why so small a sum was called a talent, I shall not attempt to decide ; remarking only, that by a similar idiom a few golden drachmas were called a talent^^ The ancient writers frequently reckon in Euboic talents, which appear to have come into use in the Italian colonies of Magna Grsecia, chiefly on account of the spreading of the Chalcideans, and which for that reason frequently occur in the treaties of the Romans with other nations, as well as in Herodotus, who, as is well known, composed or altered many parts of his History after his migration to Thurii. In addition to these values, it would be desirable, for the ^2 Pollux iv. 175; ix. 81. I liast to Gregor. Naz., which Junger- ^^ Pollux iv. 174, 175; ix. 80, 81 ; ! maun quotes in the place of Pollux. of. Salmas. de Modo Usur. vi. p. 242. I A small talent of this kind, probably Ap. PoUuc. ix. 87. only of 12 nummi, is that which occurs 55 5^ Pollux, ix. 87. Suidas, in v. ToKavTov,' -where, according to the cor- rect observation of Scaliger, vov^fioiv should be read instead of jxvcov, as well , muzza. as in the intricate passage of the Scho- | ^- See chop, v in the account of the Gymnasia of the Tauromenitani in d'O'.ville's Siculis, and in Castello the Prince of Torre- OF THE SILVER MONEY [bk, sake of many statements of which we must avail ourselves, to ascertain the amount of the Egyptian and Alexandrian talents ; but we here meet with obscure and contradictory statements. The chief difficulty is removed if we distinguish betw^een the Egyptian and Alexandrian talents. According to Varro^% the Egyptian talent was equal to 80 Roman pounds, and therefore must have been absolutely or nearly identical with the Attic, as the Attic mina was to the Roman pound nearly as four to th^ee^^ This must have been totally different from the talent mentioned by Pollux^% which is said to be equal to 1500 Attic drachmas, but otherwise, like all talents, was divided similarly to the Attic. This is corroborated by the statement of Hero, who only assigns a fourth part of the value of the Attic talent to the Ptolemaic, which appears to have been the same as the =8 Ap. Plin. Hist. Nat. xxxiii. 15. ^^ The Roman senate reckoned the Attic talent, or 60 minas, as equal to 80 Roman pounds. Liv. xxxviii. 38, Polyb. xxii. 20. According to the testimonies of the ancients in Eckliel, D. N. vol. V. part ii. p. 6, there were 84 denarii to the Roman pound, and not till the time of Nero, 96, (see Eisenschmid de Pond, et Mens., p. 33,) but the old denarius of Augustus was to the Attic drachma as 8 to 9 ; consequently 74 §, or, in round num- bers, 75 drachmas were equal to a Roman pound. ^Ye sometimes read in ancient writers, that a Roman pound was equal in weight to 84 drachmas, which is sufficiently ac- counted for by the inexactitude of almost all ancient authors, who used drachmas and denarii, on account of their small difference (9 and 3) as con- vertible terms. According to Rome de r Isle's accurate researclies, founded upon the weighing of golden denarii, the Roman pound weighed G048 Paris gi-ains; hence the Attic mina must have weighed 8064, whereas, if the te- tradrachm is taken at 328 Paris grains, the raina contained 8200. It must however be remembered, that it was assumed that the tetradrachm had lost four gi-ains by time, which Rome de risle, in computing the weight of the denarius, probably did not take into account; and then it will be found, that the difference nearly vanishes, and Rome' de T Isle's enquiries con- cerning the Roman pound agree tole- rably well with the proportion of the latter to the Attic mina as three to four. It is besides worthy of remark, that Ideler's accurate determination of the Roman foot tallies remarkably with Rome de I'lsle's determina- tion of the pound. See Memoirs of the Berlin Academy of Sciences for 1812 and 1813. Thus perhaps the supposition that the tetradrachms had lost four grains of their weight might be modified (see p. 15.), and on the other hand, some grains might be added to the Roman pound over 6048. The supposition of some writers, that the Romans had two different pounds, is entirely unfounded, at least as far as money is concerned. ^^ ix. 96, where the commentators should be consulted upon what imme- diately follows. CH. IV.] OF THE SILVER MONEY. 19 small Egyptian talent: the very same authority, however, reckons the Ptolemaic mina as the fifth part of the ^ginetan ; which again does not agree ; not to mention, that, in the con^ fusion of language which prevailed at Alexandria in later times, the name of drachma was given to coins of the value of an Athenian obolus. According to Festus^^, whose text is so cor- rupt that no reliance can be placed upon his authority, the Alexandrian talent was equal to 12,000 denarii. The safest way, in my opinion, is to consider the Alexandrian talent as something less than the Attic, although there were at Alex- andria many other talents of less amount, which were used at certain times and for certain purposes. For, according to the assertion of Appian, the Euboic talent was equal to 7000 Alexandrian drachmas^^; but the Euboic talent, as far as I am able to discover, was only somewhat greater than the Attic; consequently the Alexandrian talent appears to have been to the Attic, nearly as six to seven. As to the Euboic talent, Herodotus^^ if the present reading is correct, reckons that the Babylonian talent con- tained 70 Euboic minas, Pollux, 7OOO Attic drachmas^^ Here then the Attic and Eul)oic talents are considered as equal. According to ^lian^^, on the contrary, the Baby- lonian talent contained 72 Attic minas, a statement which is evidently of more weight than the uncertain account of Pollux ; and it thence follows that the Euboic talent was some- what greater than the Attic. At the same time this statement may not be mathematically accurate ; for according to it the Attic talent is to the Euboic as 72^^- to 75 (70 to ']2), agree- ably to Herodotus^ computation of the Babylonian talent in Euboic minas. It is probable, however, that Solon, when he wished so to change the Attic money that 100 drachmas should be coined from the same quantity of silver as had formerly been made into ^5, intended to make the Attic silver talent equal to the Euboic, which had undoubtedly been for a long time in ®^ In V. talentum, wliich passage however appears very uncertain. "2 Appian. Rom. Hist. v. 2. ^^ iii. 89. «^ Pollux ix. 86. «^ Hist. Var. i. 22. C 2 20 OF THE SILVER MONEY. [bk. I, general circulation. According to this supposition^ the Euboic talent would, before the time of Solon, have been to the Attic talent in the ratio of 75 to 100. Since, however, the money of Solon ]:)roved actually to be to the ancient Attic money in the ratio of 72|4 to 100, strictly speaking, the new Attic silver talent must have been to the Euboic as 72ff to 75, that is, as 70 to 7^2^ : but as, upon an average, the new Attic was reckoned to the old Attic talent as 73 to 100^% in the same manner it might be assumed, that the proportion of the new Attic to the Euboic was, in round numbers, as 73 to 'J5y which nearly coincides with the ratio obtained from Herodotus and ^EHan, of 72|^ to 75, or 70 to 72. This method of viewing the subject agrees so well in all its particulars, that it relieves me from the trouble of entering into a more minute investigation of the confused and corrupt passage of Festus upon the Euboic talent^^ On the other hand, the similarity of the Attic and Euboic talents seems to be additionally confirmed by the cir- cumstance, that in the negotiations between the Romans and Antiochus, the calculations were at first made in Euboic, and afterwards in Attic talents of 80 Roman pounds^^ : for it is probable, that nearly the same standard of money was retained, as the whole amount might have been diminished, and was in fact diminished, by demanding a less number of talents than before. ^^ See note (A) at the end of the book. ^^ Enboicum talentum 7iummo Grcsco sepfem milUum et quingentorum cistopho- rorum est, nostro quattuor millia denari- oricm. Both statements are absurd. As to the cistophoii, they weigh on an average 240 Paris grains, consequently they were less than the jEginetan double-drachmas, and greater than the Corinthian stater. Nevertheless, it seems to me probable, that tlie cisto- phori were regulated according to one of these two coins, a point which can- not, however, be explicitly investigated in this place. The weiglit of the cisto- phori stated above is not then perhaps sufficiently accurate. I may remark here incidentally, that the account of the Etymologist in v. EvjSo'iKuv vofiicrfia, which states it to have been named from a place in Argos, where Pheidon first coined gold, is fabulous, for the Euboic standard was too widely spread to have derived its name from thence ; and if Pheidon bad been the author of it, the iEginetan standard could not liave been different from it. That Pheidon coined gold at all is also un- questionably a fable. ^^ Compare Polyb. xxi. 14. Liv. xxxvii. 45, with Polyb. xxii. 2C. Liv. xxxviii. 38. CH. v.] OF THE GOLD COINS. 21 Chapter V. Of the Gold Coins, and the Gold Talent. The value of gold is more variable than that of silver, which therefore may be considered as a standard of price for gold as well as for other commodities^^ In European Greece there were many gold coins in circulation, some of which belonged to foreign states. Of these I will now mention the most important. Gold, and probably silver, was first coinecj in Lydia^"; in which country Croesus caused the stater called by his name to be coined, at a time when Greece was extremely poor in gold. If Pylocrates of Samos really deceived the Spar- tans vn\h false gold coins about the 60th Olympiad, (which Herodotus''', indeed, considered an idle tale,) the Greeks at that time could have seen but little gold ; for even the Lacedemo- nians would not have been deceived by so clumsy a fraud. Soon after that period, Darius the son of Hystaspes coined darics of the finest gold^^, which passed over into the circu- lation of Greece. Their weight, which Philip of Macedon, Alexander, and Lysimachus retained, was equal to 2 Attic drachmas, both according to the testimonies of writers who make them the same as the Attic golden stater, and the ascertained weight of coins now extant^' ; whence their value is fixed by the grammarians at 20 silver drachmas, and 5 are reckoned to a mina, and 300 to a talent'^, according to the ratio of gold to silver as 10 to 1. That the Athenian golden stater also weighed 2 drachmas, and was estimated at 20 silver drachmas, is proved by ^^ It is upon this notion that Xeno- phon's encomium upon silver (de Yec- tig. 4) is evidently founded. 70 Herod, i. 94. 7^ Herod, iii. 56. 7^ Herod, iv. 166. It may however be observed, that there were also silver darics. Plutarch. Cim. 10. '^ Harpocr. in v. AapeiKor, and thence Suidas, Schol. Aristoph. Eccle- iaz. 598, Lex. Seg. p. 237. Comp. Barthelemy Mem. de 1' Academic des Inscript. vol. xlvii. p. 201, 202. Eck- liel. D. N. vol. i. p. xli. 7* Harpocr. Schol. Aristoph. and Lex. Seg. ut sup. Xenoph. Anab. i. 8, 14. Harpocration also states in this passage, that the Attic chrysus was equal to 20 drachmas. 22 OF THE GOLD COINS. [bk. I. good authorities": according to this value, 5000 staters are, in the calculation of Conon's property in Lysias, computed at about 100,000 drachmas '^ But as no undoubted Attic stater has been preserved to our days", Eckhel has ques- tioned the fact of its ever having been coined'^; not only, however, does Pollux'^ enumerate the golden stater among coins upon the authority of Eupolis, but we know with certainty that gold coins were issued at Athens, and more especially in the Archonship of Antigenes, one year before the Frogs of Aristo- phanes, (Olymp. 93, 2, b. c. 40/0 that money was coined from the golden statues of Victory, which Aristophanes, as they were much debased with copper, calls wretched pieces of copper^**. The most common golden staters, besides those of Croesus, Attica, and Persia, were the Phocaic and Cyzicenic, which have likewise been falsely taken for imaginary coins by writers on ancient money. The probable reason why none are extant, is, that the Macedonian kings supplanted all the gold coins of the cities by melting them down, in order that, with the exception of the darics, there should be no gold coin which did not bear their image^\ The Phocaic stater occurs, both "^ Polemarch. ap. Hesycli. Poll. iv. 173. "'^ Lysias pro Aristoph. bonis, p. 639, ed. Reiske. The property of Conon amounted, according" to tliis passage, to about 40 talents ; and it consisted of 5000 staters, and three other sums of 10,000 drachmas, 3 talents, and 17 talents. If the 500 staters are reckoned at 100,000 drach- mas, the sum is equal to 38g talents, which agrees perfectly with the ex- pression " about 40 talents." ''' See Barthelemy ut sup. p. 20G. "•^ D. N. vol. i. p. xli. sqq. vol. ii. p. 206, 207. 7« Pollux ix. 58. [The following passage of Aristophanes appears deci- sive. It is from the Plutus (v. 816), where Carion is describing the sudden increase of wealth caused by the ar- rival of the god of riches : ararripcn I S' 01 depaTTOvres dprid^oixev -)(pvcTo1s. Transl.] ^^ Aristoph. Ran. 731, and the scho- liast upon tlie authority of Philochorus and Suidas in v. x^^x^ov. Suidas in v. y\av^ liTTaTaL and Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 1091, state, that the Attic gold coins had the device of the owl. This may be very true ; but the passages can prove nothing, as in the same writer, as well as in Hesychius in v, Aavpeia, the mines of Laurion are taken for gold mines, and consequently the owls of Laurion for gold coins, whereas they are silver coins. See my Dissertation upon the Silver Mines of Laurion, at the end of vol. ii. ^' This supposition is controverted by ;Mr. Hussey, Essay on the Ancient Weights and Money, p. 88, note. Transl. CH. V.J OF THE GOLD COINS. 23 in inscriptions and in writers^ as coined money^*; nor can it be supposed, that silver pieces are meant, as the idea of a gold coin is inseparably associated with the name of Phocaic stater. Its weight is unknown ; it passed however as the least valuable gold coin°^ Also, that the Cyzicenic staters were coined money, is proved from many passages of ancient writers. In the oration of Demosthenes against Lacritus, 100 Cyzi- cenic staters are expressly mentioned as coined money^^. Lysias reckons among his ready money 400 Cyzicenic staters, with 100 darics and 3 talents of silver; and, according to another passage in the same orator, 30 Cyzicenic staters were actually paid down^\ The troops in the Pontus, according to the account given in the Anabasis of Xenophon, were sometimes paid in Cyzicenic staters, and at other times in darics ; these staters are also mentioned as coins in several inscriptions. Hesychius, Suidas, and Photius, also describe the impression of the Cyzicenic stater, which upon one side was a female figure of the mother of the gods, who was worshipped at Sipylus, and upon the reverse, the forepart of a lion ; and can it be supposed, that by this any other Cyzicenic stater than the common gold one is meant? Lastly, Demosthenes^^ re- marks, that 120 Cyzicenic staters passed in the Bosporus for 3360 Attic drachmas, one for 28 ; probably not because their weight was greater than 2 drachmas, but because the value of gold was then higher in that country, being to silver in the ^* ^Tarrjp ^coKaevs Deraosth. cont. Bceot. de dote, p. 1019, 15. ^coKatrrjs Tliucyd. iv. 52. Two Phocaic staters as a sacred Oflfering in In script. 150 (t. i. p. 231, ed. Boeckli.) placed to- are meant.) Concerning the Phocaic stater as a coin, see also Pollux ix. 93. ^* P. 935, 13. oTi eKarbv (TTaTrjpes Kv^iKT]vo\ TrepiyevoLVTO, Koi tovto to Xpvaiov debaveLKcos e'lrj, Sec. Xpvcriov gether with other Phocaic coins, can ! and dpyvplov in the ancient writers no more be unstamped or imaginaiy i always mean small, that is, coined or coins, than the /Eginetan staters in the same inscription, the false staters in Inscript. 151 (ibid.), and the tetra- drachm in Inscript. 139. ^^ Hesych. in v. ^cokols, calls this wrought, gold or silver, «5 C. Eratosth. p. 391, c. Diogit. p. 894 sqq. cf. p. 903. 8« C. Phorm. p. 914, 11, 6 8e Kv^i- KTjvo; edvvaro eKel e'lKocrt koi oktco TO KOKKXTov ;(pucrioi/, whether staters | Spaxpas^ATTiKas : and 13, tSov pev yap or parts of staters (perhaps e/crat i eKorov kol cIkooi aTaTrjpcov yiyvovTai. 7. CH. IX.] FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA. 49 and other grain for hire'''\ Upon the whole, there was suffi- cient attention paid to weights and measures ; as may in part he seen from a valuable fragment of a decree upon this subject, which has fortunately come down to our days^®^. Credit was at a low ebb in Greece, although we find that there were large firms in all the different Grecian states, which were possessed of extensive credit, and were able to raise money on the single security of their name'®^ Merchants belonging to par- ticular cities, as the Phaselitans for example, were in bad repute on account of their want of honesty'^*. The absence of credit was supplied by security or bail ; which, according to the laws of Athens, was in force for one year'®®. The severity of the laws relating to debtors contributed materially to the support of credit, for the Athenians knew well how important these laws were to commerce and industry^"". "In the Athenian laws,^^ says Demosthenes, " there are many excellent protections for the creditor; for commerce proceeds not from the bor- rower but from the lender ; without whose assistance no vessel, no captain, no passenger can stir.^^ Even a citizen, who in the capacity of a merchant, withdrew from a creditor a pledge for a sum vested in bottomry, could be punished with loss of life*"'. No less severe were the regulations against false accu- sers of merchants and captains of vessels^"^ Their disputes were heard before the commercial court of the Nautodicee, where the Thesmothetse introduced the causes^""* ; in law-suits between citizens of different nations, by virtue of particular agreements, there existed an appeal from one state to the other^°\ As early as in. the time of Lysias, the Nautodicee, **' Harpocrat. in v. TrpofMeTprjToi, Lex. Seg. p. 290, &c. '»« See Boeckh. Corp. Inscr. No. 123. ^^ Orat. cont. Theocrin. p. 1324, 1325, cf. inf. iii. 10. 203 Pqj. ^.jjg gakg Qf brevity I refer '^7 Demosth, cont. Polycl. p. 1224, 3. | to Sigonius R. A. iv. 3 ; Petit v. 5, 9 ; '^» Demostli. cont. Lacrit. init. Mattliise :Misc. Pliilol. vol. i. p. 247. ^^^ Demosth. cont. Apatur. p. 901, 7. ^^ Demosth. pro Phorm. p. 958. '^"^ Demosth. cont. Phorm. p. 922. Dilatory debtors were also liable to imprisonment, only however in com- The Lex. Seg. also has an article upon this subject, as well as Photius, p. 212. It is worthy of remark that the ypacpi) ^evlas could also be brought before this court. mercial cases. See Hudtwalker vo?i i ''"* These are the diKoi ana avp- den Diateten, p. 152 sq. Qokav. E 50 FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA. [bK. J, having been appointed to their office by lot, assembled in the month Gamelion, in order to sit during the winter, when navigation ceased''', that the merchants and captains of vessels might not be impeded in the pursuit of their business. Ad- vantageous as this regulation vras, it did not obviate all the inconveniences to ^yhich traders were liable ; for if the cause was not decided in the course of the winter, either the parties were obliged to prosecute it in summer to the prejudice of their business, or the case stood over till the following winter, and was heard before other judges. For this reason Xenophon proposed to establish a prize for the officer of the harbour who should pronounce the most rapid and just decisions of com- mercial causes^"^ ; and in fact soon afterwards, in the time of Philip**'^, this evil was checked by the introduction of the monthly suits {efifJLrjvot hUaL), to which all causes concerning trade, eranus, do\mes, and mines belonged^''^ These were heard in the six winter months, so that the merchants might quickly obtain their rights and set saiP"^ ; and a cause could not, as some have supposed, be protracted through this whole time, but it was necessary that it should be decided within the term of a month^'". Lastly, the Greeks tolerated a species of consul in the person of the Proxenus of each state, who was considered as the representative of his country, and was bound to protect the citizens who traded at the place. If, for example, an inha- bitant of Heraclea died at any place, the Proxenus of Heraclea was, by virtue of his office, obliged to make enquiries concerning the property which he left behind him^'^ On one occasion, when an inhabitant of Heraclea died at Argos, tlie Proxenus of Heraclea received his property"' ^ ^■^ Lysias Trepi Stjixcs. ddiK. p. 593. ="'6 De Vectig. 3. ^7 Vid. Orat. de Ilaloneso, p. 70, 18, sqq. end of vol. ii.) 209 Demosth. cont. Apatur. p. 900, 3, cf p. 9fiG, 17; Petit V. 5, 9. ^'° Vid. Orat. de Haloneso : Lex. '^•'s Pollux viii. G3, 101. Suidas in Seg. ; and Petit ut sup. ; Salmas. de V. efifXTjuoi bUai from llarpocr. in the i M. U. xvi. p. 691. same word, Lex. Seg. p. 237. That ^^ Demosth. cont. Callipp. p. 1237 this is true of causes relating to mines, 16. I have shown in my Dissertation upon -'=^ Ihid. p. 128?}, 27. the Silver ]Mines of Lauriou, (at thp CH. IX.] FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA. 51 Among the many proposals for the advancement of com- merce which Xenophon makes in his Treatise upon the Revenues, there is nowhere an exhortation to restore the freedom of trade : either this was not one of the points which lay within the knowledge of antiquity, or it must have existed without any limit. The latter supposition is nearly maintained byHeeren*^^: ^^they were ignorant/^ says he, ^^ of a balance of trade, and thus all the violent measures that flow from it naturally remained unknown. They had custom duties as well as our- selves ; but these were intended only to increase the revenues of the state, and not, as in modern nations, by excluding certain articles, to give a particular direction to the course of industry. You will find no prohibition to export raw produce, no encouragement of manufactures at the cost of the agricul- tural classes. In this sense then there was a complete freedom of industry, of commerce, and of intercourse. And this was the general practice. At the same time, where everything was determined by circumstances, not by any theory, persons may find individual exceptions, perhaps discover particular cases in which the state may for a time have assumed to itself a mono- poly. But yet what a vade difference is there between this and our mercantile and restrictive system.^^ I am ready to acknowledge that there is a great deal of truth in these remarks; but the other side of the question must also be considered. According to the principles of the ancients, which were not merely scientific, but were recog- nised by the whole of the people, and deeply rooted in the nature of the Greeks, the state embraced and governed all relations between man and man. Not in Crete and Lace- daemon alone, two states completely closed up and unsus- ceptible of free trade, but generally throughout^ the whole of Greece, and even under the free government of Athens, the poorest as well as the richest citizen was convinced that the state had the right of claiming the whole property of every individual. Any restriction in the transfer of this pro- Ideen Uber die Politik, den Verkelir iind den Handel der alten Welt, vol. iii. p. 283. E 2 52 FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA. [bK. I. perty, regulated according to circumstances, was looked upon as just ; nor could it properly be considered an infringement of justice, before the security of persons and property was held to be the sole object of government; a light under which it never was viewed by any of the ancients. On the contrary, all intercourse and commerce were considered as being under the direction of the community, inasmuch as they originally owed their existence to the establishment of a regular political union : and upon the same basis was founded the right of the state to regulate trade, or even to participate in the profits of it. Any person who dissented from these principles was not a member of the state, and was at liberty to detach himself from it. > It was upon the same principle that the national mono- polies were founded, which appear to have been not unfre- quent in Greece, although of short duration; their produc- tiveness had been tried in the cases of private individuals who had obtained them by engrossing particular articles^"*. It can, however, be safely asserted, that no republic ever demanded of its citizens that they should furnish commo- dities to the state in specified quantities and at prices arbitrarily fixed at a low rate, with a view to secure to itself a monopoly; such a demand could only have been enforced in countries under the government of a tyrant. The monopoly of lead, which Pythocles proposed to the Athenians, injured no proprietor of mines, provided it was exported: the producers were to receive the same price from the state, at which they had before sold it*^'. Equally innocent was the banking monopoly which the Byzantians in a pecuniary embarrassment sold to a private individual^ ^^ The proceeding of the Selymbriani in a similar difficulty was probably less defensible, who seized the whole stock of corn at a fixed price, with the exception of a quantity sufficient for the yearly consumption of each indi- vidual, and then sold it at a higher price with permission to export, which before had not been granted ^'^ But how many kinds of monopolies may there not have been in Greece ! ^'^ Cf. Arist. Pol. i. 7. 1 nomics attributed to Aristotle, c. ^'* See above, chap. vi. ! 17. ^^^ See the second book of the (Eco- \ ^^' Ibid. CH. IX.] FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA. 53 Probably it was then a principle in politics, that states should avail themselves of these aids when under the pressure of pecu- niary distress^'®. In addition to this there are abundant proofs that the exportation and importation were regulated according to the exigencies and interests of the state ; which is by no means consistent with perfect freedom of trade. Aristotle *^^ lays down five principles of policy as the most important, viz.: finance, peace, and war, the safeguard of the country, importation and exportation, and legislation; men- tioning at the same time that " with regard to importation and exportation, it is necessary to know how large a supply of provi- sions the state requires, and what proportion of them can be produced in the country and what imported, and what imports and exports are necessar}^ for the state, in order that commercial treaties and agreements may be concluded wdth those of whom the state must make use for this purpose.^^ Trade was thus an object of national policy; whence various restrictions or preferences must necessarily have arisen. Solon is related by Plutarch to have laid the exportation of all products of the soil except oil, under a malediction, which the Archon was obliged to pronounce or to pay a fine of a hundred drachmas ^^^: although the law was not in my opinion so general as here stated^*', yet the main fact is unquestionable; and, considering the liberal disposition of Solon, is the more remarkable. The export of corn was always prohibited in Attica^". Similar laws doubtless existed in other states, for example the Selymbriani prohibited the exportation of corn, if not always, at least in time of scarcity *^^ There were also at Athens many commodities of which the exportation was prohibited (airopprjra), such as timber, tar, wax, rigging, and leathern bottles, articles which were particularly important for the building and equipment of the fleet ^^*. It may indeed 2 '8 Cf. Arist. Pol. i. 11. 2'9 Rhetor, i. 4. "« Plutarch. Sol. 24. ^^* See above, chap. viii. 222 uipian. ad Demosth. cont. Ti- mocr. p. 822. '^'^' Pseud-Aiistot. (Econ. ii. 17- ^^* Upon this point see Aristoph. Ran. 365, 367, and the Scholiast, Spanheim upon this passage, and Ca- saubon ad Theophrast. Char. 23. Con- cerning the leather-bottles (ao-zcco/xara) conip. besides the Scholiast of Ari- stophanes, the Etoraologist, Suidas,and 54 FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA. [bK. I. be supposed that this prohibition only existed against the Pelo- ponnesians during the continuance of war ^"; but how often did Greece enjoy the blessings of peace ? and even in the time of Theophrastus, the exportation of timber^ i, e, of timber for ship-building, was still prohibited, being only allowed to parti- cular individuals free of duty"^ It is obvious that war was necessarily attended with certain restrictions and limitations ; for example the manufactories of arms at Athens supplied the consumption of many nations ; it was natural therefore that laws should be directed against those who provided the enemy with arms; thus Timarchus decreed, that whoever furnished Philip either with arms or tackle for ships should be punished with death ^*''. But in addition to these restrictions, even the importation of some commodities was occa- sionally prohibited in time of war ; as for example of Boeotian lamp-wicks, of which the real reason cannot be, as Casaubon con- cluded from the jokes of Aristophanes ^^^, that the Athenians were afraid of these lamp-wicks causing a conflagration, but that all commodities imported from Bceotia were excluded, for the pur- pose of harassing this country by a stoppage of all intercourse, as indeed may be seen from another passage in the play just alluded to^^^ In like manner Pericles, according to the Acharnians of the same poet^^", and the testimonies of many other writers, had excluded the Megarians from all intercourse with Attica, in order to injure them. Upon the whole, war was as much carried on by impe- ding commerce as by force of arms, and by her dominion of the sea Athens obtained the means of exercising a continual despotism over trade. " No state,^^ observes Xenophon, ^' can Thomas Magister in v. OvXokos. [The passage of Theoplirastiis appears to refer to the exportation of timber from Macedonia, not from Attica. See Schneider's note on the passage, cited in Ast's edition, p. 205, and compare below, note 450. — Transl.] ^^^ Which one slioiild also be led to suppose from Aristophanes and his Scholiast ut sup. and from Aristoph. E.]. 27«. 2^« Theophiust. Char. 23. ^=^7 Demosth. de fals. Leg. p. 433, 4. See the note to Petit's Leg. Att. p. 517, ed. Wessel. ^^^ Aristoph. Acharn. 01 G, and the Scholiast, Casaubon ut sup. 2^« Acharn. 860 sqq. ^^" See more particularly the argu- ment to this Play, Thucyd, i. 130 ; Plutaich. Pcricl. 30 ; Diod. xii. 39 sqq. CH. IX.] FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTlCA. 55 ever export anything, if it be not submissive to the masters of the sea; upon them depends all the exportation of the surplus produce of other nations ^^^" They laid an embargo upon all vessels, seized, and detained or captured merchant- vessels, even such as the state had no right to interfere with ; and to recover by the prize courts the goods which had been unlawfully lost, was a matter of extreme difficulty. That these measures of the Athenians produced the greatest hatred against them, cannot excite surprise. Even the Spartans made a protest against the Megarian decree ; its non-repeal was the immediate pretext of the Peloponnesian war. These examples, although not applicable to a state of peace, prove at least, that the Athenians did not shrink from any restriction of commerce, so long as it appeared profitable to them ; and from this it may be fairly concluded, that at times too when there was a cessation from war, they provided for their real or sup- posed interests by various regulations which w^ere inconsistent with freedom of trade. They framed restrictive laws for the purpose of forcing the supply of those commodities which were necessary for the consumption of the country; or which should be brought to the market in the port of Athens, in order to be there sold, that by these means Athens might become a general emporium. Some of these regulations are extraordinarily severe. No inhabitant, for example, was allowed to carry corn anywhere but to the harbour of Athens; those who violated this law were subject to a Phasis or an Eisangelia^^^ In the same manner it was fixed what portion of the corn of each cargo 231 Xenoph. de Eep. Ath. ii. 3, 11, 12. The words npos 5e tovtois aXXocre ayeiv ovK edaovaiv, oltivcs avriizaKoL f}fi2v €la\i/, rj ov xPW^VTaL rfj daXaTTrj, are extremely difficult to understand, and certainly have not been under- stood by the commentators; but yet they do not appear corrupt. The sense is, " The states, from which we re- ceive imports, will not permit our ad- versaries to export for their own use the materials necessary for ship build- ing, oj- they will lose by that means the use of the sea." The subject to edaovaiv and xPW^^'''^'- ^^ eKelvoi, which refers to the preceding napa fiev Toi), napa 6e tov. The words 6m- ves dvTL7ra\oi rjplv dalv are to be taken instead of the accusative to ciyeiv, just as if it stood rrpos de tovtois iKelvoi ovk idaovariv aXKoae riyeiv tovs rjpiv clvtl- Tii'ikovs, rj ov ;^p]7<70i/rat rfj &a\dTTrj. '^■^- See chap. xv. 5S FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA. [bK. I. which had arrived in harbour, should be retained in the city of Athens, as will be presently shown. There was also an exceedingly oppressive regulation, that no Athenian or alien resident in Attica should lend money upon a vessel which did not return to Athens with a cargo of corn or other commo- dities*". If indeed we listen to Salmasius"*, this law refers only to the corn trade, and means no more than that it was not permitted to lend money for the purpose of buying corn in other countries, except upon the condition that the com should be imported into Athens : this supposition is, however, mani- festly devoid of foundation. The meaning of the law is, that money could not be lent upon any ship which did not return to Athens with corn ; but if these were all the provisions of the law, no money could have been lent on bottomry at all, except upon vessels employed in the corn trade. Since then this sup- position leads to an absurdity, it is manifest that we do not possess the law in a complete state. And this in fact is suffi- ciently pointed out in the speech of Demosthenes against Lacritus ; and corn, as being the most important article, was only first and expressly named. In several places it is distinctly stated, that it was not lawful to lend money which was to be sent to any foreign port, without corn being particularly specified '*^^. In the agreement of bottomry given in the speech of Demosthenes against Lacritus (to which case this very law is applied), it is not fixed that either corn or anything else should be taken as a return-cargo ; and the debtor himself affirmed that he had intended to return to Athens with a cargo of salt meat ^'^ Demosth. cont. Lacrit. p. 941, 9 — 20, from the Law, ^Apyvpiov be fir) e^elpai cKdovvai 'Adr^vaitov Kal tcov fie- TOIKCOV TOiV *A6T]UT]ai flCTOlKOVUTCOU fJ.7j- 8lv), ^lr]^€ (ou ovToi Kvpioi. elaiv, elsvuvv rjTis av fiT] peXXr] u^eii; arlrov ^ ABi^va^c, Ka\ ToKka TO. yeypupfxepa nepl eKaaTov avTcov. The last words show that many other specific provisions followed which the Orator omits, and in these no doubt tlie other commodities were either in- dividually or generally stated. "* De .^I. U. V. p. 193 sqq. ^^ Cont. Lacrit. ut sup. kuI S1V7 avTO) pr) earoi nepl tov apyvplov, o av iKb(o aXkoae tttj rj 'A^r/i/a^e. Demosth. cont. Dionysodor. p. 1284, 15. on ovk av davcLcraipev els erepov epnopiou ovdiv uXk' T} els ^Adrjvas. The passage iu the speech against Lacritus p. 941, 15, edv de tis e>c8&) napa raCr', eivai ttjv (fidaiv Ka\ TT]v dnoypafjir^v tov dpyvpiov TTpos Tovs eTTipeXrjTdSf Ka6a nepl rrjs vea>s KOI TOV (tItov e'ipt]Tai, kuto. Tavra, proves nothing against my assertion for many reasons. CH. IX.] FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA. 6? and Coan wine'^* : nor in any similar document is the species of the commodities ever fixed which are to be taken as a return cargo, but the only stipulations we find are \nth regard to the security, and that the return-cargo should be of equal value with the original freight. Lastly, how could it have been pos- sible to specify the goods which were to be taken up as a return- cargo, since the merchant would necessarily be guided in his selection by the state of the market, and no certain calculation could be made beforehand ? We must therefore allow, that in general money could not be lent at Athens upon any ship or its 'cargo, except on the condition of its returning to that city, in order that no Athenian property might be employed to the profit of a foreign trading town. This is not inconsistent with the permission to lend money only for the time requisite for the voyage to a particular place, without including the return (ereSoTrXovs'). If the master of a vessel had borrowed money for the time of his voyage from Athens to Rhodes, and instead of not paying the money till he returned to Athens, if he was obliged to repay it immediately upon his arrival at Rhodes, it does not follow from this that he was not compelled to return ; by law he was bound to do so, just as much as if the money had been lent him until his return to Athens. The sole differ- ence is, that in the former case the creditor was only exposed to the risk of the passage outwards, in the latter, of the passage inwards as welP^^ Money too could only be lent for the time of the passage outwards, upon the condition of the vessel returning to Athens : it was only absolutely prohibited when the ship was not to return. It should also be remembered, that heavy punishments were laid upon the violation of this law. As to the laws relating to money lent out on other kinds of security, no complaint could be made. Those who failed to 236 P. 933, 15. ! the voyage fiom Athens to Eg}i)t, aiid *•'"' To this view of the subject the passage in Deinosth. cont. Uionysod. p. 1284, 8 — 20, cannot be opposed, for if rightly understood, it completely agrees •with it. Dionysodorus and Parmeniscus wish to borrow monev for from tlience to Rhodes ; it is therefore a €T€p67rXovs without any obligation to return, to which the lenders naturally would not consent. Compare also upon the questions relating to this subject, book i. chap. 23. 58 FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA [bk. pay could be prosecuted by a Pliasis''^^; and the borrower, if he did not return, could be punished with loss of life"^ If the Athenians imposed such restrictions upon trade, it may be conceived how the laws of other states were constituted. In -^gina and Argos, Athenian manufactures appear to have been in early times prohibited, although upon a pretended religious motive, and on the immediate occasion for sacred purposes^^". In the inland traffic, too, there was not by any means unre- stricted freedom ; nor indeed did it consist with the principles of the ancients, among whom the police mixed itself with every thing, although the mode of its interference differed from that which prevails in modern states. Assize regulations were not unknown. In the time of Aristophanes the government of Athens on one occasion reduced the price of salt to a fixed rate ; which, however, was not long retained, probably because it caused a deficiency in the supply of that article*"". In corn we certainly find a great freedom of prices; yet engrossing was restrained within certain limits. Retail dealing in the market was originally interdicted to foreigners according to the rigour of the law ; instances however occur of its being permit- ted upon the payment of a duty, which is different from the protection money of the resident aliens^"*^. What is here said must not however be referred to the wholesale trade in the harbour ; this in a great measure owed its existence to foreign- ers, who exposed samples of their goods at a particular place called Deigma^''^ for the convenience of the buyers who came there from all regions to purchase commodities. The prices of commodities could not, however, have been much enhanced by these restrictions, especially as the custom- ^^^ Demostli, cont. Lacrit. \\t sup. ^^^ Demosth. cont. Dioiiysod. p. 1205, 8 sqq. as tlie context sIioavs. ''"" Ilcrod. V. 08. '•^^' Aristoph. Eccl. SOD, and the Scholiast. ^'"^ Demosth. cont. Eul)ulid. p. 1.308, 9, p. 1309,5, Avliere this is called ^(viku '^*^ Lysias Fragui. p. 31. Aristoph. Eq. 975, and Schol. Demosth. cont. Lacrit. p. 932, 20, cont. Polycl. p. 1214. 18, Ilarpoc. in v. delyfia, Pollux ix. 34, and there Jungennan coni])are Casaub. ad Tlieoph. Char. 23, also Lex. Seg. p. 237. Tlie Deigma at Rhodes is mentioned by Polybius v. 69. The specimens themselves were also called Deigma, Plutarch. Demosth. 23. CH. IX.] FOREIGN TRADE OF ATTICA. 59 duties were very moderate ; but they were raised by the great profit which the merchants obtained. That the rate of profits was high, is sufficiently proved by the high rate of interest on money lent upon bottomry (fenus nauticum), in which 30 per cent, for one summer was not unfrequently paid. Hume's remark^^^ that a high rate of interest and profit is an infaUible sign, that industry and trade are still in their infancy, applies with the greatest force to the ancient times of the Grecian nations, and in some measure to that of Pericles, and the period immediately succeeding. A Samian ship, which, as Herodo- tus*^^ relates, had by accident made its way from Egypt to Tartessus in Iberia, at a time when no Grecians, not even the Phocseans, traded there, gained upon one cargo sixty talents ; since the tithe to the goddess Hera amounted to six talents, probably it had received silver at a low rate in exchange for the goods carried out^^^ Greek merchants had never made a greater profit, with the exception only of Sostratus of ^gina, with whom no one could in this respect enter into comparison. The value of the cargo of the Samian ship cannot now be ascer- tained, as the quantity of goods on board different vessels was very various ; we find instances of cargoes which did not exceed two talents in value, but larger sums are met with ; thus a ship of Naucratis, mentioned in Demosthenes, was valued at nine and a half talents^"*^. In the time of Lysias also, an Athenian vessel bound for the Adriatic is said to have made so large a profit upon its cargo, of the value of two talents, that it doubled the principaP'\ It is of course evident that the retail traders [KCLTTriXoL) obtained likewise a very large profit on the goods which they sold, if we take into consideration the high rate of interest. ^** Essays, p. 222. ^^' Herod, iv. 152. ''^^ Compare what Diodorus says of the Phasnicians. 35, 2'7 Demosth. cent. Timocr. p. 696 and passim. '^^^ Lysias cont. Diogit. p. 908. 60 CHEAPNESS OF COMMODITIES [bK. I. Chapter X. Cheapness of Commodities in Ancient Greece. I F allowance is made for accidental variation in different places, it may be stated that in the ancient world the necessaries of life were upon the whole cheaper than at the present time ; but in individual cases many examples of the contrary occur. The chief reasons of the former phenomenon are the smaller quan- tity of money in circulation, the unusual fruitfulness of the southern regions in which the Greeks either dwelt or traded — regions, which though now neglected, were at that period in a state of the highest cultivation — and the impossibility of export- ation to distant lands, which had little or no intercourse with the countries upon the Mediterranean. The latter is in parti- cular the cause of the great cheapness of wine. The abundant quantity of this article which was produced in almost all the southern regions, was not distributed over so large a space of the earth as is the case at present. It is to be observed, however, that in considering the general scale of prices in ancient states, the difference of time and place must be well weighed. In Rome and in Athens, at the most flourishing periods of these states, commodities were not so cheap as in Upper Italy and Lusitania. In Upper Italy, even in the time of Polybius*^% the Sicilian medimnus of wheat, which was the same as the Attic, being somewhat less than one and a half English bushel, frequently sold for only four oboli (eight asses), i. e, about sixpence, the medimnus of barley for half this sum, the metretes of wine, about ten wine-gallons, for the same price as the barley! Travellers used not, as in other places, to agree with the inn- keepers for the price of each article, but only stipulated how much they should give in the gross for the whole consumption of an individual, and the sum demanded was generally a half 2i9 polyb. 1, 15. Polybius has \ rius equal to the drachma. He thus changed the asses into oboli, reckoning i takes the Roman coins a small fraction two asses to an obolus, and the deua- | too high. CH. X.] IN ANCIENT GREECE. 61 as or quarter obolus, and seldom exceeded this rate. In Lusi- tania, according to the same historian*'^ the Sicilian medimnus of barley cost a drachma, of wheat nine Alexandrian oboli, which appear to have been something less than the Attic"'; the metretes of wine the same as the barley; a kid of moderate size an obolus, a hare the same, a lamb three and four oboli, a fat pig, weighing a hundred minas, five oboli, a sheep two, a draught ox ten, a calf five drachmas, a talent of figs, about fifty pounds, three oboli ; game had hardly any value, but was included gratis in other bargains. Such low prices as these do not apply to Athens after the Persian war. In the time of Solon, indeed, an ox cost only five drachmas, a sheep one drachma, and a medimnus of corn the same sum ; but prices gradually rose to five times, in many things to as much as ten or twenty times their former amount, which after the examples of more recent times, is not surprising. The quantity of money in use was not only increased, but through a rising population and an extended intercourse its circulation was accelerated. Thus Athens, as early as in the age of Socra- tes, was considered an expensive place of residence^^*. Upon the whole, the cheapness of commodities in ancient times has been exaggerated by some writers, who thought that the nearest approach would be made to the truth by assuming that prices were on an average ten times lower than in the eighteenth century"^; whereas the prices of com, by which many other prices are necessarily regulated, prove the contrary. But that the reader may be enabled to form a more determinate judgment upon this subject, I will explicitly treat in succession of the prices of land, of slaves, of cattle, corn, bread, wine, oil, and other necessaries of life, and also of wood, clothing, and the different sorts of implements and furniture, as far as I have been able to find information upon these points. ^^° xxxiv. 8, 7. Concerning the reading see Schweighaeuser in the Lexicon Polyb. p. 555. ^*' See above, chap. iv. ""= Plutarch, de Anim. Tranquil. 10. ^^3 Gillies ut sup. p. 19. Wolf makes the same supposition in his Essay : Ueber sine milde Stiftimg Trajans, p. 6. 62 PRICES OF LAND [bK, I. Chapter XI. Prices of Land and Mines in Attica. The value of the cultivated land in Attica was naturally very different according to its situation and goodness. The estates in the vicinit}" of the city bore a much higher price than those at a distance^^* ; the wooded land (7^ 7re(f)VT€v/jL6V7]) must have been dearer than the bare or unplanted land {yrj ^jrcXr}), the rich and good than the poor soils. Among the many passages upon the value of land, one alone contains an approxi- mate statement of the area, and this without any particulars as to situation and quality. Aristophanes, according to the state- ment of Lysias*", had bought a house for fifty minas and also 300 plethra of land; both together cost him more than five talents. If we assume that it cost him five talents and twenty minas, and subtract from this sum the value of the house, there remain for the land 27^000 drachmas, which gives ninety drachmas for one plethron. Now the plethron was equal to 10,000 feet of Greek square measure, 9620 Rhenish, or 9900 English feet, according to Ideler^s researches. The English acre of 43,5 GO square feet would thus have cost 396 drachmas ; which does not by any means agree with the exaggerated notion above alluded to, that prices were ten times lower in ancient than in modern times. It is however by no means improbable that much land bore a lower value ; but fifty drachmas may be fairly assumed as the average price of the plethron, without taking into consideration accidental circumstances by which the value of the land might be lowered. It should also be mentioned that in Attica the land was probably divided into portions of no very great extent. Alci- biades' paternal inheritance did not amount to more than the estate purchased by Aristophanes, although his was one of the 254 Y^ 253 Xenoph. de Vectig. 4. j that Aristoiihanes is stated to have Orat. pro Aristoph. bonis p. 633 purchased not 300 plethra, but more and p. 642, wliere for ovalav read with ! than 300 plethra: y^y TrXfovrJTpiaKoaia Alarkland oIkuiv. [It is to be observed nXeOpa. ^^ 31, ed. Bekker.— Than sl.] r-H. XI.] AND MINES IN ATTICA. 63 most distinguished families. It was not until the time of Demosthenes that individuals purchased much land. The most extensive possessions were those which commonly went by the name of boundary estates {io-xctTtat), which were situated at a distance either upon the sea-shore or at the foot of the moun- tains*'^ Thus the boundary estate of Timarchus in Sphettus is stated to have been extensive, but it had run wild through his neglect^"'. The estate belonging to Phsenippus in Cytheron contained more than forty stadia, or 1440 plethra"^ Of other estates I have noted down the following prices. An estate situated in Sphettus is mentioned in Lysias as being worth five minas ; another occurs in Isseus worth above ten minas, and in the former orator an estate in Cicynna is estimated by the creditor at ten minas*^^ In like manner in Terence^®", an estate is stated to be mortgaged for the latter sum. Timarchus sold an estate in Alopecse, distant eleven or twelve stadia from the walls, under its value for twenty minas''^ Again, an estate is mentioned in Prospalta, which was hardly worth thirty minas^^% and one in CEnoe for fifty minas"^ An estate of Ciron^s was, according to the expression of Isseus, well worth a talent : whence we may conclude that an estate no larger than this was thought a considerable possession; an estate of the same value occurs in Demosthenes, which appears to have contained vineyards^^^ The following sums are still more considerable, viz.: seventy minas, and seventy-five minas for an estate in Athmonon, two talents for a property in Eleusis, and two and half talents for the same in Thria^". ■''^ Harpoc. in v. (axaria, Schol. ad. ^schin. cont. Timarch. p. 736, 737> ed Reisk. Lex. Seg. p. 256, and the Commentators upon iEschines and Demosthenes in the passages to be quoted. Herodotus also (vi. 127) calls distant estates eVxartat. The supposi- tion that the estates on the boundaries of the boroughs were so called is un- doubtedly false, unless indeed boroughs, as was the case with many, were bounded by the sea and by mountains. ^^' ^schin. cont. Timarch. p. 117, 119. 253 Orat. cont. Phc-enipp. p. 1040, 15. ^^^ Lysias nepl b-qfxoa. ddiK. p. 594, cf. p. 593, 595, Isffius de Menecl. Hered. p. 221, ed. OreU. '^0 Phorm. iv. 3, 56. '^^1 yEsch. cont. Timarch. p. 119. 2^^ Isseus de Ilagn. Hered. p. 298. 263 Is. ut sup. p. 294. 2^^ Is. de Ciron. Hered. p. 218. Demosth. cont. Onet. i. p. 872, ad fin. ii. p. 876, 10, cf. i. p. 871, 22. '"^^ Isseus de Menecl. Hered. p. 220, 221, ed. Orcll. de Philectem. Hered. p. 140, de Ilagn, Ilcred. p. 292 sqq. 64 PRICES OF HOUSES IX ATTICA. [bk. I. Concerning other kinds of landed property I have been unable to obtain any information, except that mine-shares were sold for a talent and ninety minas, although their price may at times have been enhanced by particular circumstance^''^ Chapter XII. Prices of Houses in Attica. With regard to houses, we know that Athens contained above 10,000"^; which probably does not include the public edifices and the buildings without the walls ; the city and the harbours being nearly 200 stadia in circumference, there were many places 'v\ithin so large an area upon which no buildings were erected*®^. The houses were for the most part small and mean in appearance, the streets crooked and narrow ; " a stranger/' says Dicsearchus, ^^ might doubt upon a sudden view whether this were really the city of Athens/' the Piraeus alone had been laid out according to rule, in the time of Themistocles, by the architect Hippodamus^°^ The upper stories often projected over the streets; staircases, balustrades, and doors opening outwards, obstructed and narrowed the way. Themistocles and Aristides, with the entire cooperation)of the Areopagus, gained nothing more by their endeavours than that a stop was put to any farther narrowing of the streets by building, a measure which was adhered to in later times^^°. The plan of Hippias and Iphicrates for breaking down everything that projected into the public streets*^' w^as not carried into execution, because tiieir object was not the embellishment of the city, but to obtain money by fraudulent means. With the exception of the magnificent public edifices, they did not begin to build good houses until the time of Demos- *^^ See my Dissertation upon the Silver Mines of Lanrion, in vol. ii. ^^' Xenopli. ;Mem. Socrat. iii. 6, 14. To tliis Xenoph. CEcon. 8. 22, is also referred ; but not with any certainty. ^^^ Xenoph. de Vectio;. 2. *^^ Dicaarchus p. 8, and Aristot. Polit. vi. 2, vii. II, and the Commen- tators. ^70 Heraclid. Pont, and Xenopli. de Rep. Ath. 3. ■'''' See Meursius F. A. p. 20. CH. XII.] PRICES OF HOUSES IN ATTICA. 65 thenes. "Formerly/^ says this orator"^*, "the republic had abundant wealth, but no individual raised himself above the multitude. If any one of us could now see the houses of Themistocles, Aristides, Miltiades, Cimon, or the famous men of those days, he would perceive that they were not more magnificent than the houses of ordinary persons ; while the buildings of the state are of such number and magni- tude that they cannot be surpassed ;^^ and afterwards he com- plains that the statesmen of his time constructed houses which exceeded the public buildings in magnificence. Meidias built a house in Eleusis larger than any in that place*^^. The greater number of houses were however even at this time badly built, as Photion^s^'% for example ; and, like those of Pompeii and Her- culaneum, they occupied only a limited space, for which reason their price could not have been high. Labour was cheap, there was stone in plenty, and wood could be easily brought to the place of building ; and another circumstance which diminished the price of houses was, that they were for the most part either built with a frame-work, or of unburnt bricks dried in the open air, which latter mode of building, as being more durable than with soft stones, was sometimes even employed in splendid and costly edifices*'\ An advantageous situation and the customary high rate of house rent, might however raise the value of houses. It was also of course possible for large sums of money to be expended by foolish and extravagant speculations upon an useless house*'^. It should be observed that the Attic idiom distinguishes between dwelling-houses (ot/c/at), and lodging- houses (crvvoiKlat); accidentally indeed a dwelling-house might be let out for lodgings, and a lodging-house have been inhabited by the proprietor himself; which will explain how learned writers could fall into the error of supposing that the latter word ^''^ Demosth. cont. Aristocrat, p. C89 11—24, Olynth. iii. p. 35, 14—24, p. 3G, 20, from both of which the pas- sage in the Oration nepl avvrd^fcoi, p. 174-5, is made up. For the whole speech has been correctly abjudged from Demosthenes. '7^ Demosth. c. Mid. p. 565, 24. 27^ Plut. Phoc. 18. ^^^ That the private buildings of the Athenians were constructed of bricks of unburnt clay is in part proved by Demosthenes ap. Plutarch, in Vit. Demosth. 11. For the rest see Hirt, Baukunst der Alten, p. 143. '^''' Xenoph. CEcon. 3, 1. F 66 PRICES OF HOUSES IN ATTICA. [bk. 1. {(TvvoiKia), frequently means a house in general without any addition of the idea of letting ; whereas the derivation of the word plainly shews that it denotes a dwelling together of several families^ of whom either some or all are lodgers. The prices of houses, which are mentioned in the ancient ■writers, vary from 3 minas to 120, according to their size, situation, and condition. The data are as follows: a small house estimated by Isjeus at less than 3 minas, though he probably depreciates its value ; a house at Eleusis worth 5 minas, mentioned by the same orator^^^; a very small house near the temple of Hermes Psithyristes at Athens, sold for 7 minas, according to another orator*^^ ; another house which was pledged for 10 minas, according to Demosthenes, a possession belonging to poor people, as is evident from their inconsiderable dowry of 40 minas, and from other circum- stances*'^ ; to these may be added a house noticed in Terence which is mortgaged for the same sum, a poet who generally represents the usages and customs of Athens*®" ; a dwelling- house in the city, worth 13 minas, mentioned by Isseus^^' ; a lodging-house in the country mortgaged for 16 minas, in De- mosthenes**'' ; a house in the city that had been let, worth 20 minas, in Isseus*^ ; and several houses of the same value in Demosthenes and ^schines*"*, one of them behind the Acro- polis ; a house sold for 30 minas, and another of the same value in Isaeus and Demosthenes'^^ the former in Melitej a lodging-house in the Cerameicus, worth 40 minas, given as a dowry, in Isseus ; another in the city transferred for the sum of 44 minas, in the same orator^^^ ; likewise one for 50 minas in Isseus and Lysias^"; a lodging-house belonging to the rich merchant Pasion, valued at 100 minas*^^; and, lastly. ^" Is?Gus de Mcnecl. Ilered. p. 221, ed. Orell. de Hagn. Ilered. p. 293. 278 Orat. cont. Neaor. p. 1358, 6—9. '^'^ Demosth. cont. Spud. p. 1029, 20, cf. p. 1032, 21, p. 1033, 28. ^^f* Phorm.iv. 3, 58. 2^' De Ciron. Hered. p. 210. •^82 Cont. Nicosti-at. p. 1250, 18. '8^ Utsiip. ■"^' Demosth. c. Onetor. ii. p. 8/0,9, and passim ; ^Esch. c. Timarch. p. 119. ^^ Isa3us de Hagn. Hered. p. 293 ; Demosth. c. Aphob. i. p. 816, 21. ^« Do Dicreog. Hered. p. 104 ; de Philoctem. Ilered. p. 140. ^7 Is. do Dicieog. Ilered. p. 105 ; Lys. pro Aristoph. bonis, p. 633. ■'*° Demosth. c. Stephan. i. p. 1110,8. CH. XIII.] PRICES OF SLAVES. 67 in Plautus a house purchased, with comic liberality, for 2 talents, having two wooden columns connected with it, valued, exclusively of the cost of the carriage, at 3 minas^^^ To these may be added 30 minas, the value of a bathing house at Serangium in the Pirceus"" ; and another of which the value may be fairly estimated at 40 minas, as the person, who was cast in a law-suit on the occasion, was compelled to pay that sum for it^^'. Chapter XIII. Prices of Slaves. The market-price of slaves, exclusively of the variations caused by the greater or less demand and supply *^% v as very different according to their age, health, strength, beauty, natural abilities, mechanical ingenuity, and moral qualities. Some slaves, says Xenophon"% are well worth 2 minas, others hardly half a mina; many sold for 5 or 10 minas, and Nicias the son of Niceratus is stated to have given no less than a talent for an overseer of the mines. The slaves em- ployed in the mills and mines were undoubtedly the lowest. Lucian, in the ludicrous valuation of the philosophers^^*, estimates Socrates at 2 talents, a Peripatetic at 20, Chry- sippus at 12, a Pythagorean at 10, and Dion of Syracuse at 2 minas, and, to omit the value of Diogenes, reckons Philon the Sceptic at a mina, remarking at the same time that he was destined for the mill ; the latter therefore is evidently the price of a slave employed in the mills. ^^ Assuming,^^ observes Xenophon, "that the Athenian state^" purchases 1200 slaves, and lets them out on hire into the mines for a daily payment of one obolus a head, and that the whole revenue accruing from this source is annually applied to the purchase of fresh slaves, who ^» Mostell. iii. 1, 113 sqq. ; iii. 2, 138. I omit other passages which do not refer to Athens, such as that in the spurious Epistle of ^schines, 0. ■■"^'^ Is. de Philoct. Hered. p. 140 Compare also Harpocration in v. Sr/pdyytoj/. ^^^ Isscus de Dicaeog. Tiered, p. 101. ^- Such for example as those paid for the Carthaginian soldiers, according to Liv. xxi. 41. ^^^ Mem. Socrat. ii. 3, 2. -^' Bicov Trpdais, 27. •29 5 j)q Vectig. 4, 23. F 2 68 PRICES OF SLAVES. [bK. I. should again be let out at a like profit, which receipts should be applied as before, and so on for ever, the state would, by means of these successive returns, have 6000 slaves in five or six years." If, as I believe, the original 1200 are compre- hended in this number, the price is here taken at from 125 to 150 drachmas ; if they are not comprised in the estimate, which appears to me improbable, a slave in the mines would be only reckoned at from 100 to 125 drachmas. According to the account of Demosthenes"^ 105 minas were lent upon the security of a mine, and 30 slaves employed in working it ; this was arranged by a fictitious purchase made by two creditors, one of whom, Nicobulus, gave 45 minas, the other, Euergus, a talent ; the latter held the mine, the former the slaves, as a pledge, which they were to cede as soon as the contract of purchase ceased to be in force"^ ; consequently each slave was in this case estimated at 150 drachmas : nor could a slave of this description in general have been worth more, although the antagonists of Demosthenes' client maintained that the mines and slaves together were worth a much larger sum*^^. The statement of Barthelemy^®% who supposes that the value of the mine-slaves varied from 300 to 600 drachmas, rests upon an erroneous assumption. Ordinary house-slaves, both male and female, could not have been worth much more than those just mentioned^"". The valua- tion of two slaves, each at 2i minas, is considered by Demos- thene3^°^ as high ; in the same author we read of a slave who was sold for 2 minas^"^ Demosthenes' father was possessed of 25« Cont. Pantsenet. p. 967. 2S7 See p. 967, 18, and p. 972, 21. ^^ See my Dissertation on the Sil- ver Mines of Laurion, in vol. ii. '^^ Anachars. torn. v. p. 35. ^o** Upon this point compare the vague statements in Aristoph. Pint. 147 ; Isscus de Ciron. Hered. p. 218 — highjbecause from the words to fxeyedos T^s d7roypa(f)rjs he assumed a high valu- ation ; and tliat therefore the words of the orator must be interpreted as if each of the two slaves was estimated at that sum ; but that since fx^yedos might also be understood of a less amount, and as tlie context, although 220. I very obscure, seems to require this 20' Cont. Nicest, p. 1246, 7- The meaning, it might be preferable to author afterwards states in the Ad- suppose that the two slaves were toge- denda, that " he had considered the ther valued at 2^ minas.'* estimate of two slaves at 2^ minas as j *^'^ Cont. Spud. p. 1030, 8. CH. XIII.] PRICES OP SLAVES, 69 workers of iron or sword-cutlers, some of whom were worth 5, some 6, and the lowest more than 3 mmas, and 20 chair-makers together worth 40 minas. The chair-makers with the 32 or 33 sword-makers, including a capital of a talent, are stated at 4 talents 50 minas^"^. But when in another place the same orator reckons 14 sword-cutlers (although they might have been of advanced age), together with 30 minas, at only 70 minas^"*, and consequently each at ?! drachmas, he is manifestly guilty of an intentional falsehood. How great an influence a know- ledge of any art had upon the value of the slave is shown by this example of the sword-cutlers ; for the higher profit they afforded the greater was their value. While a slave in the mines only yielded a profit of an obolus a day, a worker in leather produced two, and the master of the workshop three oboli^"; from whence it can be judged how large may have been the profit which the manufacturers of fine ornamental goods, such as head-nets (aaKxv(j>avTac), or of stuffs of Amorgus and variegated cloths [iroLKiXTol), yielded to their possessors^"*. Five minas, which we found above to have been given for slaves skilled in some art, appear moreover not to have been at all uncommon^**^, as is shown by an account in Diogenes^"^. The Roman soldiers whom Hannibal had sold in Achaia, were 303 Demosth. c. Aphob. i. p. 816, 5. »"* Cf. Demosth. c. Aphob. p. 815, p. 817, 23, and p. 821. ''"* ^schin. cont. Timarch. p. 118. 30^ Concerning the (raKxv(f)dvTai see Demosth. cont. Olympiod. p. 1170, 27; Pollux X. 192. The interpretation given in Lex Seg. p. 302, is incorrect- For the other points cf. ^sch. ut sup. Concerning the ttolkiKttjs, afterwards called nXovfidpins {plumarius, see INIu- ratori Inscript. vol. ii. p. 906, 13, and again p. 924, 11, together with his Dissertation de Textrina in the Ant. Ital.) ; Pollux vii. 34, 35, and the commentators, Schol. ^sch. p. 730, ed. Reiske, and Lex Seg. p. 295. ^"^ It might also be supposed that the price of 5 minas for slaves at the oars (kwttcis) was mentioned in Ando- cides de suo Reditu, p. 81, if in that passage we write TreVre fj.v(ov for TrevTf bpaxfi^v : for what Reiske (Ind. An- doc. Orat. Att. torn. viii. p. 503), in- fers from this passage, Remigis erat ingens pretium quinque drachmcBj will not mislead any reader. KwTreuy, however, does not mean a rower, but a piece of wood for an oar, as may be easily seen by a comparison of the passages, where it was supposed to mean a rower. Of these is the pas- sage in Andocides, where the context clearly shows, that pieces of wood for oars, and not slaves for the oars, are intended : and a piece of wood of this description was probably well paid for at 5 drachmas. ^"^^ Vol. ii. in the Life of Aristippus. 70 PRICES OF SLAVES. [bk. I. ransomed at a compensation of 5 minas each, the price having been fixed by the Acheeans themselves, and the state paid it to their respective possessors'"'. These statements agree for the most part with the prices which were paid for some slaves sold to the Delphian Apollo, upon the condition that the individuals who thus became sacred property should in all other respects be free, and ever after be exempt from serving any person as slaves. In instruments of sale belonging to this kind of transfer we find 4 minas paid for a male, from 3 to 5 for a female^ ^° ; yet in a sale which took place at Amphissa to the temple of Apollo not less than 1000 drachmas are given for a male slave. Plautus appears, as is frequently the case with the comic poets, to make a high estimate, w^hen he values a strong useful slave at 20 minas, and supposes a child to be sold for 6 minas'^'. The father of Theocrines was condemned to pay to the state a fine of 500 drachmas for having attempted to emancipate a female slave of Cephiso- dorus. The sum paid to the state for an offence of this nature w^as, according to law, the half of the complete fine, the other half went to the injured master ; and it is probable that this was a simple compensation for the loss sustained, so that the female slave appears to have been valued at 5 minas ^^^ For women who prostituted their persons, and female players on the cithara, 20 or 30 minas occur as common prices ^'^ Neeera was sold for 30 minas '^*. A negro-woman and an old eunuch are sold in a play of Terence for 20 ^"^ 1200 cost the state a hundred talents according to Polybius, liv. xxxiv. 50. This was in Olymp. 14G, 1, A. u. c. 558 (196 B.C.) ^'** See Corp. Inscript. Gra>c. Nos. 1607, 1608, 1690—1710. The sacred slaves, lepodovXoi, were of this descrip- tion, as e. g. the Venerii at Eryx in Sicily, the female servants of Aphro- dite at Corinth, the Hieroduli of Co- mana upon the Pontus, which the priests could no more sell to another person, than the Thessalians could sell their bondsmen the Penesta?, or the Spartans their Helots, out of the country. Cf. Strab. xii. p. 384. 2" Captiv. ii. 2, 103, v. 2, 21, 4, 15. ^'2 Orat. cont. Theocriu. p. 1327, 1328, see book iii. ch. 12. 313 Terent. Adelph. ii. 1, 37, 2, 15, iv. 7, 24, and elsewhere, Plant. Mos- tellar. in several places, Curcul. i. 1, 63, ii. 3,65, and passim, Terent. Phorm. iii. 3, 24, Isocrat. nepl uvridoa-ccos, p. 12i, ed. OreU. 3'^ Orat. cont. Neocr. p. 1354, IC. CH. XIII.] PRICES OF SLAVES. 71 minas^'^ Even these priceswere still further enhanced by luxury; and although at Athens an excellent slave could be bought for 10 minas, the price at Rome in the time of Columella exceeded even this amount^'% in the same manner that the value of negro-slaves has at the present day considerably increased: as early as in the age of the first Ptolemies, an Alexandrian talent was the price given for the males and females who attended at court^'^. The ransom-money for captives was only in part regulated by the price of slaves. This may be seen from the fact that the Chalcideans, who before the Persian war remained pri- soners in Athens, were ransomed at 2 minas a head^^^; at which sum subsequently the indigent citizens of Potideea were valued, and paid taxes for it as for property of the same amount. Again, Dionysius the elder, after he had con- quered the Rhegini, first compelled them to make good the expenses of the war, and then demanded for each man a ran- som of 3 minas, or, according to Diodorus, 1 mina^'^; Han- nibal also agreed to ransom the Roman prisoners at 3 minas a head; and finally, in the time of Philip, when there were many Athenian prisoners in Macedonia, the customary ransom varied from 3 to 5 minas ^^^ But since it frequently hap- pened that not only the respectabihty and character of a man, but also his wealth and importance, were taken into considera- tion, a higher rate of ransom was in such cases arbitrarily fixed. Nicostratus, as appears in a speech attributed to Demosthenes^*', ransomed himself for 26 minas; Plato was freed from captivity by Anniceris for 20 or 30 minas; with which sum, the friends of the philosopher having raised the money for the ransom and 215 Terent. Eunuch, i. 2, 89. In v. 5, 13, he inaccurately says that the eunuch cost the same sum. The ne- gress appears to have been worth but little, cf. iii. 2, 18. 2'® Hamberger De pretiis rerum, p. 32. Cf. Jugler de Nundin. Serv. 7, p. 85 sqq. '"^^^ Joseph. Antiq. Jud. xii. 4. ^1" Herod, v. 77- t ^-^ The former according to the se- cond book of the (Economics attributed to Aristotle, from -nhich the account of Diodorus xiv. ill, disagi'ees in se- veral points. The date of this occur- rence is Olymp. 98, 2 (b.c. 387). ^"^« Polyb. vi. 56, Demosth. de fals. leg. p. 394, 13. ^^^' Cont. Nicostrat. p. 1248, 23. 72 PRICES OF SLAVES. [bk. I, given it to Anniceris, the latter purchased him a garden adjoin- ing the Academy^". Philip affirms in his Epistle to the Athe- nians^" that the Attic general Diopeithes had refused to ransom Amphilochus, a man of consideration who was employed upon embassies^ for less than 15 talents. Hence in order to prevent any arbitrary proceedings, Demetrius Poliorcetes concluded an agreement with the Rhodians that the free inhabitants should be ransomed for 10 and the slaves for 5 minas^^*. The rights of property with regard to slaves in no way dif- fered from any other chattel; they could be given or taken as pledges^". They laboured either on their master's account or their own, in consideration of a certain sum tob e paid to the master, or they were let out on hire either for the mines, or any other kinds of labour, and even for other persons' workshops, or as hired servants for wages {airocpopaj^^^: a similar payment was also exacted by the masters from their slaves serving in the fleet. The profit derived from the slaves was necessarily very great; for the owner must have replaced his outlay of capital and ensured the usual high rate of interest, exactly in the same manner as if it had been vested in cattle, since the value of slaves was destroyed by age, and at their death the money vested in them was lost. To this must be added the great danger of their elopement, especially when there was war in the country, and they were with the armies ^*^; it then became necessar}^ to pursue them, and offer rewards publicly for their recapture {acoarpa) ^^^. The idea of an institution for the insurance of slaves first occurred to a Macedonian grandee, Antigenes of Rhodes, who undertook, for a yearly contribution of 8 drachmas for each slave that was in the army, to make '^* Diog. Laert. iii. 21, Plutarch, de Exilio 10, Seneca Epist. 74, iSIacrob. Sat. i. 11. The account of Diodorus XV. 7, is, as usual, confused. 3« Demosth. p. 159, 15. ^" Diod. XX. 84. ="^5 Demosth. c. Pantaenet. p. 967, c. Aphob. p. 821, 12, p. 822, c. Onetor. i. p. 871, 11. •^" Demosth. c. Nicostrat. p. 1253, 1, 11, c. Aphob. 1. p. 819, 2G, Xenopli. de Rep. Ath. 1, in several places, par- ticularly in chap. 11, which passage (as corrected by Heindorf) appears chiefly to refer to the pay of the sailors ; Theoph. Char. 22, Andoc. de Myst. p. 19. 327 Thucyd. vii. 13 and 27. 3^^ Plat. Protag. init. Xenoph. Mem. Socr. ii. 10, 2. CH. Xlll.] PRICES OF SLAVES. 7a good his price, as estimated by the owner at the time of elope- ment; which he was easily able to do, by compelling the governors either to return the slaves who had fled into their provinces, or to pay for them^^^. It cannot however be determined with any accuracy how high was the rate of profit which a slave returned. The thirty-two or thirty-three iron-workers or sword-cutlers belonging to Demosthenes, annually produced a net profit of 30, and the twenty chair-makers of 12 minas ; the value of the former being 190, of the latter 40 minas ^^"; the latter produced 30, the former only 15^f per cent., a disparity sufficiently remarkable. It is however to be mentioned, that the master furnished the raw materials for manufacturing, and perhaps we ought to consider what he gained upon the raw materials as constituting a part of the whole profit. The leather-workers of Timarchus produced to their master 2, the overseer 3 oboli a day, but probably this return is not to be considered as arising only from the capital vested in the slaves, as it must have also included the profit which the master derived from the supply of the raw materials. Hence it may be concluded that when mine-slaves let out to a tenant yielded to their master a profit of an obolus a day, which, reckoning 350 working days and an average value of 140 drachmas, gives 47i-f per cent., the rent thus paid extended not only to the slaves, but also to the mines let out with them ; an inference which I have supported with other arguments elsewhere ^^^ Chapter XIV. Prices of Horses, Cattle, Sheep, and other animals. Among domestic animals, horses were in Attica sold for com- paratively high prices, not only on account of their utility and the difficulty of keeping them, but from the disposition of the Athenians to extravagance and display: while the knights kept 3^» See Pseud- Arist. (Econ. ii. 2, 34. Antigenes for Antimenes is an emend- ation of Niebuhr. [Concerning this emendation, see some remarks in the Philol. Mus. vol. i. p. 139.— Transl.] ^3« Demosth. cont. Aphob. i. p. 816. 33^ Dissertation on the Mines of Laurion, in vol. ii. 74 PRICES OF HORSES^ CATTLE, ETC. [bk, expensive horses for military service and processions at the festivals, and while men of ambition and high rank trained them for the games and races, there arose, particularly among the young men, that excessive passion for horses, of which Aristophanes gives an example in the Clouds, and which is recorded by several ancient writers ^^' ; so that many were impoverished by keeping horses, although it is true that others were enriched by the same means ^^^ In early times also tech- nical principles had been laid down concerning the management of horses, and rules of this kind had been published before the time of Xenophon by Simon a celebrated rider^^^. The price of a common horse, such as a countryman used, was 3 minas. '' You have not squandered your property,^^ says the client of Isseus^^^, by keeping horses, "for never were you in posses- sion of a horse which was worth more than 3 minas/^ But a good saddle-horse, or a horse for running in chariot-races, according to Aristophanes, cost 12 minas ; and since this sum is lent upon a horse in pawn, it must have been a common price ^^^. But fashion or fancy for horses raised their price beyond all limits. Thus 13 talents were given for Buce- phalus ^^^ A yoke of mules, probably two animals, and not particularly good ones, but only destined for the ordinary pur- poses of country work, were sold for 5 and a half and also for 8 minas ^^^ Asses were probably much cheaper in pro- portion; yet besides the ludicrous story of Lucian^^^ that the ass Lucius, when no purchaser could be found for him, was at last disposed of to an itinerant priest of the Syrian goddess for the sum of 30 drachmas, I have been unable to meet with any- thing upon this point in reference to Greece, and even this passage proves nothing with respect to the usual price in ancient times, and particularly in Attica, ^^^ Cf. Xenop. de re Equestri, i. 12. Tereut. Andr. i. 1. Bach ad Xenopli. CEcon. 2, «, &c. 3^=» Xenoph. (Econ. 3, 8. Many an- cient writers speak of KadLTrnoTpocfieTv. ^^^ Xenoph. de re Equestri, c. 1, and see Sclmeider's note. 3^5 De DicEoog. Hered. p. 116. 33" Aristoph. Nub. 20, 1226. Lysias Karrj-y. kukoX, p. 306 sq. 3^7 Chai-es ap. Gell. Noct. Att. v. 2. ^3« Isaius de Philoct. Ilcred. p. 140. 3^^ Asiu. 35. CII. XIV.] PRICES OF HORSES^ CATTLE, ETC. 75 With regard to the prices of cattle, I am at a loss to guess whence an English writer could have derived the statement that an ox in the time of Socrates cost 8 shillings; an assertion which is contradicted by the concurrent testimony of all writers who men- tion the subject. If indeed 2 drachmas were paid for an ox at the Delian Theoria^", I vAW not deny that in the most ancient times this price may have existed ; but of later times it is inconceivable, and the most that can be allowed is, that in the distribution of the prizes, which were merely a matter of honour, this primitive standard may have been retained. In Athens, at the time of Solon, an ox, probably one selected as a victim, was sold for 5 drachmas, five times as much as a sheep^"'; in Lusitania, according to Polybius, for 10 drachmas, and a sheep in like manner a fifth of this sum ; in Rome the price of an ox was ten times that of a sheep^^*. If, therefore, in the flourish- ing times of Athens, a sheep, as will be presently shown, cost from 10 to 20 drachmas, according to its age, breed, and the variation in the market-price, an ox may be reckoned at from 50 to 100 drachmas. In Olymp. 92. 3 (b.c. 410) 5114 drachmas were paid for a hecatomb, and if we suppose that nearly 100 oxen were purchased for it, the price of an ox amounted to about 51 drachmas. But in Olymp. 101. 3. (b.c. 3/9) a hecatomb of 109 oxen cost 8419 drachmas, that is 771 drachmas a head ; in both cases oxen selected for victims are meant^*^. Probably also in other countries except Athens, prices were not much lower at this period; in Sicily, which abounded with cattle, in the time of Epicharmus the price was the same as at Athens in the days of Solon. For a fine calf, according to that comic poet, was sold for 10 nummi^'''', or 2 drachmas 4f oboli of Attic money^^^; and since it may be 3^° Pollux ix. 61, where the Com- mentators question the fact. 3-»i Plutarch. Solon. 23, from Deme- trius Phalereus. ^*'^ Hamberger in the Treatise above quoted. Taylor ad Marm. Sandw. p. 37. ^*^ See the second Prytaneia of the Choiseul Inscnption, and Barthe'Iemy in the Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscrip- tions, vol. xlviii. p. 355, also Corp. Inscript. No. 158 ; cf. Taylor ad Mann, Sandw. p. 30. ^^^ Ap. Poll. Lx. 80; ^^* According t4) the assumption in chap. 4. 76 PRICES OF HORSES, CATTLE, ETC. [bk. I, inferred, from the analogy of the prices in Lusitania, that the value of a full-grown ox was double, it is probable that at that time in Sicily, an ox of similar quality might have sold for 20 nummi, or 5 drachmas 3^ oboli of Attic money. A sucking pig was sold at Athens, in the Peloponnesian war, for 3 drachmas^*^ A small sheep for a sacrifice, picked out for the use of the temple, is estimated in Menander at 10 drachmas^*^ In the time of Lysias, the prices cannot have been at all lower ; for otherwise the dishonest guardian men- tioned in this orator could not have set down 16 drachmas for a lamb at the Dionysia, whatever might have been his eagerness to overrate the charges in his accounts^*^ A remark- able but rather indeterminate statement is supplied by the oration against Euergus and Mnesibulus. The person for whom this speech was written had been robbed by Theo- phemus of fifty fine sheep, together with the shepherd, and also a slave with a valuable water-pitcher, and some shep- herd^s implements^*^ But the injured party was indebted to Theophemus for a fine, which, together with Epobelia and Prytaneia, amounted to 1313 drachmas and 2 oboH^*"; and he maintains that the stolen sheep, together with the shepherd, were worth more than the fine^^^ If we reckon the shepherd at a very high rate, viz. at more than 3 minas, it results that fifty sheep were worth 1000 drachmas; according to this the price of a fine full-grown sheep was at the least 20 drachmas. Concerning the value of goats, which were very plentiful in Attica, I have not been able to find any informa- tion, except that in Iseeus^", a hundred goats, together with sixty sheep, a horse, and some implements, are valued at 30 minas. As an example of luxury, it may be worth mentioning, that Alcibiades gave 70 minas for a dog, which he shortly afterwards deprived of its chief beauty"'. 3^« Aristoplu Pac. 373. ^*^ Ap. Athen. iv. p. 140 E. viii. p. 364 D. 3*» Lysias cont. Diogit. p. 90G. ^^^ See p. 1155. These sheep are called TTpo^ara ^laXuKa. "° See p. 1158, 24, p. 1162, 20, p. 1164, 10. 35' P. 1156, 15, 23, cf. p. 1164,5. 352 De Hagn. Hered. p. 293. The passage in the Speech de Philoct. llered. p. 140, is still more indefinite. ^" Plutarch. Ale 0. Pollux v. 44. CH. XV.] PRICES OF CORN AND BREAD. 77 Chapter XV. Prices of Corn and Bread, On the subject of corn it will be necessary to enter into a more detailed examination. The consumption of Attica required a very considerable supply of corn. "No state/^ asserts Demos- thenes, "consumes so large a quantity of imported corn^^*.^' The Athenian ambassadors in Livy"^ boast of having supplied 100,000 measures, although their state was obliged even to import corn for the use of the countrymen. But the main points to which we must direct our attention are, in the first place, what quantity of corn did Attica require ? secondly, how much of this was it able to produce at home ? and, thirdly, what quantity was it compelled to procure by importation ? To answer these questions, the knowledge of which the Athe- nians considered necessary in a statesman^^% is far more difficult for us moderns, and yet is indispensable for an accurate insight into the political and statistical relations of Attica. I now undertake the solution of these problems, without presuming to maintain that I may not fall into error. According to the investigation in a former part of this book, Attica may be assumed to have contained a population of 135,000 free inhabitants and 365,000 slaves'". An adult slave received, according to accounts which can be fully depended upon, a choenix, or the 48th part of an Attic medimnus, per diem, and consequently consumed in a common year of 354 days 7f medimni. The Roman soldiers, according to Polybius, received about the same quantity, that is to say, at the most f of a medimnus of wheat per month. If we assume that among the slaves there were 25,000 children, the 340,000 adults would then consume 2,507,500 medimni a year. And if four medimni a year are reckoned for a slave child, the total slave population would have consumed 2,607,500 medimni. Among the free ^'^ Demosth. de Corona, p. 254, 21, and cent. Leptin. iit inf. 3" xliii. 6. ^^^ Xenopli. Mem. Socrat. iii. 6, 13, cf. Aristot. Rhet. i. 4. ^^^ See above, ch. 7. 78 PRICES OF CORN AXD BREAD. QbK. I. inhabitants, one-half must be reckoned as children ; but the adults also, as they were better fed than the slaves, pro- bably did not consume so much corn. It will be enough to reckon 2 medimni for a child, and 4 for an adult, altogether 405,000 medimni for 135,000 souls. According to this, the whole consumption of a common year would amount to 3,012,500 medimni, or since an exact calculation is impossible, in round numbers 3,000,000, exclusively of the seed corn, which is more difficult to determine. If, again, it should be alleged that a larger quantity than this must have been required for the supply of the foreigners serving in the navy and the army, it should be remembered that the absence of a large number of soldiers and sailors from Athens would have had the effect of lessening the consumption, as the army was chiefly supplied from abroad. On the other hand, it can certainly be conceded that the necessity of supplying their country with imported provisions, increased the difficulty to the Athenians of employing many mercenaries, who were also to be provided with corn^^^. Now that Attica did not produce these 3,000,000 medimni, we know for certain ; and corn was brought from all quarters into the market of the Piraeus, from the Pontus, Thrace, Syria, Egypt, Libya, and Sicily^^^ It is well known that the imports of corn from the Pontus were very considerable, which M'as the cause that Byzantium was of so great importance to the Athenians, and partly for that very reason Philip of Macedon endeavoured to obtain possession of this town^^°. In the time of Lysias private individuals imported corn from the Thracian Chersonese, probably from the Athenian Cleruchiae^^^ Some corn was brought from other countries by the Athenian merchants, and part was supphed by Cyprus and Rhodes through the medium of a carrying trade. From the former island there came to Athens in the time of Andocides corn-vessels in considerable numbers; of the latter, which was itself obliged to import corn, ^^^ Xenoph. ITcllen. vi. 1, 4. j chap, iv., and many scattered passages ^" Theophrast de Plautis viii. 4. ; in the Orators. See Anacharsis torn. iv. cliap. 55, | ^co Demosth. de Corona ut sup. Wolf ad Lept. p. 253, ^Meui-sius F. A. ' ^ei Qf i^y^ ^ Diogit. p. 902. CH. XV.] PRICES OF COHN AND BREAD. n and according to Polybius subsequently obtained it from Sicily, we find an account in Lycurgus^*^ In addition to this. Euboea, which was colonized with cleruchi in the time of Pericles and Alcibiades, supplied corn and other products, which, before the occupation of Decelea by the Spartans, were imported over Oropus, but it subsequently became necessary to carry them in ships round Cape Sunium, which was fortified on this account^^^. A very large quantity of corn must consequently have been imported, although it was not all for the internal consumption of the country, but some to be sold in the Piraeus to foreigners. This makes the statement of Demosthenes appear the more unintelligible^", that the imports from the Pontus, which did not amount to more than 400,000 medimni, might be taken as nearly equal to the whole importation from other countries ; so that the total of the imports would have been little more than 800,000 medimni, exclusively of that which was never unshipped, but was transferred in the port of the Pireeus to other coun- tries. Demosthenes appeals to the books of the Sitophylaces ; but must we suppose that they agreed exactly with his words ? All the Athenian orators, and even the noblest among them, Demosthenes, distorted the truth without the least hesitation, whenever it suited their own purposes. The total of the imports may be fairly taken upon an average in round numbers at 1,000,000 medimni : but in particularly bad years, when even the fertile Boeotia (at least after two successive years of deficient harvests) required foreign supplies^®*, a much larger quantity was doubtless necessary for the consumption of Attica. If we com- pare this sum with the average number before assumed, it follows that Attica must have produced 2,000,000 medimni, which in my opinion was not impossible. The country, it is true, is mountainous ; but the height of the mountains is not ^^^ Andocid. de suo reditu p. 85, 86, Lycurg. c. Leocr. p. 149, Polyb. xxviii. 2. 3«^ Tlmcyd. vii. 28, cf. viii. 4. ^^* In Lept. p. 4G6, 4fl7. The words wpos TOLVuv anavra top ck twi/ aWcov i^TTopioiv a,(piKvoviievov 6 en tov Uovtov (tItos ficTTrXecov earlv, do not signify an equality, but only an approximation in the quantity of the corn from the Pontus to the supplies received from other places, of which there is an evi- dent proof in Herod, viii. 44, cf. 48. ^^' Xenoph. Hellen. v. 4, 54. 80 PRICES OF CORN' AND BREAD. [bk. I, SO considerable as to have made them necessarily barren ; the naked rock, which was not indeed uncommon in Attica, com- posed but a small portion of the area, and where the stony bottom was mixed with a little earth, barley could be cultivated; and art performed its share. What portion of the area of Attica (amounting to 64,000 stadia, or 2,304,000 plethra) was corn-land, it is impossible for me to ascertain ; but that it was possible for as much land to be under the plough as was sufficient to produce 2,000,000 medimni, cannot easily be denied. In the territory of the Leontini, in Sicily^^% the Roman jugerum, about two plethra and tw^o-thirds, was sown wdth a medimnus of corn; that is, about a bushel and a half of seed was reckoned for an acre and a quarter, the jugerum being equal to 28,800 Roman, or 25,532 Rhenish, i.e. 34,468 English, feet. The fertile land yielded in good years eightfold, in the best tenfold. If we assume, as may be fairly done, the same measure of seed- corn for Attica, and the increase on account of the inferior pro- ductiveness of the soil as only sixfold (and even at the present day, when agriculture has undoubtedly fallen off, the multipli- cation of grain in Attica, according to Hobhouse^", is live and six for one, and never more than ten), a plethron of land in Attica produced two and a quarter medimni, and to produce 2,000,000 medimni 888,890 plethra of land were requisite, and again for replacing the seed-corn 66,000 plethra besides. According to these suppositions the land in corn must have amounted to 955,500 plethra; the rest remained for fallow, plantations, vines, (which were however frequently cultivated together with barley, the branches of the vines being attached to the trees,) leguminous plants, gardens, pasture-grounds, bog, water, waste-land, roads, and dwellings. How little exaggerated this supposition is, appears also to be proved from the fact, that the property of Phsenippus, containing 1440 plethra of land, although it was a boundary-estate with woods, produced yearly °«« Cic. Verr. ii. 3, 47- *' A Journey througli Albania and other Provinces of Turkey in Europe and Asia, to Constantinople, during the years 1809 and 1810. By J, C. Ilobhouse. London, 1813, vol. i.p.411. CIT. XV.] PRICES OF CORN AXD BREAD. 81 more than 1000 medimni of corn, and more fhan 800 metretae of wine^®^ To general principles of political arithmetic I have intentionally paid no regard, because, when applied to ancient times, they only yield doubtful and uncertain conclusions ; and still less will I institute a comparison \A'ith the produce of Lace- dsemon, since the estimate which has been attempted to be made from Plutarch^^^ is founded upon false assumptions. With an importation equal to a third part of the consump- tion, and in times of failure of the crops even this being insuffi- cient, a great scarcity must necessarily have arisen^"", if judicious arrangements had not been devised in order to prevent the the occurrence of such an event. The arrangements for the supply of corn were therefore conducted upon a large scale ; Sunium was fortified, as has been remarked, in order to secure the sailing of the corn vessels round the promontory; armed ships convoyed the fleets laden with corn, as for example that from the Pontus^"' ; when PoUis the Spartan was stationed near Ceos, ^Egina, and Andros^ with sixty ships of war, Chabrias offered him battle, in order that the corn from Gersestus in Eubcea might reach the Pir8eus"^ The exportation of all grain was absolutely prohibited : of the corn which arrived from foreign parts in the harbour of Athens the law^ required that two-thirds should be brought into the city, and compli- ance with this regulation was enforced ])y the Overseers of the Harbour''^; that is to say, only one-third could be car- ried away to other countries from the port of the Piraeus. In order to prevent the accumulation and hoarding of -^8 Oral. c. Phaenipp. p. 1045, 5. ^^^ Lycurg. 8. There were in Laco- nia altogether 39,000 estates, of which 9000 were Spartan : one of these estates brought the proprietor a return of 82 medimni of barley, from which the whole produce has been cal- culated. It was not however per- ceived that these 82 medimni were only the tribe or rent of the Helots ; nor is it certain whether the pas- sage is to be understood of the Spartan estates alone, or of the Lacedaemonian also. ^'^ Cf. e. g. Demosth. c. Phorm. p. 918, 8, c. Leptin. p. 467- ^'^ Demosth. de Corona, p. 250, 251, c. Polycl. p. 1211,25. 372 Xenoph. Hellen. v. 4, 61. Diod. XV. 34. 3^3 Harpocr. in v. eVt/ifXj^rj)? ifxTTo- plovy from Aristotle, and Lex. Seg. p. 255, where 'Kttikov should be written instead of do-riKov, and the rest of the article restored from Ilarpocration . G 82 PRICES OF CORN AND BREAD. [bK. I. corn^^% engrossing was very much restricted; it was not permitted to buy at one time more than fifty such loads as a man could carry (op/xo/)'"'. The violation of this law was punished with death. The corn-dealers or the engrossers of corn were also compelled to sell the medimnus for only one obolus more than the price they themselves had given. Notwithstanding which regulations these meuj who were for the most part aliens, raised the price of corn by competition in bad times, and often sold it upon the same day a drachma higher"'. Lysias cannot say enough of the villany of these usurers, who were then as much detested as they are in modern times. They bought up corn under the pretence of providing for the interest of the people, or of having an order from the proper authorities; but if a war-tax was imposed, their pretended pubhc spirit did not show itself. The public loss was their gain ; and so much did they rejoice at the occurrence of any national calamity, that they never failed to have the first intelligence of it ; or else they fabricated some disastrous news, such as that the ships in the Pontus had been taken or destroyed, that the trading-places were closed up, or the treaties were broken off: even when external enemies were at rest, they annoyed the citizens by buying up the corn, and refusing to sell when it was most wanted, in order that people might not contend with them about the price, but be content to take it on their terms" ^ Nor did even the merchants make any ^7-* Compare Plutarch, de Curiosit. j may tlierefore be fairly taken for a ad fin. I man's load : thus the army of Lucul- ^''' *op/z6y, from (pepo), generally ! lus, according to Plutarch, was followed means a platted basket, in which corn by 30,000 Gauls, who carried 30,000 was probably carried. Taylor upon niedimni of corn. The explanations Lysias compares with it the cumeras of the grammarians afford no infornia- or cumera of the Romans, of which tion as to the size, but the notion of there were two kinds, a greater and Petit that (popfibs is the same as Kocfiivos a less; the latter contained 5 or 6 (/jj of the Attic medimnus) is absurd, modii, i.e. about an Attic medimnus. 1 See Leg. Att. v. 5, 7. See Acron ad. Ilorat. Sorm. i. 1, 53. | '76 g^g ^j^^ Speech of Lysias against Probably at Athens the phorinus was the Corn-dealers, particularly p. 715, not very different from the medim- 718, 720. nus; a medimnus of wheat weighed I ^^^ l])\^^ pp_ 72O, 721, sqq. from about 00 to 90 pounds, and | CH. XV.] PRICES OF CORN AND BREAD. profit by it, a circumstance upon which much stress is laid by the modern teachers of political economy in favour of engross- ing: on the contrary they suffered severe injury from the combi- nations of the corn-dealers and their continual persecution^'^. " If they were not menaced with the punishment of death/^ says Lysias^^% " they would be scarcely endurable.^^ Whilst, therefore, the sale of all other commodities was under the inspection of the Agoranomi, the state, in order to check the engrossing of corn, had set over this one branch of trade the separate office of the Sitophylaces^^% which originally consisted of three persons, afterwards of ten in the city and five in the Piraeus, probably because their duties had increased. These ofl&cers kept accounts of the imported corn, and it was also a part of their duties to inspect the meal and bread, and to take care that it was sold at the legal weight and price^^'. But even the Sitophylaces could not at times control the importunate competition on the part of the engrossers; and they were punished with the greatest severity, and at times condemned to death^^^ ; where we are as much startled at the irregularity of ^'^ See the Speech of Lysias against the Corn-dealers, pp. 72G, 727- =^7« Ibid. p. 725. 3«» Ibid. p. 722. 3«^ Lysias iit sup. p. 717, mentions three Sitophylaces. The other state- ment rests upon the authority of Aris- totle's state of Athens ap. Harpocrat. in V. criTo^vXa/cey, where Valesius cor- rectly reads rja-av de tov dpiOfiop TrevTeKaldeKa- Se/ca fxev iv aarei, &c. Sigonius R. A. iv. 3, silently follows the first account; Petit v. 5, 7, per- ceived the truth, but his emendation is false with regard to the position of the words, and §eiTa) was sold in the age of Socrates at 2 drachmas the medimnus, and at an obolus for 4 choenices*^^; by which however we are not to understand meal prepared after the modern way. Diogenes the Cynic reckons, that in his age the choenix of barley-meal sold at 2 chalcus, and consequently the medimnus at 2 drachmas'**^: but this can only refer to the cheapest years, for at this period the common price at Athens was much higher. In a play of Aristophanes*^® a man declares that he has lost a hecteus of wheat, by not having gone to the assembly, and consequently not receiving his 3 oboli ; whence it may be concluded that about the 96th and 97th Olympiads (396-2 B.C.), the medimnus of wheat sold for 3 drachmas, which agrees very well with the price of barley just quoted. But in the time of Demos- thenes, and even after Alexander's expedition against Thebes, 5 drachmas were a moderate price, at which during a scarcity some of the more liberal corn-dealers sold their wheat : thus Chry- sippus sold 10,000 medimni at this price *^". According to the speech against Phsenippus*^', even barley must have been at 6 drachmas for a long time, as 18 drachmas are stated to be three times the former price. The prices in other Grecian States were not very different. In the second book of the CEconomics attributed to Aristotle, it is stated that the price of barley-meal at Lampsacus was 4 drachmas, but that the "^5 Demosth. c. Lept. p. 4G7, c. Phorra. p. 917, 25. *^6 Plutarcli. Solon. 23. ^^"^ Plutarch, de Animi Tranquil- lltate 10, Stob. Senn- xcv. p. 521. Conip. Barth^emy in the Mem. de TAcad. des Inscriptions, torn. xLviii. p. 394, concerning the price of corn. ■*^« Diog. Laert. vi. in Vit. Diog. •*-^ Eccles. 543. "'" Demosth. cont. Pliorm. p. 918. *3' P. 1048, 24. CH. XV.] PRICES OF CORN AND BREAD. 95 state once fixed it upon a particular occasion at 6 drachmas, in order to obtain a profit on the difference. When Sicily- came under the Roman dominion, the latter people fixed for supplies the Frumentum Decumanum Alterum at 3 sesterces for each modius, the Imperatum and ^stimatum of wheat at 4 and of barley at 2 sesterces the modius; a price which must at that time have been moderate, as the Romans would doubtless have fixed a low rate, although, according to the statement of Cicero, it was not insupportable to the cultivators. Consequently the medimnus of the Decumanum Alterum cost at that time 4 drachmas the medimnus, of the Imperatum and ^Estimatum of barley 2 drachmas 4 oboli, and of wheat 5 drachmas 2 oboli of Attic money. If these high prices should seem startling, we must remember how dense was the population of this country and how large the exportation. In earlier times, however, corn, as may be inferred from the price of cattle*^*, must have been much cheaper in Sicily; and subsequently, as for example in the time of Verres, prices did not attain even this height, on account of the decreasing popu- lation of the cities ; the medimnus of wheat was commonly sold at that time for 12 sesterces, or 2 drachmas 4 oboli, and never rose to more than 15 sesterces, or 3 drachmas 4 oboli "^ It is also to be observed that in the prices of the supplies of Sicilian corn, as the Romans had fixed them, the cost of transport to each separate place of destination was like- wise included. Such prices as the following are extraordinary, viz.: when corn rose at Athens to 16 and even barley to 18 drachmas; also at Rome in the year of the city 544 (210 B.C.), the Sicilian medimnus of corn was sold, accordhig to Polybius, at 15 drachmas, or rather denarii; and in Dolla- bella^s army, from which the supplies in the neighbourhood of Laodicea were cut off, the medimnus of wheat was sold for 12 drachmas"*. From a very corrupt passage of Strattis pre- served in Pollux*", so much at least may be gathered, that a *^^ See above, chap. xiv. «3 Cic. Yen-. Frument. 74, 75, 81, 84. *^* Demosth. cont. Phorm. p. 918, ix. 44, Cic. ad Fam. xii. 13. ■*35 Pollux iv. 169. Petit, ui sup. reckons from this passage the medim- Orat. cont. Phsenipp. p. 1045,4, Polyb. | nus at 128 dracl 96 PRICES OF CORN AND IJREAD. [bk. I. slave, to the great astonishment of his master, pretends to have bought a Boeotian cophinus of barley-meal for 4 drachmas, which gives for the medimnus 21 drachmas 2 oboli ; and it may be inferred from the same grammarian that another writer spoke of wheat being sold for 32 drachmas, without doubt refer- ring to the usurious practices of Cleomenes, which I have already noticed *^'^; not to mention that at Athens during the siege of Sulla, the medimnus of wheat rose to a thousand drachmas, the inhabitants being reduced to feed even on shoes and leathern-bottles; and in like manner at Casilinum, where the Praenestini were besieged by Hannibal, the same measure was sold for 200 drachmas ''^^ The varieties of bread were extremely numerous in Greece, and the invention of the Athenians in particular was directed with great success to this department of the culinary art*-^ Atheneeus and Pollux will suppl)^ the amateur of the arts of cookery and baking with sufficient materials for inquiries, which we neither feel disposed nor entitled to enter upon. The most common distinction is between wheaten-bread [apros) and barley-bread {/jud^a) : a\(j)tTa sometimes means barley-meal itself, and sometimes a bread or rather cake made of barley- 436 Pollux iv. 165, where there stood formerly the word TpiaKovrabibpaxfJ-i- TTvpyoi, an uncouth form, which Pe- titus however retained, and proposed to change to TpiaKovrabibpaxp-oTrupyoL. The reading of Voss's manuscript, rpiaKovrabldpaxpoi Trvpoi, is evidently the right one, and consequently the price of wheat is meant : manifestly that which was fixed by Cleomenes. The present reading in the text, 6i- dpaxp-oi, is entirely without found- ation, as well as Kuhn's conjecture, TpiaKaidcKadpaxpoi : rpLKovrddpaxpoi, the correction of Jungermann, has in- deed some probability ; however I con- sider the reading of Vosss manuscript to be correct for this reason, tliat the use of the singular compound rpiaKov- rahlbpaxp-OL instead of bvoKaLTpiaKovra- dpaxpoi appears to be the very reason why Pollux quotes the word. ^37 See Plutarch Sulla 13, and Strabo V. p. 1G4, where in the account of Ca- silinum the medimnus is mentioned alone, without the thing measured, which ought never to have appeared surprising to so excellent a scholar as Casaubon, as it so frequently occurs. Pliny, Frontinus, and Valerius ^laxi- mus substitute indeed a mouse in the place of this measure, but Strabo had too much judgment to say, as the Commentators impute to him, that 200 drachmas were given for a mouse, and that the sellers died, but that the buyers saved their lives. We must indeed, if this story be true, suppose that great events spring from little causes. *^« A then. iii. p. 112, c. &c. CH. XV.] PRICES OF CORN AND BREAD. 9? meal, of a very fine quality *^^ I have not however been able to meet with any clear statement in reference to the price of bread, but it was probably high in proportion to that of corn ; for, if we may judge from the rate of interest, a great profit must have been obtained upon the capital employed in the pre- paration of bread. At Athens four large and eight small loaves used to be baked out of a choenix of corn ; consequently one large or two small loaves out of a cotyla"*"; in dear times, when for example corn was at 16 drachmas, a loaf of wheaten- bread of this kind, probably a large one of a cotyla, might have sold for an obolus : to which ' may be referred the fact, that at the very same time wheaten-bread was sold in the Pireeus in loaves of an obolus "^ At Alexandria the apros offeXias or 6/36\lt7]9, was sold for an obolus ""% and probably the same was the case at Athens ''*% which however gives no information with regard to the price, as the size is unknown ; and this Alexan- drian bread was not of the ordinary kind, but something more costly, which is opposed to the common wheaten-bread^^*. There were also loaves of a much larger size, for instance of 3 choenices"*'; and at the Dionysia they carried around in honour of the divine inventor, loaves of from 1 to 3 medimni, which w^ere likewise called aproi oPeXlau^'^^, *^ Omitting other passages, I only refer to Xenoph. (Econ. 8, 9, Plat. Rep. ii. p. 372, B, Pollux vi. 78. Con- cerning the word ^d^a see below, chap, xxiii. ^*^ Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 438, Ly- sistrat. 1208. '**' Demosth. cont. Plionn. p. 918. **^ Concerning which bread and its price see PoUux i. 248, and in other places, Athen. iii. p. 111. B, who lias been transcribed by Eustath. ad II. N. p. 930, ad Odyss. A. p. 39, 38. ^^^ If the interpretation of o^oXias fiprovs in Anstophanes given in Lex. Seg. p. Ill, is correct. 444 Pherecrates ap. Athen. nbi sup. and Nicochares the comic poet, ibid. xiv. p. 645, C. It may be observed that the supposition, which is men- tioned in Athenseus, and thence in Eustathius, and which occurred to Sober ad Poll. i. 248, that this bread received its name from the price, is extremely improbable, although o/3eX6j and d^oXos are the same word, and originally meant a fork or spit, and, afterwards the coin so called. See Plutarch. Lysand. 17, Pollux ix. 77,- and the Commentators, EtjTnol. in olSekiaKoSj also the Commentators upon Athenteus ubi sup. and Taylor ad ;Marm. Sandw. p. 49. It was no doubt so called from the forks or long pieces of wood upon whicli it was baked in the ashes. See Athen. iii. ubi sup. and the Commentators, Photiusp,229. "5 Xenoph. Anab. vii. 3, 23. "^'^ Pollux vi. 75, cf. Eustath. H P$ PRICES OF WINE, OIL, SALT, AND WOOD. [bK. I. Chapter XVL Prices of Wine, Oil, Salt, and Wood, The common measure for liquids was the metretes, which con- tained 12 choeis or 144 cotylas, and to which the common vessel {afjbopevs, KaBos, Kepd/jLiov) was adapted. The Roman amphora, or the solid foot, was according to the testimony of Rhemnius Fannius f of the Attic metretes : but the Attic medimnus is the double of the amphora; consequently the metretes was f of the Attic medimnus, which is also evident from its being equal to 144 cotylas. The contents of the medimnus were in a former place ascertained to have been 2602 Paris inches, and therefore the metretes is equal to 2362*5 English cubic inches, or 81*818 pints, i. e, 10 gallons If pints of wine measure. Who then is not astonished at the extraor- dinary cheapness of wine in ancient times, upon reading of such prices, as have been already quoted with regard to Lusitania, at which more than ten gallons of unmixed wine sold for Sd. ? And since the ancients allowed one part of wine to two of water, without intending to dilute it much, ten gallons of such liquor were sold for a penny. The common wine must there- fore have been looked upon as the cheapest of all necessaries, the causes of which phenomenon have been already stated. In Lusitania the metretes of wine appears to have been equal in price to the medimnus of barley, but at Athens it seems to have been even cheaper than barley ; for according to the speech against Phsenippus, when prices were three times higher than usual, barley was sold at 18 and the native Athenian wine at 12 drachmas"". Therefore, according to the usual price, the metretes of wine was sold for 4 drachmas; even this rate, however, as well as 6 drachmas for a medimnus of barley, must have been considered dear ; there would be no danger of exaggeration, if the half of this price were assumed as an ave- rage for cheaper times. In an agreement in Demosthenes*" 3000 casks {Kepdfjuia) of Mendsean wine are estimated at 6000 "^7 Orat. cont. Phaenipp. p. 1018, 24. *'^ Cont. Lacrit. p. 928, extr. CH. XVI.] PRICES OF WINE, OIL, SALT, AND WOOD, 99 drachmas, that is, the cask of the metretes came to 2 drachmas, although Mendsean wine was used even at the most sumptuous entertainments of the Macedonians**'. It is men- tioned by Polybius**" that the Rhodians bought for the Sino- pians, when the latter were invaded by Mithridates in Olymp. 179. 4 (61 B.C.), for the sum of 140,000 drachmas, 10,000 casks of wine {fcepdfMta), 300 talents of prepared hair, 100 talents of prepared strings, 1000 complete suits of armour, 4 catapults with darts and attendants, and 3000 gold coins. Whence it is easy to perceive that this could only have been possible in case the price of wine did not exceed that which has been above-mentioned. According to the grammarians, 3 cotylas of the wine which was called tricotylus was sold at an obolus*" ; which gives for the metretes 8 drachmas. This therefore was either of a superior sort, or it only appears dearer because the retail-dealers [KainfkoL), who sold it by the obolus, added considerably to the price. On the other hand there were also very costly wines ; for example the Chian wine, as early as in the time of Socrates, sold for a mina the metretes"*. Oil, although it was produced- in large quantities in Attica, Asia Minor, and the islands, appears to have maintained a higher price on account of the great demand for it in ancient times, for the purposes of light, for dressing meat, and for the gymnasia; yet as regards the Greeks I have only been able to find a single statement of its price, and this is given in the second book of the CEconomics attributed to Aristotle*", where it is stated that *^» Athen. iv. p. 129, D, to omit other passages concerning the good- ness of this wine. **o iv. 56. "^ Schol. Aristoph. Thesmoph. 750, and Hesych. in v. rpKoruXos. J. Ca- pellus de Mensiir. ii. 43, finds a still higher price in Pollux iv. 169, accord- ing to which 3 choeis cost 4 drach- mas, and consequently the metretes 16 drachmas; but his supposition rests upon an alteration in the text, which cannot be assumed. *** Plutarch, de Anim. TmnquiL 10. **^ IL 2, 7. The duty was laid upon wine, corn, and other commodities at half their price; but in the part where the duty upon oil should be stated, there is an hiatus in the text. It is evident that the chus of oil, after the addition of the duty, was sold for 4| drachmas : but that the duty upon the chus was only 3 oboli, as Camerarius gives it in his translation, is an arbi- trai*y assumption. The whole context confirms the supposition, that a duty equal to half the former price was also laid upon oil. I therefore restore Koi rov eXaioVj top x^^ ovra bpax^atv rpifav v<0K(lv Tfrrapav koi T/)t«/3o- H 2 100 PRICES OF WIXE5 OIL, SALT, AND WOOD. [bK. I, the chus of oil was sold at Lampsacus for 3 drachmas, and afterwards that a duty was laid upon it equal to half its price, which raised it to 4^ drachmas; consequently the metretes without the duty was at 36 drachmas ; which indeed as com- pared with modern prices is a low rate. Salt, which was measured by phormi, or by medimni and chcenices'*'*, was easily imported into Athens on account of her dominion of the sea ; and as long as Nissea in Megaris was in the hands of the Athenians, it was brought over from thence with the greatest facihty^". Besides this there were salt springs in Attica itself, opposite Gephyra on the other side of the Cephisus, and salt-works upon the sea-shore^'^; I have not, however, found anything with regard to the price of salt, except that the Athenians once endeavoured to lower it by a decree of the people'". As to the supply of wood, we may observe that the Athenians were forced to import large quantities of timber, particularly for the uses of shiphuilding, from distant countries, especially from Macedonia"*; even palisades and props for the mines were brought by sea"®; small wood for burning they had in plenty, particularly beech-wood, from which charcoal was made, a busi- ness in which the Acharnians were chiefly engaged'®". Charcoal, £rewood, and fagots were brought into the city in baskets, carried either by men or on asses'®^; thus Phsenippus sent to Athens every day from his boundary-estate in Cytheron six asses laden with wood, which produced each day 12 drachmas'®*, whence an ass's load may be estimated at 2 drachmas. \ov, and the price in the text is given according to this hypothesis. ^* PoUux X. 169, from the Demio- prata, Aristoph. Acharn. 814. [See also Aristot. 11. A. viii. 10, Eiidem. Eth. viii. 2. Transl.] *'"'* Aristoph. Acharn. 760, with the Scholiast and Commentators. *5'^ See the Pirsean Inscription in Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 103. [The word aXfjLvpls, used in this inscription, is a proper name. See Note A at the end of book iii. Transl.] ^'7 Aristoph. Eccles. 809, and Scho- liast. ^5« Thiicyd. iv. 108, Xenoph. HelL vi. 1, 4, Demosth. in Alexand. Trtpt (TvvBrjKcov p. 2 19, 4, cf. cont. Timoth. p. 1192, 1, p. 1195, 1. **^ Demosth. cont. Mid. p. 568. '^^ Aristoph. Acharn. *^^ Pollux vi. Ill, vii. 109. ^^ Orat. cont. Phrenipp. p. 1041, 3. CH. XYH.] PRICES OF ARTICLES OF FOOD. 101 Chapter XVII. The Meals of the Athenians; and the prices of Meat, Birds, Fishy Vegetables, Honey, and other Articles of Food. The meals of the Athenians, which were called fj^iKpoTpa^ ire^oc, were for the most part scanty, and had little that was agreeable"'. But although the ordinary fare was not very expensive, the great banquets with ointments, female players upon the flute and cithara, Thasian wine, eels, cheese, honey, &c., were by no means cheap : ^^ they might cost,^^ says Menan- der, '^a small talent/^ In the Flatterers of Eupolis a repast of this kind is reckoned at 100 drachmas, and the wine at the same- sum*" ; an expense sufficiently great for Athens, though small in comparison with the profuseness and luxury of the kings. Alexander's table for sixty or seventy persons cost 100 minas a day«\ Everything eaten, with the exception of what was prepared from corn, was originally comprehended under the name of Opson {oyjroy, oyjrcovcov); Plato expressly comprises under it salt, olives, cheese, onions, cabbage, figs, myrtle-berries, walnuts, and pulse*®^; and it is evident that roots, such as radishes, turnips, &c., and all preparations of meat and fish, were also included ; but by degrees the usage of this word was changed, so that at length it signified only fish, the favourite food of the Athenian epicures^^^ The slave in Terence buys cabbage and little fish for an old man's meal at an obolus*'% but according to Theophrastus''% nobody but a contemptible miser would allow his wife only 3 chalcus for opson; 3 oboli appear to have been sufficient for a few moderate persons to buy the opson uncooked'"'; hence Lysias'^^ thinks that a guardian's charge of ^^^ See the comic poet Antiphanes ap. Athen. iv. p. 131, E, Lynceus ibid. F, Alexis ibid. p. 137, D. _ ^^ Pollux ix. 59. ^«^ Athen. iv. p. 146, C. ^«° Athen. vii. p. 277, A, Plat, de Rep.ii.p. 372, C,cf. Xeuoph.CEcon.8,9. ^^7 Athen. vii. p. 276, E. ^"^ And. ii. 2, 32. ^^^ Char. 28. ^'^ Thugenides (notThucydides)j Poll. vi. 38. ^71 In Diogit. p. 905. 102 PRICES OF ARTICLES OF FOOD. [bK. I. 5 obeli for the opson of two boys and a little girl was excessive. Three oboli were not sufficient to procure opson for so expen- sive a person as Aristippus*", and 10 drachmas appear to the slave in Terence*^^ to be very inadequate for the opson of a marriage-feast. The following are particular statements of prices, of which, however, some are not precise. Four small pieces of dressed meat cost an obolus according to Antiphanes ; a piece of meat, as it was prepared for eating, probably of a tolerable size, half an obolus according to Aristophanes*^\ In the comic poet Aristophon*'^ a landlord appears to receive 5 chalcus for some small livers and an intestine, probably a sausage; pverhaps the same sum from several persons who dined together. A partridge, for which any other person would have given an obolus, Aristippus is said to have bought for 50 drachmas*'* ; one extreme is as incredible as the other. A dish of Boeotian fieldfares for a festival is sold for a drachma in Aris- tophanes; seven thrushes, birds which in places where they are abundant are usually very cheap, were not considered dear at an obolus*"; and I may also mention, that in the Athenian bird-market, a jackdaw was sold for 1 obolus and a crow for 3*^°. Of fish Athens had a superabundance, and the smaller varie- ties, which are nearly worthless in all countries that are copi- ously supplied with fish, bore, as may be supposed, a very low price. Membrades, a species of small fish, may be bought for 4 chalcus, but not eels or thunny-fish, says the comic poet Timo- cles*^'; of aphuas (d(/>uat), which, according to Lucian, were exceedingly small and light, a large quantity could be bought for an obolus ; their cheapness is particularly mentioned. The sausage-seller in Aristophanes promises to offer up a thousand goats to Artemis Agrotera (outbidding in jest the offering of thanks for the battle of Marathon), whenever a hundred tri- chides, likewise a small kind of fish, are sold for an obolus"". *'^'^ Diog. Laert. in Vit. Aristipp. *''' Aristoph. Adiaru. 960, Av. 1079, with the Scholiast. "•'« Aristoph. Av. 1 8. ■*'' Ap. Athen. vi. p. 241, A. ^^^ Lucian. Tiscat. 48 Aristoph. Eq^. 646, 660. *'^ Andr. ii. 6, 20. ''^* Antiphanes ap. Athen. iv. p. 431, E, Aristoph. Ran. 562. *'* Pollux, iv. 70. *'* Diog. Laert ubi sup. CH. XVII.] PRICES OF ARTICLES OF FOOD. 103 which was therefore an impossibility. I^arger and better fish bore a higher price, and the fish-mongers were decried as a shameless and avaricious race; for a sea-polype they asked 4 oboli, for a cestra (probably a kind of pike) 8 oboli, for two cetreis [mugiles) 10 oboli, for which 8 were offered; for a sea- wolf (Xd^pa^) a fishmonger asked 10 oboli, without fixing in what currency ; but when it comes to payings says Diphilus, he had meant ^ginetan oboli"'. A dish of echini cost, when dressed, 8 oboli, according to the comic poet Lynceus"*. Eels, particularly those that came from the lake Copais, were a favourite dish of the Athenians, and, as well as poultry and birds, were brought from BcEotia*®'. A Copaic eel cost 3 drachmas in the time of Aristophanes*^*. Salted or pickled provisions (rdpcxos), particularly fish, were brought from the Pontus, Phrygia, Egypt, Sardinia, and Cadiz*", and were very abundant at Athens, in different degrees of goodness ; the com- mon sorts were considered as inferior to meat, and were the food of the inferior classes and of the country people, according to Demosthenes and Aristophanes — as the proverb says, the pickle often cost 1 obolus, but the sauce 2*^% The comic poet Philippides*®' reckons a dish of pickles for one person at 2 or 3 oboli, and the capers for it in a separate vessel at 3 chalcus. It is hardly worth mentioning that vegetables, such as cabbages, &c., were sold at a cheap rate : of leguminous plants the same may be concluded from an expression of Demosthenes*^, who, in order to designate a time of great dearth, says, " you know that even vetches were dear." Beans, which were eaten out of the shells as a remedy against drunkenness, were, according to the statement of Timocles, who perhaps exaggerates in joke, so dear that eight pods were sold for an obolus, although they *^^ Athen. vi. p. 224, C, to p. 227, B. : rapTvixara, Michael Apostol. xiv. 9. *«^ Ap. Athen. iv. p. 132, B. ^«7 a p. Athen. vi. p. 230, A. At ^' Ai-istoph. Pac. 1005, and the Rome, in the time of Cato the elder. Scholiast ; also Schol. Lysist. 703. 300 denarii, or, as Polybius usually Pollux vi. 63. Aristophanes in the ! says, drachmas, were given for a cask Achamians. *^^ Aristoph. Acharn. 961. ^8* Pollux vi. 48. *^^ 'O/ioXoO Ta.pL)(0Sy bv 6fioKa>v of pickles from the Pontus. See Po- lyb. xxxi. 24. ^'8 Cout. Androt. p. 598, 4. 104 .PRICES OF ARTICLES OF FOOD. [bk. I. always used to be sold by the cllOCllix''8^ A clicenix of olives, ill the time of Socrates, sold for 2 chalcus, the cotyla of Attic, that is, of the best honey, cost 5 drachmas"'^\ The warm beverage which the ancients drank instead of tea, cost a chal- cus, according to Philemon*^ \ Chapter XVIII. TJie Prices of Clothing, Shoes, and Ointment. The clothing of the Athenians varied considerably in materials, colour, and make, according to the time of year, as well as the age, sex, family, rank, property, taste, and object of the wearers ; and fashion, although not so all-powerful as in modern days, had also its influence at that time. Woollen garments were the most common ; although linen ones were worn, espe- cially by women, and were at a low price, with the exception of the finest kinds*^*. The Amorgian stuffs were an expensive material, which were finer than Byssus and Carpasus, almost transparent, and sometimes dyed ; they are said to have derived their name from the island Amorgus, where they were best manufactured ; although others derive it from the dye or the plant [afjbopyr]), from which latter word the island itself pro- bably received its name^^^. Even woollen garments, if the *^^ Timocles ap. Athen. vi. p. 240, E. Concerning their use see Alexis ap. Poll. vi. 45j and the Commentators ; and for their measure see Inscript. 123, ed. Boeckh. "9" Plutarch, de Animi Tranquil. 10. The expression of Aristophanes (Pac. 253), that the Attic honey Avas worth 4 oboli, must be understood proverbi- ally to mean something expensive and costly. See Schol. and Suid. in v. T€TpoolBo\ov and reTTapcov o^oiXcov. Kiister has misunderstood both pas- sagos. ^»' Ap. Poll. ix. G7, who (cap. 70) correctly infers from the lowness of the price, tluvt water for drinking, and not for bathing, is meant. The words of Philemon are, x'^^'^^^ depubv rjv, in the reckoning of a guest with liis land- lord. The preceding words in this corrupt passage, koX /jLakaTpirjfiiwlBoXial, earl, refer to the other articles fur- nished to the guest. •*^^ Vid. Pseudo-Plat. Epist. xiii. p. 3G3, A. *^'^ They were called dixopyidia, dfxopyides, Xi^rwues dfiopyivoi. See concerning these, Aristoph. Lysistrat. 150, and Schol. Lysistrat. 736, Schol. iEschin. p. 737, Reiske, Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. Pollux vii. 57, 74. Harpocrat. llesych. Suid. Etymol. CH. XVIII.] PRICES OF CLOTHING AND SHOES. l05 material and texture were of superior quality, as the Persian Caunace for example''^*, were probably sold at a high price. The prices which I have met with are as follows : Socrates, as stated by Plutarch"", considers an exomis (a dress worn by the common people) to be cheap when sold at Athens for 10 drachmas. This was a garment with one sleeve, the other arm being left bare. A chlamys, the usual dress of the knights and young men of Macedonian and Thessalian origin"°% is called TpLCTTdrypos in Pollux"*^^, by which doubtless the weight is not meant, but that its value amounted to 3 silver staters, or 12 drachmas. A citizen in the Ecclesiazuse of Aristophanes'*®^, who appears without any upper garment, his wife having already gone with it to the assembly, declares, that since the preserva- tion of the state is to be the subject of debate, he himself is in want of a preservation of four staters [acoTrjpla^ rerpacTTaTrjpov) ; in this instance no one can doubt with Pollux"-® whether the coin or the weight is meant, as it is evident that 16 drachmas, the price of the upper garment, are alluded to. When the young man in the Plutus^*"^ requires 20 drachmas for his aged mistress for an upper garment, it is probable that he intended to make her pay for an expensive one. Socrates mentions that purple was sold for 3 minas, quoting it as an example of the dearness of articles of luxury at Athens'*"' ; it may be doubted whether by this he means a garment or a certain measure of dyeing material ; in my opinion the former is the right suppo- sition ; it is well known that the garments made of the Byssus which grew in Achaia were weighed against gold^°^. In the article of shoes great luxury was displayed ; Laconian, which were the dress shoes of men, Sicyonic, Persian, Tyrrhenian, Scythian, Argive, Rhodian, Amyclcean, Thessalian, and Thracian shoes, with several others, occur promiscuously in the different ^^* Aristoph. Vesp. 1132, 1140. "95 Ubi sup. "^^ Pollux vii. 46, X. 124, and the note of Heinsterhusius, also x. 164. Aramonius in v. ;(Xo/xi's and Strabo ubi sup. Dorvill. ad Charit. p. 433, ed. Leips. ^^7 vi. 165. "9« Vs. 413. "99 ix. 58. ^"^ Vs. 883. ^'^^ Ap. Plutarch, ubi sup. 5"=^ PUn. Hist. Nat. xix. 4. 106 PRICES OF SHOES AND OINTMENT. [bk. I. countries of Greece; and like our fashion of calling trifling things after celebrated names'°% so they had various kinds of shoes named after distinguished persons, such as Alcibiadean, Iphicratean, Sec/"* A pair of Sicyonic women^s shoes cost 2 drachmas, according to Lucian*"* ; for a pair of man^s shoes the above-mentioned youth in the Plutus of Aristophanes'"^ requires 8 drachmas, which is comparatively high, and he either asked for more money than he intended to pay for the shoes, or it was for some very expensive and ornamented kind. Ointment is among the dearest articles of ancient times. A cotyla of fine ointment, probably from the East, cost at Athens, according to Hipparchus and Menander*"^, from 5 to 10 minas. The intercolutor in the comic poet Antiphanes is not satisfied with moist ointment at 2 minas the cotyla'"^ It is manifest that the Athenians, although they were much addicted to the use of ointments, and everything contributing to the refined enjoyments of life, could not have easily afforded to pay so high a price. It is therefore probable that for the most part they made use of inferior sorts ; of such ointment perhaps as occurs in Lucian, a small alabaster box of which, brought from Phoenicia, was sold for 2 drachmas*"^ Chapter XIX. The Prices of Household Furniture, Implements, Arms, and Ships, A knowledge of the prices of different kinds of furniture, implements, arms, and ships, would not be unimportant for the determination of many questions which it will be necessary to consider. The ancient writers, however, afford but few data, ^^ Aristophanes passim, and parti- cularly Pollux vii. 85 — 89. ^"* 'A\Kil3id8€ia or 'A\Ki^la8es (Inodrjfid)^ ^IcpiKparideSy Aeividbes, 'S.fiivdvpidfia, MvpoKia. See Pollux ubi sup. with his Commentators, A then. xii. p. 534, C, Schol. Lucian. Dial. ;Meretr. The Iphicratcau were not, however, a mere variety of fashion, but an improved kind of shoes for the soldiers. ^"^ Dial Meretr. 14. ^"« Vs. 984. *"7 Ap. Athen. xv. p.091, p. C. *"« Ap. Atlien. ibid. ''' Ubi sup. CH. XIX.] PRICES OF HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE, ETC. 10? and of those which we have, some are too high to be looked upon as the customary prices, although it is probable that, not- withstanding the low rate of wages and the existence of slavery, the manufacturers obtained a large profit, which raised the price of certain commodities. Passing over the works of art, the value of which was deter- mined by the taste of the purchaser, I adduce the following examples. A little cart for a child's plaything cost an obolus, according to Aristophanes, and a small oil-flask {XrjKvOvov) the same sum, an earthen cask 3 drachmas'^" ; a sideboard {iyyvOi]Ki]) decorated with brazen figures of satyrs and heads of oxen*'', not particularly well executed, 30 drachmas ; a small two- wheeled chariot for racing, probably with many ornaments of ivory, brass, silver, &c., in the same manner that the ancients used them upon beds and other kinds of furniture* ^% together with the wheels, cost 3 minas*'\ The price of a scythe or sickle {Bpiiravov) in time of peace is evidently exaggerated in joke by Aristophanes'^*, who supposes 50 drachmas to be given for it. A private key together with the ring cost in the same age 3 oboli, a magic ring a drachma' '*. A small book for an agreement (ypafi/jbaTiBcov), i. e, a small ordinary wooden diptychon with two wax tablets, Demosthenes values at 2 chalcus''^ The assize price of a rope, such as a man might use for hanging himself, was an obolus'^'. Arms and armour can- not have been cheap ; in the time of war, when the demand was considerable, 10 minas were, according to Aristophanes, (who probably mentions the highest rate,) the price of a coat of mail of good workmanship and fastened with metal chains {aXvacBcjTos); 1 mina, as it appears, for a helmet; and 60 drachmas for a war-trumpet'^^. For determining the expenses of the marine it would be ^'" Aristoph. Nub. 861, Ran. 1267, Pac. 1201. *" Lysias Fragm. p. 15. **** Plutarch, de vitando oere alieno, 2,3. *" Aristoph. Nub. 31. ^i* Pac. 1200. 5'* Aristoph. Thesm. 432, Plut. 885. •■''^ Demosth. cont. Dionysod. p. 1283, 4, cf. Sahnas. de M. U. X. p. 403. 5^7 Lucian. Timon. 20. *'» Aristoph. Pac. 1223, and the Schol. 1250 and 1240. IDS PRICES OF SHIPS. [bK. I. particularly desirable to know the prices of articles employed in ship-building, but little definite information can be gathered from the passages of ancient writers. A piece of wood for making an oar {KcoTrevs) cost, according to Andocides'^% 5 drachmas ; Lucian, who both from the lateness of the period at which he lived and the bent of his writings cannot be suffi- cient evidence, supposes the fraudulent god Hermes in a reckoning with Charon to ask the moderate sum of 5 drachmas for an anchor for Charon's boat, which to the covetous ferryman appears a large sum ; for the thong with which the oar was fastened on {rpoTrcortjp), 2 oboli ; for a needle to sew toge- ther the sail cloth, 5 oboli ; for pitching-wax, nails, and cords for the sail-yard, altogether 2 drachmas. The cost of a whole ship as compared with its size cannot now be ascertained. In a bottomry bond in Demos- thenes"", 3000 drachmas are lent upon a merchant-vessel, by which however we are not justified in assuming that the ship had not a greater value, as at Athens a double pledge was not unfrequently given in case of bottomry, and therefore its real value might have been as much as a talent. Nor could the cost of a trireme or the common ship of war, without its furniture, have been much greater, as labour could be procured at a low rate, and ships were easily built ; for which reason they did not last long, but were frequently wrecked when out at sea, and. were shattered to pieces in battle. A calculation has been made from accounts of the expenses of the trierarchy, that it cost a talent to build the hull of a trireme, but it is founded upon an erroneous supposition ; another means of determining the price might have been derived from the account of Themis- tocles having built 100 or 200 triremes from the annual pro- ceeds of the mines ; but neither can the annual returns of the mines nor the number of years be ascertained with certainty : the statement of Polysenus that a ship was built for every talent which was allowed, is after all the most pro])able"' ; but it was *'^ De suo Reditu, p. 81. The next ' Klines of Laurion. According to Di- passage is Lucian. Dial. Mort. 4. ; odorus (see below, b. ii. ch. 20), there *^ Cont. Dionysod. p. 1283, 18. *-' See my Dissertation upon the were perhaps twenty triremes built every year. CH. XIX.] PRICES OF SHIPS. 109 perhaps only a contribution granted to the trierarchs, who according to the most ancient form of the trierarchy were obliged to supply all the furniture of the vessel, and were only to be indemnified for the building of the hull. Subsequently, however, on account of the general rise of prices, a trireme may have stood a little higher : would that instead of the fictitious sale of the triremes for 15 drachmas, at which the Corinthians once furnished some vessels to the Athenians'", we had a statement of their real value ! Chapter XX. On the Sum necessary for the Support of a Family in Attica, and its relation to the National Wealth, From the preceding particulars, it is possible very nearly to determine the sum which was requisite for the maintenance of a respectable person in the best times of Athens. The most moderate person required every day for opson 1 obolus, for a choenix of corn, according to the price of barley in the age of Socrates, a quarter obolus, making altogether in a year of 360 days, 75 drachmas; and for clothes and shoes at least 15 drachmas ; a family of four adults must therefore at the lowest have required 360 drachmas for the specified necessaries; which sum for the age of Demosthenes, when the price of corn was 5 drachmas, must be increased by 22^ drachmas for each person, and for four persons by 90: to this the expense of house-room is to be added, which, if we reckon the value of a house at the lowest at 3 minas, taking the ordinary rate of interest of 12 per cent., gives an outlay of 36 drachmas; so that the poorest family of four free adults spent upon an average from 390 to 400 drachmas a year, if they did not live upon bread and water. Socrates had two wives, not indeed at the same time, as has been fabulously reported, but one after the other; the first was Myrto, whom he married poor, and probably without a dowry; Herod, vi. 89. 110 THE SUM NECESSARY FOR [bk. r. the second Xanthippe ; he had three children, of whom Lam- procles at the death of his father had reached the age of manhood, while Sophroniscus and Menexenus were minors**'; for himself, after having sacrificed his youth to unceasing endeavours after knowledge, he followed no profession, and his teaching did not produce any pecuniary return. According to Xenophon"*, he lived upon his own property, which if it had found a good purchaser {ot)vrjTr)si), would, together with the house, have readily produced 5 minas; and he only required a small contribution from his friends : whence it has been inferred that prices were extraordinarily low at Athens. It is, however, evident that Socrates and his family could not have lived upon the proceeds of so small a property ; for, however miserable his house may have been, it cannot be estimated at less than 3 minas, so that even if the furniture is not taken into consideration, the rest of his effects only amounted to 2 minas, and the income from them, according to the ordinary rate of interest, was only 24 drachmas, from which he could not have provided barley for himself and his wife, not to mention the other necessaries of life and the maintenance of his children. Shall we then understand the expression " purchaser [wvTjTT]^),'' to mean a lessee of his property, and 5 minas to be the annual rent? This way of avoiding the difficulty would be the easiest ; but the ancients, as far as I am aware, only use the word " to buy (oovelo-daty instead of " to let,^' as applied to the public revenues, the letting of which was a real sale of the dues belonging to the state ; for a lease of the lands or the whole property (oIkos) of an individual to a tenant, the expres- sion /jLLadovv is used; and, moreover, a lease of the whole property never occurs, as far as I am aware, except in the case of the estates of orphans. In addition to this, the fortune of Critobulus is valued at more than 500 minas, in the same sense as that of Socrates is at 5, with the remark that he reduced his means, as he offered 5*3 Plat. Apol. 23, and there Fischer. '-•* CEcon. 2. According to Meur- sius, who has been transcribed by later writere, he lived upon it very respect- ably (per honeste) ! See Fort. Att. iv. p. 30. CH. XX.] THE SUPPORT OF A FAMILY. Ill munificent sacrifices, entertained guests, feasted and main- tained many citizens, kept horses, performed public liturgies, and subjected himself to other expenses besides the mainte- nance of his wife, things which, with an income of 8^ talents, he would have been undoubtedly able to afford, but not with only a property of that value. We must therefore believe that Xenophon stated the whole property of Socrates at only 5 minas, but we have equal right to reject as to receive this testimony; for the history of the ancient philosophers is so corrupted and mixed with fables, and the circumstances of their lives have been so differently represented even by con- temporary writers, that one seldom treads upon firm ground. Thus in the Apology of Plato, Socrates is represented as saying that he need not have given more than a mina of silver for his release ; in which account Eubulides also agreed : according to others he estimated the whole cause at 25 drachmas; and in the Apology for Socrates attributed to Xenophon, it is related that he had neither valued his law-suit himself, nor would allow it to be valued by his friends^" ! Thus the well-informed Demetrius of Phalerum maintained, in opposition to Xenophon, that Socrates had, besides his house, 70 minas lent out to Criton upon interest; and Libanius relates that he had lost 80 minas, which were left him by his father, through a friend who had failed in his business, whom we can by no means suppose with Schneider to have been the wealthy Crito"^. But assuming Xenophon's account to be entirely correct, it must be thought that the mother of the young sons maintained herself and two children either by her labour or out of her dowry, while Lamprocles supported himself, and that the domestic economy for which Socrates was so celebrated, con- sisted in keeping his family at work. He may in that case, indeed, have lived upon his 24 drachmas, together with some additional contributions from his friends ; for his necessary expenses were exceedingly small, and no one could live as he ^'^ Plat. Apol. 28 ; Diog. Laeit. ii. 41; Xenoph. Apol. 23. '-•^ Demetrius ap.Plutai-cb.Aristid.l, , where ttjv oiKiav should resume its place | iu the text for Reiske's yijf oiKeiav; Li- ban. Apol. vol. iii. p. 7 ; Schneider ad Xenoph. ubi sup. 112 THE SUM NECESSARY FOR [bk. I. did. It is true that he is related to have often sacrificed at home and upon the pubUc altars"^, but doubtless only baked animals, according to the custom of the poor, or properly- speaking, loaves of bread, which were chiefly consumed with the meat, and to which his family also contributed ; he lived in the strictest sense upon bread and water, except when he was entertained by his friends ; and therefore he may have been much rejoiced, as he is said to have been, at barley being sold at the low price of a quarter obolus the choenix^^^ : he wore no under- garment; and his upper-garment was slight, the same for summer and winter ; he generally went bare-footed, and his dress-shoes which he sometimes wore, probably lasted him his whole life. A walk before his house served him instead of opson for meals ; in short no slave lived so poorly as he did*'^ His greatest expense was unquestionably the drachma which he gave to Prodicus; and without disparaging the greatness of his intellectual powers, it may be boldly asserted, that as far as his miserable condition and a certain resemblance to the habits of the Cynic philosophers are concerned, the repre- sentation of Aristophanes is not only not exaggerated, but is faithfully copied after the life. Jf in the time of Socrates four persons could live upon 440 drachmas a year, they must have passed a very wretched existence, and to live respectably it was necessary even then, and still more in the time of Demosthenes, to be possessed of a larger income. According to the Speech against Pheenippus, the plaintiff and his brother inherited from their father 45 minas each, upon which the orator says it was not easy to live'^", that is upon the interest, which, according to the com- mon rate, amounts to 540 drachmas. Isseus in his speech upon the estate of Hagnias"^ relates, that Stratocles and his *^^ Xenoph. Mem. Socrat. init. ^^^ See Plutarch and Stobaeus in the passages quoted m chap. 15. =*'^ Xenoph. ut sup. i. 5, 2 ; Plat. Conviv. p. 174, A; Athen. iv. p. 157, E. Many pei-sons used to go barefooted, even the wealthy and distinguislied Lycurgus. (See Lives of the Ten Orators.) ^ ' ' P. 292, where read eivai fiev Uava^ Xetrovpyeii/ 5f fxr) '■' Xenoph. de Rep. Athen. ^^^ Xenoph. de Vectig. init. Cf. Xenoph. de Vectig. 4. 544 CH. XXI.] WAGES OF LABOUR. 117 who possessed more than a thousand, with keeping an equal number of citizens out of employment'". After the Pelopon- nesian war, even citizens who had been accustomed to live in a better condition of life — however repugnant it was to their feelings — were compelled to maintain themselves by working for daily wages at any manual labour, as they had lost their foreign estates, rents had fallen as well from the scarcity of money, as from the decrease of the population, and loans were not to be procured^^^ I have been able to find but few exact statements of the amount of wages of labour : Lucian states, that in the age of Timon (provided he does not refer to earlier what really belongs to later times) 4 oboli were the daily wages for garden or field-labour upon a distant estate'**'^; this same sum occurs as a porter's wages in Aristophanes, and of a common labourer who carried manure'*^ When Ptolemy sent 100 masons and 350 labourers to the Rhodians, in order to repair the damage caused by the earthquake, he gave them 14 talents a year for opson, that is, 3 oboli a-piece^''^; which, if they were slaves, was the expense of their maintenance, if free labourers, only a part of their wages, as a man required other things besides opson. The philosophers Menedemus and Asclepiades must have been powerful labourers in their youth, if they earned 2 drachmas a night for grinding in a corn milP^°. Particular services, which require a certain degree of compliance on the part of the labourers, received a higher recompense at Athens, as in all other cities. Bacchus, in the Frogs of Aristophanes"', wishes to have his bundle carried by a porter, who asks 2 drachmas for his trouble; but when the god offers the departed shade 9 oboli, he declares that " rather than do this he would return to life again.'' If this dialogue in the region of shades is not a scene of real life, it has no point : a living porter at Athens would be equally exorbitant in his demands, and if less was 549 5-^ Atlien. vi. p. 264, C. cf. p. 272, B ^'^ Xenopli. Mem. Socrat. ii. 7, 8. ^■•7 Liician. Timon. 6, 12. ''^ Aristoph. ap. Poll. vii. 133, and j ''' Vs. 172 sqq Eccles. 310. Polyb. V. 88. ^^^ Phanodemiis and Fhilochorus ap. Athen. iv. p. 1G8, A. 118 WAGES OF LABOUR. [bK. I. offered him, he might naturally answer that he would sooner die than do it. The fare paid for passages by sea was extremely moderate, particularly for long voyages ; it cost 2 oboli to go from ^Egina to the Piraeus; that is, for more than 21 miles; the fare from Egypt or the Pontus to the same port, more than 600 miles, for a man with his family and baggage, was at most 2 drachmas in the age of Plato; a proof that commerce was very profitable, so that it was not found necessary to require much from pas- sengers. In the time of Lucian the fare from Athens to ^gina was 4 oboli"^ The freight of timber appears to have been more considerable in a case mentioned by Demosthenes*^, in which 1 750 drachmas were paid for a cargo from Macedonia to Athens : the immense corn vessel the Isis, which, in the time of the emperors, brought so much corn from Egypt to Italy, that it was asserted that one cargo would be sufficient for a year's consumption of all Attica, produced at the least 12 talents of freightage per annum'^*"'. The fulling of an upper garment cost 3 oboli^". 30 drachmas were paid for engraving a decree of moderate size, if we may judge from the fragment that remains; 50 drachmas were assigned for engraving all the decrees of Lycurgus in the archonship of Anaxicrates (Olymp. 118, 2, B.C. 307)"% which can only be explained by supposing that the writing was for the most part very small. The great inscription which was first published by Barthelemy"^ is only 3' 8'^ 4'^^ Paris mea- sure high, 6" Q" thick, the upper part, which contains an image in high relief, is 1' 11'% the lower part, upon which the writing is engraved, 2' 4'^ 6'^" wide. The whole inscription consists of only 40 rows of letters, which are 3i lines high, with spaces between the rows of 2 lines in height ; so that the whole height =** Plat. Gorg. § 143, ed. Heiiidorf. | "^ Aristoplu Vesp. 1123, cf. 1122.' Luciau. vol. iii. p. 258, ed Reiz. i ^^^ Mann. Oxon. xxiv. ed. ChandL "^ Cont. Timoth. p. 1192. That ; and in some unpublished inscriptions ; only one cargo is meant is evident third decree at the end of the Lives, from tlie mention of only one cap- of the Ten Orators, tain, Ibid. 1, 24. i "7 xhe Choiseul inscription. •^* Lucian ut sup. p. -5(J. 1 CH. XXI.] WAGES OF LABOUR. 119 of the inscription itself is 1' 6'' 4''". In addition to this we may- notice the payments at the baths, which, according to Lucian, amounted to 2 oboli, although they cannot be considered solely as the wages of labour"'. For the labour of plucking out the hair with pitch, in order to make the skin resemble that of a woman, a fashionable gentleman is represented in Philemon as paying four men 6 chalcus a-piece, as it appears from a passage in Pollux"^ It may be also observed the rich had private^ and the people of Athens public baths'^**. The pay of the soldiers was different according to times and circumstances, and varied between 2 oboli and 2 drach- mas, the latter including the provision-money for an hoplite and his attendant ; the cavalry received from two to four times, officers generally twice, and generals only four times that amount: the provision-money w^as usually equal to the pay* A soldier could maintain himself sufficiently well for 2 or 3 oboli, especially as in many places living was much cheaper than at Athens; out of his pay he was to provide clothes and arms, after which a certain surplus remained, which^ if he had opportunities to plunder, might enable him to amass a decent fortune. This explains the meaning of the comic poet Theopompus^", who says," that with a pay of 2 oboli a soldier could maintain a wife, and with 4 oboli his fortune was com- plete ; where he means the pay alone without the provision. The pay of the dicasts and ecclesiasts amounted in its increased state to 3 oboli, and like the theorica, only served as a contribution to the support of the citizens : the Heliast in the Wasps of Aristophanes^^^ clearly shows the difficulty which there was in procuring bread, opson, and wood, for three per- 5^^ Lexiphanes, 2. ^^^ ix. 66, and there Hemsterhuis. The operation takes place at the bath. ^^^ Xenoph. de Rep. Ath. 2, 10; see Barthe'l. Anach. torn. ii. chap. 20. ^®' Ap. Poll. ix. 64, where read with KUhn, KaiVot ris ovk av cIkos €v npaTTOi T€Tpa>l3oXi^oiv, El vvv ye Stco/SoXoi/ (f)ep23, D. ; tiic common actora at Rome, see Lip- CII. XXI.] WAGES OF LABOUR. 121 mon strolling players, jugglers, conjurors, fortune-tellers, &c., gained a competence by their callings, although the sum which one person paid was inconsiderable ; for example, a chalcus, an obolus, though sometimes as much as a drachma""; appren- tices' fees for instruction in trades and arts, including even that of medicine, had been introduced in the time of Socrates"^ The tribes at Athens were bound to provide for a part of the instruction in music and gymnastic exercises, and they had their own teachers, by whom the youth of the whole tribe were instructed""*; in the other schools each person paid, but how much we are not informed"^: an exception was made to this rule by some enactments of Charondas, who is said to have appointed salaries for the grammarians, if the laws, from which Diodorus"** took his account, are not fabrications. The teachers of philosophy and rhetoric, or the sophists, were not paid by the state till later times ; at first, however, they obtained large sums from their scholars, the worthy suc- cessors of the mercenary lyric poets, whose inspiration was fre- quently the result of gold"\ Protagoras of Abdera is said to have been the first who taught for money, and he received from a pupil 100 minas for his complete education''^; Gorgias"' required the same sum, notwithstanding which he only left at his death 1000 staters"'; together with Zeno of Elea"', who sins Exc. N. ad Tacit. Annal. 1. It is difficult to believe that Demosthenes gave 10,000 drachmas to the actor Neoptolemus for teaching him to speak with long breath, as is stated in the lives of the Ten Orators, p. 2G0. ^70 Casanb. ad Theophrast. Char. 6. Lucian gives a good deal of infonnatiou with regard to the fortune-tellers : the most remarkable instance of growing rich by this art occurs in Isocrat. ^ginet. =^^ Plat. Menon. p. 90, B. sqq. ^'^ Demosth. cont. Boeot. de Nom. p. 1001, 19. ••7* Demosth. cont. Aphob. i. p. 82f?. '"''■^ Diod. xii. 13. Although their spuriousness has been proved, yet every thing that occui-s in them cannot be rejected as forged; the latter law, however, gives strong gi-ounds for sus- pecting that it is of the Alexandrian age. ^^^ Many persons have treated of the pay of learned men. The most important particulars have been col- lected by Wolf ( Vermischte Schriften, p. 42, sqq.), without any parade of quotations. [See also Smith's Wealtli of Nations, b. 1, ch. 10. Tbansl.] 576 Quintil. Inst. Orat. iii. 1, Gell. V. 10, Diog. ix. 52, and there ^Menage. ^77 Suidas, and Diod. xii. 53. 5'^ Isocrat. de Antidosi, § 16'7, ed. Bckker. "'^ riat. Alcib. i. p. 119, A. The 122 WAGES OF LABOUR. [bK. I. was otherwise unlike the sophists. Instruction being obtained at so high a price^ it is natural that persons should have bar- gained and endeavoured to agree for moderate terms ; at which we who carry on the same trade with books, as they with their oral instruction, should be the last to be astonished, Hippias, while still a young man, together with Protagoras, earned in Sicily, in a very short space of time, 150 minas, of which more than 20 minas came from one small town; and not, as it appears, by any long course of education^^". By degrees, how- ever, the number of teachers brought about a reduction of the price : Euenus of Paros, as early as in the time of Socrates, exposed himself to the ridicule of the multitude by taking only 10 minas^^', for which sum, also, Isocrates taught the whole art of rhetoric*^'^ ; and this in the time of Lycurgus was considered as the common remuneration of a teacher of eloquence^^^ At last even the followers of Socrates were content to teach for money, Aristippus having, as it is said, been the first to set the example^^*. It may be also mentioned, that they used to receive money from each pupil for private lectures ; thus Pro- dicus received from 1, 2, and 4, to 50 drachmas*^*. Antiphon was the first person who wrote speeches for money, and he was paid highly for them^^^. I am almost ashamed to speak of the prices of intercourse with persons of both sexes, which, according to Suidas and Zonaras^^^, were fixed by law : 3 chalcus, 1 and 2 oboli, a Scholiast of Aristophanes (Nub. 873) states that the teachers would not have readily taken less than a talent : if any reliance is to be placed on this account, which is hardly necessary, it Orat. in Vit. Isocrat. *«^ Vit. Dec. Orat. in Vit. Lycurg. ^"^ Diog. ii. 65, and there Menage, cf. 72, 74. He is said to have taken from 500 to 1000 drachmas, although must be refen-ed to the time of Socra- I others refer these accounts to Iso- tes alone. ^«« Plat. Ilipp. § 5. For further in- formation concerning Ilippias, see crates. *8* Plat. CratyL init. Aristot. Rhet. iii. 14, Philost. ut sup. 12, Schol. Aris- Suidas, Philostr. vit. Soplu i. 1, 11, ' toph. Nub. 360, Suidas in v. IIpoStKoi/, Apulej. Florid, p. 346, ed. Elm. ^»' Plat. Apol. Socrat. p. 20, B. ^^- Demosth. cont. Lacrit. p. 938, 17, Plutarch, in Vit. Demosth. and Vit. X. Eudoc. Ion. p. 365. *"* Van Spaan (Ruhnken) de Antiph. p. 809, tom. vii. of Reiske's Orators. V. didypufXfjM. 587 I„ Cn. XXII.] INTEREST OF MONEY. 123 drachina^^^ ; a stater with women of middling condition^^% but the price of a Lais was 10,000 drachmas for a night"". Other prices may be seen in Lysias'^', and the author of the epistles of uEschines"^ Chapter XXII. Interest of Money in Attica. Money Changers and Bankers. Loans on Mortgage, The rate of interest in Greece was expressed either by the number of oboli or drachmas which were paid by the month for each mina that was borrowed, or by the part of the princi- pal that was paid as interest either annually, or for the whole time of the loan. According to the first method of speaking, interest of 10 per cent, per annum is called at 5 oboli (eVl Trevre o^oXoh), of 12 per cent, at a drachma (eVl Bpaxf^fj), of 16 per cent, at 8 oboli {iir o/crco o^oXoh), of 18 per cent, at 9 oboli {kir evvea ojSoXoh), and of 24 or 36 per cent, at 2 or 3 drachmas (iirl Bvcrl, rpipl hpay^iials) : according to the other method, the rates of the third, fifth, sixth, eighth, and tenth parts of the principal, either annually or for any specified term, are 33|^, 20, lef^ 121, and 10 per cent, {tokol eTTLTpiToc, €7rL7r€fjLT0t, €(f)eKTOi, iiToyBooi, eTTiSeKaroty^^, Passages in the ancient writers leave no room for doubt that the expressions above cited have the sense which I have assigned to them ; and that in the first method of expression, the specified number of oboli and drachmas, was the amount of interest to be paid by the month, and in the other the portion of the principal was interest to be paid either annually, or in ^8 Hesych. in v. TpiavronopvT], writings of the ancients, signify 1^, l^r Athen. vi. p. 241, E, Aristoph. Tliesm. &c., as the beginner may learn from 1207. The diobolares are well known, my ^Memoir uher die Bildung der Welt^ ^^^ Theopompus the comic poet ap. Poll. ix. 59. *9" Sotion ap. Gell. i. 8, 8. *»i Cont. Simon, pp. 147, 148. ?9i Pseud-zEschiu. Epist. 7- ^^^ The words eniTptTOS, iniTeTapTos, 6i.c. in the mathematical and musical seele im Tim'dos des Plat on, Studien,, I8I7, part i. p. 50. That in the reckoning of interest they mean ^, &c. has been already remarked by Salma- sius de M. U. I. Compare Schneider ad Xeuoph. de Vectig. p. lo3. 124 INTEREST OF MONEY. [bK. I. cases of bottomry for the time of the ship's passage specified in the agreement. Some earlier writers, however, whom Salma- sius has already refuted with needless minuteness, have main- tained the absurd notion, that the tenth, eighth, sixth, fifth, and third parts of the loan were interest to be paid monthly, or in agreements of bottomry even daily; nor can we feel otherwise than astonished to find that Barthelemy"^, repeating the asser- tion of Petit, considers 16 per cent, as monthly interest. The main source of this error lies in the supposition, that all inte- rest was paid by the month, which, without doubt, was fre- quently the case"^: but not only is it impossible that in bot- tomr)' bonds, the interest could have been paid monthly, as the borrower was neither able nor obliged to pay it until after his return ; but even in mortgages, the annual payment of interest was not uncommon^®^: nor if in ancient Greece, *at all times, and in all places, interest had been paid by the month, w^ould it follow from the names of the interest of the third, fifth, sixth, and eighth j^arts, that those portions of the principal were paid monthly, any more than at present, when it is paid quarterly or half yearly, it folloW' s from the expression that a sum of m oney is lent at 5 per cent., that 5 per cent, is to be paid every quarter or half year. We may also remark, omitting the agreements of bottomry, which did not exactly run a year, that the interest of the tenth part [tokol iiriheKaroi) is the same as the interest of 5 oboli, of the eighth part (12^ per cent.) nearly the same as the interest of one drachma (12 per cent.), of the sixth part (16f per cent.) nearly the same as the rate at 8 oboli (16 per per cent.), of the 5th part (20 per cent.) nearly the same as the rate at 9 oboli (18 per cent.), and of the third part (33 i) as the rate of 3 drachmas (36 per cent.) : but the examples which will be presently quoted, prove that they are not therefore to be ^^* Anachars. torn. iv. p. 372. dent from the above-quoted inserip- •^^^ Aristoph. Nub. init. and 751 | tion. In the Orchomenian Inscription sqq. (Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 15«9,) the ^^^ Demosth. Tolycl. p. 1225, 15. j rate of interest is also fixed by the Inscript. ap. Montfaucon. Diar. Ital. ; month, but it did not necessarily follow p. 412. Even when the rate of in- tliat the money should therefore be terest was fixed by the month, it paid every month. might be paid by the year,_as is evi- CH. XXII.] INTEREST OF MONEY. 125 taken as identical; and each expression must be understood precisely in its strict meaning as it stands, since the lenders would never have made use of indefinite expressions. It was not until the age of Justinian that the Centesima, which is exactly equal to the interest at a drachma, was identified with the interest of the eighth part [tokos iiroyhoos) or 12i per cent., as Salmasius correctly remarks ; although he himself, in speaking of more ancient times, does not always accurately dis- tinguish between the rates of interest which I have mentioned as only slightly differing. From this preliminary investigation into the method of expressing the rate of interest, it follows that in Greece in- terest was not so low as in modern states, and at Rome in the age of Cicero : the lowest rate at Athens appears to have been 10 per cent., the highest 36 per cent.; the latter is not even exceeded by any examples of interest received upon bottomry, although these were, in fact, higher than they appear, since the time of a ship's voyage for which the money was generally lent, w^as shorter than a year. I can find no authority for the state- ment of Casaubon*®^, that they sometimes obtained an interest of 4 drachmas a month, although usurers took, without reserve, as much as they could extort. Interest equal to half the prin- cipal [rj/iLoXcos tokos), first occurs a considerable time after the Christian era, in a case of a loan of products of the soil to be repaid in kind^®\ The cause of the high rate of interest can only be, that it was then more difficult than now to procure a loan of money, or, what is equivalent, that there was a greater demand for money to be borrowed, and a smaller quantity to be lent. But that, in general, this circumstance was not owing to the insuffi- cient quantity of money in circulation, appears to be e^ddent from this, that if the quantity of coin in circulation was small, the demand for it would necessarily be small likewise, on account of the low prices of commodities ; and also from the fact, that landed . estates bore a rent equal to 8 per cent, of their value, and even more than 12 per cent, for the lease of Ad Theophrast. Char. 6. '^^ Salmas. de M. U. viii. 126 INTEREST OF MONEY. [bk. the whole property^'^ ; so that the rate of interest does not appear to depend upon the quantity of money in circulation, but to have a common origin with rent. The chief reasons, therefore, why money was not willingly lent out at a low interest, appear to be, that any person who wished to carry on business with it himself, might obtain a high profit by employing it in commerce or manufactures^"", in the same way that any one who managed his own property himself, on account of the smaller expense of slave-labour, would neces- sarily have made a greater net profit than at the present time under a different combination of circumstances. Add to this that credit was at a low ebb, which was occasioned by the defective morality and the imperfection of the civil constitution and laws of the different states, and especially by the difficulty of obtaining redress for injuries in a foreign country. Even the legislation of Solon, by which the rights of individuals were more accurately defined, struck at the root of the security of the creditor, by taking away his right over the body of the debtor ; and it was shown by the measure called the Seisach- theia, how little respect the state had for the security of pro- perty, whether by this ordinance merely the value of the cur- rency was depreciated, or the rate of interest also was diminished, or whether, in certain cases at least, a complete extinction of all debts was effected by it^°* ; nor was the severity of the laws upon debt sufficient to produce any great security in the lend- ing of money, as the administration of them was entrusted to ill-regulated courts of justice, and the fraudulent debtor had at his command every species of subterfuge and dishonest con- trivance against the creditor. The business of the bankers^"^ may lastly have contributed to raise the rate of interest, as these usurers took money at a moderate premium from persons who would not occupy them- selves with the management of their own property^"^ in order *^^ See below, chap. xxiv. ^°° See above, chap. ix. «»' SeePlut. Solon. 14. •^"^ Concerning which see particu- larly Salraasius de Fonore Trapezitico and de Usuris, and the acute Heral- dus, Animadv. in Salmas. Obs. ii. 24, 25. ^"^ Thus e. g. Demosthenes' father kept a part of his capital in the hands CIl. XXII.J MONEY CHANGERS AND BANKERS, 127 to lend it with profit to others, and thus to a certain degree obtained possession of a monopoly. Trading with borrowed money composed the chief part of the business of the bankers*'^'', although they sometimes employed capital of their own in that manner ; the exchange of money at an agio""'* was by no means their exclusive employment. Although they were generally of a low origin, freedmen, aliens, or persons who had been admit- ted as citizens, they aimed less at connecting themselves with good families, than at pecuniary gain®°^; but they became pos- sessed of great credit, which existed for the principal houses through the whole of Greece, and were thus efi'ectively sup- ported in their business^"^; they even maintained such a repu- tation, that not only were they considered as secure merely by virtue of their calling, but such confidence was placed in them, that business was transacted with them without witnesses^°% and as is now done in courts of justice, money and contracts of debt were deposited with them, and agreements were concluded or cancelled in their presence^°^ The importance of their business is shown by the great wealth of Pasion, whose bank annually produced a net profit of 100 minas^^°; there are, how- ever, instances of their failing and losing every thing^'^ It is scarcely necessary to show that they took a high rate of interest; their loans on the deposit of goods are, without other testimony, sufficient to prove it^^^. The Athenian bankers obtained 36 per cent., a rate which hardly occurs among honest people, except in the case of bottomry. The common usurers {TOKoy\vocjtoculliones,rjfiepoBav€i, | Niehuhr Hist. Rom. vol. ii. p. 61, &c. oTToo-o) av ^ovkqraL 6 bavei^cov. Lex i In an inscription in Miiratori vol. ii. ap. Lys. cont. Theomnest. p. 360. ; p. DLXxviii. i. eVaroo-rtatoy tokos is Si-^crai then had the meaning of j mentioned, evidently translated from Sai/eio-ai, from the money being weigh- tisurce centesimce, and thus furnishes a ed when it was lent ; thence also the means of determining the age of the word o^oXoaTaTTjs. Orus ap. Etymol. in V. o^eXia-Kos. 6" Orat. c. Neser. p. 1362, 9, De- mosth. c. Aphob. i. p. 818, 27, of. Sal- mas, de M. U. iv. p. 159. 626 De Hagn. Hered. p. 293. 6^7 ^sch. c. Timarch. p. 127. "8 Cont. Nicostrat. p. 1250, 18. 62» Demosth. c. Aphob. i. p: 816, 11, p. 820, 20, p. 824, 22, ii. p. 839, 24, iEschin. c. Ctesiph. p. 497, comp. inscription. 630 Demosth. c. Onetor. i. p. 866, 4. 631 Aristot. Rhet. iii. 10, with the slight alteration of Salmasius de M. U. ii. p. 41, also in the spurious (Econo- mics of Aristotle 2, 3, ed. Schneid. 67rtSe/caroi tokoi occur on the occasion of a sequestration imposed by the Byzantines upon all vessels, which, however, must not be considered as a common occurrence. CH. XXII.] LOANS ON MORTGAGE. 131 monest rates of interest at Athens ; the only manner in which I can explain why Salmasius^^^ considered the interest of the sixth part, or 16f per cent, as the most usual at Athens, is, that he confounds this rate of interest with others of similar amount. Several examples of higher rates of interest occur. Demus, the son of the celebrated Pyrilampes, who had been sent as ambassador to Persia, offered to pawn a golden cup to Aristophanes for 16 minas, which he had received from the king of Persia, and to redeem it in a short time for 20^^^ ^schines, the Socratic philosopher, wishing to set up a manu- factory of ointments, borrowed money of a banker at 3 drach- mas {S6 per cent.) whereby he lost, until he procured the same sum from another person at 9 oboli^^*. The rate of interest in other Grecian states was regulated in a similar manner. The Clazomenians paid the commanders of their mercenary troops 4 talents a year, as the interest of a debt of 20 talents at the rate of the fifth part {t6ko9 eirl- irefiirTosY^^, The rate of mortgage in the Bosporus was some- times the sixth part (to/co9 e(f)eKTos), at which Phormion, as mentioned in Demosthenes®^^ pretended to have paid 560 drachmas for 120 Cyzicenic staters, each reckoned at 28 Attic drachmas, at 16f per cent. In Orchomenus in Bceotia, interest occurs of several drachmas for a month ; and in a Corcyrsean decree it is ordered that certain monies shall not be lent out either at a higher or lower rate than at 2 drachmas a month (24 per cent.)"^, where bottomry cannot possibly be meant. The epobelia of Plato in his Treatise upon Laws*'" (according to which the taking of usury was to have been entirely for- bidden in the second ideal state) is not a rate of interest, as «32 ut sup. i. p. 10. ^^ Lys. pro Aristoph. bonis, p. 629, sqq. *** Lys. Fragm. p. 4. ^^^ See the (Economics attributed to Aristotle. "6 Cont. Phorm. p. 914, 10. Con- cerning the €oTep6ir\ovs:)y the payment was made after the return. In these agreements there was generally a double security, the debtor being bound in goods to twice the amount of the loan, without being able to raise other money upon them"' ; and in agreements for voyages both inwards and outwards, if ^*^ Concerning the meaning of the Hhodian law, which Sahnasius had not perceived, see Hudtwalcker de Fenore Nautico Romano, p. 7. "3 Demosth. c. Lacrit. p. 932, 3 ; of. Lex. Seg. p. 283, and others. "* Demosth. c. Phorm. p. 908, 20. ^** Demosth. c. Dionysod. p. 1286 sup. 6« Demosth. c. Phorm. p. 909,24; p. 914,28. ^*^ Demosth. c. Phorm. p. 908 sqq. c. Lacrit. pp. 925—928. 134 LOANS UPON BOTTOMRY. [bK. I. the goods given as a security were sold, fresh commodities of equal value were to be reladen^^^ The severity of the laws against those who withdrew the security from a creditor, lias been already remarked ; but it was usual for a penalty to be also fixed in the agreements, if the debtor should not repay the entire loan, or should act otherwise contrary to the con- ditions ; for example, of twice the amount of the principal, or of 5000 drachmas on a loan of 2000'". Until the time of repayment the security, if it was saved, was to be left untouched for the creditor : and sometimes, for greater security, even the whole property of the debtor was made answerable by a particular stipulation"''. The money of orphans could not, according to law, be lent on bottomry, although this regulation was often violated*'^ As the hazard varied materially according to the length of the time, the distance of the voyage, the danger to which the vessels was exposed from storms, rocks, hostile fleets, pirates, or licensed privateers, it is less easy to conceive that there should have been an usual rate of interest in Greece for money lent on bottomry, than for the mortgage of land; and the assertion of Salmasius"^, that the rate of interest of the fifth part (20 per cent.) was the most common at Athens, is entirely devoid of foundation. The interest upon money lent only for the voyage outwards, must moreover have been less than that for the two voyages inwards and outwards, particularly since passengers who accompanied the master of a vessel, carrying at the same time sums of money with them, would naturally be the more ready to lend it to the captain, as they must have still incurred the same risk that arose from bottomry, if they took it with them without interest. The 10 or 12 per cent, interest upon money lent on bottomry mentioned by Di- philus"^ must undoubtedly be understood only of the passage "^ Demosth. c. Phorm. p. 909, 20. ®^^ Demosth. c. Diouysod. p. 1294, 12 ; c. riiorm. p. 915, 1 ; p. 916, 2?. "" Deed in the Oration against La- critus. I 65) "^ De M. U. I. p. 10 ; v. p. 209, where his reference to Xenophon proves nothing. ^*^ In the passage which Salmasius |uotes p. 35. Lys. Fragni. p. 37. Also the ' Els 5eV eVi rfj fipa yfvoueuat kuI dwdfKi case in Lys. c. Diogit. p. 908. ' Aa/3au/ to. vavXaKai Saj/et' epvyytwcau. CH. XXIII.] LOANS UPON BOTTOMRY. 135 outwards; as also the interest of the eighth part (12i per cent.) in Demosthenes"*, which the trierarch ApoUodorus lent to the "* Demosth. cont. Polycl. p. 1211, extr. 'ElcrayyeXOivTOiv de otl Bv^dv- Tioc dvayKa^ovcri top (tItov i^aipeicrOai, daveicrdfievos eyo) dpyvpiov TTapd Xaipedrjfiov flip rod ' Ava(p\v(TTiov TrevTeKaideKa fivds enl tokov, eTrraKOffLas de dpaxp-as Trapci "NiKiTrTrov tov vovk- Xrjpov vavTiKov dveiXofxrju, 6s eTV)(ev &>v iv '2T)(TTain](})6pov 8paxp.as Sfxa 8vo, Koi 7ra)Xe[iT]a)o-ai/ Trdvres rdWa [7r]dvTa Tav[TT)] rfj pLva, [ttX^i/] ocra npos dpyvpiov Biapprjdrjv etprjTai n[]\e'LV, la-Tdvres rov 7Tr)-)(yv Tov ^vy\ov la-oplponov, dyovra tcis eKarov TrevTrjKovra ^rpl^xt/^"!^ '^°^ 2[Te(PavT](f)]6povt to 8e Trevrdfiuovv [to €pn]optK6v e;j(€V[co p07r'\r]u e^TTopiKTjV fivd[v], o[7r'\a>s laopponov tov 7rf)xea>s yivop.ivov ayrj €p.7rop[iKds p.^vds e^. to de rdikaPTOv to €[fi]7ropiK6p [e;)(eV]a) po7r[fjv fx]v[ds] €p.n[o']piKds TreVre, ottcos koi tov[to lcr]opp67rov tov 7r[7/;(]eci)s yivofxevov ayrj 6[/x]7ro[pi/c]6i/ Td[Xatrrop Kai fllvds ifXTTOpiKCLS 7T€VT€. *' In this clause it is ordered that the commercial weight should be greater than the common weight ; and that the commercial mina should in the first place be equal to 138 drachmas tov aTe(pav7](p6pov, according to the weights in the silver mint (dpyvpoKovelovy Pollux vii. 103, Harpocration, Suidas, and other grammarians'), and secondly, that it should contain 12 additional drach- mas TOV o-Tc(f)apTj(f)6pov, so that the whole would amount to 150 drachmas. Here we are met with questions which do not admit of an easy solution. In the fii"st place, what is 2Te(f)apr)(f)6pos ? 2Tecf)apr](f)6pos was a hero at Athens, and had a rjpaop, but the grammarians have not themselves any accurate knowledge concernmg liim. See Harpocration, Photius, and Suidas in 2T€(f)avTi(f)6pos, Lex. Seg. p. 301, Meurs. Lect. Att. iv. 10. Compare Sturz Fragment. Hellan. p. 59. The Tjpwop was doubtless the same as the house which was called 2T€(j)apT](ji6pov (not ^T€(papr)(f)6pos), although the gloss of Hesychius is rather obscm*e : ^Tecpapop (pupeoPTa' dir oIkov tipos KoXovfiepov (rT€(papT)(f)6pov. The contrary opinion of Meursius on this point must be attributed to mere inadvertency. This rjpSop was mentioned by Antiphon against Nicocles quoted in Harpocration, Photius, and Suidas : 2T€cf)apr)(f)6pos' 'ApTt({ia>p €P ro) npos Nt/coKXea* "STecfiaprjcpopov rjpatop, cos coiKep, r/p eV Toli 'ABripais. Now in the same speech the silver mint was mentioned, according to Harpocration : 'ApyvpoKOTrelop' 'ApTi(f)cop ip rw rrpos NikokXco, &c. Can it be doubted that in Antiphon, as well as in the present inscription, Stephane- phorus occurred in connexion with the silver mint ? I conjecture therefore that at Athens the mint was combined with a chapel of this hero, as in Rome witli the temple of Juno Moneta ; that the standard weights for coin were kept in this sanctuary, which belonged to the chief mint, as at Rome they were preserved in the temple of Juno Moneta ; and that from this circumstance the drachmas of the weight used for silver were called diachmas roi'- '2Tccf>ctpr^(jmpov. NOTE TO BOOK I. l45 As however it is fixed that the commercial mina should contain 138 drachmas tov 2T€(f>aur](f)6poVf to which were to be farther added 12 drachmas of the same weight, it is at once evident, from the adoption of so irregular a number as 138, that this could not have been a new or arbitrary arrangement, but that it must have proceeded upon some ancient regulations with regard to the common and the mint weights. Our object is now to ascertain in what this dissimilarity consisted. It is well known that Solon diminished the weight of the coin ; his intention being to favour the debtors, by enabling them to repay their debts in a depreciated currency. The mina, as well before as after the time of Solon, manifestly contained 100 drachmas : but 100 drachmas, before Solon interfered with the currency, were heavier than after. Plutarch affirms that Solon increased the measures at the same time that he diminished the weight of the coin : this however is absurd ; for by this means the proprietors of mortgaged land would have received no possible benefit ; they would rather have experienced a loss, if they exchanged at the old price a larger measure of products of the soil against a smaller weight of coin; nor can Solon be well supposed to have had any other motive than this in increasing the measures. If there is any meaning in Plutarch's statementj he can only wish to express a proportional increase in the weights, i. e. that while the weight for money was reduced, the weights for commodities remained the same. This view of the subject is peculiarly fitted to explain the present inscrip- tion. The weight univereally used in Athens before the time of Solon, as well for silver as for other commodities, was such, that 138 of the new drachmas were equal to a mina. SjIou allowed this weight to remain for all uses of trade, but made the coin so much lighter, that the mina of silver was to the commercial mina as 100 to 138. It is now easy to perceive why late wi-iters, being deceived by this ratio, supposed the weight to have been increased; for after this change the commercial mina weighed 138 drachmas, having before only weighed 100 : but it was only in comparison with silver, and not absolutely, that it had sustained an increase. Upon this supposition the new silver mina of Solon was equal to 72 1| ancient drachmas; for 100 : 138 : : 72|| : 100. It is not however possible that Solon could have purposely introduced such a proportion ; probably he had intended to diminish the weight of the coin by a fourth part, so that 75 old drachmas were to be coined into 100 new : the money however (for at that time coined money was doubtless in use) proved in fact to be not sufficiently heavy; and it was observed that 100 of the new di"achmas were only equal to 72 1| of the old; or, what is the same thing, 100 of the old to 138 of the new; accordingly the i-atio between the commercial mina and the new silver mina was fixed at 138 to 100, not, as it would have been according to the ratio originally intended, at 133| to 100. Thus far everything appears to be a mere assumption, made for the purpose of explaining the mode of fixing the commercial mina made use of in the present decree; but the following testimony gives it the authority of an histo- rical fact. Plutarch (Solon, 15) informs us that Solon made the mina of 100 drachmas, whereas it had previously contained 73, by wliicli change the value of money was diminished; cKaruv yap inolT)a€ 8paxpoi)v rijv p.vav, nporepou €^bop.T)KovTa KoX rpiojv ovcraVy coot' apt^/xai pev XaoVy dvpdpei fi' fXarrov dncdi- dovTCiv s' Trepl yap Tovrtov iroKlcrOai av\aK€s) as inspectors in the tributary states; Antiphon had mentioned them in his oration concerning the tribute of the Lindians**, but we are not informed whether they were in any way con- cerned with the collection of the tributes. Each tribe was '^ Lysias irrrep rov aTpaTt.ci)Tov, p. 323, 324 ; Demosth. c. Macart. p. 1074, sqq.; Andoc. de Myst. p. 36; ^schin. c. Timarch. p. 62, 63 ; Orat. c. Theo- crin. p. 1327, 29; p. 1337, 26; De- mosth. c. Aristog. i. p. 778, 18. [The authors of the Attische Process, p. 32, observe, that " this last assertion must be limited to the fines summarily im- posed by the magisti-ates {inL^oKai) ; for no public officer had power either to mitigate or remit a penalty decreed by a comt of justice." — Thansl.] '7 Andoc. de Myst. p. 37. ^^ Andoc. ut sup. p. 38. ^^ See below, note 23. ^^ In Harpocr. and Suidas. "Whe- ther these are the same as the eicXoyeis' appointed by lot like the practores, who are mentioned in Lex. Seg. p. 190, 26, or diiferent officers are meant, is not certain : probably the passage in this Lexicon refers to all exXo-yetj. 2' Cf. Schol. Arist. Av. 102:i. Har- pocr. in V, (rrio-KOTToi, and see b. iii^ ch. 16. CH. III.] FOR FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION. 167 bound to take care that the regular public services {XeiTovpytai) were correctly performed by the citizens: which inspection therefore fell within the department of the head managers of the tribes [eirtiMeXriral rcov v\(i)v), to whom this duty, as well as that of administering the funds of the tribes, is attributed by ancient writers". The superintendence and allotment of the trierarchy was divided between certain authorities, who will be pointed out in a subsequent part of this work, and the chief managers of the companies appointed for its direction, who in ancient times were doubtless the naucrari, and subsequently the managers of the Symmorise {eTnfjLeXrjral rwv av/Mfiopcwv) . For the extraordinary property tax {elopa), certain persons were nomi- nated, in order to determine the amount of the contributions, who, as well as the officers who fixed the rate of the tributes of the allies, were called i'irtypa(f)€i9 or hLaypa<^eis, and were probably ten in number; these officers also prosecuted those who were in arrear'\ Besides these authorities, the directors of the Sym- morise, from the time that this establishment was connected with the property taxes, must have had the chief management of the distribution. Certain persons were also employed as collectors**. Lastly, the demarchs must have been highly ser- viceable in all affairs connected with these taxes, as, before the institution of their office, were the naucrari, since they were able to aiFord the best information concerning the property of the inhabitants^\ We are indeed told that the demarchs collected pubhc money from the citizens*^ which might only mean that they enforced the claims which a borough in its corporate capa- city had upon its members or upon a tenant renting some of its property; it may however be safely allowed that they were employed for various debts and dues claimed by the state*'. ** See Sigon. de Rep. Athen. iv. 2. ^ Harpocrat. in vv. eTnypaffiels, 6ia- ypanixa ; Suidas in different places, in vv. €7riypav, are an in- accurate combination of two different offices. ^^ See Boeckh, Inscript. 150. ^^ As is proved by Inscript. 151 (Superscription), where the vacant space requires this number of names. ^^ Harpocr. in v. rafiiai, Photius, Suidas, Philemon Lex. Technol. (edited by Burney), and Lex. Seg. p. 306; Poll. viii. 97. CH. v.] AND OF THE OTHER GODS. 163 for them in some other manner". They received and transferred the treasures^ monies, and valuables, particularly the statue of Minerva, the statues of Victory, and all the other decorations, in the presence of the senate^^, like the apodectse; they received for the purpose of custody the fines which accrued to the god- dess; and they had, as is proved from Demosthenes, the power of cancelling a judicial sentence relating to them. Under their superintendence was placed all the precious furniture of the temple of Minerva upon the Acropolis, including, as we learn from the oration of Demosthenes against Timocrates", the tro- phies of the state {to, dpLo-reta rrjs TroXew?), Xerxes' silver- footed stool, the golden sabre of Mardonius, and an immense collection of valuable articles in the Parthenon and its interior cell, the catalogues of which are still extant in several inscrip- tions. The office was annual; at the expiration of each year the predecessors transferred to their successors all that had been originally delivered to them, and whatever had accrued since their instalment in the office; the duties of the treasurers of the other gods were similar, as their office was arranged on the very same principles as the former. Everything that has been hitherto mentioned as being under the care of the two boards of treasurers was sacred property (lepd). But to whom belonged the superintendence of the money preserved in the treasury upon the Acropolis, which was not considered as sacred property {oaca y^prjixara) ? According to a very probable account given in Suidas^% the public monies were kept by treasurers chosen by lot, who had the care of the statue of Minerva, alluding manifestly to the treasurers of the goddess. For all money which was brought into the treasury by virtue of a decree of the people (whither it was transmitted by the apodectee), was looked upon as dedicated to Minerva'% although it could not have been considered as her immediate property, and it was consequently placed under the care of the *^ See book iv. c. 5. °^ Upon this subject compare In- script. 76j $ 7j in reference to the trea- surers of the gods. "' P. 741. Cf. Sigon. R. A. iv. 3. '^ In V. Tafiiai in the first article. 5® According to Inscript. 76, § 2, erreibfj rfj ^Adrjvaia to. rptcr;^iXia Takaura du^vfiveyKTUi es noXitff a €yf/rj(f)iaTO. M 2 %6i TREASURERS OF THE GODDESS AND GODS. [bK. II. treasurers of the goddess ; the latter repaid it upon the authority of a decree of the people; thus, according to the Choiseul inscription, considerable sums were paid by them to the helle- notamiee and others, partly out of the treasures of Minerva Polias and of the goddess of Victory, and partly perhaps from the public treasure. The treasurers of the goddess were there- fore not merely treasurers of a temple in the more limited sense, but guardians also of the public treasure, and in this respect theirs was no unimportant office: occasionally, also, they are called treasurers simply {ra/jLiaiy^. Thus Androtion is called treasurer, without any addition^^, although he could have held no other office than that of treasurer of the goddess, for he had •under his care the golden crowns, sacred offerings, and orna- ments for processions belonging to Minerva in particular, and other things preserved in the temple of that goddess, which he obtained permission from the people to recast and alter. The idea that Androtion must have been elected by the cheirotonia of the people, as would be inferred from the account of Petit'% is only founded upon a mistake of Ulpian, which ought not to mislead any reader. It is scarcely necessary to remark, that the treasurers were bound to leave the money unemployed, and that it was a dishonest gain if they lent it out for their own profit; a fraud which, according to Ulpian, upon the oration against Timocrates, was once actually committed^". Chapter VL TTie Manager of the Public Revenue, or Treasurer of the Admi- nistration. Subordinate Collectors. Wholly different from these offices was the treasurer or manager of the public revenue {Ta/xLa^ or iTnjjLeXTjrr]^ r?}? Koivrj<: TTpoaoBov), the most important of all offices of finance, which was filled not by lot but by the cheirotonia of the people. *7 Cf. Ilarpocr. Suid. &c. ^« Demostli. c. Androt. p. 615, 17- ^9 Leg. Att. iii. 2, 33. ^^ From this Demosthenes nepl na- panpea-^eias, p. 435, 8, must probably be explained. CH. VI.J MANAGER OF THE PUBLIC REVENUE. 165 Aristides held this situation, to which he was elected by chei- rotonia®'; Lj^sias is expressly called in the decree, by which honours were conferred upon him after his death^^, treasurer of the public revenue {rafxlas T7]v kolvwv Trpoaodcov. ^'^ Decree iii. at the end of the Lives of the Ten Orators. •'^ In Lycurg. Petit (ut sup.) con- fuses this whole subject most igno- rantly. lie does not deserve refutation. ^^ Lives of the Ten Orators (from the third Decree), and thence Photius. ^^ Diod. xvi. 88, ficoSfica err] tcis rrpoaodovs rrjs noXecos 8ioiKrj(ras. ^^ Vit. Dec. Orat. p. 251, vol. vi. of the Tubingen Phitarcli. ^^ Arrian. Epict. iii. 25. Cyrill. 166 MANAGER OF THE PUBLIC REVENUE, OR [bK. U employed in matters of finance were undoubtedly of four years, particularly the assessment of the tributes, which is distinctly stated to have taken place every penteteris (every four years) : thence arose the duration of the office in question. There were also other offices at Athens which were held for four years, being regulated by the great Panathensea; but none, as far as I am aware, for five years. The periodical beginning of the office of treasurer probably fell in the year of the great Panathensea, in the third year of each Olympiad, about the commencement of the winter^®. However considerable the situation of chief manager of the public revenue may have been, his power in administering the finances was by no means unhmited, but like every other officer he was subject to the restraint of legal checks and of the will of the people; nor was this office by any means the exclusive source from which all financial measures proceeded; for every person who had the right of speaking in the assembly and the senate, every orator and demagogue, was at liberty to originate any measure^®; and perhaps there existed in early times sepa- rate officers, whose duty it was to procure the necessary reve- nues, and to attend solely to that point. The author of the Rhetorical Lexicon'^" declares, that the duties of the poristse [TTopLaTal) were of this nature, and Antiphon classes them with the poletae and the practores^^ It is upon the whole Hierosol. Catech. xii. 8, call a period of four years TerpaeTia. Concerning the question whether in the treasurer- ship of Lycurgus the periods were of four or five years, see also book ii. c. 19. ^^ See Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 157. ^® I remark incidentally that Gillies (Observations upon the History, Cus- to»is, and Character of the Greeks, p. 136 of the German translation,) sup- poses that the demagogues, Eucrates the wool-merchant, Lysicles the sheep- dealer, Ilyperbolus the lamp-m;iker, and Cleon tlie leather-seller, were trea- sirrers, which appears to be a false in- ference from Aristoph. Eq. 101 sqq. since whatever power they possessed, even were it extended to financial matters, was entirely derived from their character as demagogues. '" Lex. Seg. 294, 19. nopiarai- nopiarai elaiv (ipxv "'''■^ ^A6r]VT]mv, tJtls TTopovs i^rjTei' aizo tovtov yap Kcti npo' o-TjyopevOrjaav. '' Uepl Tov xopcvToVf p. 791, extr. Demosthenes (Philip, i.p. 49, 17) joins Tcbu )(pT]fxa.Ta)v rapiai Koi Tropiaraly but he uses the word in such a manner that it cannot be inferred that it was a public office in his time. CH. VI.] TREASURER OF THE ADMINISTRATION. 16/ extremely difficult to define the extent of the duties and authority of the manager of the public revenue. He was not Hke the apodectee^ an officer who only received money, which they immediately paid over, nor, like the treasurers upon the Acro- polis, was he merely a guardian of monies, which in the regular course of things were never re-issued. The example of Lycur- gus proves, that all the money which was received and dis- bursed passed through his hands; consequently, he was the general receiver and superintendent of the offices of payment, or general paymaster, who received all the money paid to the apodectae and appointed for fresh disbursements, and supplied the separate offices with the requisite sums; with the exception of the property-taxes, which were doubtless paid directly into the war-office, as war-supplies. The tributes originally formed an exception, since as long as they were independent of the finances of Athens, they remained under the management of the hellenotamiee, a separation which was perhaps retained until the abolition of those officers. The manager of the revenue defrayed all expenses that were necessary for the administration {Bt,0LK7]a-ij2 SUBORDINATE COLLECTORS OF [bK. II. Smaller payments of a domestic nature were probably made at once by the treasurer of the administration, without the ap- pointment of a particular board. Thus the charge for engraving the decrees was assigned to him''. This duty on one occasion fell upon the treasurer of the people {raiLia^ rov hrjfiov), by which the same office is meant, and it is particularly directed that the payments should be made out of the money set apart for the expenses of the decrees {ra e? ra '>\n)*« Inscript. 147, Cth Trytan.; In- script. 144, 3rd Prytan. 1st item, and 8th Prytan. 4th item. ^^"^ In the Life of Lycuigus, accord- ing to the correction of Sahnasius: for he is geneially called KaKaios. KAAAIOY and KAAAIOY only differ by a line. ^'^^ Orat. c. Neoer. p. 134G, 1347; Liban. Argum.Olynth. i.; cf. Demosth. Olynth. i. p. 14, 19, and Olyntli. iii. (e.g. p. 31); Ilarpocr. in v. ^fcopi/ca, and thence Siiidas and the Etymologist. Cf. Ruhnk. Hist. Crit. Orat. p. 146, viii. of Reiske's Orators. CH. VII.] AND FOR THE THEORICA. 181 well disposed: Demosthenes complained that the Athenians, though possessing large funds for war, squandered them away upon festivals: ApoUodorus was condemned to a fine of fifteen talents, for having proposed in Olymp. 106, 4 (b.c. 353), that the surplus money should be used for war, though for the time he attained his object'^^: and although even Eubulus in later times proposed that the theorica should be applied to the pur- poses of war'^''; and although according to Philochorus^^*, all the public money was at the instigation of Demosthenes, in Olymp. 110, 2 (b.c. 339), applied to the military service, it was frequently in the power of treacherous or inconsiderate dema- gogues to deduct very large sums from the war funds by pro- posing a donation of money to the people: of which unworthy conduct Demades furnished a most striking instance. Besides this, the extraordinary property-tax {€lo-** Dinarch. c. Demosth. p. G6, De- 184 FUNDS FOR THE THEORICA. [bK. II. nian people reseml)led a tyrant, and the funds of the theoricon were analogous to his private purse; if a tyrant desired to have, for the gratification of his own pleasures, a private purse which should never be empty, he would take care to invest the managers of it with great power, and would leave to the branches of the administration only just so much of the public revenue as should not interfere with the proper supply of the privy purse. This contrivance of the ochlocracy was abolished between Olymp. 110, 2 (b.c. 339), and 112, 3 (b.c. 330), by a decree proposed by Hegemon'^'. At what time the managers of the theoricon were the assessors of the poletse, is not mentioned; but it is not necessary to suppose that they only performed this duty in the time of their extended authority. For since the surplus money of the administration was in time of peace always set apart for the theoricon, and to the administration duties and taxes raised in Athens were regularly assigned, while confiscated property might appear to belong more peculiarly to the theoricon, it is possible that this regulation was made when the office of manager of the theorica was originally instituted. Chapter VIII. The Clerks and Checking-Clerks. System of Public Accounta- bility and Audit, From the multiplicity of the offices, it is evident that the quantity of writing to be perform.ed must have been conside- rable; the disbursements and receipts were to be entered, and particularly the respective purposes to which the monies were assigned ; these, together with the acknowledgments of pay- ment, were to be noted doTVTi ; and finally, the accounts were to be passed. All these duties came within the department of the >^* Petit Leg. Att. iii. 2, 3G. In Olymp. 110, 3, Demosthenes Avas both inspector of the building of the Avails, and manager of the theorica, but only accidentally at the same time, as I have already remaiked, Avithout the tAA'o offices being at that period necessarily united. CH. VIII.] THE CLERKS AND CHECKING-CLERKS. 185 secretary or clerk {ypafifjLaTev<;), Thus the treasurers of the sacred monies, and the Amphictyons of Delos had their clerk^*% and the same was also the case with subordinate or private cashiers, as has been already remarked of Antimachus, the pay- master of Timotheus. Citizens who were nominated to situa- tions of this kind, were commonly persons of small fortune. Public slaves {SrjfjLoacot) however, who had been educated at the cost of the state, were also employed, and were sometimes appointed for keeping accounts, of the generals for instance, and the paymasters in times of war^^^, some as checking- clerks {dvTLjpacpeU, contrarotulatores), as for example the clerks who checked the accounts of the treasurers of the sacred monies, and of the war-taxes, although Demosthenes thinks that each con- tributor ought to perform for himself the office of a comp- troller*'". A clerk in the employ of the state was never a slave; and although the clerk Nicomachus is called by Lysias'^^ a public slave {BTjfjLoo-io^;), this instance does not apply, for he was only an under-clerk, and not one of the principal clerks or secre- taries ; and the orator gives him that name in reference only to his father; for he himself had been entered in the register of the phratores, and consequently was a citizen. But the chief reason why the Athenians preferred the public slaves for comp- trolling the accounts, was, that they could be put to the torture, and torture was considered as the surest means of eliciting the truth'^°. Freemen could not be tortured upon the rack, nor yet resident aliens or foreigners, as Gillies asserts ; for it was prohibited by the decree of Scamandrius that any citizen should be put to the torture for the purpose of examination'"; and '« Inscript. 139, 141, 150, 158. ^^7 Demosth. de Cherson. p. 101, 14, and thence Philipp. iv. p. 137. Ulpian. ad Demosth. Olynth. ii. ^^^ Demosth. c. Androt. p. 615, 12 sqq. Lex. Seg. p. 197. 1^9 C. Nicom. p. 842, cf. p. 836, 837. ^*" Demosth. c. Aphob. -^evdofx. p. 846, 7, p. 848, 8, p. 856, 20. That more weight was given to the asser- tions of slaves upon the rack than to also shown by Hudtwalcker von den Di'dteten, p. 51. 1" Andocid. de Myst. p. 22. The torture of the concubine of Antiphon {KaTTjy. (papfi. p. 615), provided that she was a free woman, which is not cer- tain, must be considered as a punish- ment, and not as a means of exami- nation. Against the assertion made in the text, that freemen in Attica could not be put to the torture, may the sworn testimony of freemen, is ' be adduced a passage in Antip on (de 186 THE CLERKS AND CII ECKING-CLERKS. [bK. II. what Lysias says of Theodotus, a youth of Platsese, that he might have been put to the torture '*% must be the rather con- sidered as an exception, as the Platseans were citizens. Besides these subordinate checking-clerks, there were others of a superior class, who have sometimes been confounded with the secretaries or clerks. It is difficult to obtain a clear know- ledge of these officers at Athens ; in the mean time thus far is certain, that there were three public clerks, as we learn from Suidas'". Pollux^'* gives a more exact account ; one was chosen by lot by the senate in every prytanea, for the purpose of keep- ing the writings and decrees, and is the officer who prefixed his name to the decrees according to the form which was in use before the archonship of Euclid: of this secretary Aristotle had, according to Harpocration^^', treated at length : the second was elected by the senate by cheirotonia for the laws ; a third, elected by the people, was the public reader in the senate and the assembly. The first in an inscription of the time of the Emperors is called the clerk according to the prytanea {ypafi- fiarevs Kara Trpvraveiavy^^, where it is not so easy to perceive why he should be enumerated among the aeisiti, as one should rather have expected that he would only have had the privilege of being fed in the prytaneum for a single prytanea ; a fresh one was appointed in every prytanea, and the name of the clerk of the first pr^-tanea was added to the decrees before the archon- ship of Euclid, and was frequently made use of to designate the year'*^ Harpocration states that it was the duty of this Herod, caede, p. 729), in which it is I ^*^ ^iii. 98, ypafifiarevs, 6 Kara npv- stated that a freeman was tortured at raveiav icKijpcodeh imb rrjs ^ovXtjs inX Mytilene: but whether a Mytilensean ; ra [ra] ypafifxara (f)v\dTT€iv kol to, or a foreigner, whether according to j yj/TjcpicrfxaTay Koi erepos errl tovs vop-ovs the Lesbian or Athenian law, cannot be decided. "* ApoL c. Sunon. p. 153. What Reiske says upon this passage does not remove the difficulty. '^^ Suidas, KkrjpciiToX be {ypapfiarels) T}(Tav TOP apiBp.ov rpeis ypacfiovres ra drjuoaia. Ovdevos 8e rjaav Kvpioi aXX' ^ Tov ypd(f)€iu Koi dvayvwvai. The first word, KXr;pu)Tot, is false in this general sense. vTTo TTJs 0ovXrjs xapoTovovfievof. 'O de VTTO TOV brjpov alpedels ypapfxarevs dva- yivi. 25 ; Petit, iii. 2, 28; Barthe'lemy Me'm. de I'Acad. des Inscriptions, vol. XLviii. p. 345. The xmoypapip.arev5 occurs in the inscriptions already quoted; in that published by Spon the editor in- correctly reads HPOrPAMMATEYS. : ^^^ Antiph. de Choreut. p. 792; De- mosth. proTorona, p. 314, 7, xmoypap.- fxareveip Koi xmr)peTc1v rotv apxibiois, Lysias c. Nicom. p. 864, ter. ^^^ Harpocrat. in v. dvriypacfjevs' 6 Ka$i,crTdp.evos en\ riov Kora^aXkovTOiV Tivd TTj TTo'Xet ■)(^pr]jxaTa, cocrre dvriypd- (f)€a6ai TavTcu Aijfxoadevqs iv t(o kutu ^AudpoTicovos (a passage wliich is not to the point, as it relates to subor- dinate checking-clerks), koI AiV;^tj/7/s €V Ta Kara KTrjcrKpavTOs. AittuI de rjcrav dvTtypa(f)€7s, 6 fievTiis dioiKfjaecoSf as (pTjGi ^iXoxopos' 6 de ttjs ^ovXrjs, cos ' ApicrTOTeXT]s iv ^ K6rjvaia>v TToXireia, The whole passage is also in Suidas. 188 THE CLERKS AND CHECKING-CLERKS. [bK. II. aeisiti. According to PoUux*^^ he was in ancient times elected and afterwards chosen by lot : the checking-clerk of the senate is also mentioned by Suidas'", as well as by the Scholiast to Aristophanes'", who however confounds him wdth the clerk. According to Pollux his duty was to sit in the senate and exer- cise a general control ; a statement which may perhaps be true, but that the duty which Harpocration attributes to the check- ing-clerk, of comptrolling the receipts of the revenues, refers to this office, is evident, the taxes having been paid in presence of the senate. Lastly it is manifest that ^schines'^^ alludes to this officer, when he remarks that the state had a checking- clerk elected by cheirotonia, w^ho kept an account of the reve- nues for the people in each prytanea, until this situation was united with the office of the theoricon, by w^hich means the duties of the apodectge, and the checking of the accounts, were injudiciously placed in the same hands. Besides this checking- clerk for monies received, there was also a checking-clerk of the highest authority for disbursements, viz., the treasurer of the administration, who w^as called the checking-clerk of the admi- nistration {avTLrfpa(f>evs ttjs BioLKTjaecosj^^^ It is probable that all clerks and checking-clerks (and certainly the under-clerks) were prohibited from holding the same office twice'®% i. e., not for two successive years, and it was necessary that a new person should be appointed after the interval of a year. '«=* viii. 98. Cf. Lex. Seg. p. 190, 26. ^^* In V. ypafxfiarevs, where see Kiister's note. Compare also Lex. Seg. p. 185, IC. ^" Eq. 1253. The following is the whole of this corrupt passage: eVt Se drjfxov (6 ypaufxarevs) v7roypa(f)€vs eXe- y€TO. 6 8e Tov ^ovXevTijplov avriypa- (pevs. dT]p.ocriov 8e yevopeuov eypa(f)ov ufxcfiOTepoi TO. Xeyopeva. The latter words, which are entirely devoid of meaning, KUhn (ad Poll. viii. 98,) en- deavours to correct ; but his correction does not make any better sense. The v7roypacf)€vs may be the vnoypap-fxarevs of inscriptions. Petit also (ut sup.) remaiks the confusion between the clerk and checking-clerk in this pas- sage. ^«« Cont. Ctesiph. p. 417. Cf. Ulpian. ad Demosth. c. Androt. ut sup. ^^^ Philochorus ap. Harpocrat. ut sup. and thence Suidas and Pollux viii. 98, 99, according to the correct emendation of Valesius upon Harpo- cration. ^'"' This is evidently the meaning of the law in Lysias c. Nicom. p. 864 extr. v7roypafxp.aT€vaai ovk (^errrt, b\s TOV avTou TTJ dpxfi Trj uvttj, although the expression is somewhat singular; but from the context it appears to me that this is the only way in which it can be understood. CH. VIII.] THE CLERKS AND CHECKING-CLERKS. 189 The public accounts being in this manner kept by the clerks, and comptrolled by the checking- clerks, it was rendered possible to make the scrutiny which was regularly entered into at the expiration of every office. It is the essence of a demo- cracy that every public officer should be responsible. Among the distinguishing marks of a democratic authority, responsibi- lity is one of the most prominent ; while in the aristocratical and oligarchical states of antiquity, such as Sparta and Crete, the highest offices, those in which the aristocracy and oligarchy really existed, were subject to no responsibility. Hence the obligation of rendering accounts for official conduct prevailed to so great an extent at Athens : no person who had had any share in the government or administration was exempted from it; the senate of five hundred, even the Areopagus, at least after the loss of their great power, were bound to render an account : even the priests and priestesses were obliged to produce accounts for the gifts {yipa) ; so also whole families, such as the Eumolpidee and Cer^^ces, and even the trierarchs, although the latter furnished everything at their own expense ; no person who had not rendered his account could go abroad, consecrate his property to a god, or even dedicate a sacred offering; no one could make a will, or be adopted from one family into another; in short, the state had a lien upon the whole property of the individual until he had passed his scru- tiny^". In the same manner no honorary gift or reward (such for example as a crown) could be awarded to a person who had not passed his scrutiny^''*'. The dicasts alone were free from this obligation ^^^ The authorities whose business it was to pass and examine the accounts of public officers were, according to Aristotle' ^% called in the Greek states, in some places evOvvot, in others \o7tcrT«t, i^eraaTal, or o-vvrj"^ In the last chapter of the 6th book of the Politics. 190 SYSTEM OF PUBLIC ACCOUNTABILITY [bK. XL posed by some, that the logistse had authority in those cases only which concerned the administration of public money, while the euthuni acted in all other cases ; but all questions belonged indiscriminately to either authority. In the examinations of persons who either had or had not the management of money, the logistse, after the account had been rendered before them and the secretary (probably of the senate and the people), brought the cause into court, where they gave out by means of the crier that they were ready to hear any accusation'^'. The intimate connexion between the two offices is strikingly proved by a decree in Andocides, in which mention is made of those whose accounts were found unsatisfactory in the logisteria by the euthuni or the assessors, and affording ground for an indict- ment'^* : lastly, evOvva is often used in speaking of the logistae and XoyLo-fjLo^ in speaking of the euthuni ; and the Etymologist says'" that in his time those were called logistte who formerly had borne the name of euthuni. The distinction between them had been explained by Aristotle in the Constitution of Athens'^® ; but the grammarians do not give any precise infor- mation upon this point. According to Harpocration'", there were ten logistee, to whom every person gave an account of his proceedings within thirty days after the expiration of his office ; and the same number of euthuni, whose duties were precisely the same. All authorities agree in stating that the logistoe and euthuni were both ten in number'^". Pollux gives us an '73 ^schin. c. Ctesiph. p. 403 sqq. Demosth. pro Corona, p. 266, 9. '^'^ De Myst. p, 37, oaoiv evdvvai Tives elcri KaTeyvaxrfxevai iv rols Xoyi- (TTTjplois (see Lysias c. Polystr. p. 672,) vTTo rail/ evOvvcov ff rtov Tvapebpiov. The last words appear to be an interpre- tation which has crept into the text : but I do not venture to stiike them out, as assessors of the euthuni are mentioned. *7^ In V. €vdvvoi, from whom Pho- tius and Zonaras took ; in the latter of which grammarians read UXdroov No- '^'^ A p. Harpocrat. '7'' In V. Xoyiaral and €v6vvot, and thence Suidas and Photius in v. Xo- yiaToi and fvQvvoi^ also Lex. Seg. p. 245, 276. The person is called eu- Ovvos and €v6vvj]s, in the plural €v6v- voi and cudvvai, the proceeding is t) €v$vva, (see the law in Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 717,19, where however it is falsely accented cvdvpa), in the plural €v6vpai; likewise ^ evBvjnj, which the grammarians quote as tlie common form, but which is perhaps of later origin. '^^ Etymol. in v. evBvvoL, Pliotius, and Pollux viii. 45. From Pollux viii. 99 ; Petit iii. 2. 6, concludes that CH. VIII.] AND AUDIT. 191 important addition, viz., " that the senate chose the logistae by lot, in order to attend/' as he expresses himself, " upon the offi- cers of the administration,'' that is, to watch over their conduct; " but the euthuni were chosen in addition, Uke the assessors of the nine archons'^^'^ What constituted the difference of their duties can even in general be arrived at only by conjecture. The logistse were the chief persons, and to them the accounts were delivered, into the correctness of which they examined ; they also, as the calcu- lators of the state, superintended the payment of the public debts'^". But while the accounts were being examined {Xoyia-- yLto9 or \6y09), or even afterwards, if an accuser came forward there were two other logistae : but this passage refers, as has been al- ready observed, to the two checkiDg- clerks. *79 Pollux viii. 99, 100, where he Bays, 01 6e €v6vvoi, aanep ol TrapeSpoi Tols ivvia ap^ovcri, TrpocraipovvTat,. Comp. upon this point Petit ut sup. [The Author has since referred the first part of this passage from Pollux to the dvTiypa(f)€'is or checking- clerks, and adopted the statement of the grammarians, (Lex. Seg. p. 276, 17 ; Etym. Mag. p. 569, 31,) that the lo- gistae were appointed by lot, Rheinisches Museum, vol. i. p. 82. It is however singular that the author, as well as his antagonist, should have missed one of the most explicit passages on the sub- ject, viz., in a grammarian published by ^Mr. Dobree at the end of Photius, p. 672. AoyicTTai' Koi crvvrjyopor 'Apicr- TOTeXrjs iv ttj 'Adrjvaitov TToXtreta ovrco Xeyei' Xoytorai de alpovvrai bcKa, ivap oXs diaXoyi^ovrai naaai ai apxal fd re \rjnp.aTct Koi ras yeyevrjpevas dandvas' Koi (iWois (aXXoi) deKa crvvqyopoLS {(TVVTjyopoi), oItlvcs avvavaKplvovcn tov- TOts. Koi oi ras dOvvas didouTes rrapa TOVTOis dvaKpivovres 7rpa>T0V, eira icpiev- rai els TO diKao-Trjpiop ds eva Kal cf). This passage seems to show that the logistae wei-e not chosen by lot (alpovv- rai, not KkrjpovvTai), and it is also a strong negative proof of the identity of the logistae and euthuni. The o-vvrj- yopot are mentioned in another gram- marian quoted by the author in note 186, (TvvTjyopoi cipx^opTcs rjcrav AcXj;pa)rot, ot rots' Xoyicrrals e^orjdovv npos rag evOvvas Ta)U dp^dvrcou riva dp^qv. Here however it is stated that the (TvvTjyopoi were chosen by lot: perhaps in the former passage we should read KKrjpovvTai for alpovvrai. These avvfj' yopoi therefore seem to have been quite distinct from the public advo- cates (although the contrary is maintained by Schomann, de Comi- tiis, p. 108); they were probably the same as the ndpebpoi mentioned by Andocides and others. The public advocates are stated by Photius (in V. crvvrjyopol) to have been nomi- nated by election (xeiporovla). In the passage also from the Politics quoted in note 172, Aristotle mentions Xoyia-' rai, evdvvoi, and (rvvrjyopoi as syno- nymous terms. — Transl.] '^<' Inscript. 76, § 4, Xoyos and Xo- yiapos is the account, the evdvvrj or defence of the account was commonly connected with it, as e. g. in Inscript. 76, § 8; iEschin. c. Ctesiph. p. 397, 403, &c. 192 SYSTEM OF PUBLIC ACCOUNTABILITY [bK. II. (who was however obliged to appear within a certain time^^', i. e. within thirty days after the expiration of the office), ques- tions were put and answers required concerning the correctness of the statements {evOvva), a point which it would be difficult and tedious to explain: now it is for this, that the euthuni appear to have been appointed as assistants to the logistse, as may be inferred from their name. The euthuni or their asses- sors might decide that the account was unsatisfactory, that money had been embezzled, bribes received, &c.; when such was the case, the affair was brought before a court of justice, in the same manner as when a public accuser came forward' ^^. The i»i Pollux viii. 45. '82 In the arclionship of Alexias in 01}Tnp. 93, 4 (B.C. 405), by the decree of Patrocleides, the public debtors were remitted their debts up to the end of the preceding year (Olymp. 93, 3, in the archonship of Callias), and those who had been condemned to Atimia for non-payment were restored to their civil rights. By this law, par- don was at the same time extended to those o(T(ov evdvval rtves elcri KaTcyvcocr- fxevai ep Tois XoyicTTTjpiois vno rcov ev- Bvvcov Tj Ta>v TrapeBpciiv, rj fxrjTTco el(TT]y- fievac (Is TO 8iKaaTT)piov ypacfiai rives fieri TTfpi Ta)v evBvvcoVf with the addi- tion of the date els top uvtop tovtop Xpovov. For the explanation of this passage I subjoin the following re- marks. It was not only the public debts and Atimia that were remitted, to which the debtors had become sub- ject by a punishment wliich had been previously adjudged, but it was also enacted that the actions against public officers which were at that time insti- tuted on account of incorrect accoimts, should be disannulled, i. e. that the causes which had not been yet de- cided, but were still depending, should be quashed. These however were of two kinds. In the first place the eu- thuni or their assessors in the exami- nation of the accounts had decided that certain public officers were guilty. and had determined to institute pro- ceedings against them {evBvpai Karey- va>ap.evaL ip Tots\oyi(rTr]pLois\ although by these means, as a court of justice could alone pass sentence, no punish- ment had as yet been assigned : or an accuser had brought forward com- plaints with regard to the accounts of the public servants, who were under- going the scrutiny, but the accusations were still in the hands of the presi- dents of the courts of justice and not yet brought before the court itself {ypa(Pa\ nepl to)P evdvpcop prj-rrco ela-rjy- p-epai els to biKaaTrjpiop): both kinds of cases were to be put an end to. Among the fii'st class of cases those also were included which had not yet been brought before the court of jus- tice, which as being self-evident are therefore not mentioned ; but the former class is particularly noticed, because the persons who were com- prised in it had been condemned by the previous decision of a public office, and therefore seemed to be more inculpated than the others. It may be also asked why those persons are not mentioned whose causes subse- quent upon the decision of the eu- thuni had been brought before the court previously to the end of the pre- ceding year, but had not been decided. No cases however of this kind could liave existed, because when the cause CH. VIII.] AND AUDIT. 193 proceedings which belonged to this stage (which are even here called evOvvaLY''^ were instituted by the chief authority, the logistae; who conducted the actions, and composed the tribunal which gave judgment in the case'^*. In bringing on the action it is possible that the euthuni again assisted the chief antho- rity : and perhaps too, as Pollux asserts, they enforced the pay- ment of embezzled monies and fines, instead of the practores. Photius^'' alone states that each euthunus had two assessors, but he is supported by the words of Andocides. Lastly, the public advocates {o-vvrjyopoi) afforded assistance to the logist8e^"^ Any person who neglected to render his account could be prose- cuted by a particular action {BUtj dXoylovY^K From what has been said it is evident that there was no want at Athens of well-conceived and strict regulations; but what is the use of provident measures, where the spirit of the administration is bad? Men have at all times been unjust and covetous and unprincipled, and above all the Greeks distin- guished themselves for the uncontrolled gratification of their own desires, and their contempt for the happiness of others. had been once brought before court, the decision immediately ensued, with- out the defendant being able to delay it by objections or cross suits. '^3 Pollux ut sup. ^^* iEsch. c. Ctesiph. p. 395 sqq. and 408 ; Suidas in v. €v6vpt], Lex. Ehet. (Seg. p. 245, also Lex. Seg. p. 310, C); EtjTn. and Phot, in the passages quoted by Ruhnken ad Tim. p. 126. See Petit ut sup. '^^ EvBvvos' apxh V" '■^^' '^^ €Kd(TTr]S fie (jyvXiis eva KXrjpoixrt, tovtco be dvo TTapebpovs: in which passage the ev6vvoi are falsely represented as chosen by lot, which is only true of the logistae. Hesychius in v. €v6vvas only speaks incidentally of the assessors of the archons, the word €v3vpas occun-ing in a passage of Aristotle concerning the latter officers: no one should therefore be led into error by tliis article. '«« Lex. Seg. p. 301. '^7 Suidas, Hesychius, Etymol. in v. uXoylov StKT/, Pollux viii. 54. To ap- prove the accounts is called ras cvBvvas iuLo-qfiaiveaOai. Deraosth. pro Co- rona, p. 310, 21. 'Emar}p.aive(r6ac means to approve, eVaii/eti/ (cf. ^sch. TTfpl Trapanpea^. p. 230. Harpocrat. in V. €7naT]fiaiv€(rOai, and thence Suidas and Zonaras, p. 848, cf. p. 830, and the editor's note) because that which is signed and sealed is approved of by him to whom the decision belongs : however it may be possible that after the accounts had been found to be correct by the proper authorities, the testimony of their correctness was added in writing and confirmed by a seal, so that eTnarjfxaiveaBai ras evBvvas may signify the approval of them which was vouched by being sealed iu this manner. 194 SYSTEM OF PUBLIC ACCOUNTABILITY [bK. II. If any competent judge of moral actions will contemplate their character without prejudice, and unbiassed by their high intel- lectual endowments, he will find that their private life was unstable, and devoid of virtue; that their public life was a tissue of restless intrigues and evil passions ; and, what was the worst of all, that there existed to a far greater degree than in the Christian world, a want of moral principle, and a harshness and cruelty in the popular mind. The display of noble actions, it is true, has ceased, and will never re-appear with the same brilliancy; but the principles of the majority of mankind have been elevated, even if we allow that some distinguished indi- viduals in ancient times were as pure as the most exalted cha- racters of modern days; and in this general elevation consists the progress of mankind. When we consider then the principles of the Greeks, which are sufficiently seen from their historians and philosophers, it cannot be a matter of surprise that fraud used by public officers at Athens against the state, was of common occurrence : in the early times of the republic Aristides, the contemporary of The- mistocles, complained of it; it was even the common opinion that there existed a certain prescriptive right to the commission of this fraud, and a person who had scruples on the subject was censured for his too great strictness '^^ Every where we meet with instances of embezzlement of money by public officers; even the sacred property was not secure from sacri- legious hands. The Romans had at least a period in which fidelity and honesty were practised and esteemed: but among the Greeks these qualities will be sought for in vain. The former were bound by a solemn oath to administer without peculation the money entrusted to their care; "but if in Greece," says the faithful Polybius'^% "the state entrusts to any one only a talent, and if it has ten checking-clerks, and as many seals and twice as many witnesses, it cannot ensure his honesty." The officers of finance were therefore not unfre- quently condemned to death or to loss of property and imprir sonment; sometimes indeed unjustly, when money had acci- ^^^ Plutarch. Aristid. 4. i89 ^,j g^^ CH. VIII.] AND AUDIT. 195: dentally been lost'*^; but the logistse allowed themselves to be disgracefully bribed in order to enable the offender to evade the legal penalty^^'. Even the great Pericles does not appear to have been free from the charge of peculation, if at least the story is true which represents Alcibiades to have said, on hearing that Pericles was occupied in preparing his accounts for the people, that he would be better occupied in endeavouring to render none at air*^ The comic poets, who undermined the fame of every distinguished person, have also brought against him charges which are doubt- less exaggerated; for example, Aristophanes in the comedy of the Clouds misunderstands and ridicules an item in the account of Pericles which he had rendered in his capacity of general, although in this instance he was free from all blame. The truth is that he had charged 10 talents, without specifying the particular object to which they had been applied; but the charge was allowed by the people, as it was well known that they had been used for purposes of bribery, and that the names of those who had received them could not be mentioned with- out oiFending Pleistonax the king of Sparta, and the harmost Cleandrides'^^ There is however a very general tradition that Pericles was in great difficulties with his accounts. Before the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war, Phidias the sculptor was subjected, by means as, it appears, of a conspiracy, to an examination respecting some gold which he was accused of having embezzled' ^^; on that occasion Pericles extricated him- self and Phidias from the difficulty. But other attacks were made upon him for the purposes of annoyance; and at last when the Athenians were dissatisfied with his lavish expendi- '^^ Comp. e. g. Demosth. c. Timoth. p. 1187, 1197; c. Timocrat. p. 742 sqq. '3> ^schin. c. Timarch. p. 126. '^^ Plutarch. Alcib. 7; Diod. xii. 38. . '^3 Aristoph. Nub. 856, and the Scholiast, and thence Suidas in v. 8eoVy *E(^opoi, els deoVy els to 8€0V, Lex. Seg. p. 234. The Scholiast of Aristophanes says 20, Suidas in one j other things, place 15, in another 50 talents ; I have followed the statement of Plutarch (Pericl. 22, 23) which has greater pro- bability. ' ^* Plutarch. Pericl. 3 1 . This cause instituted against Pericles is alluded to by Plato Gorg. p. 516 A. where see Heindorf: the Scholiast of Aristo- phanes and Suidas confound this with o 2 196 SYSTEM OF PUBLIC ACCOUNTABILITY [bK. II. ture'®^, they required an account of his financial administration. The importance of this transaction is evident from the proceed- ings which were proposed for it: the account was to have been referred to the prytanes; and according to the decree of Dra- contides, the judges were to vote from the altar upon the Acro- polis, which was the most solemn method of deciding. This last ceremony was dispensed with by the interference of Hag- non, and it was directed that fifteen hundred judges should sit in judgment upon this case, in which it was uncertain whether there had been peculation or some other ofFence^^^ In order to put an end to this contest, in which he was in danger of falling a sacrifice both to party rage and his own dishonesty, Pericles is said to have engaged his country in a war^®^; a severe accusa- tion, which however will be in some degree diminished, if it is considered that several causes contributed, and that this selfish motive might only have added strength to other inducements. I am the less inclined wholly to acquit Pericles of this charge, because Aspasia is also said to have contributed to the under- taking of the Samian war. In order that the accounts rendered by persons who had filled public offices should have the greatest possible publicity, and that it should be in the power of every one to bring for- ward accusations, these accounts were, like the decrees, engraved on stone and exposed in public. Thus Lycurgus set up the account of his administration before the wrestling-school which he had built a short time previously'®^; a fragment of a similar account of the treasurer of the administration and manager of the public revenue, and probably of this very one made by Lycurgus, has been preserved to our days^. In like manner the treasurers of the goddess and of the other gods were obliged to have an account of what they had received, disbursed, and '" Plutarch. Pericl. 14. '^« Plutarch, ibid. 32. '»7 Pint. ibid. 31, 32 : Diod. xii. 38 war, and Pleyne (Antiquarische Auf- satze, i. p. 188 sq.) who lias well exa- mined the question. Concerning the sqq.; Aristoph. Pac.604 sqq. andSchol. ' Samian war see Plutarch. Pericl. 25. Concerning the difficulties in arranging i '®'' Life of Lycurgus at the end, in the date see Dodwell Annal. Thucyd. } the Lives of the Ten Orators, in the sixth year of the Peloponnesian » Inscript. 157. en. VIII.] AND AUDIT. 197 delivered to their successors, engraved upon stone and set up in the AcropoHs'^^: Chandler has published three inscriptions of this kind, and saw still more in the Parthenon""", and some have been brought to England by Lord Elgin. Several docu- ments of this description, some money-accounts, some lists of treasures belonging to temples, delivered over to other trea- surers, which were accurately weighed, have come down to our days; among which may be mentioned the remarkable account given by the Amphictyons of Delos, of their revenues, ex- penses, and outstanding debts. Lastly, we know that the poletse also fixed up lists of confiscated property {BrjjjLtoTrpara), (whether before or after the sale is uncertain,) upon tablets of stone, some in the Acropolis, some at Eleusis^"', and doubtless also in other places; and probably a fragment of an inscription now extant was a part of a document of this nature^. Monuments of this kind are necessarily destroyed by length of time; but it is much to be lamented that we should not be possessed of those which had been collected by Greek antiqua- rians. The Attic epigrams of Philochorus w^ere probably only j^oetical inscriptions; but the traveller Polemon, who from his fondness for inscriptions had acquired the surname of Stelocopas {arrjXoKOTras), wrote four books on the sacred offerings upon '9« Inscript. 76, § 7, 8. ^°° Chandl. Syllab. p. 17, of his In- script. Antiq. besides those which 1 have published. The inedited inscrip- tions occur in Lord Elgin's collection, as stated by Visconti in his Me'moire, No. 36, upon two sides of a stone, upon one side of which there are forty, on the other more than fifty lines, of the writing before Euclid. The authori- ties are the treasurers of sacred money (^raniai Ta>v Upav ■)(^prjiiaraiv), the articles enumerated partly weighed, partly unweighed {aarad^xoi). The first line contains the words ex Hava- QTjvaidiv €S Uavadrjvaia : which is to be explained from what is said in the text. No. 37, also a fragment, written in the ancient manner, upon both sides of the stone, each of Avhich contains more than forty lines. The first side begins with eBldocrav top \6yov, the other with H H H H A A. This inscription is evidently allied to Nos. 109 and 141 ed. Boeckh. No. 38, another fragment of the same description in the ancient manner of writing, written in the same way. No. 46, a fragment of the same kind as the two inscriptions just men- tioned, but very imperfect : there are forty-five lines remaining. No. 50, a later inscription which contains a cata- logue of treasures belonging to a tem- ple of great length. Concerning these inscriptions see also The Earl of Elgin's Pursuits in Greece^ p. 17, 18. *'»' Casaub. ad Athen. xi. p. 476 E. Hemsterh. ad Poll. x. 96. ^ Boeckh. Coip. Inscript. No. 161. 198 SYSTEM OF PUBLIC ACCOUNTABILITY, [bK. II. the Acropolis"*, as well as copiously upon other inscriptions, and collected decrees'"' Engraved upon stone, particularly at Athens; a collection of decrees, most of them doubtless taken from inscriptions, was given to the world by Craterus*"*. Another collection of the registers of the demioprata was like- wise extant, and is frequently quoted by Pollux in the tenth book"*, and once by Athenseus; from this source the former writer drew his information respecting the confiscated property of Alcibiades"'; and in this collection of the demioprata there were also accounts of the treasurers of the Acropolis concerning the cession of the sacred treasures, probably from the work of Polemon; among others one which by chance has come down 2"^ Athen. vi. 234 D, and Casaubon's note. ^^^ An example occurs in Athen. vi. p. 234 E. From him also the inscrip- tion in the Anaceum (p. 235 B) is no doubt taken. ^* Plutarch. Cim. 13. From some such collection the decrees which occur in the Lives of the Ten Orators are borrowed. ''^^ The tables of the goods sold or confiscated by the state {to. dTjfjuoTrpaTo), which were affixed in different places, contained various articles of household furniture, and are therefore often cited by Pollux in his lOtli book, in which he treats of utensils ; he himself had not seen them, but followed a "vvritten collection. Thus he mentions iv^oxKia a-ih-qpa, where the v before /x betrays the inscription (23); also 6vpa bid- npia-Tos and 6upai avvdpopd^es C24) ; from the confiscated property of Alci- biades -x^apfCvq napaKoXXos Koi kXivtj iip.(t)iKve(f)a\os (36); furthermore, Kve- 6ppt.a (169), napcoXevides (171 Jj KXipaKtou (182), K€pap,os ^Attlkos and K€pap.6s KopivOios (182). These examples suffi- ciently prove the similarity of the j inscriptions which were included in the collection of the Demioprata, with Inscript. No. 161, ed. Boeckh. ; al- though it is not to be denied that lists of offerings and temple utensils were also included in it. It may be ob- served that Pollux doubtless cited many words from the Demioprata in his 10th book, without mentioning his authority; at least many words occur in the inscription just quoted which are also to be found in Pollux. ^"^ Pollux X. 36. CH. IX.] PUBLIC REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE. 199 to our time and is now in England'^^ Probably the list of the sacred offerings upon the Acropolis quoted by Pollux*°% was set up during the archonship of Alcibiades, that is, a memorial of the treasurer's accounts^ of whom he was the first, borrowed from these demioprata. Chapter IX. How far a regular comparison of the Public Revenue and Expen- diture was instituted. On the Heads of Expenditure, But however essential the settlement of accounts may be to a regular administration of finance, it is not of itself sufficient. The first requisite is a correct estimate of the revenue and expenditure, in order that the former may be sufficient to meet the latter. It can hardly be said that this estimate was made regularly in any Grecian state; at the same time they must have been able from experience and a comparison of the public accounts, to form a tolerable judgment as to the amount of the regular income and expenditure, and how far the former was or was not sufficient, and the latter necessary or superfluous. Aristotle says*''^ '^ Whoever wishes to deliberate upon matters of finance must be acquainted with the revenues of the state. ^7 See the remark on 1. 37 of No. loljin Corp. Inscript. Gr. vol. i. p. 242. ^^^ 'Avaypas, from p. 174, 17, to p. 175, 12. CH. XI.] THE POLICE. 207 as a secret police to exist as a separate establishment in a democracy: but a strict and vigilant inspection was produced by the privilege which the citizens possessed of coming forward as accusers in all things which affected the public interest, though this right was not exercised without malignity, envy, and calumny. There existed a system of watching and espionage, which was not less oppressive and formidable than the worst institutions of modern despots; although it had the double advantage over these, that no person could be con- demned without a public trial, and that it cost the state nothing. The only kind of police which existed as a distinct institu- tion in ancient times, was that to which was entrusted the per- formance of certain needful services, such as the street-police, which was in the charge of the astynomi, together with that of the market and traders, which latter did not cause any expense: and finally, some institution must have been indispensable as well in respect to the aliens, as to the maintenance of order and security in the city, particularly in the public assembly. In all the Grecian states, notwithstanding their hospitality, foreigners were considered as enemies, and for that reason they were at Athens under the jurisdiction of the archon polemarchus, as at Rome under that of the praetor peregrinus : it is not improbable that the foreign police as well as some establishment for grant- ing passports was under his direction, of which a slight indica- tion occurs in a passage of Aristophanes^*". For the mainte- nance of security and order there was a city-guard composed of public slaves {hrj/xoo-LOLy*^: these persons, although they were of low rank, enjoyed a certain consideration, as the state em- ployed them in the capacity of baihfFs. Such public slaves were sometimes also appointed for the trade-police^"^; and sub- ordinate places, such as heralds and checking-clerks, together with other offices in the assembly and courts of justice, were filled by persons of the same description. The public slaves **» Av. 1209, and Schol. ad 1214. The name is cr^payif, cru/x/SoXoi/. ^*^ Concerning these see Hai'pocrat. Suid. Etym. Pollux ix. 10, and Hera- sterhuis' note, also Maussac ad Harpo- ci-at. in V. brj^xoaios, Lex. Seg. p. 234. *^^ Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. 123, § 5 sqq. 208 THE SCYTHIAN BOWMEN. [bK. II. who composed the city-guard must be looked upon as a body- guard of the Athenian people; which thus resembled Poly- crates the t}Tant of Samos, who kept 1000 bowmen about his own person*". They are generally called bowmen (rofoTat), or from the native country of the majority, Scythians, also Speu- sinians; they lived under tents in the market-place, and after- wards upon the Areopagus***. Among their number there were also many thracians and other barbarians. Their officers had the name of Toxarchs {ro^apxoiY^^ Their number increased progressively: in the first instance 300 were purchased soon after the battle of Salamis^*^; subsequently it rose, according to the Scholiast to the Acharneans of Aristophanes and Suidas, to 1000, according to Andocides and ^schines, to 1200**^ It is evident that these troops might, if necessary, be used in the 2^3 Herod, iii. 39, 45. ^^■^ Pollux viii. 132, and his com- mentators, Aristoph. Lysistrat. 437; Acham. 54; Schneider ad Xenoph. :Mem. Socrat. iii. G; Lex. Seg. p. 234; Photius in To^orai. ^*^ Corp. Inscript. No. 80. 2^® iEsch. nepl Tvapanpea^. p. 335. 2^' iEschin. ut sup. p. 336, x'^'oi^s" 5e Kal diaKoaiovs imreas KareaTTjO-apev Kol To^oras €T(povs TocrovTovs. Hiero- nymus Wolf asks whether 300 or 600 are meant, as he makes irepovs roaov- Tovs refer to the 300 mentioned in p. 335, which were first bought: it is clear to me that erepot roaovToi used in this manner can only refer to the number which immediately precedes, and therefore in this place only to ;j(iXiovs Kal diaKocrlovs, and that here the whole number of the bowmen is meant, including those that were first bought, most of whom might besides have died and their vacancies been filled up. It is undeniably true as Hier. Wolf observes, and as Viger has said after him, that once as mayiy is often said, when the preceding num- ber is reckoned, and tlie same number is added. But unquestionably, taken in its original and strict sense, it means ! jvLst as many, as ef^os roiovroSf another ! person of the same kind, as in ^sch. c. Ctesiph. p. 488, ck niKonovvrjaov fiev TrXeiovas rj 5tcr;(tXtou? onXiTas, e£ 'A/fap- 1 vavias de irepovs toctovtovs . That , this is the force of it in the present '. passage is shown more particularly by Andocides de Pace, p. 93, x'-^'-^^^ ''^ Kal diaKOcriovs Imreas, Kal To^oras roaov- Tovs erepovs KaT€(TTr}o-ap.€v, where the preceding number fixes the meaning of TOCTOVTOVS. This also agrees the best with Suidas and the Scholiast. There were 1200 horsemen at Athens, but Xenophon only speaks of 1000. The same account is given by Suidas and the Scholiast in reference to ^schines. The only thing that can be remarkable is the word erepovs, since bowmen were not cavalry ; this however is e\ndently according to tlie same idiom, by which Xenophon says, Tovi oTrKiTas Kai tovs (iKkovs vmreas. Moreover the rest of the narration shows that the author is not speaking here of bo>vmen in general but of the slaves, since the first .300 are distinctly said to have been bought. en. XI.] THE SCYTHIAN BOWMEN. 209 field, although the Athenians had also free bowmen, of whom I shall presently speak. The expense which this regiment occasioned may be nearly ascertained. As it was necessary for them to be strong, able- bodied men, upon whom dependence could be placed, the purchase-money cannot be fixed at less than 3 or 4 minas apiece: and as the whole number would have required renewal about every 30 or 40 years, exclusively of any increased number of casualties which might have been produced by war, 30 at least must have been purchased annually, which would have caused an expense of from 1^ to 2 talents. Their pay doubtless amounted to 3 oboli a day^^% making altogether about 36 talents a year. Chapter XII. Celebration of Festivals and Sacrifices, The celebration of festivals produced in the early times of the Athenian republic, a profuseness of expenditure in no way inferior to that of the courts of luxurious princes : this republi- can system however possessed several advantages over the latter sort of useless expenditure. For, in the first place, all the citizens partook in these solemnities, and not a select few; in the second place, they were founded upon the duties of religion; and again, the public games or contests, which had a powerful influence in forming the national mind, awakened and improved the taste and spirit of the people. To expend large sums of money on the fine arts, which appeared in the highest perfec- tion at the sacred festivals, upon costly but lasting ornaments for the temples, upon choruses and musical entertainments, and upon a theatre, which was so perfect that it excelled equally in tragedy and comedy, were considered as acts of a liberal and noble mind. And while the Athenians were led by their reli- gious obligations to these costly practices, the Spartans were satisfied to manifest their piety by offering small sacrifices to From the traces in Inscript. No. 80. 210 CELEBRATION OF FESTIVALS [bK. II. the gods. That the person who provides the sacrificial feast should receive a share of the offering, appears both natural and reasonable; but when the principal revenues of the state were wasted upon public banquets, and the sacrifices were maintained at the public expense, not so much for the purposes of religion, as for the support of the poor^*% the policy of the Athenians was alike unjust and inexpedient, inasmuch as the continuance of it without oppressing the allies was impossible, and the state, being deprived of the means of self-defence in a most frivolous and unpardonable manner, was led on to certain destruction. The Athenians not only had twice as many festivals as other Grecian states**", but everything was considered secondary to them. "The Panathensea, the Dionysia,^^ says Demosthenes**', " are always celebrated at the proper time, festivals on which you expend more money than on any naval enterprise, and for which you make such preparations as were never heard of else- where; but when you send out a fleet it always arrives too late.^^ Even Plutarch, by nature of an admiring and laudatory turn of mind, w^ho with his beautiful style and amiable dis- position has misled the understandings of many readers by engaging their feelings, in his Essay upon the Glory of Athens"*, perceives this weak point. For after having enume- rated the various splendour of the tragedies, he thus proceeds. " Gazing upon this the Lacedaemonian justly remarked that the Athenians erred greatly in making serious matter of trifles, that is, in expending upon the theatre sums sufficient for the equip- ment of large fleets, and for the maintenance of great armies. For if it were calculated what sum each play cost the Athe- nians, it would be found that they had spent more treasure upon Bacchses, and Phoenissses, and CEdipusses, and Anti- gones, and the woes of Medea and Electra, than upon wars undertaken for empire and for freedom against the Barbarians. ^^ With the exception of the theoricon, the most considerable expenses of the festivals were those for sacrifices, plays, and processions. In many festivals all these three were combined. 2*« Cf. Xenopli. de Rep. Ath. 2, 9. I "' Philipp. i. p. 50, 3. "■^^ Xenoph. ibid. 3, 8. I ^" Cap. fi. en. X ••] AND SACRIFICES. 811 as, for instance, at the great Dionysia^ and such festivals must therefore have been extremely expensive"". The sacrifices were of very different kinds ; a number of small offerings, con- sisting either of young pigs, sheep, cocks, &c., or of cakes, and fruits, were sacrificed to some god or object of worship: of this description were the sacrifices performed before every public assembly and every sitting of the senate and the courts of jus- tice; and, in the second place, more expensive sacrifices, which had been in use from early times. The ancient and most sacred offerings were called paternal sacrifices {irdrptoi, Ovaiat), and were opposed to those which were made at the more recent, or, as they were called, the additional festivals {eiriOeTov eoprat). In the bad times which ensued, the former were at most but sparingly solemnized, or were sometimes entirely discontinued: at the celebration of the latter great banquets were given, for which perhaps three hundred oxen were slaughtered at the public cost, and the paternal sacrifices were paid for out of the rents of the sacred estates, or rather they were furnished by a contractor for a certain sum, who was indemnified out of these rents"^ It is easy to judge of the immense number of these great sacrifices, from the fact, that the money received for skins 253 ^jj account of the costliness of j the Dionysia, especially on account of the sacrifices, is given in the second book of Pseud-Aristot. CEcon. sec. G, where it has been thought that Athens was meant. It is however by no means certain that it relates to that town, as may be seen from Schneider's note. It seems to me most probable that it should be referred to Antissa, as the man is called 'Ai/ncro-aios, who is mentioned as the originator of the proposal there cited. ^^* Isocrat. Areopag. 11. Oi»S' 6i TTore ^€V do^eiep avrois, rpiaKocriovs ^ovs eirefXTTOv' oTTore be rvxoiev, ras narpiovs Ovalai e^eXinoV ov8e ras pev eniderovs eopras (cf. Harpocrat. in h. v.), ais etrriacrls ris Trpocreir], p.(ya\o- Trpencos rjyoVy iv fie rots' ayicoTarois Tav UpSiv ano fJLi(T6(0fxdTa)v fSvov. That OTTO piaOcopcLTCiv mcaus eK Tcov repevt- Kcov TTpoaodcoVf we learn from Harpo- cration in this phi-ase. That the sacrifices were let to contractors is shewn by the last words of this article : ov yap kut fixre^eiav Z6vov to. lepe^a, dWa piadovpevoi, and more dis- tinctly in Lex. Seg. p. 207, of which I only transcribe the end : cSos yap ^v Tois ^ovXopevois pia-6ova6ai ras OvalaSt Ka\ reXoy rjv Toiv Bvcriatv TVOiXovpevov rai jBovXopeva: an incorrect expression, for how could it be called a WXof, when a contractor undertook any thing at the expense of the state ? Concern- ing the neglect of the Trdrpioi Bvcriai^ see also Lysias c. Nicomach. in the passage quoted below, and concerning the public banquets in the temples Petit i. 2, 1. P 2 212 CELEBRATION OF FESTIVALS [bk. II. (hepixaTLKov) in Olymp. 111.3 (b.c. 334), amounted to 5148f drachmas for only seven months^. Thus live hundred young kids were sacrificed to Diana Agrotera alone at the festival for the battle of Marathon"*: but the frequent sacrifices of oxen were particularly designed to allure the people, on which account Demosthenes"^ connects this donation of oxen with the theoricon. A hecatomb alone cost upon an average a talent"^; and many other expenses were necessarily connected with these solemnities. The law of Solon upon the sacred tablets [Kuppei^] had fixed the amount of the sacrifices and of other solemnities; a single one was rated at 3 talents. But this in the age of Lysias appeared very inconsiderable: a secretary named Nicomachus, who was employed to transcribe the laws, fixed it upon his own authority at 9 talents, and moreover at a moment when the state had from poverty suflfered the walls and docks to fall out of repair, and was unable to pay 3 talents to the Boeotians, as an indemnity for the reprisals made against them: by which means the state lost 12 talents in two years, and was incapable of performing the paternal sacri- fices^*^. Demosthenes, when he was manager of the theoricon, contributed 100 minas to the sacrifices, which he paid out of that fund^*^; a proof that, though for the most part well filled, it did not satisfy the people. Besides the sacrifices furnished by the state {BrjfiOTeXrj lepa), there were many others provided by particular corporations and societies, such, for instance, as those furnished by the demi (hrjiioTLKa lepa) and by the societies of orgeones {opyeco- rt/tfa)""; not to mention the feasting of the tribes, of which I •= See Boeckh.Corp.Inscript. No. 157. '■^" See the passages in my Preface to the Catalogue of the Lectures in tlie University of Berlin, Summer, 1816, p. 4. "« Olynth. p. 37, 6. These were presents from the public coflfei-s. Those referred to in the second Prytaneia of Inscript. No. 147. are quite dif- ferent. "7 Book i. ch. 14. 2-^ Lysias c. Nicomach. p. 850 — SCO, which passage has not been entirely understood by the commentators. ^^^ Decret. ap. Demosth. de Coron. p. 266, 23. Lives of the Ten Orators, p. 263, where the words dircdcoKe Se Kal 6eo)po7s (a singular expression) fxvpias refer to this circumstance. ^^^ Lex. Seg. p. 240;. Hesychius and Harpocration in v. dTjfioreXTJ lepa. Some of these expressions occurred in the Laws of Solon, as e. g. the drfp-orfXij lepii. See yEsch. c. Timarch. p. 47, CH. XII.] AND SACRIFICES. 213 will speak in a subsequent part of this work*. The entertain- ments at the festivals were either musical or gymnastic, both being attended with considerable expense. The choruses, both in and out of the plays, their teaching, maintenance, and dresses, the cost of the musicians and actors, together with the decora- tions, machinery, and dresses, and in the gymnastic games, the maintenance of the combatants of all kinds, and the preparation of everything which belonged to their exercises and contests, required a considerable outlay of money : and although this was in part provided by direct Liturgies, the Choregia and Gymna- siarchy, it all came at last from the same source ; and it makes no essential difference whether the state raised the money and gave entertainments for it, or whether private individuals pro- vided the games instead of paying the money in the shape of a tax. To these must be added the prizes awarded to the success- ful competitor, of which some had no great value, while others were costly, and were given either in money (in the ayoyves apyvptrai), crowns, or tripods, which either the state or who- ever defrayed the costs of the festival provided, or the conqueror himself furnished at his own expense"'. There occurs in an inscription^^^ a golden crown of victory weighing 85 drachmas, which must at the least have cost 1000 or 1200 drachmas of silver. At the games of Neptune in the Pireeus, the first Cyclic chorus that gained the victory, received, according to a regula- tion of Lycurgus, at the lowest a reward of 10 minas, the second p. 176, c. Ctesiph. p. 566. These words also occur in the speech against Nesera (p. 1374, 2, p. 1374, 4,) in the Formula elcrievai els to. drj/jLoriKT] iepa, which induced Reiske, in the Index to De- mosthenes, and Buttmann ad Mid. p. 125, to think that the temple was meant : but elauvai els to. lepa evi- dently refers in particular to the ad- mission to the sacrifices, although it also includes permission to enter the temples in which the sacrifices were held. To these passages all the inter- pretations of the grammarians refer, and pcrliups to the words of the Dodo- na'an oracle excellently emended by Buttmann ad Demosth. c. !Mid. p. 531, 24. Buttmann also quotes from Pol- lux the ^TjfxoTeXels ioprai, from which these sacrifices were bought. Thyatir. Inscript. in Spon's Travels, vol. iii. parti, p. 110, Tas drjfioTeXus Ovaias Koi iopras dcjiOovcos Koi dwTrepKpiTcos eTTiTeXeo-avra. Thucydides (ii. 15,) has iopTTjv S77/iorfX^, Dio Cassius (xLiii. 25,) and Herodotus (vi. 57,) OvcriTjv dT]p.0T€Xrj. ^ B. iii. ch. 23. '^^'- Lysias pro Aristoph. bonis, and Inscript. 158, § 5. ^'^^ No. 150, § 15. 214 CELEBRATION OF FESTIVALS [bK. II. 8, and the third 6'"'; and even Solon granted to the Athe- nians who gained the prize in foreign sacred games, (^. e, in the four great contests,) rewards of a certain sum of money, which for that age were not inconsiderable, to the conqueror at the Olympic contests 500 drachmas, at the Isthmian 100, and to the others in proportion"\ Lastly, something may be said upon the splendour of the Athenian irofxirai, or sacred processions. These indeed yielded in nothing to the theatrical representations: no expense was spared for them, and even the cavalry was partly maintained in time of peace for their sake. Another expense connected , with this subject were the public burials {Srj/jLoatac racfyal)^ which indeed only occurred in time of war. Again, the greater and less theorias, or sacred embassies, were of frequent occur- rence, which were sent, after each of the four great Grecian games, to Delos and to other sacred places, for the purposes of festivals, and united in themselves sacrifices and processions. One part of the expense was borne by the architheorus as a liturgy, another part by the state : thus the Delphian theori, according to an ancient law, received money for their journey and all their other expenses ; and thus Aristophanes mentions the wages of a theorus to Paros of so small an amount as 2 oboli*"; thus also the Delian architheorus received a talent from the public purse*^^ The theori were obliged to appear "with a splendour and dignity suitable to the character of their nation ; they themselves, wearing splendid crowns, drove into the city upon crowned chariots, which were often expensively painted, gilt, and hung with carpets^^^ When Nicias went as architheorus to Delos, he built a bridge from Rhenea to Delos, for his entry, 4 stadia in length*^^ The passage of the theori •^3 Lives of the Ten Orators, p. 252. at all suit the context; in the latter ^* Petit Leg. Att. i. 1, 29, 30. ^' Concerning the former see An- drotion ap. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 1545 case a soldier would have been called in joke a theonis, which is very im- probable. (comp. above book ii. ch. G); concern- ^^^ Inscript. l5o, § 5. ing the latter see Aristoph. Vesp. ^"^ Hesych. in v. decopiKos and his 1183, where neither the entrance- money into the theatre, nor the pay of the soldiers, can be meant, as the Scholiast tliinks. The first does not commentators, and Plutarch. Nic. 3. 268 i>i^tarch. ut sup. See Taylor ad Marm. Sandw. p. 18. CH. XII.] AND SACRIFICES. 215 and choruses from Athens to Delos, cost on a later occasion 7000 drachmas^^^^ and the quadriennial Delian festival, which was celebrated entirely at the expense of this theoria, cost, according to the accounts now extant, inclusively of this latter expense, but with the exclusion of many other items which have been lost, 4 talents 43 drachmas, although they were not paid out of the funds of the state, but from those of the temple of Delos. From all that has been said, it is easy to conceive that the state expended much money upon the celebration of fes- tivals ; and at times it even became necessary to resort to the public treasure for money to defray those expenses. Thus in Olymp. 92, 3, 5 talents and 1000 drachmas were paid out of the treasure for the athlothetae, at the celebration of the great Panathensea, and 5114 drachmas to the sacrificers for the heca- tomb, and an Olympiad earlier the athlothetse received at the same festival 255 Cyzicenic staters (7140 drachmas)^'"*. A large part of the other payments in Olymp. 92, 3 (410 B.C.), appear, according to an account of the money disbursed from the public treasure, of which the destination is not specified, to have been also for festivals*^^ For the administration and superintendence of all religious solemnities certain unpaid authorities were appointed, who ranked among the principal public officers. Of this description are the managers of the mysteries, and of the Dionysia (eVt/i-e- \7)Tal Tcov /jLvo-rrjplcov, rcov Alovvctlcov) : to particular archons certain sacrifices also belonged^'^, as well as to the generals*'^, together with the collectors of the people (avWoyets tov ByfjLovY^*, and all sacred rites at Delos were managed by the amphictyons ; but the most numerous officers were the yearly and monthly sacrificers, the former of whom were ten in num- ber ; and again there were sacrificers for the revered goddesses 2f« Inscnpt. 158, § 5. 270 Inscript. 147, 2d Pry tan. In- scnpt. 144; Pryt. 3, Item 3. ^7' Barth^lemy Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscriptions, torn. xLviii. p. 378, calcu- lates the money supplied out of the public treasure for the festivals, as given in the Choiseul Inscription, upon perfectly false suppositions ; for which reason I have made no use of his com- putation. (Ibid. No. 147.) 272 Sigon. R. A. iv. 7. 2?=* Inscript. 157, § 2, 3. 2'^ Inscript. 157, § 2. 216 FESTIVALS AND SACRIFICES. [bk. II, or the Eumenides {lepoirotol Kar iviavTov, iiri/JL'qvtoL, lepoiroioi ral^ crefivals OealsiY'^, For the games there were tlie athlo- thetae, who had the particular care of the great Panathensea (though probably with the exception of the sacrifices) *'% as also the agonothetae, ^c. Lastly^ the /Socovac, or purchasers of oxen^ were considered among the highest officers ; Demosthenes ranks them with the sacrificers, and Libanius with the sitonee, gene- rals, and ambassadors: they were elected by the public assembly, and provided the cattle and animals which were slaughtered at the sacrifices and feasts*''; a proof how important to the people these institutions were, which suited equally their appetite and their principles of religion, and by which we are forcibly reminded of the roast beef of old England. Chapter XIII. Donations to the People. The public donations, or distributions among the people (htavo- fial, ^taS6aeL9), were of frequent occurrence. To these belong the distributions of corn, which have been mentioned before"% *'' Hesychius in v. iepoTroioi, and his commentators, ■who quote Photius and other grammarians, Pollux, viii. 107, and his commentators. Lex. Seg. p.265,they also occur particularly often in Inscript. 157, i. P- 250. See also Bai-thelemy ut sup. p. 342. The iepo- Troioi Tcov aep-vav Oeatv^ quoted by Photius, are taken from Demosth. in :Mid. p. 652, 6. Whether they, as Creuzer represents them (SjTnbolik, vol. iv. p. 518), were properly priests for sacrifices, might appear imcertain, if Demosthenes did not show that they at least performed the commencement of the sacrifice, or the immolation of tlie victim (to Kardp^aadai tcov Upcov). The grammarians also consider the tepoTTotoi as having actually performed the sacrifice. Aristotle Polit. vi. 8, expresses himself too generally to allow a safe conclusion to be drawn. That they had however certain duties of administration to perform is evident from Inscript. Nos. 147 and 158. That the aepval deal are the Eumenides is remarked by Ulpian, Photius, and Harpocration, in v. a envoi $ealj and Lex. Seg. p. 303. 2"« See Inscript. No. 147, Pryt. 2, although the grammarians assert, (see Barthe'lemy and Photius, and Lex. Seg.) that the sacrificers had nothing to do at the great Panathenaea. i 277 Demosth. c. Mid. p. 570, 7, and ] there Ulpian. Liban. Declam. viii. ; Harpocrat. Suid. in v. ^oa>vT)Sj Lex, j Seg. p. 219, Harpocration: on Xa/x- TTpos rjv 6 ^oa)V7]s Kal al fxeyiarai apxai I enl rovTto ex^eiporovovm-o. Pollux viii. 114, incorrectly includes them among , the inferior offices, or offices of service I {vTnjpeaiai). They occur frequently I in Inscript. 157- ^'' Booki. ch. 15. CH. XIII.] DONATIONS TO THE PEOPLE. 2lJ the cleruchige, and the revenues from the mines, which before the time of Themistocles were divided among the citizens ; and lastly, the money of the theorica, for the introduction of which Pericles is chargeable. For this statesman, finding himself unable by reason of the scantiness of his fortune to vie with other public leaders and demagogues in liberality, thought of supplying his private incapacity (according to the testimony of Aristotle, at the suggestion of Demonides of CEa), by a distribu- tion of the public revenue, and bribed the multitude partly with the theorica, partly with the payment of the dicasts, and sala- ries of other descriptions*'^: while he at the same time main- tained himself in popular favour by processions, feastings, and other solemnities. The admirers of the Lacedaemonian customs, who, like Plato and his master, formed a correct judgment in a moral point of view, perceived that Pericles had made his countrymen covetous and indolent, loquacious and effeminate, extravagant, vicious, and unruly, by maintaining them at the public expense with donatives, salaries, and cleruchiee'^^*', and by flattering their sen- suality and love of enjoyment with sumptuous festivals. Peri- cles indeed had too acute a mind to overlook the consequences of his own measures ; but he thought that there was no other means of maintaining his own and the people^s sovereignty in Greece, than by supporting the populace in this manner ; he was aware that with him the power of Athens would cease, and he endeavoured to preserve it as long as was possible; but upon the whole his contempt for the people was as great as his libe- rality towards them. In the mean time the people, so long as Pericles Uved, were neither wanting in activity nor public spirit, which tended to make these measures more harmless ; and as long as neither injustice abroad, nor negligence in the national enterprises, nor disorder in the state, resulted from them, it might even appear just that the citizens should enjoy the fruit of their exertions and valour. Besides which Pericles could not suspect that, twenty Olympiads after his death, the multitude would rather consume the public revenues in feasting, than ^'5 Plutaich. Pericl. », cf. 11. '^^'^ Plat. Gorg. p. 515 E. Plutaicli. Peiicl. 9. 218 DONATIONS TO THE PEOPLE. [bK. II. equip an armament in defence of their freedom, a corruption which was first produced by the avaricious and treacherous demagogues of later days, who flattered every whim of the twenty-thousand-headed hydra. These considerations might then appear to palhate the conduct of Pericles. But he must have been aware that the unavoidable result of his measures was to increase the oppression of the allies, the dominion of the multitude, and the injustice towards the opulent citizens. While Pericles himself only raised the tribute by a small amount, his successors were forced to augment it to a far greater extent, in order to keep up his profuse expenditure. The surplus of the tributes was brought by talents at the Dionysia into the orchestra to be distributed : here the aUies were shown in what light their property was viewed'^^'. The oligarchical party was well aware that the abolition of these payments would be a severe blow to the democracy ; and accordingly, during the government of the Five Thousand (Olymp. 92, 1,412 B.C.), which was only of very short duration, no superior office received any salary ^^*. Aristotle^^^ has indeed already remarked, that the different kinds of salaries, for example, the wages of the public assembly, are dangerous to the chief persons in the state, for that they occa- sion the imposition of property-taxes, confiscations of joroperty, and bribery of justice. Not only was it the practice to adjudge property to the state, in order to increase the revenue^^*, but the demagogues publicly declared in law-suits, that if judgment was not given in some certain manner, the salaries could no longer be paid to the people^^^ ; and therefore the wealthy, in order to prevent every jealousy, made voluntary- donations of their posses- sions^^^ It sometimes happened that the proceeds of confiscated property were distributed among the citizens without authority; and even Lycurgus divided in this manner 160 talents, which the property of Diphilus had produced. Thus they were not satisfied that by these distributions the state was deprived of its most powerful resources for useful and advantageous objects. *«> Isocrat. (TVfiiJiax. 29. i ^* Lys. c. Nicom. p. 8G1. '"-^^ Thucyd. viii. 1)7. ^" Lys. c. Epicrat. init. 2** Polit. vi. 5. I CH. XIII.] DONATIONS TO THE PEOPLE. 219 but those who profited by these measures encouraged in the people a desire to obtain the property of others, and widened the breach between the rich and poor, which in the states of antiquity was an incessant and highly dangerous evil. Aristotle justly compares these ii^stitutions to the perforated vessel of the Danaides, as the Athenians were perpetually receiving taxes, and then paying them away, and were then compelled to raise fresh supplies*^; but the moral corruption which they caused was a far more pernicious consequence; the Athenians were themselves, to make use of an illustration of Plato's, the vessels of the Danaides, which were continually receiving the gratification of their desires, without ever being completely satisfied. The distribution of the theorica, which, as we have seen, produced such fatal consequences to the Athenians, had its origin in the entrance-money to the theatre. The entrance having been at first free, and crowds and tumults having arisen from the concourse of many persons, of whom some had no right to enter, it was to be expected that in a theatre con- structed of wood, which was the only one that Athens then possessed, the scaffolding would break; and this accident in fact took place; to avoid which evil it was determined to sell the seats for 2 oboli; but in order that the poor might not be excluded, the entrance-money was given them, on the delivery of which each person received his seat*^". Persons of high rank doubtless at first disdained this as well as other donations ^^^; though in the age of Demosthenes they received the theo- ricon^^^. It is possible that the entrance-money for the theatre •286 jierald. Aniraadv. in Salmas. Observat. ad I. A. et R. vi. 3, 13. '^ [Aristot. Polit. vi. 5, "Onov 8' elal npoaoboi, fiT] TTOieiv o vvv oi Sjy/xaycoyoi TToiovfXL' TO. yap TrepLovra vep^ovai. Aafi- wliere, as in Photius, there is a mix- ture of the articles occurring in the other grammarians. The account given in Lex. Seg. (Sik. ovo/j..) p. 1«19, 29, does not deserve to be mentioned. ftdvov(Tt be ap.a kul naXiv beovrai t5)v \ ^^^ See Herald. Animadv. in Salmas. avToiv' 6 rerpTjiievos yap ecTTL ttlOos rj Obser. ?id I. A. et R. vi. 3, 11. ToiavTT] ^oTjdeia rots aTTopois.] ^^^ Philipp. iv. p. 141, 18, Avhich ora- ^^^ Liban. Argnm. ad Demosth. ' tion, as Yalckenaer and Wolf have Olynth. 1 ; Schol. Lucian. Timon. 49. justly remarked, is not the production Suidas in the first article of OiwpiKov, of Demosthenes, but is composed of and Etymol. in v. OecoptKou apyvpiov, different passages of this orator, and is 220 DONATIONS TO THE PEOPLE. [bK. II. was introduced before the theoricon was first paid by the state; it may be fairly supposed that, the citizens having for a time defrayed it at their own expense, the state undertook to pay for the poor ; and the introduction of the entrance-money may be fixed without improbability as early as the 70th Olympiad (B.C. 500), at which time the scaffolding fell in suddenly, when Pratinas, and probably also ^schylus, were representing in the theatre'"'. But the payment of the theoricon out of the public money was first introduced by Pericles'''; and when Harpo- cration calls Agyrrhius the author of the theoricon in the extended sense of a distribution of money, he refers to an increase of it made at a later period, of which I shall speak pre- sently"'. This distribution of the theoricon filled the theatre*'^ We may observ^e, that the entrance-money was paid to the lessee of the theatre (deaTp(ovr,<^^ dearpoircoXrjs, apxt'Te/cTcovY^*, who was bound to keep the theatre in repair, and who paid something to the state for rent, as we see in the case of the theatre at the Piraeus. Ulpian, a writer on whom very little dependence can be placed, affirms that 1 obolus was given to the lessee of the theatre, or, as he calls him, to the architecton, and that the citizens received the other for their support ; this statement is however without foundation, for, according to Demosthenes, the regular entrance-money was 2 oboli"^; although it is so far true, that a separate payment of theorica was made for the banquet of the citizens *"^ It might also be supposed that, as Demosthenes reckons the entrance-money among the smaller revenues of the state, the payment was written in the style of a sophist. The defence of the theoricon in 'particular, which occurs in p. 141, is in direct contradiction with Demosthenes. ^^'^ Yid. Gra?c. Tragoed. Princip. p. 2^3 Plutarch de Sanit. Tuend. p. 373, vol. i. ed. Hutt. 29^ Ulpian. ad Demosth. Olynth. 1 ; cf. Casaub. ad Theoph. Char. 11. 235 De Corona, p. 234, 23. 38, and particularly Hennann de Choro j '^® Harpocrat. in v. decopiKop (from Eumenidum jEschyli Diss. ii. p. viii. j Philinus), from which the second ar- xiv. tide of decopiKo. in Suidas, and the ''^^' Ulpian. ad Demosth. Olynth. 1 ; ; third in Photius, is transcribed. As Plutarch. Pericl. 9. this is frequently the case, I shall not ^'^ Petit iv. 10, 9, imjustly charges ( always quote Suidas and Photius, the grammarian with confounding this where they have nothing new. with the pay of the assembly. CH. XIII.] DONATIONS TO THE PEOPLE. 221 received on the public account, and not for the lessee ; but even though the tenant received it, it might have been enumer- ated among the national profits, inasmuch as he paid a rent to the slate; so that this example from Demosthenes, who only speaks in general terms, and without any great precision, proves nothing in contradiction to my opinion. The privilege of receiving the theorica was obtained through registration in the book of the citizens {Xrj^capxi'fcbv ypafi/jba- retovY^''; the distribution was made both individually and by tribes*^*, absentees receiving nothing"^; and it took place in the assembly'"'', which was sometimes held in the theatre, particularly when the business related to the celebration of the Dionysia^"'. The application of the theorica was soon extended, and money was distributed on other occasions than at the theatre^°^, though always at the celebration of some festival; and as either a play or procession was invariably con- nected with it, the name still continued applicable. Under the head of theorica were also comprised the sums expended upon sacrifices and other solemnities^*'^ Not only at the Panathe- naea^"*, but at all the great festivals {lepo/jLrjvLacy^^, theorica were distributed. In the Choiseul Inscription we find that in Olymp. 92, 3 (b.c. 410), from the public treasure alone (probably how- ever on condition of repayment) in the first seven prytaneias 16 talents 4787 drachmas were paid to the hellenotamise, under the name of diobelia, which formed a part of the theorica. The citizens were thus to be enabled to celebrate the festival with greater luxury; and from this altered destination of the money there has arisen an uncertainty whence the theoricon took its name; and Ammonius, in direct contradiction to Csecilius, denies that it had reference to spectacles {deaty^^. From this '^' Demosth. c. Leochar. p. 1091 sq. ^^8 Herald, ut sup. vi. 3, 10, also Lucian Timon. 49. S.99 Hyperides ap. Harpocrat. \\t sup. 300 ^sch. c. Ctesiph. p. 642. 30' Lex. ap. Demosth. c. ^lid. p. 517. Compare Isocrat. avfifiaX' 29. ^0- Libanius ut sup. 303 Hesych. in v. deaptKa ;^pi7/iara, 6ea>pLKov dpyvpLov, and 6€(opo\, and his commentators. See above, chap. 7- 30^ Hesych. in v. OecopiKu ;^pi7/xara. Dem. 0. Leochar. ut sup. 305 Ulpian. ad Demosth. Oljnith. iii. 306 Ammonius in v. decopos, where he falsely derives it from decov ^puv : 222 DOXATIOXS TO THE PEOPLE. [bK. II. uncertainty the question suggests itself^ whetlier the rate of the theoricon for the separate festivals was not raised when its objects were multipUed^ and whether the difference in the state- ments of ancient writers may not be thus explained. The grammarians speak in general of 2 oboli''^; the inscription above referred to mentions the diobelia, as also Aristotle and the Lexicon Rhetoricum''^ In an oration falsely indeed attributed to Demosthenes, but not on that account undeserving of credit^" % the theoricon, for the distribution of which a nominal assembly was held, is estimated at 2 oboli. On the other hand, Philochorus, as quoted by Harpocration, states, that " the theoricon was originally a drachma for the theatre, whence in after times it received its name,^^ and the grammarians mention the same amount^'"; Lucian^^' speaks of the drachma and the 3 oboli, where from the context the former can only be referred to the theoricon, and the latter to the pay of the assembly or of the dicasts; and in the spurious Prooemia to the Public Speeches of Demosthenes'''^ it is said, "with the drachma, and the chus (of wine probably), and the 4 oboli (which latter I confess I cannot explain), the orators prolong the life of the people, as physicians do of the dying,^^ The difficulty appears to vanish if we admit that the theoricon was very variable, which seems to be pointed at by Harpocration; nor will I deny that this was the case: since however 2 oboli are mentioned both in ancient and recent times, it does not appear to have been raised by increasing the regular rate; the change was probably effected by doubling or trebling the same 2 oboli for festivals which lasted several days, in such a manner that for a festival of three days a drachma was Bia TO iv Tols eoprals els rovs deovs j ovs Kadrjfjievos 6 drjuos efiKrBocjjopei. cvo-e^e'iv koX eTndveiv (as Valckenaer ^'^^ Uepl crvvrd^. -p. 1G9, 1. corrects for iiriQeiv) koI evcjipaiveadat. ^^^ Hesych. and Suid. in v. dpaxp-f] '^^"^ Ulinan, Libanius, Suidas, in the i xaXa^wfra, Zenob. iii. 27- first article, Etymol. Pliotius in the j ^^' Deniosth. Eulog. 36, where J. M. first article, Schol.Aristopli.Vcsp. 1183. [ Gessner thinks that the drachma is the ^"^ Aristot. Polit, ii. 5 (ii. 4, 11, ed. pay of the orators, which however is Schneid.), who calls it dioi^oXia, al- ' too small a sum for the regular stipend, though he speaks of it with another ■ to be meant here. He should have view. Schneider has not examined ' rather instanced the pay of the senators the subject with sufficient accuracy, i ^'^ P. 1459, 27. Lex. Seg. p. 2:'>7, f^tw/yeXta- o/3oXot dvn, ] CH. XIII.] DONATIONS TO THE PEOPLE. 223 given, and for one of two days 4 oboli, to which the above-cited passage of the pseudo-Demosthenes may be referred. Hesychius, Suidas, and Zenobius, indeed, assert, that in the archonship of Diophantus the theoricon amounted to a drachma; but this is not contrary to my supposition. Diophantus was archon in Olymp. 96, 2 (b.c. 395), according to Petit's correct remark, against which it is needless to object that the nation could not at that time have given so high a theoricon, as it had not yet recovered from its impoverished state; for it was precisely at this moment that the condition of Athens began to ameliorate; and with the democratic constitution which then existed, it would undoubtedly have been the first object to restore the theoricon: and this probably was in fact the case; so that for the great festivals of three days a diobelia was paid three times. From a passage of Harpocration^^^ rather obscurely expressed, it may be inferred that its renewal was effected by Agyrrhius, who flourished at this period, and who, as will be presently shown, tripled the pay of the assembly about the same time. Moreover it may be observed, that in the age which followed the anarchy, the price of an ordinary place in the theatre remained at 2 oboli^''*; the price of the best places at the representation of comedies was at the highest no more than a drachma^ ^^ ^'^ In V. BeaptKci : BecopLKo. rjv riva iv Kotvw ;^pj7/xara otto tc5i/ r^y TroXfoos' 7rp6crob(ov crvvayofxeva' ravra be Tvpore- pOV p€U els TUS TOV TTokipov )(p€ias eopav diareTeXeKcv. Casaubon perceived this, but Schweighseuser confuses it all again, although the passage of jEschines (c. Ctesiph. p. 300), which he had already quoted upon the word KaTap.icr6o(f)op€7p might have taught him that the people is meant. Theopompus however had e-vddently censured Eubulus severely, and compared him to his disadvantage with Callistratus, the son of Callicrates, whose luxurious life he indeed blamed, but appears to have praised his poli- tical conduct. ^^^ See book ii. ch. 6. 3-^ Plutarch. Qu. Plat. x. 4. 3^ iEschin. c. Ctesiph. p. 642. 226 DONATIONS TO THE PEOPLE. [bK. II. although his professions and his real opinions probably disa- greed. What however was the public and private life of De- mades ? Though a man of such splendid qualities of mind that an ancient said of him, that he was above the state, while he could only call Demosthenes worthy of the state, he yet became openly a traitor to his country, indulging only his own appetites, and his principles were as loose as his wit was unscrupulous. It is vain to urge in extenuation of his public conduct that a fragment only of the vessel of the state was left to his charge, which was scarce worth preser^dng from ship- wTCck; he himself was, as Plutarch happily expresses it, the shipwreck of the state^^*. How disgracefully he yielded himself to the will of Antipater; how did he delight in every unlawful practice, and in dissolute opulence, fragrant with perfumes and walking in a costly chlamys ! He lived in such a manner that Antipater could never supply him with money sufficient for his purposes, and aptly said of him when he grew old, ^that like a dressed ox upon the altar, nothing remained of him but belly and tongue^". His profligate life hardly allows us to bestow upon his mournful death the compassion which common huma- nity would dictate. Chapter XIV. Pay of the Members of the Public Assembly, and of the Senate, The salaries at Athens were of various kinds, but the most important were the wages of the assembly, the senate, and the dicasts. The nature of democracy requires that all public affairs should be determined upon by the whole people in an assembly^ and that the business and decrees be prepared beforehand by a select body, which should have the management of them, and execute the resolutions of the popular assembly; and unless '2^ Plutarch. Plioc. 1, where he calls | there is however no other word by him the vavayiov ttjs noXeois, which , which it can be translated into our does not however signify shipwreck, | langxiage. but a fragment of a vessel wrecked ; | ^^^ Pint. Plioc. 20, 2fi, 30. CH. XIV.] PAY OF THE PUBLIC ASSEMBLY. ' 22? the governing power is to fall into the hands of the mob, the people should receive no pecuniary compensation for their share in the government, an expense which it is impossible to defray by revenues justly raised; it is a condition requisite for good government, that all who wish to partake in the ruling power should support themselves upon their own property. Athens was not, however, the only state in which the people were paid for governing; a similar system of salaries had been introduced at Rhodes by the demagogues^^^ As to the wages of the dicasts, it is right that some compensation should be allowed for the performance of judicial duties, and it has been at all times customary; oligarchies, indeed, were enabled to compel the rich by the threat of punishment to execute these duties, whereas in democracies the poor were paid for their labour^^^ But from the number of judges in a democratical court of justice, this practice could not exist without the expenses being defrayed by a tax, which it was impossible to raise without oppression. And if Athens, like other states, had only decided her own law-suits, it would not have been neces- sary to pay the dicasts; the citizens would have remained at their business, active and industrious. But to the great injury of the allied states, Athens, in order to insure her own power, usurped the jurisdiction over them, and the people were well pleased that the custom-duties became by these means more productive, that the judicial fees were multiplied, and that the rent of houses and slaves was increased^^^ Under these cir- cumstances the number of causes was so much augmented that there were more to decide in Athens than in the whole of Greece; and the law-suits, particularly as the festivals produced so large a number of days on which no business was done, were extremely protracted, unless indeed they were accelerated by bribery^*', which was carried on at Athens, as well as at Rome, in an open and systematic manner. Nearly the third part of the citizens sat as judges every day; hence that passion for '^ Aristot. Polit. v. 5. 327 Aristot. Polit. iv. 9 and 14. 32« Xenoph. de Rep. Ath. 3, Aris- toph. Av. 1430, 1465. 3^^ Xenoph. ut sup. 3, 2. Q 2 228 PAY OF THE MEMBERS OF [bK. II. judging necessarily arose^ which Aristophanes describes in the Wasps, and the citizens were thus not only made averse to every profitable and useful employment, but were rendered sophistical and litigious, and the whole town became full of pettifoggers and chicaners, who were without any real know- ledge of law or justice, and on that account only the more rash and thoughtless. According to the expression of the comic poet, they sat like sheep, muffled up in their cloaks, and with their judicial staff, for 3 oboli a day, thinking indeed that they managed the affairs of the state, while they were them- selves the tools of the party-leaders. The wages of the assembly {/jLcadbs eKKKr^cnaa-TLKos) the sovereign people paid to itself. The honour of inventing this salary is contended for between Callistratus and Agyrrhius, and fortunately both claimants can be satisfied. Pericles, as far as we know, had no share in it, and it may be asserted with sufficient probability that this payment had not been intro- duced in the early part, at least, of his administration. " When the noble Myronides ruled,^' observes Aristophanes^^", with reference to the wages of the ecclesiasts, " no one administered the affairs of the state for money .^^ Now Myronides was an early contemporary of Pericles^^'; after the time then of this Myronides, and consequently long after the beginning of the influence of Pericles, the payment of the ecclesiasts was intro- duced, which at first amounted to 1 obolus, and afterwards to 3. Callistratus Parnytes first introduced the obolus as the pay of the ecclesiasts^^^, and this was a considerable time before the Ecclesiazusae of Aristophanes, which was acted in Olymp. 96, 4 (b.c. 393); but at what particular period we are ignorant, since who this Callistratus was is wholly unknown. The most celebrated of the persons of this name is Callistratus, the son of ^'^ Eccles. 302. 331 Myronides was general in the 80tli Olympiad (b.c. 400-57), Thiicyd. i. 105, 108, iv. 95; Diod. xi. 97, 81 ; cf. Plutarch. Pericl. 10. The Myro- nides in Deniosth. c. Timocrat. p. 7-12, 25, is a different person. ^^* Append. Vatic. Proverb, iii. 35, '0/3oX6j/ evpe Tlapvvrrjs. That Petit should suppose (iii. 1, 3,) that the ec- clesiasts here mentioned miglit be the orators, is quite natural, as he always hits upon the most improbable expla- nation. CH. XIV.] THE PUBLIC ASSEMBLY 229 Callicrates, of Aphidna, the near relation of Agyrrhius'^% a famous orator and general in the 100th and 101st Olympiads^^* (B.C. 380-73), censured for his private life by Theopompus, but praised for his zeal in the public service^"; he is said to have excited Demosthenes to the study of eloquence by the famous law-suit concerning Oropus^^% and having been at first acquitted, was afterwards condemned to death in Olymp. 104, 3 (B.C. 362); he lived in Macedonia, chiefly at Methone, and was the "founder of Datum^^^, and is doubtless the person to whom the improvement in the system of custom- duties in Macedonia is ascribed^-^^; finally, after his return from exile he was put to death. This person, however, lived at too late a period to have been the introducer of the obolus; and still less can we suppose it to have been the Callistratus, who wasarchon in Olymp. 106, 2 (B.C. 355). Not then to mention less] noted persons of this name, it is more probable that Callistratus, the son of Empedus, is meant, who in Olymp. 91, 4 (b.c. 413), perished as com- mander of cavalry in the Sicilian expedition^^^; or perhaps Cal- listratus of Marathon, who in Olymp. 92, 3 (b.c. 410), was treasurer of the goddess^***, and probably is the same person as the knight of the tribe Leontis (to which Marathon be- longed), who was killed during the anarchy by the party in the Piraeus^'''. The increase in the wages of the ecclesiasts to 3 oboli evidently took place but a short time before the Ecclesia- zusae of Aristophanes, perhaps in Olymp. 96, 3 (394 b.c.)^*S ^^^ Concerning him see Demosth. pro Corona, p. 301, 18, c. Timocrat. p. 742, 23, de Fals. Leg. p. 436, 13, Orat. c. Neser. p. 1353, 19, and p. 1359, 18, c. Timoth. p. 1187, 7, p. 1188, 10, p. 1198, 10. The latter speech, together Avith that against Neaera, is probably not the work of Demosthe- nes, according to the suspicion of the ancients ap. Harpocrat. in v. kgko- '''^* See book iii. ch. 18. He also occurs in Xenophou's Hellenics. 335 Ap. Athen. iv. p. 166 E. ^^« Cf. Ruhnken. Hist. Crit. Orat. p. 140, vol. viii. of Reibke's Orators. 337 Demosth. c. Polycl. p. 1220, 1221; Scylax p. 27, Isocrat. crvn^ax- 9, comp. Niebuhr, Transactions of the Berlin Academy for 1804—1811, p. 93, 94. 3^« Pseud-Aristot. CEcon. 2, 22. This he did in his exile, not for Athe- nians, as Schneider appears to think, but for the Macedonians. 3^^ Pausan. vii. 16. In the Lives of the Ten Orators (Demosth. ad init.) this one is strangely confounded with the celebrated Aphidnean. 3^0 Inscript. No. 147, at the begin- ning. 3*1 Xenoph. HeU. ii. 4, 18. 3^^ Aristoph. Eccl. 302, 380, 392, 230 PAY OF THE MEMBERS OF [bk. when Agyrrhius re-established the theoricon; to him also the Scholiast upon Aristophanes^'^ ascribes the first introduction of the wages of ecclesiasts; from which it is evident, as Petit remarked^", that he was the person who increased them. The number of the Athenian citizens cannot be taken on an average, as has been before shown, at more than 20,000; it is absurd then to suppose that there were assemblies of 30,000 persons. But of these 20,000 many were absent in the coun- try on military service, or upon mercantile business; or even if they were in the city, they did not attend the assembly; so that, particular cases being excepted, it is impossible to imagine that the assembly ever contained a very large number. But after the introduction of the 3 oboli, there was a more numerous attendance of the poor citizens, " Formerly when the eccle- siasts only received 1 obolus,^^ says Aristophanes in the Ecclesiazusae, " the people sat talking; now that they receive 3 oboli they crowd in numbers^^^; and jostle against one another for this small sum^^^" But the wealthy usually were 543. This increased pay also occurs in the Plutus, vs. 329, which passage is therefore from the second edition produced in Olymp. 97, 4 (b.c. 389)j the date of the first is Olymp. 92, 4 (B.C. 409). The triobolon in the ccclesia is also mentioned by the Schol. Aristoph. Tlut. 171. 3^3 Eccl. 102. "^^ Leg. Att. iii. 1, 3. The Scholi- ast of Aristophanes (Plut. 329, 330,) speaks of the pay being raised to 3 oboli, which was said to have been done by Cleon, but we must avoid understanding this of the wages of the ecclesiasts, which arc there confound- ed with the pay of the dicasts, although the words are ambiguous ; it refers to the wages of the dicasts. Both have 'been frequently confounded with one another by both ancient and modern interpretei*s ; for instance, by Span- heim upon Aristophanes, and by the Scholiiist to the same poet. The author of the note to the 8Glst verse of the Clouds even explains the o^oXos TjXiaaTLKos as the pay of the ecclesiasts, which passage is not to be be corrected, but the mistake is solely to be attributed to the ignorance of the writer. I may also mention that I have intentionally omitted Pollux viii. 11 3, as his words are too indefinite to allow us to infer from them witli Mein-sius (Lect. Att. v. 12, vi. 4,) that the wages of the ecclesiasts ever were an obolus; it is even preferable to refer the three words that occur there, rpico/SoXoj/, dioo^oXov, and o/3oX6$-, all to the pay of the dicasts. 3^5 Aristoph. Eccl. 302 sqq. Com- pare with this the opinion of Aristotle, (Polit. iv. 15,) that where the nation is Avealthy or the ecclesiasts receive pay, the people being unoccupied fre- quently assemble and decide every- thing, without the senate having any great influence. ^*^ Aristoph. Plut. 329. CH. XIV.] THE PUBLIC ASSEMBLY. 231 glad to stay away from the public assemblies, so that Aristotle^''^ recommended that a fine should be imposed upon them if they did not attend, and to give wages to the poor alone, in order to produce a salutary mixture of both classes ; the rich therefore always composed the minority. It is probable that we should not err much if we took an assembly of the people at about 8000^; we know that in certain cases, particularly for the ratification of a decree relating to an individual {privilegium) , such as ostracism or the admission of a fresh citizen, 6000 votes were requisite^^^, in order to secure a large majority; in general then not many more than 6000 could have been pre- sent. If we suppose 8000, the wages of an assembly taken at 3 oboli amount to about 4000 drachmas. Now there wxre forty regular assemblies in a year; the extraordinary meetings (which were numerously attended) at very disturbed seasons exceeded the number of the regular^' ^; but upon an average not more than ten can be fairly assumed, one being reckoned to each prytaneia. Consequently the wages of the assembly cannot be estimated at more than 30 or 35 talents, and thus it is not true that they fell more heavily on the public than the wages of the dicasts^^". The money was paid to each per- son as he entered the assembly by the thesmothetee^^', which 3^7 Polit. iv. 14 ; cf. iv. fi. e The author says in the Addenda that " the number of citizens attend- ing the ecclesia is estimated too high. According to the oligarchs in Thucy- dides viii. 72, there never was an as- sembly of 5000 to deliberate on the most important questions: kuItoi ov TTWTroTC ^ABrjvaiovs dia ras arpaTeias kol TT]v vTvepopiov dcrxo^iav es ovbev 7rpdyp.a ovTco p-^yo. eXdelv ^ovKevcrovras, iv Tjcnv ^ ApKTTOTfXrjs ev IloXiT flats, i.e, wages were given to the dicasts at dif- ferent rates at different times, the dema- gogues flattering the populace ^ as Arts- CH. XV.] PAY OF THE COURTS OF JUSTICE. 233 whose accurate acquaintance with antiquity perfect rehance can be placed. And from the testimony of the same writer we learn that the wages of the dicasts did not remain the same^ but underwent some change^". What then were these altera- tions, and when did they take place? Strepsiades says in the Clouds^^^ that he had given the first heliastic obolus to his son, when he was six years old, to buy a little cart; hence we learn that originally the pay of the dicasts amounted to an obolus; and since in Olymp. 89, 1 (b.c. 424), the child is represented in the Clouds as a practised rider, this obolus must have been introduced for at least four Olympiads. The Scholiast tells us that the wages of the dicasts amounted to 2 oboliin the time of the Frogs of Aristophanes; it is also stated that they were a drachma at the same period^". With regard to the latter statement, there is evidently a confusion either with the drachma of the diaetetse, or with the pay of the advocates {^lctOo^ crvvrjyopLKos), of which latter Aristophanes speaks in a passage that the Scholiast perhaps referred to the wages of the dicasts. But no traces occur of their wages ever having been 2 oboH, except a vague report in the Scholiast to the Birds, that the dicasts had for a time received 2 oboli; totle says in the Politics j viz. iv. 4, 6 dr]- fiayaryos Koi 6 Koka^ ol avTol Koi dva- \oyou, &.C.; aud v, 11, dio Koi 6 KoXa^ nap' afj,(poT€pois evTifios' rrapa p.kv rots hr]p.ois 6 dT}p,aya>yos, ecrri yap 6 br^p-a- yoiyos tov drjpov KoKa^. No objection can be made from the use of the plural IloXiretatj; for Aristotle himself says iv. 7, cl)(77rep nXdrcov iv rals EToXtre/ais. The same expression with regard to the variable rate of the dicasts' wages is used by Hesychius, without any mention of Aristotle : diKaariKov' 'ApiaTO(pdvT}s €v''Q,pais rpiw^okov (Prjcriv fiuai' ov pevTOL €(TTr)Kev, aXX' aXKore aXXcoff ibihoTO. Transl.] ^^' Schol. Aristoph. Yesp. 682, fi-om Aristotle's State of Athens; Schol. Nub. 861; Plut. 329; Av. 1540; He- sych. in v. diKaariKov, Suidas in v. rjXiacrTal. Concerning the expression of the grammarians compare Hem- sterhuis ad Plut. ut sup. Petit as usual (iii. 1, 3,) founds a false view of the subject upon a false interpretation of the Scholiast of Aristophanes. 3'« Vs. 861. ^'^ Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 141, (Cf. Schol. Vesp. 658, concerning the drachma.) Welcker, at the above passage in the Frogs, allows that the triobolon may have been introduced previously, but he prefers adhering to the explanation of the Scholiast, as he thinks that Aristophanes mentions 2 oboli according to the ancient usage, although they received 3 at that time. This is not very probable, and I do not doubt that he will prefer my interpretation. 234 PAY OF THE COURTS OF JUSTICE. [bK. II. either the grammarian inferred this from the words of Aristo- phanes (w9 fjue^ya BvvaaOov Travrap^ou rco Bv^ o^oXoo), or he had heard something of the diobeha, and supposed it was the wages of the dicasts. But the words of Aristophanes unquestionably refer to the diobeha. That this was in full force in Olymp. 92, 3 (b.c. 410), we know from the Choiseul Inscription, and why should it not have been equally so in Olymp. 93, 3 (b.c. 406), the year in which the comedy of the Frogs was acted? If the wages of the dicasts had been raised before this time to 3 oboli, no one will suppose that the Athenians would have lowered this rate in opposition to their pecuniary interest; and in fact we find that it had been introduced previously. In the Birds of Aristophanes^^**, which was acted in Olymp. 91, 2 (b.c. 415), the triobolon occurs as the wages of the dicasts, as is proved by the connexion with the Colacretse; and indeed it is mentioned at a much earlier date, viz., in the Knights (Olymp. 88, 4, B.C. 425), and the Wasps (Olymp. 89, 2, b.c. 423)^'^ In both plays Cleon is the chief object of ridicule, and in the Knights he is distinctly mentioned as the favourer of the trio- bolon^^^; in the latter comedy he boasts that he would always take care that it did not fail; and he flatters the people by tell- ing them that, according to ancient oracles, the pay of the dicasts would be in Arcadia as high as 5 oboli; i. e. as the Scholiast adds, when the Peloponnese should be conquered^^^ If we add to this the testimony of the Scholiast to the Plutus^***, it follows with certainty that none other than this noxious demagogue, at the time of his greatest power, about the 88th Olympiad (b.c. 428), raised the wages of the dicasts from 1 to 3 oboli ^ From this it seems that the rate of payment 360 Vs. 1540. 3«i Eq. 51, 255; Vesp. 607,682,688, 797,1116. ^^■' Eq. 257. 3^3 Eq. 797- This passage has been strangely misunderstood by Spanheim (ad Nub. 861,) who has inferred from it that in Arcadia the pay of the dicasts amounted to 5 oboli. The Arcadians probably never thought of the dicasts' wages ; but Cleon forcibly represents to the Athenians the exten- sion of their jurisdiction to the middle of the Peloponnese, and its conse- quence, a plentiful harvest of money. 2^^ Vs. 330, which, although ad- duced in an improper place, should be referred to the pay of the dicasts. ' [Zcnobius and Photius in v. vnep Tct KaWiKparovs — ^ ApKTToreXrjs 6c CH. XV.] PAY OF THE COURTS OF JUSTICE. 235 never was at 2 oboli ; yet Pollux^", as well as the Scholiast to Aristophanes^ appears to have believed in its existencQ, Other- wise the grammarians^ in speaking of the wages of the dicasts, generally mention 3 oboli^ at the same time recognising their mutability^^^ The hero Lycus, under whose protection the system of judicature was placed^ regularly received his 3 oboli, if he had a sanctuary in the court of justice^^^. The payment of the wages of the dicasts, which was the duty of the colacretse, took place at each sitting of the court^®% in the following manner. Besides the judicial staff, each person received at his entrance into the court a small tablet (called avfM/3o\ov) ; at the close of the sitting he gave this to the pry- tanes, and received the money for it; whoever came late into court ran the risk of receiving nothing^^^ The prytaneia were first appointed for defraying the expense ; if these were not suf- ficient (and how could they ever have been so), the other branches of the revenue contributed, particularly the fines, and probably in ancient times the tributes^^**. Aristophanes reckons the annual amount at 150 talents, assuming 300 days on which the courts sat, and 6000 dicasts a day who received the triobo- (})r](nv iv Tji *A9T]vaia)v TroXireia KaXXt- Kpdrrju Tiva npoiTOV Tovs biKaariKovs fiKxdovs {diKaarcov tovs yuaOovs Zen.) €is vrrep^oXrjv av^rjaai. From tlie ex- pression " a certain Callicrates, KaX- XiKpdrrjv TLva,'^ it seems that the in- creaser of the dicasts' wages could not have been a well-known person. Cal- listratus, the son of Callicrates, flou- rished about the 100th Olympiad (see above p. 229); his father therefore might have earned this measure ten Olympiads before that time; which nearly agrees with the date given in the text for the supposed increase by Cleon. — Transl.] ^^^ viii. 113. According to the ex- planation of Spanheim ut sup., which, as I have above mentioned, I prefer to that of Meui-sius, without however believing the account of Pollux, as Spanheim does. 366 Pollux viii. 20 ; Hesych. in v. diKaa-TiKov ; Suid. in v. rjXiaa-Tai and ^aKTqpla ; Schol. Aristoph. in the pas- sages quoted above and Plut. 277; Suid. and Phot, in v. crvp-^oXov ; Schol. Demosth. in Reisk. Demosth. vol. ii. p. 131; Lucian. Bis Accus. 12 and 15. Several other passages, as e. g. Hesy- chius in v. o^okoi, I omit, as they con- tain nothing to make them worth quoting. ^^'^ See Hudtwalcker von den Diii- teten, p. 14. ^^^ Lucian. ut sup. 369 Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 277, whose infoiTuation is chiefly taken from Aris- totle's State of Athens quoted by the Scholiast at v. 278; also Suidas in v. /SaKTiypta; Etymol. in v. avfi^oXov ; Pollux viii. 16; Aristoph. Vesp. 710. ^70 Cf. Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 682. 236 PAY OF THE COURTS OF JUSTICE. [bk. Ion"' ; and that the expense was not small we learn from other sources. It is, however, to be remarked, that Aristophanes, in forming his calculation, has taken the dicasts at 6000, their highest number, who did not perform their duties every day. Six thousand were appointed for each year ; and from these the dicasts were first selected for each particular cause, and it was not till they were actually assigned to some court that they received pay. The ten regular courts of justice at Athens, con- sisting each of 500 dicasts, required only the daily attendance of 5000^'^ Now it is true that large tribunals occur of 1000, 1500, 2000, and even 6000 dicasts; but, on the other hand, small ones of 201, 401, &c.^". It is therefore possible that the expense was something less than Aristophanes states it ; I am willing however to allow his estimate to pass as an approxima- tion to the truth, when applied to the times preceding the anarchy, and to compute the expenses of jurisdiction generally at 150 talents, particularly as many small expenses, in addition to the pay of the dicasts, must necessarily have been incurred in the courts ; but after the archonship of Euclid, when the allies had revolted, it is not possible that there could have been so many dicasts, and the cost must therefore have been less. And as in time of war the courts did not always continue sit- ting^'*, these expenses occasionally ceased. The wages of the disetetae were not provided out of the public money ; these persons were paid for each separate cause by the litigant parties themselves. The dieetetee received a drachma from the plaintiff at the commencement of the suit, and again the same sum from both parties at the Antomosia, and at every Hypomosia^"'. A grammarian of mean authority 37^ Vesp. 660 sqq. and the Scholiast. About sixty holidays, on which the courts did not sit, are not too many for Athens; this leaves 300 sitting-days. But I am not able to find any con- firmation of Hudtwalcker's supposition (von den Diateten, p. 30), that the courts did not sit through the whole of Scirophorion. =»7=2 See Matthias Miscell. Philog. vol. i. p. 2oI sqq. ; comp. also p. 158. ^^^ Besides Matthiae see Polhix viii. 53 and 48; Lex. Seg. p. 310, 30, and p. 189, 20 ; Phot, in v. TjXiaia. ^'^ Lys. Trepi 8r]iJ.ocr. ddiK. p. 590. ^'* This is the TrapdaTacris or napa- Kardorao-ty, Pollux viii. 39, 127; Har- pocrat. in v. Trapdaracns, and thence Suidas, Photius, and Lex. Seg. p. 290, 298. IlapaKaTdo-Taa-ii occurs in Pho- tius, EtymoL, and Lex. Seg. See Hudtwalckcr von den Diiit. p. 14 sqq. CH. XV.] PAY OF THE COURTS OF JUSTICE. 237 states^^' that the disetetae arbitrated many law-suits, and that the public authorities employed every possible means to prevent the sitting of the courts, in order that the state might not be compelled to expend so much money upon the wages of the dicasts ; but, judging from the disposition of the Athenians, we can at the most believe that such a motive might have influenced them at seasons of the greatest national distress; for in ordinary times it was customary to allow pecuniary largesses for the main- tenance of the people. Chapter XVI. On certain other Persons receiving Salaries from the Public Revenue. The wages of the public advocates or orators [fxia-Oos o-vvrjyo- pLKos) occasioned a small expense, which amounted every day, i. e, for the 300 days of business, to a drachma, and not for each speech, as the Scholiast of Aristophanes erroneously asserts^". As these advocates were ten in number, the whole expense amounted to half a talent a year. The ambassadors also received a stipend in ancient times ; and although resident embassies (a practice first introduced by the French) were unknown, they may nevertheless be reckoned among the regular expenses, since ambassadors were very fre- quently despatched to foreign states ; and when they travelled to a distance, as, for example, to Persia, were necessarily absent for a long time. The ambassadors to Philip of Macedon attended him even on marches and journeys^'^. Ambassadors, during the time that they were able to have a fixed residence, were never compelled to live at their own expense ; they were supported by presents which they received both in free states^^^ and in countries where the government was monarchical. It ^''® Schol. Demosth. ap. Reisk. ut sup. to which statement Hudtwalcker assents, p. 34. 377 Aristoph. Vesp. 689, and the Scholiast. ^'« Demosth. Philipp. iii. p. 113, 18. 379 Demosth. de Fals. Leg. p. 393, 25 ; Lys. pro Aristoph. bonis, p. 629 ; ^lian. Var. Hist. i. 22 ; Decree of the Arcadians in Crete in Chishull's Ant. Asiat. p. 118. 238 ON CERTAIN OTHER PERSONS RECEIVING [bK. II. may be seen from the speech of Demosthenes for the Crown, that in the Greek cities they were not only honoured with the first l^lace in the theatres, but were hospitably entertained, and gene- rally resided at the house of the proxenus, although an instance occurs of an embassy to Phihp having for particular reasons pre- ferred the public inn^^°. The treasurer, however, usually paid them a sum in advance for thirty days, as travelling money (icpoScov, TTopeiovY^K In the time of Aristophanes, the ambas- sadors received 2 or 3 drachmas a day^^^ The highest pay which we meet with, such indeed as never was given in any other state, is 1000 drachmas, which was received by five Athenian ambassadors who were sent to Philip. These ambas- sadors remained absent three months, although they might have equally well returned at the end of one^°^ In general the Athenians sent ten ambassadors, but occasionally not more than two or three. The sophronistae, or inspectors of the youths in the training schools, of whom there were ten annually elected by chei- rotonia, one from each tribe, received a daily stipend of 1 drachma^^"* ; the episcopi also, who were sent to subject states. '»<» Orat. de Halon. p. 81, 19; Xenoph. Hell. v. 4, 22 ; Dem. de Fals. Leg. p. 390, 26. ^^' Casaub. and Tlieoph. Char. xi. ; Etymol. in v. iropiiov, Chand. Inscript. ii. 12. ^^■^ Acliarn. 65, and from the con- text 602. 383 Demosth. de Fals. Leg. p. 390. That there were only five of them is evident from the decree in Demosth. pro Corona, p. 235. Demosthenes was indeed one of the number, but his name is not in the decree, and there- fore the 1000 drachmas should only be referred to the five mentioned in it, unless a subsequent decree was framed, and other ambassadors were appointed in addition to the fonner. ;My space liowever does not permit me to treat of this point at full length, particu- larly as there are gi-eat chronological difficulties connected with it. ^«^ Lex. Seg. p. 301 ; Phot, in v. aaxppovio-Tai, cf. Etym. in v. in the two latter read iKaar-qs cj^vX^s eh. The words of the Etjinologist are both in Phavorinus and Stobseus. See Fis- cher's Ind. ^scliin. in v. acocfipovLcrTai, where however, together with Hem- sterhuis ad Pol. viii. 138, he falsely assumes that there were 100 sophro- nistae, from the incorrect reading in the gi-ammarians above quoted. In the times of the emperors there were only 6, and probably the same number of hyposophronistae, who entered their office together at the beginning of the month Boedromion, as may be con- cluded from Corp. Inscript. No. 276, cf. 271, 272. The Gloss refers to De- mosth. de Fals. Leg. p. 433, 3, where however there is only an allusion to this office, which is also mentioned in the Axiochus, p. 367 A. CH. XVI.] SALARIES FROM THE PUBLIC REVENUE. 239 received a salar)^, probably at the cost of the cities over which they presided^"^. The nomothetee, a legislative commission consisting of 501, 1001, or 1501 persons, who w^ere selected from those who had been dicasts, also perhaps received a stipend ; for in their former capacity they had been accustomed to the triobolon ; and the senate was commanded by law to administer the money for the nomothet8e^^^ The collection of the public revenue did not require any paid officers, as it was let out in farm ; even when the senate found it necessary to appoint a collector, in order to enforce payment of the farmers, he could scarcely have been paid. All the servants of the different authorities received salaries, for example, the prometretce^^' ; it is however probable that these officers w^ere paid by the sellers of the commodities mea- sured. Originally there was an important distinction between service [virTjpeG-ia) and an office of government {dpxv) 5 the former received a salary, the latter none. The heralds and clerks particularly deserve notice ; since certain heralds, as well as the clerk of the senate, the clerk of the senate and people, and the checking-clerk and under- clerk of the senate, were fed at the cost of the state in the tholus or prytaneum^°% where doubtless they also resided. To the transcribers of the laws a stipend was allowed for a fixed time, mthin which they were bound to complete their labours^^^ ; and a particular sum of money was set apart for engraving the decrees^^". The large amount of the salary of the physicians and the pay ot the singers and musicians at Athens and in other places, has been shown in the first book^^^ And how great must have been the number of persons whom the state remunerated for their services (either by its own means or by those of subordinate corporations), such as citharists, gymnasts, and others of the same description. 3^5 Aristoph. Av. 1023 sqq. 2«« Petit Leg. Att. ii. 1, 1. See Wolf Proleg. ad Lept. p. cxLvii. ^^' Harpocrat. in it pokier p-qrai ^^^ See the inscriptions quoted in book ii. ch. 8, and Demosth. de Fals. Leg. p. 419, 25. ^^^ Lysias c. Nicom. ^s*' Book ii. ch. 6. 3^1 Chap. 21 240 ON CERTAIN OTHER PERSONS RECEIVING QbK. IT. The poets also received a salary, which was allowed them by the Senate of Five Hundred ; and we have reason to suppose that its amount was not inconsiderable ; for Agyrrhius having been offended, as it seems, by the ridicule of comic poets, thought it worth while to persuade the people to reduce it^®*. Lastly, several hundred sailors received regular pay in time of peace. In early times the Athenians had two sacred tri- remes, the Paralos, the crew of which bore the name of Paralitse [TrapaXiraL, also TrdpaXoc), and the Salaminia or Delia (sometimes simply called Theoris), and its crew were named Salaminians'^' : the latter vessel belonged to the De- lian theoria; and both these triremes, as being quick sailers, were used for other theorias, as well as for embassies and for the transport of money and persons; in battles also, and then they conveyed the admiral. That the crew of the Paralos, though it w^as mostly in harbour, always received 4 oboli a day, we know from distinct testimony^^*; and as the Salaminia performed the same services, we may without any hesitation assume that the Salaminians received the same pay. The pay of the trireme-crews having been generally calculated by estimating the wages of 200 common sailors, the pay of two triremes at 4 oboli a man per day: for a year reckoned at 365 days (the intercalary month being divided among the several years) will amount to 16 talents 1333 drachmas 2 oboli. In latter times we meet with a trireme named Ammonis, which is undoubtedly different from the two first ; and an Antigonis and a Demetrias, so called no doubt from the names of those much honoured kings ; and finally, a Ptolemais^®*, of which it is 392 Schol. Eccl. 102; Aristoph. Ran. 370 ; and the Scholiast. Archinus is mentioned in the last Scholium; but the Scholiast on the Ecclesiazusae ap- pears better informed ; and perhaps Archinus is only an error of the tran- scriber for Agyrrhius. 393 Concerning both these vessels see Sigon. R. A. iv. 5. In Photius (in v. TrapaXoi) the Salaminia and the Pa- ralos are stated to be the same ship, which is false. But in the word nd- paXos, and in the first article of irapa- Xoi, they are correctly distinguished. Concerning the name of the crew see Pollux viii. 116; Hesych. in v. Trapa- XiTTjs. Concerning the Delia vid. ad Inscript. 151, § 1. 39* Harpocrat. and Phot, in v. nd- paXos. 39* Harpocrat. and Suidas in v. 'A/x- fiavos) was by no means a rare occurrence ; the Senate of Five Hundred, if it performed its duties honestly, was presented with a crown every year*^^; nations gave crowns to one another, and private individuals were frequently crowned by the state : how great was the weight of these golden crowns has been already shewn''^^ In ancient times however they were not frequently given ; those who after the anarchy brought back the people from Phyle to Athens, only received chaplets of leaves ; the value of which at that time was greater than of golden crowns in the age of Demosthenes***. The erection of a metal statue (elKcov) to a person who had deserved well of the state, was in early times still more unfrequent ; after Solon, Harmodius, and Aristogiton, this honour was first conferred upon Conon, as having liberated his country from the intolerable yoke of the Spartans**\ But in later times, this reward ceased to confer ^■^^ See book i. ch. 9, Pollux viii. 144. •'^' Isacus dc Ilagn. Ilcrcd. p. 204 ; Tlicophiast. Char. 17. *^ Dein. c. Andiot. cf. .Escliin. c. Timarch. p. 130. ^" Book i. ch. 5. ^^^ TEscli. c. Ctosiph. p. 570 sqq. aud particularly p. 577. ■*" Demosth. c. Lept. p. 47iJ. CH. XVIII.] PUBLIC REWARDS. 247 any distinction 5 Chabrias^ Iphicrates, and Timotheus received crowns in honour of their services, as well as others, although it was offensive to the people to ascribe their actions to them"'-^ But in that age, trifling or even negative services were highly celebrated, and in the time of Demetrius Phalereus this practice was carried to such a pitch, that in one year they erected to him 360 statues, in chariots, on horseback, and on foot'*^^ This frivolous expenditure partly owed its origin to the theoricon, by which the demagogues had made the people indo- lent, and had induced them to flatter their corruptors"*" and partly resulted from the general decline of the state and of morals, and the loss of that simplicity and honesty, which dis- daining outward splendour, finds a sufiicient reward in the exer- cise of virtues. Athens, from her republican constitution, which would always have prevented this corruption from attain- ing its utmost height, only displays a feeble shadow of what in monarchies or despotisms, in which the moral state of the people and the government is at a low ebb, appears on a larger scale. Then are the citizens, both for the state and for them- selves, covetous of titles and rank, as may be seen remarkably in the eastern and western Roman empire : titles of every description were created and lavishly distributed ; regulations concerning rank, and the splendour of the Oriental courts, were introduced into the West ; outward show and pageantry, which render the mind vain and slavish, became the substitutes for intrinsic excellence ; and as no claims could be advanced on the ground of personal merit, all consideration was derived from the favour of the ruling power. On particular occasions, pecuniary rewards were bestowed at Athens. After the return of the people from the Piraeus^ *^^ lEsch. c. Ctesiph. p. 635. See the oration nepl (rvvrd^eois^ p. 172. '^^'^ Diog. Laert. v. To, and the pas- sages there quoted by Menage. ■'^ Comp. Nepos. Miltiad. Of these and of other marks of honour the learned K. E. Kcihler has treated at full length in his excellent dissertation, of which the title is Etwas zur Bcant- wortnng der Frage^ gab cs bei den Allen Bclohnungen des Verdienstes urn den Staat, welche den Ritterorden neuerer Zeit 'dhnlich waren, third book, in the Dorptische Beitrage for 1814, first and second half; which dissertation I have not been able to make use of, as I did not meet with it till after the com- pletion of this work. 248 PUBLIC REWARDS. [bK. II. those who at Phyle had undertaken the restoration of the democracy, received 1000 drachmas for sacrifices and sacred offerings, which however did not amount to 10 drachmas apiece**'. According to Isocrates 10,000 drachmas were given to Pindar for his splendid praise of the Athenians, for whicli the Tliebans had subjected him to a fine ; according to others the reward given was the double of the fine which he had been condemned to pay*^\ Lysimachus, the son of Aristides, re- ceived in honour of his father, upon the proposal of Alcibiades, 100 minas of silver, 100 plethra of wooded land, and as much unplanted land in the island of Euboea, and in addition 4 drachmas a day*^*, a most absurd expense for an insignificant and worthless individual. With better reason they gave 3000 drachmas to the two daughters of this distinguished man, and to the daughter of Lysimachus the privilege of being maintained m the Pr^'taneum, like the victors at the Olympic contest ; and other donations in money were granted to the successors of Aristides down to the time of Demetrius Phalereus''^^ These examples, to which many others might have been added, prove that the Athenian people were not illiberal in bestowing pensions. Lastly, rewards for the discovery of offenders (firjvvTpa) deserve to be mentioned ; thus in Andocides"^ two rewards of this kind occur, one of 10,000 and another of 1000 drachmas, which were both actually paid. *^^ ^sehin. c. Ctcsiph. p. 57G. '*^° Isocrat. de Antidosi p. 87, ed. Orell. The other account is given by the author of the fourth epistle of iEschines, p. 669. Tzetzes and others state that the fine itself was only 1000 drachmas. See the Fragments of Pindar, p. 74 ; Heyn. Schneider's Life of Pindar, p. 39, and the Life of Pindar ' set upon the heads of offenders. Cf. which he has published before the ' Aristoph. Av. IO72 sqf|. Theriaca of Nicander. ^^^ Dem. c. Lept. 95, and Wolf's note. ■*^^ Plutarch. Aristid. 27, an obscure passage, the interpretation of it how- ever would lead me too far. *33 De Myst. p. 14. Of the nature of rewards were the prices Avhich were CH. XIX.] ARMS, SHIPS, AND CAVALRY. 249 Chapter XIX. Ai'^ms, Ships, and Cavalry, provided by the State, Although the most opulent citizens equipped themselves at their own expense, there is no doubt that the Athenian state was under the necessity of providing a store of arms, as well in time of war as during peace, that in case of need it might be pos- sible to arm not only such citizens as from poverty could not pro- vide for themselves, but the resident aliens, and even the slaves. That such was the practice is rendered highly probable, by the circumstance that large sums were expended upon naval prepa- rations in time of peace. In the Piraeus was the" marine store- house, which contained sails, ropes, leather-bags for provisions, oars, and other articles for the equipment of vessels ; and the building of ships of war was carried on unceasingly both in peace and war. Themistocles passed a law that twenty new triremes should be built every year : Diodorus"*^* indeed relates this event under Olymp. 75, 4 (b. c. 477), but it is probable that he, hke many other historians, has on this occasion put together insti- tutions of different periods, in order to introduce the circum- stances which in the narration immediately follow; and that Themistocles had in fact carried the law at a much earlier period, viz. when he obtained the decree which directed the money derived from the mines to be applied to the buildino- of ships for the ^ginetan war'". We are not informed whether subsequently the same number of ships was built every year; but we cannot well suppose that they provided a less number ; for the triremes would be faUing into decay, and there were generally three or four hundred in existence. The Senate of Five Hundred had to superintend the building of the triremes'^^; if this was not done, the customary crown was denied them ; the personal superintendence was delegated to commissioners called *^* Diod. xi. 43. j sqq. where there is also the account of •'^^ See my dissertation upon the ; the paymaster who ran away. The silver-mines of Lamion. I following story of Demetrius is given ^""^ Demosth. c. Androt. p. 5U8, 20, ' by Diod.xx.4G; Plutarch.Dcmetr. 10. 250 ARMS, SHIPS, AND CAVALRY, [bK. II. the builders of the triremes. In the time of Demosthenes the building ^yas stopped for a year, the treasurer of the trireme- builders having eloped with 2^ talents : from the smallness of this sum it would be natural to conclude that not many triremes were building at the time ; but as it is probable that the timber and other necessaries had been previously laid up in store, the stolen money may have been applicable only to the payment of the labourers: even this sum too may have been destined only to some i^articular portion of the labour : and therefore it would not be safe to infer from this fact that less than twenty triremes were built every year. After the time of Alexander the building nearly ceased, as the supply of timber from Macedonia then failed. Demetrius Pohorcetes in Olymp. 118, 2 (b.c. 307)^ pro- mised the Athenians timber for 100 triremes, a proof that there was a scarcity of it at x-Vthens. Another part of the military force for which Athens incurred some expense in time of peace, was the cavalry. This was maintained partly on account of the sumptuous appearance which from the beauty of the riders and horses and the magnifi- cence of their trappings it produced at processions; and partly because the Athenians were well aware that if both men and horses had not gone through previous training, they were unserviceable in war. The particular superintendence of this body belonged to the Senate of Five Hundred, who also exa- mined the horses and riders"*^'; the rich were bound by law to serve in it. The pay of the cavalry in time of peace was called catastasis''^^, by which name the examination of the horsemen made by the senate is also stated to have been called; probably because the distribution of the pay and the examinations were connected with one another; it was however a regular pay, and not an extraordinary donative, as Reiske supposed. In the speech of Lysias for Mantitheus it is mentioned, that the horsemen who had served during the anarchy, were compelled *^' Xenoph. de Re Equestri, 1, 8; poc Said. Phot, in v. Karacrracrty, Lex. CEcon. 9, 15, and in the Hipparchus. Also Lycurgns ap. Ilarpocrat. in v. ^^" Lys. pro Mautith. p. 074; Uar- Seg. p. 270. Reiske's erroi- in his note upon Lysias had been already conected by Larchcr MJni. dc TAcad. des luscript. toin. xlviii. p. 02. CH. XIX.] PROVIDED BY THE STATE. 251 after the restoration of the democracy to refund the money which they had received during that time : hence the gramma- rians by a false generahzation of a particular case have inferred, that if the state dismissed the cavalry and appointed others, it required them to refund their pay to the phylarchs*^^ But the state would probably have preferred giving none at all. The truth is, that this measure was effected by a special decree, and only on that single occasion, as the knights had been the chief attendants of the thirty tyrants, and had incurred the public hatred to such a degree, that to have been a knight under the thirty tyrants was reckoned a disgrace. The expense of the cavalry in time of peace amounted, according to Xenophon^""*, to 40 talents; which agrees with the Choiseul Inscription, in which it is stated that there were paid out of the public treasure in four prytaneias, 16 talents 2148 drachmas 3|- oboli, viz. in the first 3 talents 3328 drachmas Si oboli, in the third 5 talents 4820 drachmas, in the fourth 3 talents, in the seventh 4 talents; the rest of the pay appears to have been defrayed out of the current revenue. The object of these payments was to supply the provender of the horses; Ulpian expressly says that pay was given for the keep of the horses""^, and in the above-men- tioned inscription this money is accounted for under the name of provender for the horses {alros lttttols). The amount which each person received out of this grant has been differently determined by modern wTiters, according as they assumed 1000 or 1200 as the number of knights at Athens"^ In the latter case it has been calculated that they received 16 drachmas a month or about 3 oboli a day, in the former, 20 drachmas a month or about 4 oboli a day. Both estimates appear to be too low; for even the sailors who were paid in time of peace received 4 oboli a day, while the knights w^ere not only obhged to keep a servant, but also two horses. The provision of a horseman in war cost the Athenians a drachma a day**^ 439 pioperly it was collected by the dcmarchs ; vid. ad Inscript. 80, ed. Boeckh. *^" llipparcli. i. 19. ■*^i Ad Demostli.c. Timocrat.p. 400. ^^^ Petit Leg. Att. viii. 1, 2; Bar- thel. Anacliars. T. H. p. 184; Larcher ut Slip. p. 1)2. See Jiiscript. No. 147. '" See book ii. c. 22. 252 ARMS, SHIPS, AND CAVALRY. [bK. II. Doubtless the same sum was allowed in peace, and the only difference was, that in war they received provision-money in addition to their pay. This view is confirmed by the fact that the catastasis (which was in truth nothing more than the knights' allowance for provision in time of peace, and which they were forced after the anarchy to refund) amounted to a drachma. I state this solely upon the authority of an inscrip- tion, with respect to which however I entertain no doubt that it refers to and establishes this fact. It thus appears to me pro- bable, that the whole cavalry did not receive pay in time of peace, but only about 600; and for a time Athens had not more than this number. Now the pay of these, reckoning the year at 360 days, as Xenophon does in another place, would exactly amount to 36 talents for that time. Xenophon too only says that the state paid annually to the cavalry nearly 40 talents; nor can the payments made out of the public treasure, according to the above-quoted inscription (which are moreover unequal in different prytaneias) be adduced against my hypothesis, for they were contributions which might in part have been paid for arrears of preceding prytaneias. Lastly, Barthelemy"*^ asserts that the knights frequently kept their own horses, an error into which he is led by referring to the pubhc cavalry a passage which relates only to those citizens, who expended money upon horses either from fondness of the animal, or in order to contend for the prize at the public games. Chapter XX. Apj)roximate Estimate of the Ordinary Expenditure, Of the Extraordinary Expenses in general. These expenses when taken together, if the lowest estimate be made of each item, did not amount annually to less than 400 talents; to these however, if great works of building, extraordi- nary distributions of money, and large sums for festivals were added, the state might have easilv consumed 1000 talents in a ■•" Mem, dc rAciul. dcs Inscriptions, loni. xlviii. p. 351, referring to Lycurg. in Leocrat. CH. XX.] ESTIMATES OF EXPENDITURE. 253 year, even without carrying on war, the expenses of which are unhmited. 400 talents, which are equal to about 97,500/., were in ancient times at least worth three times as much as at the present day, if the value of the precious metals is compared with that of the common necessaries of life; with this view then we may consider that the former sum is equal to triple its amount, or in the currency of modern times to about 290,000/.; which is in fair proportion to a population of 500,000 souls, or indeed if we consider the high rate of interest, low in comparison with the incomes of the inhabitants. If, however, in consequence of war or some particular extra- vagance, the amount was increased (an event which was unques- tionably of no unfrequent occurrence) to 1000 talents or more, and as the citizens were at such a period (as indeed at all others) forced to serve the liturgies required by law, the expense was evidently incommensurate with the means of the state, and could not be well defrayed without oppressing the more wealthy classes by property-taxes, and without the help of tributary allies. Now war, it is certain, produced unusually large and inevitable expenses. At the present day indeed the equipment of armies costs the state immense sums of money; an expense from which the Greeks were very nearly exempt; for every citizen carried with him clothes and arms into the field, which indeed may be considered as a tax levied in another form; the mercenaries also came completely armed; sometimes perhaps it happened that poor citizens, foreign settlers, or slaves, were sent into the field, and assistance on the part of the state was necessary; a point however on which we have no accurate information. Another considerable expense in modern warfare is caused by artillery and ammunition; but as in ancient days the heavier engines of war were on account of their cumbrous- ness seldom brought into the field, they in general only had to provide them upon the occasion of a siege or of the defence of fortified places: the expense for light darts or javelins was inconsiderable. The equipment of fleets, which was necessary for maritime warfare, created a separate branch of expenditure; for which it was altogether impossible that such effectual provi- sion could have been made during peace as to leave nothing to 254 ESTIMATES OF EXPENDITURE. [bK. II. be provided at the breaking out of war. Lastly, the infantry and cavalry, together with the persons attending upon them, and the crews of the different ships, were to be supplied with pay and provisions: and if the total expense of providing for these services should appear to be less than would be necessary in the times in which we live, it must be remembered that though the Greeks maintained no standing army, and the funds for the pay and provision of their troops were required only for a short time, yet on the other hand the soldiers were not only better paid, but also that during the most flourishing periods of Athens war was almost incessant. In order to enable the reader to take a general survey of these subjects, I will treat of them separately, after having in the first instance acquired some general knowledge of the mag- nitude of the military force of Athens. Chapter XXI. Military Force of Athens, Although the numbers of which the armies consisted were in ancient Greece very different, according to circumstances and the necessities of the occasion, and although to state any one precise number of men is less possible than in the case of European nations, yet it can be safely asserted that no modern state, even up to the latest times in which the greatest armies have been sent into the field, maintained so large a regular force in proportion to its population, as was supported by Athens. And it is equally true that her military force was not only on a par with that of all the other states of Greece, but with the exception of Sparta, it was superior to them. What Demosthe- nes""'^ says of Athens at the period at which he is speaking, that of all the Grecian states it had the most numerous naval force, heavy-armed infantry and cavalry, and the greatest quantity of money, must have held good in a higher degree when the strength of Athens had not been broken^ except that Sparta Pliilipii. i. p. 51, 20. CM. XXI.] MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS. 255 could send into the field a more numerous land force. Upon the irruptions into Attica at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war. the Peloponnesian and Boeotian forces, which were then assembled there, amounted in heavy-armed soldiers alone to 60,000 men"'*", and consequently the whole army was more than double this number. We meet indeed with far more numerous armies in the Grecian states of Sicily and Italy. According to Diodorus, 300,000 Sybarites contended with 100,000 inhabitants of Crotona; Philistus stated the military force of Dionysius at 100,000 foot, 10,000 horse, and 400 ships of war, which required an equipment of 80,000 men. The first of these accounts is an evident exaggeration; but whether the latter is possible, I leave to others to decide. Hume*''^ has already exposed the exagge- rations in numbers committed by the ancients, and on the whole, not without success, though he may have erred in parti- cular points. It is not enough to know that Athens had about 20,000 citizens who were bound to serve in war: were we to estimate its military strength merely from this datum, we should form a very incorrect judgment. The safest way to arrive at a satisfac- tory result is, without pretending to a complete enumeration, to collect the principal accounts of the land and sea forces at the different periods. First, it is needless to speak of the Trojan war, at which the Athenians appeared with 50, or according to another report, with 60 ships'*''^: a somewhat more certain account may, how- ever, be given of the times of Solon. Before the constitution of Cleisthenes, Athens had 12 phratrias, and in each of them 4 naucrarias or naucarias, which, as public corporations, were originally the same that the demi were afterwards; they must indeed have been in existence before the time of Solon, as the presidents of the naucrari {7rpvTdv€i<; tcov vav/cpdpcov) are men- tioned before the period of his legislation''*^ and probably all "^^ Plutarch. Pericl. 33. '''*'' Essay upon tlie Populousness of Ancient Nations, vol. ii. p. 230, Lond. 17C0. ^^8 II. B. 500, Eurip. Ipliij?. Aul. 24?." See Grsec. Tiagoed. Princip. p. 238. •*^^ Herod, v. 71« Instead of these Thucydides (1. 12G) mentions the nine arclions, who probably wore at the head of the prytaneias. 256 MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS. [bk. that Aristotle'"' means when he ascribes their institution to Solon is, that the existence of their office was confirmed by that lawgiver. Now each naucraria furnished 2 horsemen, amount- ing altogether to 9G, and 1 vessel, making therefore in all 48, and the whole military system, in respect to defraying the expenses, was doubtless regulated according to naucrarias'*'. When Cle- isthenes afterw^ards introduced the demi, the naucrarias were still retained, probably for financial and mihtary purposes; but he so far altered their constitution, that he created 50 naucra- rias, 5 in each tribe''^% and consequently they now furnished 100 horsemen and 50 ships. This is perfectly consonant with the fact mentioned by Herodotus"", that the Athenians in the war against the ^Eginetans, anterior to the Persian war, could only send out 50 ships of their own, and received 20 ships from the Corinthians in order to increase their force; and we may oljserve that in this case triremes and not smaller vessels are meant, as is proved by their connexion with the Corinthian ships, the Corinthians being the first who had triremes. Miltiades after the battle of Marathon undertook the expe- dition against Paros with 70 ships''^^ But it was precisely at this time that Themistocles increased the naval force, and brought it to the height at which we find it in the Persian war, after the battles of Artemisium and Salamis. In the former action 271 triremes were engaged, among which there were 127 belonging to Athens, which were in part manned with Platseans, they having no ships of their own: besides these, the Athenians gave 20 to the Chalcideans'". To these were added 53 other Athenian vessels, so that Athens numbered 200 vessels among those engaged at Salamis, although the whole Grecian fleet pre- sent at that battle only amounted to 378 triremes*"^ Demos- *^^ Ap. Phot, in V. vavKpapia. ^*' Pollux viii. 108, from which pas- sage Zouiie ad Xenoph. ITipparch. 9, :i, has drawn some eiToneous conclu- sions; Ilesycli. in v. vavKXapos; Phot, ut suj).; Scliol. Aristoph. Nub. 37; Am- nion, in V. vavKKrfpoi ; Ilarpocrat. and Suidas in v. vavKpap'ia. ■•'^ Clcidomus ap Pliot. ut sup. *^3 vi. 89. ^5* Herod, vi. 132. ^^* Herod, viii. 1. Herodotus in this and in nearly every place where he speaks of ships of war, means tri- remes, as is shown by their being op- posed to penteconters. Comp. also viiL 42—48. '■'" Herod, viii. 14, 42-48. If, CH. XXI.] MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS. 257 thenes in the oration for the crown"" agrees exactly with these statements of Herodotus, as far as the Athenians are concerned; for out of 300 Grecian he reckons 200 Athenian triremes: how it came to pass that in the speech upon the Symmoriee*^® only 100 Athenian vessels are mentioned among 300 Grecian, I am unable to explain: this circumstance might indeed lead one to suspect that this oration is spurious, if there was not such strong internal evidence in favour of its authenticity. We may observe further, that the manning of 180 triremes required 36,000 men, of whom only a few were Plataeans; but as the Athenians had at that time wholly deserted their country, it would not have been difficult to man that number of triremes solely with citi- zens, and aliens, taking both young and old, even without slaves; land-forces, as such, were for the moment not in exis- tence. And how numerous these were, we learn from the bat- tles of Marathon and Plataese. In the first of these 10,000 Athenians were engaged, including of course none but hoplitse; we cannot suppose that in those times there were any slaves among the regular forces; and although Pausanias'*^^ asserts that slaves fought for the first time in the former battle, it may be inferred from his words that they were in the ranks of the Plataeans; so that as far as Athens is concerned, his testimony does not apply. Athens could not then have raised a larger number of troops, otherwise it would have done so at a time of the greatest necessity: for probably only the three superior classes were hoplitse, and the thetes were light-armed: subse- quently the thetes were employed as hoplitse, although this is pointed out as an uncommon event in the times of the Pelo- ponnesian war*^°. The Athenians had not any bowmen or however, all the sepai-ate numbers are added together, the sum is only 366 ; something therefore must have been lost in the text, as others have already remarked. Concerning the 200 tri- remes, or 180 without the Chalcidean, compare also Herod, vii. 144, viii. 61, Plutarch. Themistocl. II. 14. The more vague passages of Isocrates (Paneg. p. 79, 82, ed. Hall.) I pass over. [See Thuc. i. 74. Transl.] ^^' P. 306,21. *5« P. 186, 5. ■*^^ i. 32, 3. They appear to have been runaway Boeotian slaves, who lived at Plataeae. [See also x. 20, 2. Transl.] ^^^ Harpocrat. in v. ^^res-. Thucyd. vi. 43. 258 MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS. [BK. II. cavalry in this battle'''; even the small number of horsemen which should have been there according to the former regula- tions, were not in a condition to appear, and the whole order of knijrhts was at that time no more than a name. Attica, from the nature of the country, was little suited for cavalry*''; and as this species of military is powerful among undisciphned masses of infantry, the aristocracy or oligarchy in ancient days was generally composed of horsemen, a form of government which the Athenians of all the Grecian States were most averse to. Boeotia, Phocis, Locris'''^ and Thessaly, were the chief countries in which the cavalry was numerous: even the Pisis- tratidse had 1000 Thessalian horsemen^ which a Thessalian prince had sent to support them against the Spartans"'"*; and according to an ancient alliance, the Thessalian cavalry came to the assistance of the Athenians before and during the Pelopon- nesian war"". At Platseee the heavy-armed infantry of the Greeks amounted to 38,700 men, together with 69,500 light- armed troops, besides 1800 light-armed Thespians: among them there were 5000 Spartans, with 35,000 light-armed Helots and 5000 Lacedeemonian hoplitse, with 5000 light-armed troops; the Athenians had only 8000 hoplitse, together with the same number of light-armed troops, for Herodotus expressly reckons upon an average one light -armed man to each hoplite, with the exception only of the Spartans, of whom each one had 7 'VNdth him"''. The allied Grecian army appears not to have had any cavalry, as the equestrian nations were on the side of the Per- sians; but the Athenians at this battle had bowmen for the first time on land"'^, who were doubtless citizens belonging to the light-armed troops, and of the class of thetes; by sea more than 700 bowmen had already been employed at the battle of Sala- Ilerod. vi. 112. I ciilty caunot be solved. I pass over the accoxints of Diodorus and Pausa- nias, which cannot have much weight. Plutarch (Aristid. 11) agrees in the number of the Athenian hoplitse. *'"' Ilerod. ix. 28 sqq. cf. Gl. In the ^^r Herod, ix. GO, cf. 22. Concern- number of the light-armed troops ing the bowmen in the battle of Sala- Herodotus reckons 800 more than mis see Plutarch. Themistocl. 14. results from liis own data : tlii.s diffi- 461 *^^ Herod, ix. 13. ^" Thuc. ii. 9. "^-^ Herod, v. 63. ^" Thuc. i. 102, 107, ii. 22. CH. XXle] MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS. 259 mis. The Athenians would without doubt have had more troops for the battle of Plataeae, if they had not at the same time been compelled to furnish crews for the fleet which was engaged at Mycale, and consisted, according to Herodotus, of 110, according to Diodorus^ of 250 triremes^ under the command of Leotychides, and on the side of the Athenians, Xanthippus*^*. In the next age the Athenian force remained nearly the same : Cimon commanded 200 Athenian and 100 allied triremes, according to one account; but according to the more credible statement of Thucydides,both taken together amounted to 200 tri- remes: by land they were not stronger than before. In the battle of Tanagra (Olymp. 80, 3, b.c. 458), the whole Athenian land forces were present, excepting what were at that time in Egypt ; 1000 Argives were on their side, together with other allies, and yet altogether they made up only 14,000 men''^^ that is, exclusively of the light-armed troops, which were usually not taken into the account. At the same time there was a fleet of 50 ships cruising against the Spartans at sea, which likewise required 10,000 men. The Athenians endeavoured at all times to improve and to increase both the land and sea forces. It is stated by Ando- cides, and also ^schines in a most obscure passage"'" (from which, however, after the errors have been corrrected, some truth may be extracted), that in thirteen years preceding the ^ginetan war (from the 77th to the 80th Olympiad, b.c. 472 — 60), 100 new ships were added to the 200 which before existed; besides which they had formed a regiment of 300 horsemen, and had purchased the first Scythian bowmen, to the number of 300. During the armistice, which was shortly afterguards concluded with Sparta, in Olymp. 83, 3 (b.c. 436), and which was observed up to the time of the Peloponnesian war, the Athenians again made great exertions in the building of ships, so that in Olymp. 87, 2 (b.c. 431), they were enabled to decree that 100 new triremes should be reserved for particular pur- poses*"'; the cavalry was also raised to 1200, and the same *^^ Herod, viii. 131, Diod. xi. 34. cides de Pace. -•^^ Time. i. 107; Diod. xi. 80. *'^ See below, chap. 23. It was "70 Msch. de Fals. Leg. p. 334—337, : this that floated in the mind of the taken from the beginning of Ando- | orator. S 2 260 MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS. [bK. II. number of bowmen appointed*'' Also after the peace of Ni- cias (Olymp. 89, S, B.C. 422), JEschines states that they pro- cured 300, or, according to Andocides, 400 triremes. The esti- mate of Pericles at the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war agrees sufficiently well with the principal statements which hare been here quoted'^^ According to his account, Athens had not at that time more than 13,000 heavy -armed men fit for active service; besides these, 16,000 of the oldest and youngest of the citizens, and as many of the resident ahens as were heavy-armed, were appointed to defend the fortifications of the city; to which must be added 1200 cavalry, including the mounted bowmen, 1600 bowmen who served on foot, and 300 triremes ready to put to sea; and, according to Xenophon*^*, there were in harbour and on service altogether 400. Isocrates, with the amplification of an orator, gives the numbers at double the amount stated by all the other writers. If we reckon that 300 triremes were manned with 60,000 men, the sum total of the crews does not amount to less than 91,800 men, — a number incredibly great for a population of 500,000 souls, nearly four-fifths of which were slaves. It might indeed be said that Athens was not able to man 300 triremes, if all the hoplitee were deducted; but even if about 10,000 hop- litce are reckoned as included in the ships^ companies, the number which remains is still very considerable. This fact may however be accounted for by the following considerations. The number of hoplitse is larger than we find in the accounts of earlier times, as persons of greater or less age were included, who only served on garrison duty and not in the field; and it was farther increased by the addition of some resident aliens. All indeed were regularly armed; but the whole together was not "*7^ See above, chap. 11. Piraeus were calculated for 400, as *7^ Thuc. ii. 13. The inaccurate j Strabo mentions in the ninth book, Diodonis (xii. 40.) disagrees in some adding at the same time that the Athe- points, and is not so explicit as Thu- nians had sent out that number. Whe- cydides. ; ther the 400 trierarchs who were for- ■•7* Cyr. Exped. vii. 1, 27. Isocrat. merly appointed every year refer to this Panegyr. p. 85. With regard to the circumstance may be questioned. See number 300 compare Aristopli. Acharn. book iv. ch. 12. 544. The places for the ships in the CH. XXI.] MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS. 261 essentially unlike the rising in mass of a population on the alarm of invasion: and it comprised every individual capable of bearing arms, from eighteen to sixty years of age. The resident ahens were originally, when armed as hoplitee, only used as garrison soldiers; in later times they also served in campaigns, to which even ahens not domiciliated were occasionally sum- moned'''^ but they were prohibited from serving in the cavalry*^^ ; nor could there have been many among the hoplitae ; for several Athenian demi supplied a large number of these. Acharnse (by which we are not to understand the little village of the charcoal-burners, as is generally supposed, but a more considerable town which was celebrated for the heroism of its sturdy inhabitants) ^^^ alone supplied 3000'"'^; consequently a greater number of aliens could be spared for the fleet; for this class of persons was probably more numerous in Attica at the time of Pericles than in that of Demetrius Phalereus; and it is well known that they chiefly served in the fleet^^^ In addi- tion to these, the state also took into its service the out-dwellers (ol %«/3fc9 oLKovvTe^;) as they were called, by whom we must either understand with the grammarians, freedmen, or else persons, who, though still slaves, lived apart from their masters, and supported themselves by their own labour*^". If it is borne in mind that the Spartans brought their Helots with them into the field, that the Thessahan mounted penestee were bondsmen, that a considerable number of slaves was always employed in war as attendants on their masters, who were sometimes even manumitted*^', that slaves are said to have fought as early as at the battle of Marathon, and afterwards at ^"'^ Thuc. iv. 90. ' Rep. Atli. i. 12; Demosth. Philipp. i. "76 Xenoph. de Vectig. 2, 2, 5 ; cf. p. 50, 22, and others. Hipparch. 9, 6. That the resident ; ^" Demosth. ut sup. and Hier. Wolf's aliens frequently went into the field is note, but more particularly Harpocrat. also observed by Ammonius in v. tVo- Suid. and Photius in v. tovs X"P''^ TfXTyy, and I have remarked various oiKoOi/T-as', Lex. Seg. p. 316. The author passages in diiferent authors to the of the speech against Euergus and same purpose. Mnesibulus, p. 1161, 15, says of a *77 Pmdar Nem.'ii. 16. j freedman, X'^P'-^ cok^i.. *78 Thuc. ii. 20. " ! "^^ See book i. ch. 13. ^79 Thuc. i. 143, iii. 16; Xenoph. de ' 262 MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS. [bk. II. Cheeronea when the Athenians granted them their liberty'"', it cannot excite any surprise that a large proportion of the rowers were slaves. It is remarked as an unusual circumstance, that tlie seamen of the Paralos were all freemen'"'. At the successful sea-fight of Arginusae there were many slaves in the Athenian ileet'"'; and it equally redounds to the honour of both parties, on the one hand that victory was chiefly owing to the slaves, and on the other that the Athenians immediately emancipated them, and made them Plateean citizens'"^ This must have taken place at an earlier period of the Peloponnesian war; for according to Hellanicus, who could not have been alive at the time of this action, slaves that had been engaged in sea-fights were made Platseans'"^ A large number of slaves was con- sidered not as useful only, but as necessary to a state which possessed a naval force^". The Athenians also employed many foreign seamen who served for hire, and who remained as long as they pleased, so that if the enemy offered better pay they immediately changed sides. Thus the Athenians were able to man far more ships than appears to have been possible if we merely judge from the numbers of the free population. It was only on some pressing emergency that citizens were employed as rowers; except indeed in the sacred triremes, in which the rowers were generally thetes; knights were however so em- ployed on rare occasions, and at times even pentacosiomedimni. Lastly, they sometimes pressed sailors in the countries of the ^82 Dio Chrysost. xv. *^^ Thuc. viii. 73. *^' Xenopli. Hell. i. C, 17. *^^ Scliol. Arlstoph. Ran. 33, cf. 193. A clearer reference to it is made by Aristophanes himself, ibid. 706. This play was produced in tlie year (Olymp. 93, 3, B.C. 400) in which the battle was fought, but later in the year, in the month Gamelion. Concerning the fact comp. also Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 6. Diodorus expresses himself inaccu- rately xiii. 97. ^^^ Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 706. tovs cyuunvfia^ritTnuTas 8ov\ovs 'EXXuvikos (prjcTLV iXevOepatOrfvai Koi eyypa,000 hoplitse in the Pontus refers I 8,9,11. am wholly ignorant; but hardly to ^'" Thuc. vii. 60. the auxiliary troops of Cyrus, which ^•' Thuc. vii. 75. had nothing to do with the Athenians. •^'^ Diod. xiii. 20. yEiian V. H. v. 1 1, transcribes this pas- ^^^ Diod. xiii. 21. Manso misrepre- i sage of Isocrates, but purposely omits sents Diodorus, and then censures him | these 10,000 soldiers. The manner in 268 MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS. [bk. II. of the defeats of Athens, although inaccurate, is very remarkable : "200 triremes were lost, with all their crew, 150 off Cyprus; and in the Pontus 10,000 hoplitae of the Athenians and the allies; in Sicily 40,000 men, and 240 triremes; and afterwards in the Hellespont 200 more : but as to the triremes which had been lost by tens and fives, and the men who had been destroyed by thousands and two thousands, who could enumerate them V In consequence of these calamities, the phratrias and the register of the Lexiarchs were filled with aliens, in order to replenish the number of the citizens ; and the races of the most celebrated men and the noblest families, which had hitherto preserved an unbroken descent through internal troubles and disturbances, and through the vicissitudes of the Persian war, were at length sacrificed to their struggles for dominion, and became extinct. Perhaps no country ever adopted so many strangers as Athens : hence that mixture of languages soon arose, which Xenophon complains of in his Essay upon the Athenian state; but whatever may have been the inconve- niences resulting from thi§ practice, no other means would have sufficed, after such great and repeated losses, to keep up the numbers of the citizens : with regard indeed to the defeat in Sicily, many strangers were involved in it ; the greater part of the citizens were at home : for as at that precise period, after Alcibiades had been recalled from Sicily, the Spartans occupied Decelea, and kept it constantly garrisoned, it was impossible to leave the city in a defenceless state. The fact of there having been only 5000 hoplitee admitted into a share of the govern- ment which was introduced in Olymp. 92, 1 (b.c. 412), imme- diately after the Sicilian expedition^'*, may indeed in part have been occasioned by the misfortunes of war, but is chiefly to be accounted for from the circumstance that the thetes are not comprised in this number; for by law they were prohibited from serving as hoplitae ; and in this instance they would have which Isocrates counted the 240 ships has been shown by Perizonius upon ^.lian. Cneius Piso justly observed that the population of Athens in later times was a conflux of vagabonds and rabble, Tacit. Annal. ii. 55. ''^ Thuc. viii. 97. CH. XXI.] MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS. 269 been still more strictly excluded, as the registration was made in reference to an aristocratical constitution, in which the hop- litse were to compose the pubhc assembly ; for which reason many citizens, even who were not thetes, were unquestionably debarred from a participation. The same holds good of the 3000 in the anarchy^'% who were hoplitse; but it is impossible that these were the only persons of this description, and we must suppose that they were selected arbitrarily from among the citizens who remained at home. By these means Athens sustained herself in the years immediately following the Sicilian expedition; and notwith- standing her unfavourable condition, defeated the Lacedaemonians off Abydos (Olymp. 92, 2, B.C. 411), with 86 ships'^^; and soon afterwards for the second time, off Cyzicus"^ Then Alcibiades appeared with 100, and afterwards Conon with 70 ships'*'^; and this fleet being unsuccessful, the Athenians, in Olymp. 93, 3 (B.C. 406), equipped 110 ships within 30 days, the crews of which were composed of all persons who were able to serve in war, both slaves and citizens; and there were even some knights who went with them. To these were added 10 Samian and more than 30 other allied vessels, and several which had been detached to different places were recalled, making altogether more than 150; while Conon retained 70 under his immediate command, of which 30 were lost'^". The crews of the ships that fought at Arginusae alone amounted to more than 30,000 men; those of Conon's fleet to 14,000, and many persons capa- ble of bearing arms must necessarily have remained at home. Lastly, in the battle of ^gospotamos the Athenian force amounted to 180 triremes, which would require alone 36,000 men^^'. Even after the unfortunate termination of the Peloponnesian war, the Athenians soon recovered themselves, and in Olvmp. "'^ Xenoph. Hell. ii. 3, 12, 13, 4, 2. "^ Time. viii. 104, and Diod. xiii. under Olymp. 92, 3. *i« Xenoph. Hell. i. 1, Diod. xiii. under Olymp. 92, 2. '^^ Xenoph. Hell. i. 5, Diod. iinder Olymp. 93, 1, 2. 5^" Xenoph. Hell. 1. 6, Diod. under Olymp. 93, 3. "' Xenoph. Hell. ii. I, 13, Diod, under Olymp. 93, 4. 9T 70 MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS. [bk. IT. 100, f (B.C. 377)j were enabled to think of equipping, according to Polybius, 100 ships and 10,000 hoplitae; or according to Diodorus, 200 ships, 20,000 hoplitee, and 500 cavalry''^ The forces of Chares, Timotheus, Chabrias, and Iphicrates, were not inconsiderable, as we learn from the historians; according to Isocrates, the state possessed 200 triremes even at a later period than this; Demosthenes in the 106th Olympiad (b.c. 354), reckons the naval force at 300 vessels, which could be sent to sea on an emergency, together with 1000 horse-soldiers, and as large a number of hoplitee as might be wished^"; Lycur- gus provided the state with 400 triremes^^*, and so completely filled the docks that they could not contain any more; the Athenians sent to the assistance of the Byzantines not less than 120 ships, together with hoplitae and a supply of missiles*"; and before the battle of Chceronea, they decreed to send 200 ships to sea''^^ At this time, however, the military force was in a continually declining state, as the citizens were unwilling to serve, and preferred carrying on war with mercenaries, while they were squandering away the public revenue at home in shows and banquets. It is true that mercenaries had been fre- quently employed in the Peloponnesian war, both in the fleet as rowers, and by land as heavy and light-armed troops; but it had not then become a principle, that the whole war should depend on the services of mercenaries. Isocrates^^^ at the time of the Social war, complains that his countrymen no longer exerted themselves; so far from it, that they employed refugees, deserters, and other criminals, who would immediately turn their arms against Athens if any body offered them higher pay; and this the Athenians did at a time when they were hardly able to defray the expenses of the administration; whereas for- merly, when there was abundance of treasure in the Acropolis, *" Diod. XV. 29, Tolyb. ii. 62, Comp. book iv. ch. 4. "' Isocrat. Areop. 1, Demosth. de Symmor. p. 181, 17, p. 183, 15, p. 18G, 8. '"'" See Meurs. Fort. Att. vii. and more particularly the tltird decree after the Lives of the Ten Orators. ^'^^ Decree of the Byzantines in Demosth. pro Corona, p. 25G. ^^^ Decree in Demosth. pro Corona, p. 290. ^^' ^vfxfiax. 16. CII. XXI.] MILITARY FORCE OF ATHENS. 271 the citizens themselves served in war. It was a common prac- tice to write down 10^000, 20,000 mercenaries; but it was a force which existed only on paper, and nothing more than a decree to that effect went out with the general: they chose 10 generals, 10 taxiarchs, 10 phylarchs, and 2 hipparchs; but with the exception of 1, they all remained at home, and together with the sacrificers, superintended the processions. Every general was two or three times put on his trial for life or death, and when defeated with his mercenaries, was made the object of party accusations. In order to diminish this evil, Demosthenes counselled the Athenians that the fourth part of the standing army which he advised them to form, should be composed of citizens. In addition to this it often happened that the foreign leader of the mercenaries was a general, the equipments of the army were never ready at the right time, and that the war was carried on upon unsound military principles'^*. The greatest number of mercenaries which Athens collected at this time against Philip was, according to the statement of Demosthenes, 15,000, together with 2000 cavalry, which were furnished by the Euboeans, Achaeans, Corinthians, Thebans, Megarians, Leucadians, and Corcyrseans, in addition to the other force composed of the citizens of these nations^": others than these Athens was forced to maintain at her own expense. The total numerical amount of the land army must always be estimated at twice the number of men which is stated by ancient authors, when they merely mention hoplitae and cavalry. For each hoplite had an attendant (vTrrjpirrj^;, crKevos Se napa CH. XXII.] THE ARMY AND NAVY. 277 tained their unreasonable claim by saying that the Athenian sailors would desert to their side, as they only received half as much 3 in answer to which Cyrus appealed to the agreement, by which each ship was to receive only 30 minas a month, or 3 oboli for each man; however, Cyrus allowed himself to be prevailed on by their entreaties to give to each sailor an addi- tional obolus, after which they received 4 oboli a day"^. In this instance also 200 men are reckoned to the trireme. It may be farther observed that the seamen, when they were first engaged, received bounties and advances of money, that they generally made considerable demands, and after all were with difficulty retained in the service. The travelling expenses of those who went away either by land or water were frequently paid, and particularly by private individuals"^. The foregoing statements relative to the pay of the sailors, concur throughout in the fact that there were 200 men to be paid in each trireme : and in these accounts the marines or soldiers, as well as the sailors, must have been included, since otherwise a separate payment for them would have been somewhere men- tioned; and they are evidently comprised among the ship^s company, when the ancients speak of the pay of the seamen. But as a doubt has been raised whether a trireme did in fact contain so large a crew, it appears necessary to produce addi- tional testimony in order to confirm our supposition. According to Herodotus, Cleinias, the son of Alcibiades, served in the battle of Salamis with a trireme of his own and 200 men"^ The same author^^" estimates the whole force of Xerxes, which consisted of 1207 ships, at 241,400 men, taking 200 for each as the regular number, inclusive of the marines that belonged to them ; the 30 epibatse who were also on board, did not belong to the regular complement, but were added to the full crew from the Persians, Medes, and Sacse. Plato in the 557 Xenoph. Hell. i. 5, 3, 4 ; Plut. Lysander, 4 ; Alcib. 35. 558 Demosth. c. Polycl. p. 1208, 16, p. 1212, 9, 19, de Trierarch. Corona, p. 1231, 10; Time. vi. 31; Lysias pro Mautith. p. 579. 559 Herod, viii. I7. 560 Yii. 184, of. 96. Duker ad Tlmcyd. viii. 29, unjustly blames Meibomius (de Fabrica Triremium) for not in- cluding tliese 30 epibatse in the calcu- lation . 278 PAY AND PROVISIONING OF [bK. II. Critias**' gives a sketch of a military force for the inhabitants of Atlantica according to the custom prevalent in his own time, excepting that he speaks of military chariots, which were but seldom used even in the interval between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars. Of the 60,000 lots into which he divides the country, each is to supply, besides the chariots and their drivers, 2 hoplitse, 2 bowmen, 2 slingers, 3 light armed soldiers for throwing stones, and the same number for throwing javelins, and lastly, 4 seamen for the manning {ifXriptoixa) of 200 ships, which gives 200 a-piece. There is however one statement which does not agree with this number. In the Lexicon Rhetoricum^*^^ the complement of a penteconter is stated at 50 men, or 1 lochus, and the trireme at 300 men, or 6 lochi. It is possible that the rowers of the triremes were distributed into 6 lochi, each row upon either side being separately considered a lochus ; but that each lochus amounted to 50 men is unques- tionably false; it is more probable that the number was 25 men or thereabouts, if the lochus was numerous, and that the marines made up the rest of the crew. But it may be said, if there were 200 men to each trireme, how could the pay of the whole crew have been exactly 200 times that received by the common sailor; a talent a month, when the common sailor received a drachma, and a half talent when he received 3 oboli ? must not the commanders and the experienced seamen have received more than the common rowers ? To this I answer as follows; that in the payment of a ship^s crew it was settled once for all, that the pay of a trireme should be 200 times the wages of a common seaman : it must at the same time be con- sidered as probable, that the rowers received less than the average rate of pay, and that the able seamen received some- what more, so that what was deducted from the former was added to the latter. The Schohast of Aristophanes'" distinctly asserts that the thalamitae received lower wages, because they had the shortest oars, and consequently the lightest labour : the thranitee on the other hand from having the largest oars had the greatest fatigue, and for this reason in the Sicihan expedi- P. 119 A sqq. *" Lex. Scg. p. 298. ^^^ Acliarn. 1100'. CH. XXII.] THE ARMY AND NAVY. 279 tion the trierarchs made them an additional allowance, together with some other inferior persons in the vessel, probably the steersman, the proreus, &c.; but that their regular pay was higher we are neither told by Thucydides nor his interpreter^^^, who have been adduced as authorities for the assertion. But even if the pay was graduated according to rank, we could not apportion the different rates for each description of seamen ; especially as we are not able to ascertain with accuracy the respective numbers of each class. It is indeed scarcely possible even with the aid of conjecture to determine the proportion which the sailors in a ship bore to the soldiers ; I will therefore make some addition to what has been already observed on this point with a view to render more intelligible our assump- tion respecting the numbers of the crew of a trireme. Triremes were of different kinds, either swift (ra^etat), or military transports (o-rpaTtcwTiSe?, oTrXcTayayyol) : the latter were completely filled with land forces, who, as they were put on board solely for the purpose of being carried from one place to another, were for this reason ineffective in battle, and there- fore never called on to fight except on emergencies^^^; the former kind however took on board no more than the full com- plement of men {ifKrjpcofxa) which was necessary for working and defending the ship. The troops on board the military trans- ports in addition to the proper crews were, like all persons who travelled by sea, called epibatee; 5100 men were transported in 40 such vessels, according to the account of Thucydides, making altogether with their respective attendants more than 200 men to a trireme; the Thebans sent 300 men to Pagasse in 2 tri- remes^^% whose motion was consequently much retarded. The hoplitse upon a few occasions transported themselves, per- forming the labour of rowing with their own hands (avTepiraiY^K The crews of the swift triremes however consisted of two descriptions of men, of the soldiers or marines appointed to ^«* vi. 31. ^®5 Thucyd.i. 116, aiFords an instance of this. ^«« Thucyd. viii. 43 ; Xenoph. Hell. V. 4, 56. There were 300 citizens who were on board the triremes as epibatae and no rowers. ^"7 Thiic. iii. 18, cf. vi. Dl. 280 PAY AND PROVISIONING OF [bK. II. defend the vessels, who were also called epibatee ; and of the sailors. These epibatse were entirely distinct from the land soldiers, such as hoplitse, peltasts, and cavab-y'"' ; and belonged to the vessel: but if it was an object to increase the usual number, it was easy to give an additional quota of land soldiers, as for instance the 30 to each trireme in Xerxes^ fleet. The seamen, under whom I include the whole crew with the excep- tion of the soldiers, are called sometimes servants (vTrrjpeTac), sometimes sailors {vavTat): in a more limited sense however the rowers {ipirai, KcoTTTjXdrac) are distinct from the servants and sailors, and only comprise those who were employed at the steerage, sails, cordage, pumps, &c. Finally, the rowers were of three kinds, thranitse, zygit6e, and thalamitse. If now the regular crew of the swift triremes amounted to 200 men, how was this number divided ? Meibomius reckons 180 rowers in three rows, so that there were 30 upon each bank, on either side. This is a most singular hypothesis. For if there were 180 rowers, there would only remain 20 for all the rest of the crew, whereas the navigation of the ship alone would have required this number, if we consider only the steersman, the proreus, the celeustes, the trieraules, the nauphylax, the toicharchs, the diopes, the eschareus, and the many others that were unquestionably employed; and what room do we then leave for the marines ? The supposition of Meibomius is borrowed from the quinquireme, to which Polybius assigns 300 rowers, and 1 20 fighting men ; the former in five rows of 60 men, 30 on each side ; but his reason for crowding as many rowers into the long side of the trireme, which he reckons at 105 feet, as into that of the quinquireme which measured 150 feet, is arbitrary. Not to go into farther details, the rowers could not have amounted to more than 130 or 140 men, if we leave a sufficient number for that part of the crew which worked the ship, and for the epibatee. In the quinquireme the rowers were to the marines in the ratio of 5 to 2 ; in a pente- conter there were 30 men besides the 50 rowers"^ most of whom were undoubtedly soldiers, as the number required for Xenoph. Hell. i. 2, 4. i«9 Herod, vii. 184. CH. XXII.] THE ARMY AND NAVY. 281 the working of the vessel must in this case have been smaller ; probably only about 10 men, so that the ratio of the rowers to the fighters was again as 5 to 2. If therefore we reckon that there were in a trireme 130 or 140 rowers, and 40 or 50 epibatee, in addition to 20 other seamen, the number of rowers assumed is proportionally large. I know only of two definite accounts of the number of the epibatse which refer to particular occasions. Herodotus^"" tells us that the Chians having revolted from Persia, and equipped a hundred ships, distributed 40 opulent citizens as epibatee in each trireme, which agrees perfectly with my computation. Plutarch"' informs us that only 18 men fought upon deck on board the Athenian triremes at the battle of Salamis; that of these, 4 were bowmen and the others heavy-armed ; this esti- mate is however singularly low. With regard to the mode of fighting it may be observed, that the rowers struck their opponents with oars, the epibatse used arrows and darts at a distance, spears and swords in close combat"". It must not however be supposed that the rowers were so nearly defenceless. Isocrates"^ indeed in the passage in which he complains that foreigners were then serving as fighting men, and citizens as rowers, remarks, that in descents upon the enemies' territory, the former fought as hoplitee, while the latter landed with the cushions on which they sat; from which it might be inferred that the rowers were unprovided with any weapons of defence ; there can however be no doubt that they were armed, only not in any regular manner, every one providing for himself as he could, or as accident determined for him, some as peltasts, bowmen, &c., that is, the thranitse and zygitae"^, and probably the thalamitee also. They were there- fore able to serve on land, which was necessarily the case with the hopUtse who rowed themselves*'*. Since then the arming of the rowers was irregular, some preparations were frequently 570 Herod, vi. 15. 571 Themist. 14. '72 Compare for example Diod. xiii. 46. '7<» 2vfxfiax. 16. ^'* Thuc. iv. 3, 2. 7 5 See the passages referred to in note 367. 282 PAY AND PROVISIONING OF [bK. II. required in order to make them serviceable on land. Thus Thrasyllus armed 5000 seamen belonging to his 50 triremes as peltasts'''; and on an occasion mentioned by Thucydides'" the sailors were obliged to be provided with shields before they could serve upon land. This irregularity in the equipment of the seamen is the less surprising, as we find that even the hoplitse and the epibatee were not armed with perfect uni- formity^ ; for, had this been the case, there would have been no foundation for the story which Herodotus relates of an hoplite in the battle of Plateese, who brought an anchor with him, in order to fasten himself to the ground^^^; or an epibates, who made use of a spear sickle [BopvBpeTravov) instead of a spear, as Plato"^ mentions. The land and sea forces generally received their pay and provision at the same time ; if any portion of it remained in arrear, it was commonly the pay; and the provision money, as being necessary, was usually supplied first. In the expe- dition of Timotheus against Corcyra, the mercenaries had received three months^ provisions in advance, but no pay had been supplied; so that there would have been considerable danger of their going over to the enemy, if Timotheus had not inspired them with confidence in his pecuniary resources by making them a present of the provision money which they had received in advance^^^ Demosthenes^^^ mentions another in- stance, in which the trierarch had received the whole of the provision money for his crew, though he obtained no more than two months' pay for the whole time of his trierarchy. Here too should be mentioned a suggestion of the same statesman in the first Philippic, which however was never put into execution. He proposed to maintain a standing army, in order to carry on war against Macedon without intermission ; 10 ships and 2000 infantry, at an expense for each of 40 talents; and 200 cavalry, at 12 talents a year: these sums however were only to be given them as provision money ; he would not allow any pay, but they were to have unlimited permission 57« Xenoph. lIcU. i. 2, 1, cf. i. 1, 24. *'7 iv. 0. *7" llurod. l\. 74. ^79 Laches, p. 183 D. ^»" Pseud-Aristot. (Ecou. ii. 23. *«' C. Polycl. p. 1209, 12. CH. XXII.] THE ARMY AND NAVY. 283 to plunder. This proposal is worthy of remark, as having no parallel in any Grecian author ; it is the outline of a plan for embodying a military force to maintain itself at free quarters, and at the same time to form a permanent standing army; though its continuance was indeed limited to the dura- tion of war. A standing army in time of peace would not only have utterly ruined the finances, had it received pay, but, if it had consisted of citizens, would have led to a military govern- ment ; as the Thousand at Argos, who were required to devote themselves exclusively to the exercise of arms, and received pay for their services, took forcible possession of the supreme power, and changed the democracy into an oligarchy^^^. The Greeks were well aware that a standing army obtained a greater degree of skill in the art of war ; but they were pre- vented from introducing it by the nature of their constitutions : for neither were they able to realize the ideal state of Plato, in which the standing army, formed according to philosophical and moral principles, is at the head of the government ; nor could they return to the oriental form of castes, an institution of universal adoption in remote antiquity, and under which Attica had in early times had her military caste ; nor, lastly, could they have endured the oppression of a military government. The Romans were of the same opinion : even after their government had declined into a barbarous military despotism, it was never- theless considered indecorous that an armed force should reside in the capital, for the purpose, as it were, of overawing the people ; and in order to preserve the decorum to which they owed the continuance of all ancient forms, and even of the senate itself, the imperial guards at Rome were compelled to wear the civil toga, and their helmets and shields were kept in the armoury^°^ With regard to the scheme of Demosthenes mentioned above, it seems strange, according to our notions, that the soldiers were to have first received money merely for provision, and to have had no pay whatever ; as it appears more natural to ^^'■^ Diod. xii. 75, 80; Time. v. 81 ; Puusaa. ii. 20 ; Aristot. Polit. v. 4. '^-' See Lipsius ad Tacit. Hist. i. oC. 284 PAY AND PROVISIONING OF [bK. II. have given them pay, and have suppUed provisions by means of requisition and quartering: but the former method was too tedious and difficult in an enemy's country, if it was to be exacted regularly; and the latter was very rarely practised in the Greek states. In the first place, it was unnecessary, war being generally carried on in the favourable time of year, and the life of a camp in so mild a climate was healthy and pleasant ; in the second place, it was inadmissible upon military in a foreign, and on political principles in a friendly, country. The ancients, on account of the freedom of their governments, would not, any more than England, have submitted to an institution from which every sort of oppression and injustice is inseparable, and which endangers the very existence of liberty; considering too the greater dissoluteness of their morals (particularly with regard to the intercourse of the sexes and their proneness to unnatural vices), the susceptibility of their passions, the want of discipline in the armies, and the great claims and pretensions of the soldiers, the necessary consequences of such an institution would have been murders, insurrections, and revolutions. In the case of friendly states it was first necessary to ask whether an army in march or a naval force could be received into the city alone, and even this was frequently denied : if permission was granted, everything was paid for on the spot. When Athens sent an army to the assistance of the Thebans, they received it in so friendly a manner, that the hoplitee and cavalry being encamped without the city, the Thebans admitted them into their houses : but in how marked a manner does Demosthenes boast that no disturbance ensued, " The three most splendid encomia of your virtues,^' he says' ^% " the Thebans showed on that day to all the Greeks; the first of your courage, the second of your justice, the third of your moderation: for by giving into your power what with them and all people is guarded with the greatest sanctity, their wives and children, they showed that they had a firm assurance of your continence : and in that they judged rightly, for after the army had entered the city, no inhabitant made any complaint against you, no, not even an ^"* Tro Corona, j). 2'J'J, extr. CH. XXII.] THE ARMY AND NAVY. 285 unjust one/' The Persians however managed their army in a different manner : in their expedition to Greece they encamped indeed in the open fields, but were supported by the inhabitants : the reception and maintenance of Xerxes' army cost the Thasians alone, for their towns situated upon the main-land, 400 talents, which were paid out of the public money, so that individuals did not directly bear the burden; and the Abderite said with justice that the whole state would have been destroyed if Xerxes had breakfasted as well as dined there^^\ Datames the Persian provisioned his troops in the same manner in a foreign country^^\ The Romans oppressed the provinces most grievously with their armies, especially for winter quarters ; the praetors, when bought off by one city, were not ashamed to burden another : these bribes were called the Vectigal Presto- rium, whence in subsequent times the Epidemeticum arose^". Whether the allowance for provision was given out in money or in kind, it was the imperative duty of the generals to attend to the provisioning of the troops, especially for voyages, when food could not be purchased day by day. It usually hap- pened that a large market established itself in any place where the armies either remained for a time, or were expected. Here the soldiers supplied their wants, and upon a march their servants and beasts of burden carried provisions in the rear ; suttlers and handicraftsmen followed for the sake of their own gain : Datames the Persian even supported a number of these traffickers, in order to have a share in their profits, and pro- hibited all others from entering into competition with them^^^. With great armies the supply of provisions was necessarily on a large scale : the Grecian army at Plataese was followed by large stores from the Peloponnese, the care of which belonged to the attendants"^; in like manner the Persian army was followed by whole fleets of store-ships. The provident Nicias stated it as an indispensable requisite to the undertaking of the Sicilian expedition, that wheat and roasted barley should be ^^^ Herod, vii. 118 sqq. ; tioned by Tacitus, Hist. i. 66". =^^ Pseud- Aristot. CEcon. ii. 24. | ^^^ Pseud- Aristot. ut sup. 5^7 Burmann de Yect. Pop. Rom.xii. \ ^^^ Herod, ix. 39, cf. 50. An action of similar oppression is men- 286 PAY AND PROVISIONING OF [bk. II, sent from Attica to Sicily, and that they should take with them hired bakers, who were procured from the mills by a compul- sory levy'''; the provision fleet collected at Corcyra, consisting of 30 corn vessels, with the bakers and other handicraftsmen, such as stone-masons and carpenters, and the implements required for a siege; also 100 smaller vessels were constrained to attend the store ships, and many others, both smaller and larger, followed the army for the sake of traffic^^'. When such was the case, however, the soldiers doubtless purchased their provision either from individuals or from the state, which had only the care of procuring supphes, without anything being given freely to the soldiers, unless perchance no provision money had been paid them. When Timotheus besieged Samos, a scarcity of provisions was produced by the concourse of so many strangers; he therefore prohibited the selling of ground corn, and did not allow it to be sold plain in less quantities than a medimnus, or any liquids in less quantities than a metretes; by these means the strangers were obliged to bring their provi- sions with them, and they sold whatever remained unconsumed; while the taxiarchs and lochagi bought food by wholesale, and retailed it among the soldiers^'^ The same must be con- sidered to have been the case in the Sicilian expedition, and other similar occasions. If the provision was supplied in kind, which was necessarily more general with the sea than with the land service, the commanders received the siteresion, and with that money they purchased a store of provisions. The trierarchs supplied their inferiors with barley-meal (aX(j>tTa), cheese, and onions^^% or garlic, which were carried in nets"*^*; the maza was baked from the barley-meaP®% with water and oiP'^; and if it **' Thuc. vi. 22, -where the bakers are called T]vayKa(Tix€voL cfifxiadoi, as, although they received pay, they had been pressed into this expedition. npos fiepos Duker rightly interprets pro rata portione : it is not however in reference to the corn, but means that a proportional number should be taken from each mill, eV tcov fivXavav rrpos fjifpos, for example, two out of each. 23 ; Polyjen. 591 Time. vi. 30,44. ^^^ Pseud-Aristot. ii. iii. 10, 10. 593 Plutarch, de Glor. Ath. fi. 59^ Thence the saying, (XKopohov eV bLKTvois, see Suidas in v. crKopodiois. •95 Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 1105. 59« Hesychius and Zonaras in v. CH. XXII.] THE ARMY AND NAVY. 287 was wished particularly to stimulate the rowers^ wine also was added^^^ Probably each man received a choenix of barley-meal a day : a comic poet indeed says of a man, who boasted of eating 2i medimni in a day, that he would consume the pro- visions of a long trireme^®% although what he ate was in fact only 120 choenices; but who will require of a jester accuracy on such a subject as this ? Ptolemy gave the Rhodians, for the provision of 10 triremes, 20,000 artabse of corn'^% probably of wheat, making 10 artabse a year for each man, if we reckon 200 to a trireme; which amounts to almost 1^ choenix a day, if large artabee are meant, and if small, only three-quarters of a chcenix. To estimate the amount of the pay and provision money required for a war, another datum is necessary besides the numerical force of the army and the rate of the pay, viz., the length of the campaign. As soon as the campaign was over, the payment of the troops ceased ; even mercenaries did not constantly receive wages, but were paid for a portion only of the time®°^ In early times war was carried on with the Lace- daemonians for four or five months ; but Philip made no differ- ence between summer and winter^"'. Yet as early as in the Peloponnesian war, armies were paid in winter, as in Sicily and elsewhere ; and Pericles used regularly to keep 60 ships eight months at sea, and to pay them for the whole time*"*: these alone must have cost 480 talents a year, if each man received a drachma a day. But how could Athens have raised pay and provision money for more than 60,000 men in the Sicilian expedition, the cost being 3600 talents in a year ? We must not therefore wonder that, notwithstanding the high tributes and the oppression of the allies (though the indepen- dent confederate states in great measure paid their own troops), a scarcity of supplies quickly arose; nor need we be surprised ^^7 Thuc. iii. 49 ; comp. ScheflFer Mil. Nav. iv. 1. This [xd^a is the olvovTTa, Athen. iii. p. 114 F. 59« Athen. x. p. 415 C. f,93 Polvb. V. 80. ^'•^ For an instance of this see Thu- cyd. viii. 45. «'*i Demosth. Philipp. iii. p. 123. ^''■^ Plutarch. Pericl. 11. 288 EQUIPMENT OF THE FLEET. [bK. II. that Pericles, who, in the beginning of the war, kept an equally large force on foot, although not throughout the whole year, was compelled to have recourse to the public treasure. Chapter XXIII. Equipment of the Fleet. Implements for Sieges. The expenses of war were also considerably increased by the equipment of fleets, and the preparation of machines used in war, and of instruments for sieges. Besides the ships which were built in time of peace, they were accustomed, as soon as any severe struggle was apprehended, to apply themselves with extraordinary zeal to the construction of vessels ; yet, before the ships could be ready to sail, there re- mained always much to be done in order to complete their equip- ment ; part of which was furnished by the state, and part by the trierarch at his own cost. Besides the swift triremes, it was also necessary to provide many transports (oX/taSe?), auxiliary vessels {vTTTjpeTt/ca TrXota), and cavalry transports {iTrirayeoya irXoia); which latter, although the Greeks had taken horses with them to the siege of Troy, and the Persians had employed many ships of this description in the war against Greece, were yet for the first time regularly introduced at Athens in the second year of the Peloponnesian war, and were afterwards frequently used^°\ On rare occasions only it happened that the Athenians had a fleet equipped and ready for battle, such as that appointed in Olymp. 87, 2 (B.C. 431), when it was decreed that every year the 100 best triremes should be selected, to which trierarchs were imme- diately assigned, in order that Attica might be defended in the event of an attack from the sea; and at the same time 1000 talents were ordered to be laid by for the same object'"*. Thuc. ii, 56, iv. 42, vi. 43, and Fals. Leg. p. 336 ; Andoc. de Pace, p. elsewhere; Demostli. Philipp. i. p 46, 5 ; Plutarch. Pericl. 35. Concerning the Persians see Diod. xi. 3 ; Herod, vii. 97. •^^^ Thuc. ii. 24, viii. 15 ; ^sch. de 92 ; Suid. in v. a^vaaos. The money was laid by only once, and not annu- ally, as some writers have erroneously supposed. CH. XXIII.] IMPLEMENTS FOR SIEGES. 2S9 The preparations for sieges were particularly expensive, since much carpenters' work and masonry, and many handi- craftsmen, were required for these purposes: machines for attack and defence were used in early times, not only in the Peloponnesian war, but even at an earlier period, as, for ex- ample, by Miltiades at Paros, and by Pericles at the siege of Samos; although the art of besieging did not attain its greatest perfection among the Greeks until the time of Demetrius Poliorcetes. That considerable outlays were made for missile weapons is evident from several passages in ancient writers. With regard to Athens, it will be sufficient to mention the two decrees®"^ by which honours were conferred on Demochares and Lycurgus; the former, for having procured arms, darts, and machines; the latter, for having brought arms and 50,000 darts into the Acropolis. Chapter XXIV. Estimate of the War Expenditure of Athens. If these several heads are added together, it will be at once evident how vast must have been the whole expenses of a war after the time that Pericles had introduced the pay of the forces; whereas in earlier times the building and equipment of the fleets alone caused any expense to the state. The fine of 50 talents, to which Miltiades was condemned on account of the failure of his expedition with 70 ships against Paros, might therefore have been taken as equivalent to the whole expense, as Nepos''' thinks it was, did we not know that this sum was a common fine, without any regard to a particular compensation. The siege of Samos in Olymp. 84, 4 (b. c. 441), appears, according to Diodorus, to have cost 200 talents; for Pericles required a contribution to this amount, as an indemnification for the expenses which had been incurred^". Pericles must however have reckoned very leniently in this case; for a nine ««5 At the end of the Lives of the 1 ^"^ Miltiad. 7. Ten Oratore, ii. iii. 1 ''' Diod. xii. 28 ; cf. Thuc. i. 1 17- U 290 ESTIMATE OF THE [bK. II. months' siege by land and sea, in which, according to the account of Thucydides, not less than 199 triremes were em- ployed, or at any rate a large part of this number for a consi- derable time, must evidently have caused a greater expense; and the statement therefore of Isocrates and Nepos'*^^ that 1200 talents were expended upon it, 'appears to be by no means exaggerated. But the expenses of the Peloponnesian war are the most extraordinary in the financial history of Athens. If we assume that the ships employed at the beginning of the war received only six months' pay, they must have cost 1500 talents; and in this number the forces employed at the siege of Potidaea are not included. This siege was extremely expensive, having been continued uninterruptedly during both summer and winter for two years; Thucydides reckons the expense at 2000^°^, Iso- crates at 2400 talents, a part of which Pericles took from the public treasure*'^^ A separate war tax of 200 talents was levied for the siege of Mytilene, and 12 ships were dispatched for the purpose of collecting money from the allies^''. No enterprise went so far beyond the resources of the Athenian state as the Sicilian expedition. The annual pay alone amounted, as we have already seen, to 3600 talents, nearly the double of the whole annual revenue of Athens, if we take it at the highest estimate; and at how great an amount must we reckon the other expenses of this war ? By these means both money and provisions soon almost wholly failed; nor were the subsidies furnished by the Egestseans at all considerable, viz. 60 talents ^''^ Thiic. i. IIG, 117; Isocrat. de Antidosi, p. C9; Nepos Timoth. 1. ^°^ Thuc. ii. 70, where the reading XiXta is undoubtedly false, Isocrat. de Antid. p. 70. Diodorus (xii. 46) reckons the expenses some months before the surrender at more than 1000 talents. «•<» Thuc. iii. 17, ii. 13. According to the latter passage 3700 talents were taken out of the troa-sury, wliicli Dio- dorus (xii. 40) less accurately calls 4000. Barthelemy reckons 3000 for the public works of Pericles, and 700 for the first part of the siege (Anach. torn. i. note 8), This assumption is however quite arbitrary ; Potidaea and the works of building and art might have cost more than 5000 talents, and those 3700 have been only an advance from the public treasure, in addition to what was paid for out of the current revenues. "" Thuc. iii. 10. CH. XXIV.] WAR EXPENDITURE OF ATHENS. 291 given at the very commencement, as monthly pay for 60 ships, and 30 talents sent at a subsequent period^ '^ There was little plunder taken, although 100 talents were once obtained from that source® ^^: the remittances from Athens were by no means large, 20, 120, or 300 talents, and these, as it appears, eveii came, in part at least, from the public treasure^ ^*, to which, both then and afterwards, they were compelled to have recourse, in order to support the expenses of the war, for which purpose indeed it had been originally collected. Nothing but a fortu- nate issue could have put Athens in a condition to defray the immense sums required for pay; without which however it would have been impossible to adopt so vast a plan. If Pericles had not introduced the pay of the soldiers, Athens could not have carried on the Peloponnesian war for so long a time; nor again, could the youthful imagination of Alcibiades have con- ceived the lofty notion of obtaining a footing in Sicily, as a new centre from which they might subdue Carthage and Libya, Italy, and, finally, the Peloponnese®^'; the people and the soldiers were moreover favourably inclined to this expedition, because they hoped to receive money immediately, and to make conquests, by which they would be enabled to receive their pay without intermission^ ^^. In the age of Demosthenes, also, much treasure, levied chiefly by property taxes, was applied to the uses of war; but with a large expenditure little was eflfected. A fruitless expe- dition to Pylse cost, together with the expenses incurred by private individuals, above 200 talents*''; Isocrates complains of the loss of more than 1000 talents, which had been given to foreigners*'®; Demosthenes of the squandering of more than «'2 Diod. xiii. 6. «'3 Diod. ibid. ^^* See Corp. Inscript. No. 144, with the remarks, p. 208. ^^^ Thuc. vi. 15, 90; Isocrat. 2u/i- /xax- 29; Plutarch. Alcib, 17- The idea was new; for althoiigh in the Knights of Aristophanes (vs. 174, 1300) a plan is '^hinted at for attacking Car- thage, it only owes its existence to a false reading. In both places KaX^j;- Scop should evidently be read for Ko/j- XV^^^f as the Scholiast at vs. 1300 writes, and as the sense requires in vs. 174. «io Thuc. vi. 24. «i7 Demosth. de Fals. Leg.p.367,21, ^''^ Isocrat. Areopag. 4. U 2 292 ESTIMATE OF THE [bk. II. 1500, which, as iEschines remarks, were expended not upon the soldiers, but upon the ostentatious splendour of the gene- rals'", at the very time they lost the allied cities and their ships. The state had been impoverished by the theorica, while indivi- duals had enriched themselves; there was not in the miUtary chest money enough for a single day's march"'"; and if any funds were collected for war, the mismanagement and maladmi- nistration would surpass all belief, did we not know that the same mischief has recurred in all times. Commanders or demagogues, who received pay for the troops, drew it for empty j)^aces^^\ as was the expression; in the same manner that in modern times generals have received pay for what were termed men of straw, or soldiers that existed only on the roll. To ascertain the extent of these practices, commissioners were sent out to discover whether there were as many mercenaries as the generals reported; these inquirers, however, frequently allowed themselves to be bribed'". The trierarchs, as early even as in the time of the poet Aristophanes, were accused of embezzling the pay of part of the crew, and stopping the unoccupied aper- tures for the oars in their ships, in order that it might not be seen that there was a deficiency of rowers'^^ In the mean time the public money was squandered away by generals such as Chares and many resembling him, who were distinguished by every kind of profligacy. If in an age of simplicity and decorum, Themistocles was not ashamed to drive through the Ceramicus in the morning with a carriage full of courtesans'*^, it is easy to understand how Alcibiades, who, '^3 Demosth. Olynth. iii. p. 36, 8, (and thence nepX a-vvrd^. p. 174, 11,) jEsch. de Fals. Leg. p. 249. '^^'^ Demosth. c. Aristocrat, p. 690. ^■^' This is the meaning of fiio-Oo- op€7v iv TO) ^fviKa Kevais x^^pats"? TEschin. c. Ctesiph. p. 536. Others cheated the soldiers, as e. g. Memnon of Rhodes and Cleomenes. See Aris- tot. CEcon. ii. 29, 39. °'^^ These are the e^eraaTolj ^Esch. c. Timarch. p. 131, nepl napanpecr^i. p. 339, Lex. Seg. p. 252. The passage in the oration Trepl (rvvrd^eas p. 167, 17, seems also to refer to the exetastae ; those, however, mentioned in the de- cree published by Chishull Ant. As. p. 164, from Ains worth, which probably belongs to Athens, are of a different description. ^"^ Schol. Aristoph. Pac. 1233. '" Heraclides ap. Athen. xii. p. 533 D. CH. XXIV.] WAR EXPENDITURE OF ATHENS. 293 notwithstanding his extraordinary talents, was a man of the most immoral and irrehgious character, did not scruple (as at least his enemies said of him**^) to carry women about with him in his campaigns, and to embezzle 200 talents; how Chabrias, according to Theopompus, was not able to remain in Athens on account of his debauched habits; and how, according to the same authority, Chares had with him in the field women even of the lowest description, and applied the public money to uses wholly at variance with its proper destination. But the Athe- nians could not censure such a course of habits, for they them- selves lived in an equally depraved manner, the young men with female flute-players and courtesans, the old in gambling; while they consumed more money in public banquetings and distributions of food than for the real service of the state, and allowed themselves to be entertained in the market place at a triumphal festival for a battle won over the mercenaries of Philip with an expense of 60 talents, which Chares had received from Delphi^^^ Theopompus is described as censori- ous for having painted from nature the dissolute manners of a corrupt age : for most people are inclined to look at everything on its fairest side, especially if they view it from a distance, when all the passions are silent, and the benevolent feeling which is implanted in the heart of man is not contradicted by immediate and personal experience; but honour is due to the historian who knows how to distinguish the covering from the substance, and, like the judge of the infernal regions, drags the souls before his judgment seat, naked and stripped of all pomp and pageantry. Timotheus, the son of Conon, deserves to be honourably mentioned as a warrior equal to his father, and among all the Athenian generals of being that one who knew how^ to carry his enterprises into execution with the least outlay of money, and therefore without burdening the allies, and making himself and his country odious through extortion. I pass over his 625 Lysias c. Alcib. XetTTOTo^. i. p. I ^'^^ Theopompus ap. Atlieu. xii. p. 548. I 532 B, sqq. 294 ESTIMATE OF THE [bK. II. other merits, which will be mentioned hereafter; but his skill in maintaining his soldiers ought not to be left unnoticed. Timotheus generally received little or nothing in the beginning of the campaign; though there arose the greatest scarcity in the army, he was still successful in the war, and paid his soldiers to the last obolus*^^ He subdued four and twenty states with less expense than the siege of Melos had occasioned in the Pelopon- nesian war^"; the siege of Potidsea, which had cost such vast sums in the time of Pericles, he carried on with money which he had raised himself, together with the contributions of the Thracian cities"*; according to Nepos he gained in the war against Cotys 1200 talents of prize-money®'". In the expedi- tion against Olynthus, having no silver money, he issued a coinage of copper tokens, which he induced the merchants to take by promising them that they might use it in paying for whatever property either in land or plunder they might pur- chase, and he pledged himself to redeem whatever should remain over^^'. In the expedition round the Peloponnese to Corcyra, there was likewise great scarcity; for Timotheus had received only 13 talents®'^ He accordingly compelled each of the trierarchs to give pay to the sailors to the amount of 7 minas, for which he pledged his own property®*'; afterwards being unable to furnish any more pay to the troops, he gave them provision-money for three months in advance, in order that they might believe he was in the expectation of large sums which were only detained by the unfavourable state of the weather®'*; and in the mean time he sent for a fresh supply of money from Athens for his numerous fleet®". But he and Iphicrates also paid away some of the prize-money on this occasion®'®. Lastly, Timotheus kept 30 triremes and 8000 pel- **' Isocrat. de Antidosi, p. 72, ed. Orell. "'^^ Ibid. p. 70. «='» Ibid. p. 70. "^o Nepos Timoth. i. "^ Pseud-Aiistot. CEcon. ii. 2,23; Polyjen. iii. 10, 1 . ^^* Isocrat. ut sup. p. 68. "^^ Orat. c.Timoth. (in Demosthenes) p. 1187, 1188. ^^* Pseud -Aristot. (Econ. ut sup. ^^^ Xenoph. Hell. v. 4, 66, ^^ Diod.xv. 47,cf.xvi.57. Xenophon indeed (Hell. vi. 2, 23) relates the ac- counts, which Diodorus ascribes to both, of Iphicrates alone, and uudoubt- CH. XXIV.] WAR EXPENDITURE OF ATHENS. 295 tasts in pay (with which he besieged Samos for eleven months), sustaining them wholly from the enemy's country, whereas Pericles had not been able to take the same island without incurring a vast expense^". edly with more con-ectness ; but it can be safely asserted of Timotheus that he assisted himself at that time with plunder. ^^^ Isocrat. ut sup. p. 69; Aristot. (Ecou. ut sup. Polyajn. L 10, 5, 9. 20(1 BOOK III. ON THE ORDINARY REVENUES OF THE ATHENIAN STATE. Chapter I. The different branches of the Public Revenue in Athens and other Greek Republics, The revenues of the Athenian state may, in like manner with its expenditure, be classed under two divisions; the one com- prising the ordinary income, from which were defrayed the cur- rent expenses in time of peace; the other including all extra- ordinary resources for mihtary preparations and the carrying on of war. The present being the first attempt which has been made to investigate this subject^, it will be necessary at the outset to ascertain what species of revenues were thought by the Greeks ^ In the following inquiries I have been nearly unassisted by the labours of any predecessor, with the exception of what had been written on the sub- ject of the liturgies, and what Manso (Sparta, vol. ii. p. 493—505), had ad- duced in reference to the period of the Peloponnesian war. The errors of this last dissertation I have some- times mentioned, and others I have passed over in silence, as they are not of great importance in a Avriter who is treating of a totally different subject. After the comi)letion of my labours, the second volume of Becker's " De- mosthenes as Siatosman and Orator" appeared, which contains something on the subject of finance, as well as on tlie judicial and military systems: without annoying the intelligent and imassumiiig author wiili uusca-sonable censure, or wishing to raise myself unjustly above others, I may assert with truth, that I derived no informa- tion from it, nor did I feel myself in- clined to refute any of his statements, as I am convinced that the author will himself perceive the incompleteness of his investigations. The following singular production may also be men- tioned : " De I'economie des anciens gouvememens comparee a celle des gouvernemens modemes, par Mr. Pre- vost, ]SIemoire lu dans I'assemblee publique de I'acade'mie royale des sci- ences et belles-lettres de Prusse, du 5 Juin, 1783. Berlin, 17o3, 8vo." The autlior of this Memoir, wlio has distin- guished himself in other departments of literature, here, from want of know- ledge, wanders into vague generalities, and loses himself in idle dibquisitioua CII. I.] THE PUBLIC REVENUE. 297 to be the best^ and what taxes to be most easily borne by the people. Of all taxes, none are more repugnant to notions of liberty (not in a general sense only, but also according to the princi- ples entertained by the ancients), than taxes upon persons. At Athens it was a recognised principle, that taxes were to be imposed upon property, and not upon persons^; and even the property of the citizens was only taxed on occasions of emer- gency, or under an honourable form. In the state of Athens, and doubtless in all the other Grecian republics, no direct tax was laid upon property, except perhaps a duty on slaves, and the extraordinary w^ar taxes, together wdth the liturgies, which latter were considered a mark of distinction. In republics there was no regular land tax or tithe {BeKdrrj), and, with the exception of the sacred and national property, no land in Attica was, after the early times of this state, ever subject to a ground rent; and even at that remote period, this tax was not paid into the public treasury, but to the nobles, in their right of proprietors of the soil. The Greeks, moreover, were equally unacquainted with a house tax, of which the existence has been supposed from the misconception of a passage in an ancient author"*. The best and most popular revenues were necessarily without value or foundation. In this Memoir, publicly read before an aca- demy of sciences, I do not remember to have met with anything of import- ance, but the truly anti-Xenophontean and philanthropic proposal, to change a number of Sundays into working days, in order to promote the prosperity of the people ! ^ Demosth. c. Androt. p. 609, 23. 3 See below, chap. 3. A single pas- sage, from which it might be supposed that there existed a land tax, I will examine in this note. In an inscrip- tion in Coi-p. Inscript. No. 101, ac- cording to which, by a decree of the demus Piraeus, certain honours and privileges are granted to Callida- mas of CholUdae, an Athenian, the following words occur : TeXeli/ 6c avrov TO. axiTCL riKr} iv ra Sjy/xo), anep av koI nftpateiy, Kai. fj-rj cKXeyeiv Trap avTov Tov bT]fxapxov TO iyKrqTiKov. From this it is evident, that whoever possessed landed property in a demus to which he did not belong, paid something for the eyKTT](Tis or cyKrqpa: this, how- ever, was a tax paid to the demus, and not to the state ; and the reason of its being paid was, that the proprietor was not a member of the particular demus. "With regard to the reX?;, they refer undoubtedly to the liturgies and the extraordinary taxes, together with certain duties raised by the corpora- tions. Taxes on houses and land only existed in states under the govern- ment of a tjTant. Of the word Tikos more is said in book iv. cli. 5. 298 THE DIFFERENT BRANCHES OF [bK. III. those which arose from the pubHc lands or domains: in addition to these rents there were indirect taxes which fell upon. all the inhabitants, and direct taxes which fell upon the aliens; there were also the justice fees and fines. But over and above these domestic imposts, Athens contrived in the tributes of the con- federates a peculiar source of regular revenue, which at its first establishment was the chief means of her power, though after- wards it became an accessory cause of her destruction. All the ordinary revenues of Athens may thus be brought into the following four classes: duties (reX??), arising partly from public domains, including the mines, partly from customs and excise, and some taxes upon industry and persons, which only extended to the aliens and slaves: fines {TLfjb7]fiaTa), toge- ther with justice fees and the proceeds of confiscated property (BTj/jLLOTrpara): tributes of the allied or subject states {cf>6poL): and ordinary liturgies (Xecrovpylat iyKVKXtoi). These comj^re- hend nearly all the diff'erent kinds of revenues which Aristopha- nes* ascribes to the state of Athens, when he mentions duties (reXi]), the other hundredths {Ta9 dWas eKaroaTds), tributes, prytaneia (in which, with the inaccuracy of a poet, he includes the fines), markets, harbours, and confiscations: besides these he specifies one other head of revenue, respecting which no certain information can be given. With the single exception of the tributes, this enumeration would apply with equal truth to the other states of Greece. Even the liturgies, which for a time were considered as an institution peculiar to the Athenians, and the extraordinary property taxes, were common at least to all democracies, and were even established in certain aristocracies or oligarchies. Aristotle' states in general terms, that under a democracy the * Vesp. 657j sqq., where fiiadovs creates a difficulty. Perhaps it might mean pay for the soldiers, -which Athens received from foreign nations in addi tion to the tributes, as e. g. in the Sicilian war from the Egestaeans: it might, however, signify the rents of lands, as /iirr^oifor fiLaOaxras is correct Greek. The jjlictOoI Tpirjpaij^ias (Xe- noph. (Ecou. 2, 6), cannot be meant, since it would not have suited the pmposo of Aristoplianes to mention these any more than the elcrf^opd. [Compare the author's dissertation on the silver mines of Laurion, note 114. Transl.] •• Polit. V. 5. CH. I.] THE PUBLIC REVENUE. 299 chief persons will be oppressed either by dividing their property, or consuming their incomes by liturgies. That the Athenian colonies, as Potideea for example, collected property taxes*b; that we meet with liturgies at Byzantium, the population of which was in part Athenian" ; with property taxes, choregia, and other liturgies, in Siphnos^; is nothing more than might naturally have been expected ; but at -^gina the choregia was in existence even before the Persian war'; at Mytilene during the Peloponnesian war®; at Thebes in the time of Pelopidas and Epaminondas^"; and at Orchomenus at a very early period*'. At Rhodes the wealthy citizens performed the trierarchy in the same manner as at Athens, their expenses being partly compen- sated by those who were less rich than themselves, by which means the latter became their debtors, as at Athens in the case of the advance of the property tax {'Trpoet,cr(f>opdy'^', and, lastly, we find the institution of liturgies widely extended through the Greek cities of Asia Minor. What I have here said upon the different sorts of revenues in the Grecian republics, is confirmed by the introduction to the Treatise on Political Economy attributed to Aristotle. The author distinguishes economy into four kinds; the royal eco- nomy, the economy of satraps, the political, and the private. The first of these he calls the greatest and most simple; the third the most various and easy; and the last the most various and least considerable. To the royal he assigns four depart- ments, coinage, exportation, importation, and expenditure. With regard to money, he tells us, the king must consider what description of coin is to be issued, and when it is to be made current at a higher or lower rate. With regard to exports and imports, what quantity it is profitable to take from the satraps as a tax in kind'% and at what time, and how the goods so *b See book iv.,note 220. ^ Decree of the Byzantines in De- mosth. de Corona, p. 265, 10. 7 Isocrat. ^ginet. 17. 8 Herod, v. 83. ® Antiphon de Herod, caede, p. 744. Concerning this passage, see book iv. 0. 5. '<> Phitarch. Aristid. 1. '^ Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1579, 1580. '=^ Aristot. PoUt. V. 5. *^ Tayr) is the tax appointed to be paid to the king. See the passage of 300 THE DIFFERENT BRANCHES OF [bk. ol)tained should be disposed of. With regard to expenditure, what branches should be retrenched, and at what time, and whether the king should pay in money or in kind. The economy of satraps comprehends six descriptions of revenues, arising from land; from the peculiar products of the soil; from places of trade'*; from duties {oltto reXcav) ; from cattle; and from sundries. The first and best is the land tax, or tithe {eK(f)6piov^% heKarn) ; the second is from gold, silver, brass, &c.; the third re- lates to harbour dues and other port duties; the fourth compre- hends tolls taken by land and at markets {airo tcov Kara yrjv re Kol dyopaicov reXcov) ; the fifth the tax upon cattle, or the tithe (iTTiKapTTia, BeKaTT)), by which we are not to understand the money paid for the right of feeding cattle upon the public pas- tures, but a duty upon the animals themselves; of which nature was a tax collected by Dionysius the elder, tyrant of Syracuse, with almost incredible harshness and effrontery^®; the sixth item comprises a poll tax {eTTiKecpaXacov) and a tax upon industry {xeopcoyd^cov). On the subject of the political eco- nomy, which has particular reference to the question now under consideration, the inaccurate author is very brief. He thinks the best kind of revenue is in this case that derived from the peculiar products of the country, mines therefore in particular; also tolls levied in harbours, and duties of a similar descrip- tion'^; and lastly, the receipts arising from the common things (aTTo TCOV iyKUfc\LO)v) ; which expression, on account of its many meanings, some have understood as referring to the census, some to the ordinary liturgies, or have wished to remove the difficulty by conjecture'^; but it evidently means the common Hesyclnus in Schneider's prefaxje, p. ix. The explanation there given by the editor is in my opinion incorrect. ** I read utto e/x7ropicoi/. >* Cf. Lex. Seg. p. 24?. ^^ The transaction is related at full length in Tseud-Aristot. (Econ. 2, 20. '^ Atto ffinopiw Koi 8i dyoypcou. Tlie last words are evidently corrupt : for to understand tlie public games, because they were usually connected with markets, is manifestly out of the question. Ileeren (Ideen. vol. iii. p. 333) proposes dyopav; Schneider dyo- paloiv ; but then hi.a must be omitted. I conjecture Staycoywv, and understand transit duties (Siaywytoi/, Polyb. iv. 52), which, from their not falling upon the inhabitants, might occupy a very high station in the Political Economy. '" See particularly Schneider's pre- face, whose conjecture, eyKTrjixdrcov, is CH. I.] THE PUBLIC REVENUE. 301 inland traffic of commodities, upon which indirect taxes were imposed. In the same manner, in speaking subsequently of the private economy, after having stated that the best revenue is that which arises from the land, he mentions first the income from the other common things (aTro tmv dWcov iyKVKXrjfjLaTwv), that is, from the profits of trade, and afterwards the income accruing from money placed out at interest. It is upon the whole manifest from these observations, brief and unconnected as they are, that revenues derived from public property and indirect taxes, were considered as best adapted for the political economy, to which the economy of the Greek republics belongs. In how great a degree indirect taxes were detrimental to morality, a subject which has been often dwelt upon in modern times, the ancients were not aware; and if these duties are moderate, as was the case in ancient times, the amount of injury cannot be considerable. Man always finds an opportunity for doing evil, and if one is removed he will seek for another: the cause of virtue is ill promoted by making vice impossible. On the other hand, direct taxes imposed upon the soil, upon industry, or upon persons, excepting only in cases of emergency, were looked upon in Greece as despotic and arbitrary, it being considered as a necessary element of freedom, that the property of the citizen, as well as his occupation and person, should be exempt from all taxation, excepting only when a free community taxed itself, which power is obviously an essential part of liberty. The most ignominious of all impositions was the poll tax, a tax paid only by slaves to their tyrants*, or by the deputy of the slaves to the satrap; or required from subjugated nations by their conquerors: of this description were the taxes levied by the extremely improbable. The Political Economy is the public economy of cities, which as such, and without reference to satraps or kings, to whom they might be subject, were free corpora- tions : in these therefore the land tax could not have been considered as one of the best sources of revenue. In addition to which he must also write eyKTTjfxaTcov in the following part, where it does not make any sense. * [In Pseud- Aristot. (Econ. ii. 2, 5, it is stated that on one occasion the Athenians at Potidaea, who had no land, paid a poll tax of 2 minas a head. — Transl.] 302 THE PUBLIC REVENUE. [bk, III. Romans upon the inhabitants of the provinces'". "As the land," says Tertullian*'% " has less value if it is subject to an impost, so are men more degraded if they pay a poll tax; for it is a token of captivity." All persons who were not citizens of a free state, were compelled either to pay a capitation tax, or to forfeit their lives. When Condalus, appointed by Mausolus as governor over the Lycians, a people who dehghted in wearing long hair, ordered them to pay a poll tax, in case they failed to sup- ply the king with sufficient materials for the false hair which he pretended to want*', the demand was in reality most lenient. With equal right he could have required their lives or money as a substitute: for the Great King was sole possessor of the persons of all his subjects. Chapter II. Rents accruing from Lands, Houses, and other immoveable Property of the State and of Public Bodies. The term duty [riXos) has sometimes a wider and sometimes a more limited signification: almost every tax, with the exception of the justice fees and fines, is denoted by this name. In this place, where the liturgies and property taxes do not come into consideration, we include under it all revenues arising from the property of the state, from the custom duties levied in the harbours and markets, and the taxes upon persons and industry. All property was either in the hands of individuals, or belonged to corporations, companies, temples, or to the state itself. We also find that the property of certain temples belonged to the demi; as, for example, the demus of Pireeus was possessed of the theseum and other sacred lands; and the state itself must also be considered as the owner of much sacred property; so that sacred property and the property of the state '* Cic. ad Attic, v. 16. *" Tertull. Apolog. 13. The indic- tion by capita, which from the time of Diocletian, as it appears, and more particularly after Constan tine the First, caused great oppression in the Roman empire, was not a poll tax, but a tax upon landed property, cattle, and slaves. *' Pseud- Aristot. (Econ. 2, 14. CH. I.] RENTS OF THE STATE. 303 frequently coincide. But whatever may have been the right by which sacred property of this description was held, the original object for which the sacred demesnes (re/xeV?;) had been set apart was retained, viz. that the sacrifices and the other expenses should be defrayed out of the proceeds; for which purpose, unless the cultivation of it was prohibited by some malediction, it was always leased out^^ The property of the state and of the corporations or temples consisted either in pastures for cattle, or in forests, over which particular inspectors {vXcopol) were set^^, or in tillage-land, houses, salt-works, water'*, mines, &c. : what number of possessions of this kind belonged to the state of Athens, besides the property of the temples and the several corporations, it is impossible now to ascertain. The demesnes which once belonged to the kings, cannot be supposed to have come into the possession of the state after the abolition of the kingly office; it is more probable that they remained the private property of the royal family; much land indeed became the property of the state by confiscation, conquest, and ancient pos- session; but they frequently sold the confiscated, and lost the conquered territory. All property, both of corporations and of the state, as well such as was sacred as such as was not [lepa koI ocna and hrj^ocna), was leased out either permanently or for a term of years; and the rent accruing to the state was made over to a farmer-general. The latter fact is most distinctly seen from the instance of Cephisius, mentioned by Andocides"^: this -^ Harpocrat. in v. utto fxicrOoifidTcov^ referring to Isocrat. Areopag. 1 1 . Ex- amples of this occur in many inscrip- tions. 23 Aristot. Polit. vi. 8. 2* An instance of sacred institutions possessing property in water occurs in Strabo xiii. p. 442, which refers to Asia. At Byzantium the salt and fisheries belonged to the state; at Athens, in part at least, to the demi. [The latter assertion appears to rest upon an erroneous reading in an in- scription ; see Note A at the end of the book. — Transl.] ■^^ De Myst. p. 45. Kr](f)Laios fxiu ovTOcrl Trptdfiepos dovrjv €K tov drjfjLoaiov Tas €K ravrqs iTTiKapirias twv iv rfj yrj (scil. 8r]fj.o(rLa) yea>pyovvToov ivevqKovra fxvds f/fXe^ay, ov aare^aXe rf] troKei Kai e(})vy€V' el yap rjXOev, eSeSer' av iv rto ^liKco' 6 yap v6p.os ovrtoseix^ Kvpiav eivai TTjv [re] ^ovXtjV^bs av nptdpevos reXos p.r} KaTo^akri, belv els to ^v\ov. The words iv TTJ yfj have been suspected, but they appear to be genuine; Sluiter's con- jectures are wholly inadmissible. 304 RENTS OF THE STATE, [bK. III. person had taken a lease from the state, by virtue of which he collected a tax of 90 minas from the cultivators of the public lands, and was to pay over this money to the state. In like manner a farmer of the pasturage money {vofMcovr]^, scrip- turarius) existed in Orchomenus*% as well as in the Roman empire, who collected the duty from individuals: the state, for the sake of avoiding trouble, and of obviating the necessity of any paid officers, collected none of its own revenues directly, with the exception of the fines and the extraordinary war taxes; whereas in the case of the property of temples and corporations, the duty was never leased to a farmer-general. At Athens the rent appears to have been usually fixed in money; exceptions, however, occur in leases which were held by the tenants on condition of paying a tithe, or of furnishing certain sacrifices for a particular temple, and also in the case of certain kinds of property which were burdened with an obli- gation to pay a tax of a tenth to the state, probably because they had originally been public property, and been transferred to private individuals as usufructuary possessors; these tithes of the produce were sold by the state to a farmer-general*^. We find that in other countries besides Attica, payments of rent in kind were of very frequent occurrence in ancient days. Thus, for example, they occur in the Heraclean tables, which contain a lease of the property of the temple of Bacchus and Minerva Polias granted by the state. The duration of leases was probably very unequal in different cases; the Orchomenians, in an instance which has been pre- served to our days, granted the usufructuary right to the public pastures for a term of four years ; the demus of Piraeus let its property for ten years. Upon the whole, however, we have not a sufficient number of individual cases to enable us to draw any general inference; for the number of accounts upon this ques- tion which we now possess, is extremely scanty; and we have ^ Corp. Iiiscript. No. 1569. Thu- | -^^ The only mention that I have as cydides (v. 53) mentions that the Epi- j yet met with of a similar tax of a daurians paid a duty of this kind to j tenth belonging to the state, occurs in the I'ythian Apollo. ; Corp. Inscript. No. 76. CH. II.] AND OF PUBLIC BODIES. 305 scarcely any information on the subject of lettings, except those which regard the sacred property of the state. An example, in addition to that quoted from Andocides, is given by ^Elian^% who relates, that Athens had let the public domains of the Euboean Chalcis, with the exception of the land dedicated to Minerva, and necessarily of that which had been granted to the cleruchi: the public documents of this transaction were preserved at Athens in inscriptions set up in front of the royal porch. Over many possessions of this kind separate officers were placed, as, for instance, the managers chosen from among the Areopagites (iTnfieXrfral, iTnyvcofjuopes)^ who were appointed to the care of the sacred olive-trees ffiopiac), the produce of which was paid as a rent^^. According to Demosthenes^ % it was the duty of the demarch to enforce payment of the rent for the property of the temples ; this statement however doubtless refers only to the property of the demi. Other rents were received by officers employed by the state or the temples, according as they arose either from public or sacred property. As prior to the introduction of the demarchs, the naucrari per- formed the duties of this office, we find that the exaction of the public monies, as well as the letting of the public property, are enumerated among their duties^'. Xenophon expressly mentions houses among the tenements which were rented from the state^^; the same description of 28 V. H. vi. I. It may be also thought that the revenue from public lands in Attica is signified in Thucyd. vi. 91, by the words dno y^? ; but the incomes received by private indivi- duals from their estates may be under- stood there with equal reason. ■'^ Lys. Apolog. vnep tov cttjkov p. 260. Comp. Markland's notes, p. 269, 282. The decree of the Emperor Ha- drian, with regard to the pajnnent of the third or eighth part of the pro- duce of the olive-trees (Corp. Inscript. No. 355) refers not to public but to private property, of which that part was to be allotted to the public use, and was of course to be paid for. It is therefore a forced sale to the state of Athens, as was the case in the Roman empire with wine and com in the time of the emperors. Cf. Bur- mann. de Yectig. P. R. 3. 30 Cont. Eubulid. p. 1318, 20. 3^ Ammon. in v. vavKXrjpot, Phot, in V. vavKpapoi. 2^ De Vectig. 4, repevrj, lepa, olKias. The middle word is obscure. Might not the revenue derived from the sa- crifices have been let in farm, and been signified by the word lepa l^sacra, tem- X 306 RENTS OF THE STATE, [bK. III. property was also sometimes held by sacred corporations, and let by them to tenants, having been in many cases derived from free-gift or confiscation. Thus the temple of Apollo at Delos let property of this kind together with its other domains"; and other bodies probably did the same. The Mendeeans, says the author of the (Economies' % applied the harbour duties and other taxes to the uses of government ; the taxes on land and houses they did not collect, but kept an account of those who possessed such property ; and when there was a want of sup- plies, they raised it from these debtors, who profited by this indulgence, having had the use of the money in the mean time, without paying any interest. From this it has been inferred that both a land and a house tax existed; but it is evident that the writer only means the public lands which were held in lease from the state, and that the rent was left unpaid without interest, in order that a fund might accumulate which could be used on occasion of need, and at the same time a greater profit be allowed to the tenants. It may be moreover observed that the houses at Athens were let to contractors {vavKXypoc) ; which name also signifies landlords [a-raOfiovxoi) ; for they afterwards sublet the houses to lodgers, in the same manner as private proprietors". This is probably the meaning of the singular expression of the grammarians^^ who state, that persons were called by the same appellation [vavKkTjpoi), who were hired to attend to the collec- tion of the house-rent. The truth is, that the subletting was transferred to them as contractors, from which they obtained their profit, and so far they might be considered as hired ser- vants of the proprietor. It has been already remarked that the tenants of houses paid their rent to the state by prytaneas, and not by the month^^; whether however in every prytanea, or only in some prytaneas, as the other farmers of duties, I will not attempt to decide. All these lands were let by auction to the highest bidder; and pies or sacrifices) ? At least the theatre was let out in this manner, which to a certain point was sacred property. 88 Corp. Inscript. No. 158, § 4. »< 2, 21, ed. Schneid. 3' Comp. above book i. ch. 24. 3* Harpocrat. Suid. Amnion. Lex. Seg. p. 282, &c. 37 i. 24. CH. If.] AND OF PUBLIC BODIES. 30? for this purpose the conditions of lease were previously engraved upon stone, and fixed up in public. The names of the lessees could be subsequently added ; so that the document which had been originally exhibited then became a lease, or, if not, a fresh agreement was afterwards set up. A notice or advertisement, the date of which is either Olymp. 114, 4, or 115, 3 (b.c. 321 or 318), mutilated at the end, by which the demus Piraeus offers some property to be let, may, as far as it is intelligible, be translated nearly word for word as fbllows'«. ^^ In the Archonship of Archippus, Phrynion being Demarch, '^ The Pireeans let Paralia and Halmyris and the Theseum and all the other sacred lands, upon the following conditions. That the tenants for more than 10 drachmas are to give suffi- cient security for the payment of the rent, and those for less than 10 drachmas are to provide a surety, whose property shall be liable for the same. Upon these conditions they let the lands tax and duty free. And if any property-tax be imposed upon the farms according to their valuation, the burghers will pay it. The tenants shall not be allowed to remove wood or earth from the Theseum and the other sacred lands, nor [da- mage] whatever wood there is in the farm. The tenants of the Thesmophorium and the Schoenus and the other pasture lands, shall pay half the rent in Hecatombceon (the first month), and the other half in Posideon (the sixth month). The tenants occupying Paralia and Halmyris and the Theseum, and any other grounds that there may be, shall cultivate them for the first nine years in whatever manner they please, and is accord- ing to custom ; but in the tenth year they shall plough the half of the land, and no more, so that the succeeding tenant will be able to begin preparing the soil from the 16th of Anthesterion And if he shall plough more than half, the excess of the produce shall be the property of the burghers/^ After this there fol- lows a stipulation that the tenant shall receive a house con- nected with one of the farms in good repair. In another fragment containing conditions of lease, in one 2^ See Note A at the end of the book. X 2 308 RENTS OF THE STATE, AND OF PUBLIC BODIES. [bK. III. of which a tribe proposes to let some lands, probably sacred lands'% the payment of the rent is divided into three instal- ments, at the beginning of the year, in the seventh and in the eleventh month. The theatres were let in the same manner as landed property, a proof of which is given in another Pirsean inscription^". According to this document, the lessee of the theatre is bound to keep the building in proper repair, for which reason he is called the chief architect''^; his receipts were doubt- less derived from the entrance-money of such citizens as were furnished with it by the state, and of all aliens, who had not, like the ambassadors, free admission. The rent paid by the tenant of the theatre of Piraeus, was, in the instance which has come down to us, 3300 drachmas : the demus of Pireeus, as owner of the theatre, presents with crowns the lessees and a person named Theiseus, who had succeeded in increasing the rent by 300 drachmas'*. Another item deserving of mention is the money bearing interest, which not the state only, but temples, and perhaps also corporations, were possessed of. Thus from the funds belong- ing to the Delian Apollo, large sums of money had been lent to states, and bankers, or other private individuals"^; some Corcy- rsean nobles consecrated a considerable sum for sacred uses, that the interest which it produced might be expended in the cele- bration of games to Bacchus'**; and the temple of Delphi also appears, according to Demosthenes, to have lent out some of the sacred money "^. 8» Corp. Inscript. No. 104. ''<' Corp. Inscript. No. 102. ■" Comp. above book ii. ch. 13. 500, and CEnophon with 1100 drach- mas. ■•^ Corp. Inscript. No. 158. *'^ At the end of the inscription the j ''^ Coi-p. Inscript. No. 1845. names of the farmers, and how much each gave, are mentioned : the uivrjToi are, Aristophanes with 600 drachmas, Melesias with 1100, Arethusius with ••= Demosth, c. ]Mid. p. 561, in the account of the Alcraaeonidae. Of this fact, however, Herodotus (v. 62 sqq.) knew nothing. CH. 111.] REVENUE FROM MINES OF THE STATE. 309 Chapter III. Revenue arising from the Mines of the State, The mines {ixeraWa) belonging to the state of Athens were partly native and partly foreign. The former were the silver mines of Laurium*% from which the nation derived very considerable advantages, as by their means Themistocles first raised the naval force of Athens to a state of importance. They extended from coast to coast, in a line of seven EngUsh miles, from Anaphlystus to Thoricus. The working of them had been commenced at an early period, and it appears to have been very profitable in the time of The- mistocles; they had however become less productive in the age of Socrates and Xenophon, and before the age of Strabo had been so entirely exhausted, that in his time they only used the earth which had been previously extracted, together with the old scoriae, and all farther mining was discontinued. The ores contained silver and lead, with zinc, and possibly copper ; but no gold, at least not enough to allow the ancients, mth their imperfect processes of separation, to have extracted it with profit. At Thoricus spurious emeralds occurred in combination with the ore ; also the cinnabar, which was found there, and the Athenian sil, a substance much prized for dyeing, were equally valuable. The mines were worked with shafts and adits, and by the removal of whole masses, so that supports alone {fjueaoKpivels;) were left standing. The processes of fusion carried on in the furnaces appear, upon the whole, to have been the same as those employed in the other mines which were worked in ancient times. The people or the state was sole proprietor of the mines; but they were never worked at the public expense, nor did the state ever let them for a term of years, like other landed pro- perty; portions of them were sold or demised to individuals with the reservation of a perpetual rent, and these leases were ■*® See the Dissertation on the Silver Mines of Laiirion^ [at the end of the volume.] 310 REVENUE ARISING FROM [bK. III. transferred from one person to another by inheritance, sale, and every kind of legal conveyance. The sale of the mines (that is, of the right of working them) was managed by the poletce ; this right was purchased at an appointed price, in addition to which the possessor paid the twenty-fourth part of the net produce as a perpetual tax. The purchase-money was paid directly to the state; the metal rents were in all probability let to a farmer- general. The amount of the money obtained from both sources (to which must also be added a small income accruing to the state from the market and the public buildings,) necessarily depended on a variety of circumstances ; such for example as the number of mines let in the course of the year, the compara- tive richness or poverty of the veins discovered, or the degree of activity with which the mining was carried on. In the time of Socrates, these mines produced less than at an earlier period : when Themistocles proposed to the Athenians to apply the money accruing from the mines to the building of ships, instead of dividing it, as before, among the people, the annual receipts appear to have amounted to 30 or 40 talents; although the accounts relating to this point are extremely obscure and uncer- tain. Citizens and isoteles were alone entitled to the posses- sion of mines. The number of the possessors was evidently considerable ; and, like the agriculturists, they were considered as a separate class of producers ; sometimes they possessed several shares, sometimes only one. The common price of a single share was a talent, or rather more; occasionally several partners occur as the joint possessors of a mine. The manual labour was performed by slaves, either belonging to the pos- sessors of the mines or hired; the slaves thus employed by the mine-proprietors were extremely numerous, and although the cheapness of their labour diminished the expenses of mining, the improvements of art in facilitating and abridging the processes of labour were retarded. The security of this possession was firmly guaranteed by severe laws ; and the rights of the state were strictly maintained. There was a mining law {fjL6raWcK6<; vofjLos), and a peculiar course of legal proceedings in cases relat- ing to mines (BUao fieTaWtKal), which, for the greater encou- ragement of the mine-proprietors, were in the time of Demos- CH. III.] THE MINES OF THE STATE. 311 thenes annexed to the monthly suits. The mines were also free from property taxes, and did not subject the possessor to the performance of liturgies, nor were they transferred in the avri- Sovai I will not decide. I believe however that it might be underetood if taken for eScrrc yvSivat, j if not, axxre must be added, or the word be altered to yvovres. 'Anekda-as koL I would alter with Reiske into dniKatras Se, a various reading, which Sluiter quotes from a 316 THE CUSTOM DUTIES. [bK. 111. admits of so much doubt in the interpretation, that it will be better to let him speak in his own words. " For this Agyr- rhius, this model of excellence, was two years ago chief farmer of the fiftieth, which he purchased for 30 talents; and all those persons who were collected round him under the white poplar, had a share in the concern. Upon their characters it is unne- cessary for me to make any comment. Their object in assem- bling there was, as far as I can judge, both to receive money for not bidding higher, and to have a share in the profits, when the duty was sold under its proper price. Aftenvards when they liad gained 2 talents, and discovered that the concern was of considerable value, they all combined together, and, giving the others a share, they purchased the same duty for 30 talents; then, as no one offered a higher sum, I myself went to the senate, and bid against them, until I obtained it for- 36 talents. Then having driven away these persons, and provided sureties for myself, I collected the required sum, and paid it to the state: nor was I a loser by the speculation, for the sharers in it even made a small profit. Thus I was the means of preventing these persons from dividing among themselves 6 talents of the public money .^^ According to this account the lease was taken by companies: Agyrrhius, and afterwards Andocides, had an association of this kind: at the head of each company there was a chief farmer {ap^covij^), by whose name it was called. It was sold to the highest bidder by the poletee, with the proviso of the approbation of the senate, near the white poplar tree: in manuscript, and is also the reading of the Breslau MS. Lastly, /xei/ should be added after ^pax^a from the Bres- lau MS., and the colon after fieraa- Xoin-es changed into a comma. 'Apxv Koi tcov fir;ju.orcoj/ KO}^to8ovvTai, KCil ovS' ovTOi, iav fxrj 8ici iroXvnpayfiocrvvriv koi dia to Cr]Tf7v irKeov €\eiv tov br]fiov: which, it ap- pears, could not have been said after the ill treatment of Socrates by the comic poets, and least of all by Xeno- phon. If however Xenophon wrote this essay perhaps forty years after the representation of the Clouds, when all the circumstances of the times had been changed, was it necessary that he should refer to Socrates in an ironical accoxmt of the principles of the Athe- nians ? And could the best friend of Socrates, or even Socrates himself, deny that he wished to raise himself above the people, he who came for- ward as the ameliorator of the people, and was not only a declared enemy of the demus, but entertained purely aris- tocratical principles? I may also make a remark upon the observation occur- ring in 1, 10, that slaves at Athens were not allowed to be beaten, for which regulation a false reason is ironically assigned. The true reason appears to have been forgotten at the time when the author wrote, namely, the war. (Aristoph. Nub. 7.) When the Clouds were acted, the circumstance was evidently new, and the reason well known. Consequently, this circum- stance likewise seems to prove that tliis writing had a later origin than the Clouds of Aristophanes at the earliest. I do not indeed consider the question to be set at rest by these arguments ; but the space does not allow of a more detailed investigation. CH. v.] THE MARKET TOLLS. 323 strangers came to Athens^ the greater was the intercourse ; if a larger number of vessels arrived, even without bringing any commodities for importation, the harbour duty was increased by the influx of foreigners. At the same time I only throw out this notion as a conjecture, for we know nothing certain of the hundredth. Aristophanes speaks of many taxes of a hundredth collected by Athens^% which, according to the scholiast, the states paid for the duties {reXTj) ; an explanation more obscure than the thing explained. It is however possible that this small tax was le^^ed in Attica upon several occasions, a question which we shall presently reconsider. Duties levied in markets are mentioned in Attica, as well as in other countries of Greece^*, and were considered as a tax of importance, so that they could not have been mere fees paid for permission to erect booths. It is more probable that they were an excise duty upon all things sold in the market ; but in what manner the rate was estimated we are wholly unable to state. The grammarians^^ mention a tax upon sales (eiroiVLov, iircovta)^ but they did not themselves know accurately what was its nature. Harpocration conjectures that it was the tax of a fifth (77 irefiiTTn), a duty of which he appears to have obtained some knowledge from other sources ; other grammarians copy this account from him ; but, if we consider the moderate rate of the other duties, it is not credible that so high a tax should have been imposed upon all sales, which would have fallen chiefly upon the home consumption. In another account, which in all probability is equally founded on mere conjecture, certain duties of a hundredth are cited as instances of this tax. At Byzantium we meet with a tax of ten per cent, upon sales, but only imposed for the moment, and not intended for any long 83 Vesp. 656. fVt rfi oivrj TrpoaKara^aWofieva, aairep ** Xenoph. de Vectig. 4, Aristoph. 1 eKaToarai rives. The sale of duties Acharn. 904, ed. Invern. Demosth. cannot here be meant, although the Olynth. i. p. 15, 20. I grammarian classes the KrjpvKeia, the "* Pollux vii. 15. Harpocration, pay of the criers at the sale of the Suid. Etymol. Phavorinus. The fol- j duties, together with the enavia, the lowing less valuable statement occurs ! former being a fee which was perliaps in Lex. Seg. p. 255, 'Enavia fiev to. exacted in all sales by auction. Y 2 324 THE MARKET TOLLS. [bk. iir. continuance"": other examples of large excise duties of this kind I omit to enumerate. Whether this tax was collected at the gates or in the market I do not find anywhere stated^; toll-gatherers were, however, appointed for the collection of it. A story preserved in Zeno- bius and other compilers of proverbs^^, of a countryman named Leucon, leads to this conclusion. The story is, that this Leu- con used to place leathern bottles of honey in a panier, upon the top of which he laid some barley, and brought it to Athens on an ass, which he represented to be loaded with nothing but l)arley. One day the ass fell down, and the toll-gatherers, coming to his assistance, discovered the honey, and seized it as contraband. This story indeed is in all probability a fiction, and did not actually happen to any Leucon. Leucon was an Athenian comic poet, perhaps the son of Hagnon^^ the con- temporary of Aristophanes and Pherecrates, and he had repre- sented the misfortune of the peasant upon the stage, in a play called the Ass which carried the leathern bottles. This does not however invalidate the argument; for even if it was not founded upon any real fact, it must, in order to be made the subject of a play, have been at least a possible occurrence according to the existing usages at Athens. "^ Pseud- Aristot. (Econ. 2, 3, in the words roTs S' wvovfievois ri era^av X^P^s TTJs Ti^rjs didovai einbeKaTov, " The author mentions in the Ad- denda, that having left it undecided where the duty was paid upon goods that were brought for sale into the city, he afterwards considered that it Avas probably taken at the gates, and that the passage duty, or dcanvXiov, re- fers to this. " The only account of it is found in Ilesychius. ALunvXiov (as has been rightly corrected) reXos tl Trap"" ^Adrjuaiois ovrcos e/caXetro, where consult tlie notes of the commentators : the word is used in a somewhat differ- ent meaning in Pseud- Aristot. fficon. ii 2, 14, from whence it might be con- cJiul'wl tlitit tlie money was ouly paid for passing through the gate; but at Athens the word might have had any other signification, and that the diaTTvXtov was some kind of admit- tance money, appears to me hardly conceivable." ^'' Zenob. i. 74; Mich. Apost. ii. 08. Comp. Diogenianus and Suidas vol. i. p. 98. ^^ Suid. in v. AevKav, and particu- larly Toup Emend, in Suid. vol- ii. p. 252, ed. Leip. against the commenta- tors. Respecting the time at which he lived, see Athen. viii. p. 343 C. llis ^pdropes is quoted by Athenseus, Hesychius, Photius, and Suidas; the latter mentions two other pieceSj^Ovos and ' A(rKo Pollux ix. 30; Aristoph. Ran. 366. »' Hellen. i. 1, 14, with which Dio- dorus xii. 64 agrees. 326 tithes; their different sorts. [bk. hi. tax produced a large revenue may be readily conceived, for the rate of duty was high, and this channel was very much fre- quented. " Byzantium," says Polybius'% " is most favourably situated upon the sea of any known place ;'^ against the will of its inhabitants, it was not possible either to go out of or to come in to the Pontus, on account of the rapid current in the straits; for that reason it was far more fortunately situated than Chalce- don, the City of the Blind, w^hich at first sight appears to have possessed an equally advantageous position: a large supply of leather, the best and the greatest number of slaves, came from the Pontus; also honey, wax, and salt meat; oil, and every kind of wine, were carried from Greece into the Black Sea; corn it sometimes exported and sometimes imported. The only good passage however, as the same historian remarks, was by Bus and Chrysopolis, for which reason the Athenians, upon the advice of Alcibiades, had chosen this latter city as the station for collect- ing the duties. Of this tax they were deprived by the defeat at ^gospotamos. Thrasybulus however reestablished it about the 97th Olympiad (b.c. 390), and let it out in farm*^; at that time the Athenians derived great resources from it for the carry- ing on of war. The peace of Antalcidas (Olymp. 98, 2, b.c. .387)^ probably produced its second abolition; and a long time afterwards (Olymp. 139, b.c. 224), the Byzantians, to assist a pecuniary difficulty, introduced the same transit duties {Btaywyiov), which were the cause of the war waged against them by the Rhodians®\ AVherever houses or stations for the collection of tenths (heKarevrripta, heKarrfKo'yLa) are mentioned", tolls collected at sea are always to be understood, which required particular esta- blishments of this description. Therefore Pollux mentions the erection of them as an event which only happened on particular occasions. But w^hen farmers of tenths, and collectors of «^ Polyb. iv. 38, and afterwards 43, 44. " Xeuopli. Ilelleu. iv. 8, 27, 31 ; Demosth. c. Leptin. § 48, and there Ulpian's and Wolf's notes. 44, 46; iii ''' Polybius in the following chap- ^' Tollux viii. 13 ters. Comp. Heyne de Byzaut. p. 15 sqq. To compel a person to sail to the place where the duties were collected was called Trapayatyid^eLv, Polyb. iv. CH. VI.] tithes; their different sorts. 327 tenths (Se/caTMvaL, BeKarrjXoyot, BeKarevral) are mentioned^% duties of different descriptions may be understood. In the first place there were the tenths of the produce of the soil; we know^ for example, that this tax was collected in the govern- ments of the satraps, as a distinct branch of revenue; it was also universally extended in the tyrannies of Asia, and probably w^as the most ancient tax paid to the kings. Thus too the Romans collected tenths from conquered countries; and this same duty was also very common in Greece, but only as a tax upon property which was not freehold, the tenths being paid for the use. Consistently with this the tyrant demanded the tenths from all his subjects, as lord and master of the whole country, which he only permitted to be occupied by his subjects upon the payment of these taxes. Of this kind are the Sicilian tenths, which were received by the kings before that country fell into the hands of the Romans ; and many cases of the same duty occur in Greece Proper, as, for example, the tithes of the corn at Cranon in Thessaly^^; thus Pisistratus, as tyrant or usurping proprietor of the country, subjected all the lands of the Athenian citizens to a tithe, and incurred the hatred of his people by this despotic measure; although as a sophist sup- poses him to say in a spurious epistle, he might excuse himself by alleging, that the tithes were not paid for himself the tyrant, but for defraying the expenses of the sacrifices, with the other branches of the administration, and the costs of war®^. The Pisistratidae did not abolish this tax, but they lowered it to a twentieth^ ^ ®° AeKarcovai are farmei-s of the I Kareveiv, reXKovetv, not to quote other tenths, deKarrjXoyoi, collectors of the tenths ; both of which callings were often united in the same individual: d(KaT€VTa\ appears to be applicable to either. Cf. Harpocrat. in w. 8eKa- Tevras and deKaTrjXoyos, Pollux ix. 28 ; Demosth. c. Aristocrat, p. 676, 26. Also Hesychius in v. deKarqXoyoi, Ety- mol. in V. SeKaTevrrjpiov, where how- ever the statements given are incor- rect and confused. To collect the tenth was called deKarcvdv. Aristo- phanes ap. Poll. ix. 31, eXXiiieviCeis ^ 8(KaT€V€is ; and thence Hesychius 6e- grammanans. ^7 Poly^en. ii. 34. ^^ Concerning these tenths see Meur- sius Pisistrat. 6, 7,9. The spurious epistle is given by Diogenes Laertius in the Life of Solon. ^® 'EIkocttt] tcov yiyvofievcou, Thucyd. vi. 64. In the free constitution of Athens nothing of this kind occurs. That the Roman tenths were copied from those of Attica is the singular notion of Burmann de Vect. P. R. ii, and v. 328 tithes; their different sorts. [bk. hi. In the same manner that, with reference to a tyrant, all lands were subject to a tithe, so in a republic many estates were subject to this tax, as not being the freehold property of the possessor, but only held by him as occupier. Thus the state of Athens owned the tithes of public demesnes, and let them in farm; the temples also frequently enjoyed property of this kind, of which many examples are extant: thus, for instance, the Delian Apollo received a large amount of tithes from the Cyclades'""; and in the island of Ithaca, the temple of Diana received the tithes from an estate, the possessors of which were bound to keep her temple in repair^"'; and Xenophon had for- merly devised the very same regulation at Scillus. Obligations of this nature arose in great measure from the piety of indi- viduals, who dedicated their property to the gods, and thus gave up the ownership or dominion, retaining at the same time the use of it for themselves in consideration of a fixed payment; the temples may also on certain occasions have received the right of tithes by conquest. Thus the Greeks promised that after the fortunate termination of the Persian war, all states who had afforded any protection to the enemy, should pay a tithe to the Delphian Apollo, that is to say, that they would make their lands subject to a tribute'"*. At Athens, moreover, Minerva of the Parthenon received the tithe of the plunder, and of captures'"^, and also of certain fines ^''■'; while others were paid to the temples without any deduction, together with the tithe either of all or of a large proportion of confiscated property '"\ The tithes of Minerva are mentioned in connexion with the ^'^ Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Del. 278 ; Coi-sini Gr. Diss. \i. p. cxvi. '•" Coi-p. Inscript. No. 1926. See Paciaudi Mon. Pelop. vol. i. p. 142, ^0^ Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 741, 3; Diod. xi. 62; Lysias c. Polystrat. p. 686; Ilarpocrat. in v. deKareveiv, Comp. Paciaudi ut sup. p. 172 sqq.; and his diflPuse notes, where tlie ge- ■ Lakemacher Ant. Grrec. Sacra, p. 400. nuinoness of tlie inscription is proved. , '*^^ Cf. e. g. Demosth. c. IMacart. p. Xenophon sot up the very same in- 1074, 24. scription at Scilhis (Cyr. Exped. v. 3, ' ^"^ Decree in the Lives of the Ten 3,) and this inscription of Ithaca is a I Orators, p. 226 ; Andocid. de Myst. p. somewhat modem imitation of it, but . 48. Xenoph. Hellen. i. 7, 10. Com- unquestionably not a forgery. | pare book iii. eh. 14. Photius men- '"Mlerod. vii. 132 ; Diod. xi. 3 ;' tions a tenth received by tlie gods in v. Polyb. ix. 33, concerning Thebes. Cf. i aBeKarevrnvSy without however speci- Xenoph. llellcn. vi. 3, U. I fying which. CH. VII.] TAXES UPON ALIENS. 329 fiftieths of other gods^ and of the heroes of the tribes [kirciivv- fioi)^^^; the latter were probably similar per ceiitages, and must not be confomided with the custom duty of the fiftieth. Chapter VII. Taxes upon Aliens, Taxes upon Slaves, and other Personal Taxes, Among the direct and personal taxes^ the protection money of the resident aliens {fjuerolKiov) is most generally known, an institution by no means peculiar to the Athenian state, but which was introduced in many'"^, and perhaps in all countries. At Athens every resident alien paid twelve drachmas a year, as we learn from the testimony of Eubulus and Iseeus"^^; according to the latter, the women paid 6 drachmas, if they had no son of sufficient age to pay for himself. If however the son paid the protection money, the mother was exempt; consequently no woman paid it, excej)t those whose families did not contain any adiilt male; and as the son exempted the mother, there can be no doubt that the husband exempted his wife. For that the wives of the resident aliens had to make a separate payment is improbable for this reason, that otherwise a widow, even if her son paid this tax, would also have been required to pay for her- self; whereas it is stated in the most general terms, that if the son paid, the mother did not, nor consequently the widow. The protection money was also farmed out; since farmers of duties (reXwva^) are mentioned in connexion with it; for example in the Life of Lycurgus, who threatened a farmer of duties with imprisonment, for arresting Xenocrates for not having paid his protection money^''^ and also in the grammarians. It is main- 106 Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 738, 5, and Ulpian's note. i"? Besides the two passages of Ly- sias and Lycurgus which Wesseling quotes ad Petit, ii. 5, 1, see Demosth. c. Aristocrat, p. 691, 3, and c. Aphob. ^l^evSo/x. p. 845, 19. '°^ Harpocration in v. fxeToUiov, cf. Lex. Seg. p. 280, Hesychius in v. fxe- TotKOL, Photius, who transcribes Har- pocration, in V. jieToiKoi and fxeroiKaiu XeiTovpyioL, Polhix iii. 55, Nicephor. ad Syues. de Insomn. p. 402. The other statement of 10 drachmas in Hesychius v. fieToUiov and Ammonins V. la-oreXrjs only rests upon an error of the copyist. ^09 Yit. Dec. Orat. vol. iv. p. 253, 330 I'AXES UPON ALIENS. [bK. III. tallied by some writers, that tlie payment of the protection money was made by the patron (Trpoo-rarTy?) ''% which agrees very well with his character of surety for the resident aliens, but is directly opposed to the testimonies of the ancients. For the state looked for security to the body of the resident ahen him- self, and if he was convicted before the poletae of non-payment of the duty, he was immediately sold''\ It is also to be obsers^ed that Harpocration, who is followed by Photius, proves from the comic poets in particular, that the freed men also paid this pro- tection money; Menander, however, he proceeds to state, says in two plays, " that besides the ] 2 drachmas, the latter also paid 3 oboli, perhaps to the farmer of the duties.'^ According to the context the ^^latter" can only be the freed men, as Petit rightly understood it''^; and, as is so frequently the case, Pollux and Hesychius generalize this account of the payment of the trio- bolon, and extend it to all resident aliens. But they go still farther than this, for the latter informs us that it was paid to the farmer of the duties, the former, that the clerk received it. The general accuracy and information of Harpocration prove that no grammarian could know it for certain, and to what pur- pose should it have been paid to a clerk, or even to a farmer of the duties, if the tax was farmed out ? This triobolon paid by the freed men must therefore have had a different character, to which point I will presently return. On the other hand many resident aliens, as is implied in the story of Xenocrates, enjoyed an immunity from the protection money [areXeca fMerocKvov) cd. Tubing. ; also Plutarch in the Life tliere is an instance of the sale of an of Q. Flaminimis, and Photius in the ; unmarried woman. The place where Life of Lycurgus. Concerning Xeno- j this sale took place was called the tto). crates see also Plutarch's Phocion 29, ! XrjTTjpiov tov fieroiKLov. The sale was and Ste. Croix in his ^Memoir on the j carried on under the direction of the fxeroiKoi in the Mem. de I'Academie ] poletse, Pollux viii. 99, comp. above des Inscriptions, torn. xLvii. p. 184 sq. I book ii. ch. 3. The protection money "•^ Petit ubi sup. and Lex. Seg. p. j was naturally sold by auction in the 298. j same place. In the Lives of the Ten '" Harpocration, from the Oration Orators fieroiKiov is incorrectly used against Aristogiton i. p. 787, 27, which j instead of ncokijTrjpLov tov fifToiKiov. if not written by Demosthenes him- "=^ Leg. Att. ii. 6, 7. self, is of considerable auti(iuity, where CII. VII.j TAXES UPON SLAVES. 331 without being isoteles, at Athens as well as in other countries"^ Many were even exempted from custom duties' '*, and other payments, as will be shown below; yet these preferences appear to have been very rare; for, according to Demosthenes "% scarcely five persons were exempted from the regular liturgies, and what Diodorus''^ supposes Themistocles to say with regard to the immunity of the resident aliens and the artificers, must have arisen from some misunderstanding, which perhaps origi- nated in the circumstance that Themistocles had encouraged this class in some other manner. If then we take the sum of the resident aliens in the time of Demetrius Phalereus, which was 10,000, as an average amount, and reckon about 1000 women who paid this tax, the protection money would have amounted to about 21 talents: the freed men are included in this estimate, although in Xenophon^s Treatise upon the State of Athens'", this class of persons is distinguished from the resident ahens. Xenophon says"% that '^ whoever remembers how much the slave duty produced before the Decelean war, will allow that it is possible to maintain a large number of slaves in the country.^"* At that period great numbers eloped; Thucydides reckons more than 20,000; the maritime wars destroyed a very large number, and as it was easy for them to escape from Attica, the Athenians probably reduced their establishments, or exported their slaves to foreign markets. In short, Athens had more slaves before than after the Decelean war, and this duty was consequently more productive. But by means of what? was it merely by the duty of a fiftieth upon their importation? In that case the expression slave duty could scarcely have been used. It is more probable that a tax upon the slaves themselves existed: and this would in that case be the only direct and regular taxation of a part of the property of the citizens, excepting the liturgies; although this duty, in so far as slaves cannot be considered as mere property, but as servants also, may be viewed in the light "^ Corp. Inscript. No. 87, ad fin. "'' i. 10; see b. i. ch. 7. Demosth. c. Aristocrat, p. 691, 3. I ns y)q Vectig. 4, ocrov to reXos ev- "■* Book i. ch. 15. . picKe t5>v avbpanoboiv npo tcou iv "* C. Leptin. § 16, 17. AcKeX^ia. 116 XI. 43. 3.32 TAXES UPON SLAVES. [bK. III. of a tax upon servants. Now the supposition that a slave tax of this nature was in existence, appears to be confirmed by the triobolon which was paid by the freed men. The rate of taxa- tion for slaves could not indeed have been high, if it was not to press too heavily upon the property of persons who employed a large number, and particularly of the mine proprietors; but 3 oboli a year for each slave was a tax that would easily have been borne; and it is probable that the possessors paid this sum for every slave; of which the triobolon paid by each freed man in addition to the protection money, was probably the result: the latter he paid by virtue of his new station; but the state would not consent to renounce what it had formerly received from him. If this supposition is well founded, and we reckon 400,000 slaves in Attica, the tax produced to the farmer of the duties 200,000 drachmas, or about 33 talents a year. From this example it may be perceived how limited is our knowledge even of the Athenian antiquities. Obliterate the few and indistinct traces of this tax upon slaves, and there is nowhere an indication of its existence. How many similar duties and revenues may Athens have possessed, of which we know nothing? In the state of Byzantium, fortune-tellers (who, as may be seen from Isocrates and Lucian, carried on a profit- able trade), quacks, jugglers, and other itinerant impostors paid the third part of their profits for permission to follow their callings^ ^^, and traders of this description were also taxed in other countries in ancient times^^"; it is fair to suppose that Athens likewise levied a similar tax. Even retail-dealing in the market was not permitted either to the resident aliens or to foreigners, without the payment of a tax, which was known by the name of foreigners^ money (^eviKci reXetv); hence Demosthenes says of a woman who sold ribbands, that if they wished to prove that she was a foreigner and not a citizen, they must search the duties collected in the market'*'; and perhaps the resident aliens j^aid a tax even for the exercise of other trades. 'i» Pseud-Aristot. CEcon. 2, 3. | ^-^i Dcmosth. c. Eubulid. p. 130«, I), '-*' CiLsaub. ad Suetou. Ctilig. 40. | p. 130i), 5. CII. VII.] PERSO.NAL TAXES. 333 The most shameful of all taxes of this class is the tax upon prostitutes {iropviKov reXos), which was likewise introduced in Rome by Caligula, and not only continued during the reigns of the Christian emperors '^% but to the disgrace of mankind still exists in Christian states. At Athens it was annually let out by the senate; the farmers knew accurately the names of all who followed this calling' ^^, men as well as women; for even the former, as was the case under Caligula, paid the tax. Ac- cording to a passage of Suidas and Zonaras'^*, the agoranomi fixed the price which each prostitute was to take: it appears therefore that the tax was different according to their different profits' ^^^ as was the case in the ordinance of Caligula''^^. If persons of the rank of citizens demeaned themselves in this manner (which the laws endeavoured to hinder, by excluding them from sacrifices and public offices, and by other wise regu- lations), they were also subject to the tax, although the citizens did not pay anything for following honourable callings. Lastly, the state had some revenues of a smaller kind, which reverted from the expenses, and although they bear no resem- blance to those which have been here enumerated, yet they cannot be mentioned with greater propriety in any other place. Among these is the hide money [hepfiaTLKov), which was derived from great sacrifices and feasts "'^ ''^^ Burmann de Vectig. Pop. Rom. xii. Hegewisch liber die Rcimischen Finanzen, p. 213, p. 308, sqq. ^*^ ^scliin. c. Timarch. p. 134, 135. These fanners are also reXaivai, oi €K\€yov(Ti TO reXos. The expression TTopvoTcXccvaL in the comic poet Philo- names applied to fanners of duties in general. [See INIeineke, Fr. Com. Gr. vol. ii. p. 421. Transl.] ^'^* In V. Stdypafifia. ^^^ Comp. above book i. ch. 21. ^2° Sue'tou. Calig. 40. Ex capturis prostitutamm, quantum quajque nno nides (Pollux vii. 202, and the com- ; concubitu mereret. mentators) refers to the tax in ques- j '"'^ See book iii. ch. 19, and Corp. tion, although PoUux (ix. 29) cites i Inscript. No. 157. this word among the vituperative I 334 GEXKKAL UK MARKS UPON [bK. II Chapter VIII. General Remarks upon the foregoing Taxes, particularly upon the mode of levying and paying them. The government of Athens cannot be accused of having levied any regular duties, which were so high as to be oppressive; other states appear to have imposed far heavier taxes, as, for example, Cersobleptes in the Chersonese laid a duty of a tenth upon all commodities '^% and Leucon, king in the Bosporus, imposed a tax of a thirtieth upon exported corn''^^ In Baljylon all goods entering the town were subject to a tithe; this prac- tice had, however, fallen into disuse long before the time of Alexander'^*'. The Lampsacenians, on an occasion when many triremes, and consequently a considerable sale of provisions, were expected, laid an excise duty of half the usual price upon all commodities^^^ It is, indeed, undeniable that the method of collection by a farmer-general, to whom the duties were sold, diminished the receipts of the state^^^ This custom, however, was not peculiar to Athens: for the duties were farmed out in all the countries of Greece, and also in the kingdoms of Mace- donia and Rome. We have already seen from Andocides how those persons who wished to take a lease were able to defraud the public at the auction of the duties ; the farmers of the cus- tom duties made a conspiracy against the state, bought off any competitors who wished to overbid them, either by direct bribery or by giving them a share in the letting, or even perse- cuted those who deprived them of the lease, as was the case with Andocides himself. The same fact is proved by another case mentioned in Plutarch^". A resident alien, whose pro- perty did not amount to more than 100 staters, conceived a passion for Alcibiades, and brought him his whole stock of ^-^ Demosth.c. Aristocrat, p. 679,24. f ^'-'^ The expressions used are t^Xt) '-^ Demosth. c. Leptin. ^^20. cKdibovai, -mnpacTK^iv, nTrofiiaBovv, '^'" rseud-Aristot. CEcon. 2, 34. PoUux, ix. 34. '^" Ibid. 2, 7. I '^^ Alcib. 5. CH. VIII.] THE FOREGOING TAXES. 335 ready money, in order to move him to a return of aiFection. Alcibiades, pleased with the love and devotion of this person, invited him to be his guest; he then returned him the money, charging him at the same time to bid against the farmers of the duties upon the following day, towards whom he had a particu- lar cause of enmity. When the poor man excused himself on the plea that the letting was an affair of many talents, Alcibia- des threatened to flog him, in case he did not comply with his wishes : the alien then obeyed him, and upon the following day, at the sale of the duties in the market-place, he increased the former bidding by a talent, and Alcibiades himself provided him with security, to the vexation of the farmers of the custom duties. The company of farmers, who were always accustomed with the second letting to pay oflf the debts of the first, seeing that there was no means of extricating themselves from the difficulty, offered the man money to withdraw his bidding; upon which Alcibiades did not allow him to take less than a talent. Three separate descriptions of persons were connected with the management of every duty, viz., tho, f manners or lessees (jeXcovat, TTptd/jLevoL, or oDvov/jbevoL to riXo^, rarely /jutcrOovfjLevoi, except in the letting of landed property and not of duties), the sureties, {eyyvoL^ iyyvTjTai), and the collector's {eK\oy6ls)^^\ The last expression has two meanings: it sometimes signifies the public officers, who in the name of the state exacted payment of the public money (hence the persons who collected the tribute, which w^as never farmed out, were called by this name'"); and sometimes it is used to signify those who collected the duty in the name of the farmer-general: which of these two meanings is required in the particular passage, it belongs to the commen- tator to decide. The sureties, as is proved by the examples already quoted, were appointed at the taking of the lease; it is probable that they frequently had a share in the profit of the ^^* Law of Timocrates in Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 713, 3. The oath of the senators in the same speech p. 745, 15. ^^^ Harpocration, Suidas in v. inXo- yelsy Lex. Seg. p. 245. 'EKXeyeiu to TfXos is also meanings. nsed in two different 336 GENERAL REMARKS UPON [bK. Ill, contractors. More extensive lettings were taken by cotnpanies, as may be seen from Andocides, Lycurgus^'% and Plutarch. At the head of these associations was placed the chief farmer (tt)0%ft)V77S', reXcovdpxv^)' Persons of noble descent, who were proud of their station and dignity, never entered into business of this description; but these farmers were generally respectable citizens, and sometimes even statesmen; as, for instance, Agyr- rhius the demagogue, and Andocides the merchant and orator. Resident aliens were also entitled to take leases of custom duties; but the grant of property subject to a rent, as for exam- ple of mines, was limited to citizens and isoteles. The farmers of custom duties (reXchvac) frequently occur in the character of collectors, who appear to have been for the most part inferior sharers in the letting, although hired servants or slaves of the lessees were perhaps occasionally employed for this purpose. According to the different duties which they farmed, these per- sons had different names (eX/VtyLtevtcrral, SeKarTjXoyoi, elKoaro- \6yoi, irevTTjKoaToXoyot, or less Attic, €LKocrTcovac, BeKarcovat, Sic.y^'; and in like manner the places where the respective duties were collected {reXcovca, irevTrjKoaToXoyLa^ BeKarijXoyca, BeKaTevTTjpta, and others) ^^^ They kept their books '^% and had power to seize commodities and persons'^": whether the imposition of a seal upon the goods'", which was customary in later times, had been introduced during the existence of the republic, I do not undertake to decide: but all other vexations of custom duties, such as a strict search and examination, even opening of letters, are mentioned; the latter practice is indeed only noticed in the Roman comedies, which is perhaps suffi- cient testimony, as they for the most part represent the usages of Athens'*'^ Fraud and smugghngwere however as difficult to *^ C. Leocrat. p. 150, where an action occurs, brought by one person against another for defrauding him in the company for farming the fiftieth. Comp. also p. 179. "7 See Pierson ad ]Stocrin p. 165. *^» Polhix ix. 28, Lex. Seg. p. 230. '^^ Comp. book iii. ch. 4, Pollux, ix. 31. ^^^ Not to quote more than one passage, see Demosth. c. Mid. p. 559, 18. *^' See Barthelemy, Anacharsis, vol. ii. p. 1G8. ^*'^ Plant. Trinumm. iii. 3, 64 ; ^fe- ncechm. i. 2, 5; Terent. Phorm. i. 2, 100, with the note of Douatus, and Nonius in v. Telouarios. CH.VIII. ] THE FOREGOING TAXES. 337 prevent in ancient times as at the present day; in Attica the thieves' harbour {(jxopayv Xtfirjv) was much used for these pur- poses'^^; and that the collectors of the duties were themselves sometimes engaged in this unlawful traffic, is proved by the instance of the Eicostologus in Aristophanes'**. Their dishonest practices and oppressive conduct brought them into the worst re- pute'**: indeed the displeasure and hatred which the collectors of the Roman customs had excited were so great, that the state was compelled to abolish the custom duties in Italy, to the manifest loss of its revenue' *^ The peculiar legal relations between the farmers of these duties and the state were defined by the laws of the custom duties {vofjuoi Te\a)vt/cot)'*^ These also doubtless contained particular enactments, with regard to offences con- nected with the custom duties. That commodities which it was attempted to smuggle in without the payment of a duty (areXco- VTjTd, dva7r6ypaay*^ were forfeited by the Athenian as well as by the Roman regulations, is evident from the example which has been already quoted: as, however, at Athens it was allow- able to institute a phasis against persons who had violated the laws connected with the custom duties'*^ — in which form of proceeding the assignment of the penalty was arbitrary — a severer punishment might be brought on by aggravated circum- stances. The father of Bion the Philosopher was sold, together with his whole family, for an offence against the laws of the custom duties, although this did not take place at Athens"". The farmers of the custom duties were allowed by law an exemption from military service'^', in order that they might >« See Palmer Exercit. p. 639 ; Lex Seg. p. 315. Concerning the way in which the fanners of the duties were cheated, see Jul. Afric. Cest. p. 304. '** See the passage quoted above, note 90. "* Pollux ix. 29, 32. '*^ Concerning the farmers of the duties at Rome, compare with this view Cicer. ad Quint. Frat. i. 1. To how great a nicety the system of cus- tom duties was brought by the Romans, has been shown by Burmann de Vec- tig. P. R. V. '"7 Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 739, 29, p. 731, 1. ^*^ The latter expression occurs in Pollux ix. 31, the former inZenob. i.74. i*» Pollux viii. 47. ^^^ HapareXdnnjadixevos ti ttuvoikios €7rpd6T}, Diog. Laert. iv. 46. >5' Orat. c. Neser. p. 1353 ; Ulpian. ad Mid. p. 685 A. z 338 GENERAL REMARKS UPON [bK. Ill, not be impeded in the collection of the duties; and although Leocrates, as mentioned by Lycurgus, when a partner in the lease of the fiftieth, does not appear to have availed himself of this plea as an excuse for neglecting to serve in war'*% it is possible that he had particular reasons for not taking that line of defence. The payment of the rents (Kara^oXr) reXovs, re\o9 Kara- jSdWeLV, Karadelvac, BLoXvo-ac, airoBovvai, Kara^aXKeLV ras Kara^oka^y^^ took place in the senate house, in the appointed pr^^taneias'^^. If the farmer of the duties did not observe the term of payment, it was ordered that he should at the latest pay in the ninth pr}^taneia; if he failed to observe this term, his debt was doubled; and if the double amount was not imme- diately paid, his property was forfeited to the state. That this regulation was in force before the time of the thirty tyrants, is proved by the following words of Andocides'": "When the fleet had been destroyed, and the siege commenced, you deli- berated upon the expediency of concord among yourselves, and, upon the proposal of Patrocleides, you decreed to restore to their rights those who had been subjected to atimia. Now who these persons that had been thus sentenced were, and what were the circumstances connected with each case, I will men- tion to you. They were then, in the first place, persons owing money to the state, of whom some had filled official situations, and had not passed their accounts; some were in debt to the public, for obtaining wrongful possession of property {i^ovXac in the widest sense), or in consequence of public suits (which '•" Lycurg, c. Leocrat. p. 179. '^ Pollux ix. 31, and frequently in other writers. ^** Orat. c. Neaer. ut sup. '" De Myst. p. 35. Concerning the abolition of the atimia see Xenoph. Hellen, ii. 2, 6 ; and for the payment of the double amount see Liban. Ar- gum. ad Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 696, 2, and Demosthenes himself, p. 705, 1. With regard to the e|oCXai see below, chap. 12. From these fines the cVi- ^oXa\ and the money paid for unsuc- cessful ypa(f)aL are essentially different, as every one will perceive from the statements presently made. I may observe that it has been inferred with great probability (but not with abso- lute certainty) from Andocides, p. 45 sqq. that the law relating to the public debtors was repealed in the archonship of Euclid ; it must however have been again introduced, as it was indispens- able. CH. VIII.] THE FOREGOING TAXES. 339 the accusers had lost), and for fines adjudged by a court of justice {eTTLpoXal) ; others having taken leases from the public had not paid the stipulated sum, or had been sureties to the state: all these persons, I say, were permitted to pay on or before the ninth prytaneia, and in case of non-payment they were to be fined double, and their possessions sold for the benefit of the state. This was one species of atimia.'^ This passage only leaves one point doubtful, viz. whether the atimia was not put into force until after the omission of the payment in the ninth prytaneia, or whether it followed immediately upon failure of payment at the appointed period. There can be no question but that the latter was the case; the atimia was imme- diately inflicted, if the first term of payment was neglected; since otherwise no one would have paid until the ninth pryta- neia: and the debtor could moreover be thrown into prison by an augmentation of the punishment [irpoaTL^T^fjbaY'"^, Both these facts may be seen from the speech of Demos- thenes against Timocrates. The latter person had proposed a law, which enacted that the public debtors should not be put in prison before the ninth prytaneia; by which means, says the orator^", he makes the augmentations of punishment invalid (that is to say, he deprives the court of the right of inflicting that penalty), and exempts the public debtors from atimia. Here the atimia, together with the right of augmenting the punishment, is evidently supposed to apply to the time pre- ceding the ninth prytaneia: the penalty of excommunication or atimia was moreover inseparably associated with the idea of a public debtor, which every one became from the day on which he should have made his payment. Lastly, the law of Timo- crates shows that the person bound to pay was liable to imprisonment immediately after the expiration of the first term : he thus became a public debtor, and therefore subject to atimia. Timocrates did not include the farmers of the duties within the operation of his law, but intended that the ancient ^^^ Concerning this see below, chap. 11. '57 P. 729, 8. Upon the meaning of the words aKvpa ra Trpoa-TifiTjfiara ttouI, see Herald. Animadv. in Salmas. Ob- serv.ad J. A. et R. iii. 3,10. Z 2 340 GENERAL REMARKS UPON [bK. III. laws should remain in force with regard to them; his only object being to favour certain persons connected with himself, who had embezzled pubhc monies^*'; and therefore proposed, that " if any one of the public debtors, by any law or decree, had been, or should be, condemned to imprisonment as an addi- tional punishment, either himself or some one for him should be allowed to furnish sureties for the debt ; and that, when he had provided sureties, if he paid the state the money for which he provided the sureties, he should be released from prison : but if he should not, either in his own person or through his sureties, pay the money in the ninth prytaneia, that the party bailed should be thrown into prison, and that the property of the sureties should be forfeited to the state; but that in the case of farmers of duties and their sureties, and collectors, and persons renting public property and their sureties, the money due should be exacted by the state according to the existing laws. And if any person should become a public debtor in the ninth prytaneia, he should pay the money owing either in the ninth or tenth prytaneia of the following year''^^^ The right of imprisoning the farmers of the duties, even without a judicial sentence, which was required in other cases (imprisonment being an additional punishment), is also contained in the oath of the Senate of Five Hundred : '^ Neither will I imprison any Athenian who produces three sureties having the same valuation as himself, except he is convicted of treason against the state, or of subverting the democracy, or has not paid the duty when a farmer, surety, or collector^^**/^ The object of thus imprisoning the farmers was both to pre- vent the possibility of their escape, and to terrify them from any irregularity in their payments, which might be the occasion of much financial difficulty to the state : and for the prevention ^^ Deraosth. passim, more particu- larly p. 719, 26sqq. *5» Demosth. p. 722, 17 sqq. See Liban. in the argument, where how- ever what he says in p. 696, 21, of the imprisonment of the debtor in the second year in reference to the ancient law is manifestly false, and borrowed from the conclusion of the law of Ti- mocrates. '^** Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 745, 12 sqq. Compare Andocid. de Myst. p. 45, and Demosth. p. 731, 10 sq. CH. VIII.] THE FOREGOING TAXES. 341 of inadequate security, the sureties were subject to the same penalties'®'. The property of the temples was also protected by similar laws; for any tenant who failed to pay the rents of the lands of the gods and heroes of the tribes, himself, together with his whole family and heirs, was laid under atimia, until they were paid'®^ Now that Timocrates, when he mitigated the severity of this law, was not so much actuated by philan- thropy as by personal views, is evident from the exception which he made to the prejudice of the public farmers: for since these persons, as Demosthenes'®^ remarks, were exposed to injury, the provisions of the new law would have been extended to them with the greatest propriety: nay, this statesman was so little consistent with himself, that he had formerly passed ano- ther law, which provided that the offenders who had been prose- cuted by an eisangelia, and condemned to pay a fine, should be imprisoned until such time as they paid'®*. From this account of the subject (which has been inten- tionally given at greater detail, as in most books which contain any information on this head it is mixed and confused in end- less contradiction), it is evident what judgment must be passed upon the passage of Ulpian'" concerning this point. " It must be known,^^ he says, " that the farmers of the duties were bound to furnish sureties in the very first instance, so that if they did not pay until the ninth prytaneia, either they or their sureties paid the double amount; and all debtors did the same: as soon as they were indebted to the state, they were compelled to furnish sureties, that they would pay the same before the ninth pryta- neia, and remained under atimia until they paid. If however the ninth prytaneia arrived, and they had not yet paid, they were put in prison, fined double, and were no longer allowed to find bail.^^ The grammarian evidently confounds the existing ancient laws with the proposal of Timocrates, which moreover '^^ Besides the passages already quoted see the speech against Nicos- tratus, p. 1254 extr. and p. 1255, 1. ^^^ Demosth. c. Macart.p. 1069 extr. i«^ P. 738, 20 sqq. i«* Demosth. p. 720,721. '^5 Ad Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 449. I pass over Suidas and others, who have nothing peculiar or important. 342 GENERAL REMARKS UPON [bk. III. made no mention of the public farmers; the sureties provided by the farmers were also responsible for the first payments before the last term : the atimia^ and the right of imprisonment, could be adjudged immediately after the first term had been neglected; the ninth pry taneia brought with it the payment of double the sum then due; and if this fine was not attended to, the confiscation of property followed: whereas the proposal of Timocrates took away the liability to imprisonment from the public debtors (with the exception of the farmers of the duties and the farmers of the landed property, together with their sureties), if they could furnish security until the ninth pry ta- neia, and accordingly imprisonment could not take place until after the expiration of this term; it moreover wholly abolished the doubling of the money in causes which were not sacred, and the increasing of its amount tenfold in sacred causes, in which the latter was the legal penalty for the offence^^^ In what prytaneias the payments of the duties were appointed to be made, we are not informed. According to Suidas and Photius'^', two terms were fixed for the farmers of the duties, the first before the beginning of their lease, and afterwards a second; the money paid at the former term was called the payment in advance {irpoKaTa^okrj), and that paid at the latter was called the additional payment {Trpoo-Kard/SXTjfMa). This statement, which is founded upon the testimony of an ancient author, has much probability: thus we find that rents were paid to the demi and the tribes in a similar manner, either in two payments, in the first and sixth month, or in three pay- ments, in the first, seventh, and eleventh months^^^: that a payment took place in advance, at least coincidently with the beginning of their term, can scarcely be doubted; the additional payments were perhaps distributed over several prytaneias. A difficulty however arises from the manner in which De- mosthenes speaks of these additional payments {irpoo-Kara^Xri- '*'•' Concerning these points comp, also Demosth. p. 726, 22 sqq. p. 728, 159, p. 730, 1—4, p. 732, 24. '^' In V. TrpoKara^oXr). According to Lex. Seg. p. 193, 7, npoKaTa^oXrj is npo TTJs irpo$€ap.ias didopevov. '^^ See above chap. 2. CH. VIIlc] THE FOREGOING TAXES. 343 fiara). For in the speech against Timocrates'^' he says, in order to prove that the administration was endangered by the new law proposed by this person, '^ You have an excellent law, which enacts, that those who are in possession of money either belonging or not belonging to sacred corporations, shall deposit it at the senate-house. And in case of omission, that the senate may claim it by the laws which regulate the letting of duties. It is by this law that the administration of public affairs is carried on. For,'^ he immediately proceeds to say, ^^ if the money arising from the duties is not sufficient for the uses of the administration, the remaining payments are made through fear of this law. Is it not then manifest, that the whole fabric of the state must be dissolved, if the payments of the duties {at Twv reXojv Kara^okal) are insufficient by a considerable sum for the demands of the administration? Nor even in such a case as this could they be obtained until the conclusion of the year. And if neither the senate nor the courts of justice are authorized to imprison those who fail to pay the remaining portions, but the defaulters are allowed to provide sureties until the ninth prj'taneia, what will become of us during the inter- vening eight ?^^ In this passage the additional payments are opposed to the duties. The laws relating to the letting of duties appear to have been only applied to them^^", and the duties themselves were not paid in full until about the end of the year. If this representation is correct, I confess that I do not understand what these additional payments can be. By the sacred and public money, which had been received by pri- vate individuals from the state, nothing else can be meant than rents of duties and lands, and fines which were owing to the public. Among these the additional payments must be included, according to Demosthenes' own words. That they were fines is extremely improbable, if we may judge from the force of the word. What then can they be, except unpaid rents of duties and lands? Are we therefore to suppose that Demosthenes, when he speaks of duties, only alluded to the sums that were P. 730, 731. '70 On this point comp. also p. 732, 1, 2. 344 FEES AND PAYMENTS [bK. III. paid in advance ? This hypothesis is hardly credible, especially as he again says, that the duties were paid in full about the end of the year. Or was this last remark added on the supposition that the first payments of the public farmers were not, according to the law of Timocrates, to be made until the ninth prytaneia, as the farmers were to provide security up to that period? This would be an unheard-of piece of sophistry; for Timocrates particularly excludes the farmers of duties from the benefits of his new law. I am therefore forced to confess my ignorance of what Demosthenes means by those additional payments, and must leave the statement of Suidas to rest upon its own authority, in the hope that some acuter person may solve the difficulty which I have pointed out. Chapter IX. Fees and Payments upon Legal Proceedings, Prytaneia, Parastasis, The second head of the public revenue comprehends the justice fees and fines. This source of income was not by any means inconsiderable. Among the advantages which Sparta might expect to gain by the fortification of Decelea, Alcibiades enumerates the loss which the Athenians would sustain of the revenues from the courts of Justice^'^; as a cessation of justice was caused by the existence of a war in the country. The circumstance of Alcibiades using this as an argument in favour of his proposal, proves that the sum lost would not have been trifling. The productiveness of these imposts was increased by the obligation of the allies to try their causes in Athens, which regulation, inasmuch as it '^^ Thucyd. vi. 91. The Scholiast j he probably means ylrevdeyypacfyris, the upon this place ignorantly and inac- action for false enrolment among the curately mentions the fines in seve- | public debtors), for malversations of am- ral laM'suits, as e. g. in the action ; bassadors {Trapanpeo-^eias), and leaving for bribery (ScopodoKiai), assault ; the army (Xfinoo-TpaTiov) : whereas (v^pecos), sycophancy, adultery, false j upon all these offences much severer registration {\j/cvboypa(f>ias, by which I penalties than fines could be imposed. CIl. IX.] UPON LEGAL PROCEEDINGS. 345 increased the amount of the dicasts' wages, and consequently contributed largely to the support of the citizens, was of the highest importance. The justice fees and fines which here come into considera- tion, are, in the first place, the four mentioned together by Pollux ^^*, parastasis, epobelia, prytaneia, and paracatabole, of which the first and third always accrued to the state, the fourth probably in certain cases, the second never: to which may be added, the damages assessed for offences {rifirjiMaTa), if they were estimated in money, and the fines imposed by law upon unsuccessful plaintiffs or accusers. I will first consider the prytaneia {irpvTaveta), These, as is well known, both parties were obhged to deposit in court, before the beginning of the suit — not however if the case was referred to an arbitrator — like the Roman sacramentum: if the plaintiff omitted this payment, the officers who introduced the cause {ol elcraycojets) quashed the suit; the party which lost the cause paid both prytaneia, that is to say, his own were forfeited, and he replaced the sum which had been paid by the successful party '^'. The amount was fixed according to the standard of the cause, in the pecuniary assessment; in a suit for sums of from 100 to 1000 drachmas, 3 drachmas was the amount to be paid by each party; for sums of from 1001 to 10,000 drachmas, 30 drachmas'^*; for larger sums probably in the same progres- sion. With regard to suits for less than 100 drachmas, nothing is stated; probably no prytaneia were paid for them, a case to which Valesius appears with justice to refer a proverb preserved in Hesychius^^^ It is to be observed, that the statement of Pollux is con- firmed by two cases in judicial pleadings which are still extant. i7i viii. 37. I ''* Hesychius in v. avcv 7rpvTav€ia>Vj '7' Demosth. c. Everg. et Mnesib. [ Vales.adHarpocrat.p.l65,ed.Gronov. yjrevdo^. in the passage which will be : Matthiae on the other hand (MiscelL immediately quoted, Pollux viii. 38, Harpocration in v. Trpvravela, and thence Suidas, Photius, and Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 1139. '^* PoUux \iii. 38. Philog. vol. i. p. 262,) refers this to the diKT] KaKaa-eois : tlie 8ikt) v^pecos might be also understood : but of this here- after. 346 FEES AND PAYMENTS [bK. III. Callimachus, as mentioned in Isocrates, had instituted a suit for 10,000 drachmas against the dient of this orator, who defended himself with a paragraphe; but he afterwards reUnquished it in order that he might not be obhged to pay the epobeha, which he must have done if he did not obtain a fifth part of the votes; subsequently, however, having gained over the authorities to his side, he again set the cause on foot, as he now thought that he had only to fear the danger of losing the prytaneia'^'. The defendant, on the other hand, makes use of a law of Archinus, which was passed under the following circumstances. After the return of the people from the Pireeus, many citizens had been accused before the people contrary to the act of amnesty, on the charge of having connected themselves with the aristocratical party; in order therefore to secure these persons against fri- volous actions, he enacted that if any one should be accused contrar)^ to the oath of amnesty, he could defend himself by a paragraphe, and whichever of the two parties should in that case be found guilty, was to pay the epobelia to the other. The orator, however, endeavours to show that CalUmachus was vio- lating the act of amnesty, in order that he should not merely be exposed to the danger of losing the 30 drachmas ^'^ In this case these 30 drachmas are evidently the prytaneia: Isocrates^ client, however, only reckons the prytaneia for one party, w^hich would be due to him from Callimachus, in case the latter person lost the cause; of the other prytaneia, which Callimachus had already paid, he takes no account, since his only object is to form an antithesis between the additional payments which would be made in either case; these being the prytaneia to be restored to the successful party, in case no paragraphe was insti- tuted, and the prytaneia together with the epobelia, which would be paid by one party after the introduction of a paragraphe. Another clearer case occurs in the speech against Euergus and Mnesibulus for false testimony, in the works of Demos- thenes ^^^. The plaintiff had been cast in an action for an '76 UapaypacfiT) c. Callimach. 5 — 7. ' the sum in both places is 1403 drachmas ' '7 Ibid. 1—2, also 9 sqq. | 2 oboli, of wliich nothing can be made. ''8 P. 1 158, 20 sqq. Cf. p. 1162, 20. j It is a corruption from XHHHAIHII In a recent manuscript of no authority, ! into XHHH HI 11 II. Petit as usual CH. IX.] UPON LEGAL PROCEEDINGS. 347 assault {hiKT) alKias) brought against him by Theophemus, which was connected with a cross action, both parties having come forward as plaintiffs; and he was forced to pay 1313 drachmas 2 oboli to him: in this sum the epobelia and the pry- taneia amounting to 30 drachmas are expressly included : the fine was doubtless a round sum, and probably amounted to 1100 drachmas, upon which supposition the epobelia came to 183 drachmas 2 oboli. From this it is evident that the idea of some grammarians' % that the prytaneia were the tenth part of the estimated damages, does not deserve the least credit; especially as we are enabled easily to explain how they fell into this error. They state that the prytaneia were deposited by the plaintiff alone, whereas they were paid by both parties; but in the case of a suit in which any party claimed an inheritance or an heiress, the paracatabole was paid by the plaintiff alone, which amounted to the tenth part of the valuation; it was with this payment that they confounded the prytaneia. This confusion is particularly apparent in the state- ments of Suidas and the Scholiast to Aristophanes: the latter'"" informs us, that the prytaneia, which amounted to the tenth part of the valuation, were also called paracatabole; the former'^' applies the statement that the paracatabole was the tenth part of the valuation, to the prytaneia in the Clouds of Aristophanes, and particularly mentions the identity of the two. Both these (Leg. Att. V. 1, 3) confuses the whole passage. Palmerius understood it rightly, but without correcting the er- rors of the common reading. Instead of yiKias fiev Kal eKarov dpuxfJ-ns Koi Tpeis Koi dvco o/3oXa) rrjv enco^eXiav, which is manifestly imj^erfect, should be written ;^iXias' fiev Kal eKarov SpaX" fias TTju KaradiKT^v, dydorjKovra de Kai eKarov dpaxpas Kal rpels, Kal dva> o/3oXcb rrjv eVcoiSeXiai', although perhaps the right place of the words Kal rpels is before bpaxp-as. With regard to the position of the words, which was chosen for a reason which will be easily perceived, compare Dinarchus ap. Dionys. Halicarn. in vit. Dinarch. Xpvaiov pev ararrjpas oydorjKOvra Kal 8iaKoa-iovs Kal nevre. The epobelia in the cross-suit was not paid from the timema fixed by the adversary, but from that at which the party himself had assessed his opponent: in this case, however, both were manifestly the same, as the accurate coincidence of the numbers shows. ^79 Pollux ibid. Hesychius, Ammo- nius, and thence Thomas Magister in V. npvravelov. '^'^ Schol. Nub. 1258. '^^ Suid. in napaKara^oXr}. Con- cerning these errors comp. also Petit Leg. Att. V. 1, 9. 348 FEES AND PAYMENTS [bk. III. writers are ignorant enough to assert that the creditors paid a tenth part of the sum in suits relating to monies owing to them, which were called prytaneia^^*: which account is in the first place censurable for stating that the tenth part was always paid, and in the second place for mentioning the prytaneia alone in the Clouds of Aristophanes^". It should however be observed, that this confusion of the prytaneia with the paracatabole is derived from an idiomatical ambiguity of terms; for when used in its wider sense, the latter expression denotes any sum of money paid in court; hence again, the Etymologist explains the parastasis and paracatabole as identical^". The prytaneia may accordingly be included under the paracatabole in its more general meaning, but they are not for that reason the same as the paracatabole in its more limited signification ; and still less can the latter, as Maussac supposed, be classed among the prytaneia. With the prytaneia the parastasis [irapdcTacn'^, irapaKard- araa-is) was intimately connected. The pay of the arbitrators or diaetetae was called by this name^^^, with which we have no concern in this place, as it was paid directly into the hands of the disetetse, and not into the" public treasury : and to this pay- ment the words of Harpocration refer, when he explains the parastasis to be a drachma, which was deposited by persons who carried on private law-suits. On the other hand, there was another parastasis of unknown, but probably very small, amount, and the same in all cases: perhaps this one was not more than a drachma, and was doubtless received by the state' ^'. According to Aristotle''^, it was paid before a public action to the thesmothetae, if a foreigner was accused of ^^ Schol. Vesp. 657. Suidas in npv- ravelov and npoKaTa^oX^. '^^ Vs. 1181, 1257. The Scholiast on the Clouds (vs. 1192) says that the prytaneia were a drachma paid into the public treasury, confounding them with the parastasis. '^^ Isocrat. c. Lochit. 3, with the notes of Valesius ad Harpocrat. De- mosth. c. Tanticnet. p. 978, 20; Har- pocration, Photius, and Suidas, in napa- Kara/SoXi), Etymol. in TrapaKaTaa-Tacris. '^^ See book ii. ch. 15. '^^ From which the statement of the Scholiast on Aristophanes (Nub. 1 192), quoted above in note 183, may pro- bably be explained. '"' Ath. Polit. ap. Harpocrat. Phot, in napdcTTacns. See Pollux viii. 8; Phot, in napaKaTLKjTad IS . CH. IX.] UPON LEGAL PROCEEDINGS. 349 having illegally introduced himself among the citizens (ypar} ^evtas), or was charged, after an accusation of this kind, with having obtained a favourable verdict by bribery {ypacprj Bojpo- ^eviasf); again in suits concerning false enrolment among the public debtors {yjrevB€yypa(j)rj<;), for false summoning (yjrevBo- KXrjalas), conspiracy (ffovXevo-eaysf), false erasement from the list of the public debtors (aypacfyiov), and for adultery {/jloi- 'X^elas). This is not a complete enumeration of the public actions ^^^; the author however appears only to have quoted them as examples, and it can hardly be doubted that the para- stasis was paid in all other indictments {ypaal) parastasis alone, and no pryta- neia. We even learn from examples, that prytaneia were paid in private and parastasis in public causes : thus the former were deposited in cases of debt ; as, for example, Strepsiades' creditor in the Clouds threatens him with depositing the pry- taneia'^'. This regulation is quite intelligible. All private causes, with the exception of those which were instituted for assaults, referred to wrongs for which fines had been appointed by law''% so that the latter could not be altered, except that in actions for damages the plaintiff so far appointed the fine, that he estimated his own injury'"'; in which case an alteration in i«8 See Matthise Miscell. Philog. vol. i. p. 247 sqq. '«9 Vs. 1257. '^^ The word Tifirj^a is here trans- lated by fine, whether it had the nature of damages or of punishment. '^' See below chap. II. 350 FEES AND PAYMENTS [bK. III. the estimate could only have been made by petition, and mostly with the consent of the plaintiff. Here then the prytaneia could be fixed with certainty. Again, in a private cause the plaintiff claimed either a sum of money or money^s worth from the defendant, which moreover he was himself to receive : it was therefore fair that he should be subject to the payment of justice fees. But in pubHc actions the determination of the prytaneia would have been liable to great difficulties, and in many cases have been wholly impossible. For if either loss of life, banishment, confiscation of property, or atimia, were assigned as the penalty, it would have been impossible to estimate the amount of the prytaneia, as they were always fixed according to the money in litigation. The fines in pubUc causes were also subject to considerable and frequent alterations, and if the payment of the prytaneia took place in cases of this description, they could only have been fixed according to the estimate of the plaintiff in his pleadings ; but as we find no mention of any such arrangement, we may safely conclude that it did not exist. When for example ^schines, in his action against Ctesiphon for illegal proceedings {ypacj^rj TrapavofMcov), estimates the damages at 50 talents, the prytaneia of both parties would together have amounted to a talent, the payment of which would have fallen upon the losing party: but nothing of the kind is any where alluded to, although the far inferior loss of 1000 drachmas, which the plaintiff was to pay in case he did not obtain the fifth part of the votes, is repeatedly mentioned. Moreover the public plaintiff did not pursue his own advan- tage; and if he gained the cause, the state, or whoever was the injured party, and not the accuser, received the fine. It would not therefore have been just that he should pay any prytaneia. It was also against the interest of the state to throw difficulties in the way of public actions, by compelling the deposit of pry- taneia. The only payment required in the case which has been just quoted, was the penalty of the thousand drachmas imposed upon the plaintiff for the purpose of restraining frivolous accu- sations ; and in cases in which a private money suit was mixed wdth a public action, the epobelia was exacted : the parastasis CH. IX.] UPON LEGAL PROCEEDINGS. 351 however appears to have had a symbolical meaning, and to have signified that the cause was commenced. In every other case the state decided all public actions gratis, as they related to mat- ters concerning its own interest, and the fines were afterwards sufficient to cover the expense. There were, however, some public actions from which the plaintiff, in case he gained his cause, obtained some advantage at the same time that he prosecuted the offender ; in such cases as these the plaintiff paid the prytaneia for one party, but the plaintiff alone. Thus a law enacted, that whoever dug up olive- trees, excepting upon particular occasions, should pay to the state a fine of 100 drachmas for each tree, and an equal sum to the plaintiff : "the plaintiff however was to pay the prytaneia for his own share^^^^^ This was a public action; for the interest of the community, and not of any individual, was damnified by the diminution of the culture of olives, and all persons were at liberty to accuse. Now since the payment of the prytaneia is expressly enjoined in this law, it is manifest that they were not commonly required in public actions, since otherwise it would have been unnecessary to insert this clause. The reason how- ever why the plaintiff alone was bound to pay them is, that he might derive individual advantage from the introduction of the cause, in case he was successful: so that considered in this light it was his private suit: thus the Roman law made the injury of the praetorian album a private cause [causa privata), although the privilege of accusation was free to any person [in causa popu- lari). The defendant however did not deposit any prytaneia, inasmuch as he did not damnify the private interest of the plaintiff, and on his side the cause was entirely public. There was also another kind of public action, in which the plaintiff might advance his own interests, while at the same time he endeavoured to maintain the rights of the state. This was the phasis (or information), which form of proceeding might be instituted either in the case of robbery of public property, or in offences concerning trade, custom duties, and mines, syco- '^^ UpyTavela Se TiOero) 6 fitwKcoi/ rov avrov fiepovs, Lex. ap. Deniostli. c. Macart. p. 1074, 19. 352 FEES AND PAYMENTS [bK. III. phancy, and offences against wards; and in this form of action all persons had the right of accusing, even if they were not the parties injured. If a person who had not been injured came forward as accuser in a phasis, and if he only undertook the action as the representative of the pubhc, and not as his private suit, the estimated damages were not awarded to the plaintiff, if he gained the cause from the defendant, but to the injured party'"; to the state, for example, if the property of the state was injured; to the farmers of the customs, if the custom duties had been fraudulently evaded; to the orphans, if the property of orphans had been embezzled. Consequently an accuser of this kind paid only the parastasis, and no pry^taneia ; but in order to repress frivolous accusations, the accuser was subjected to the risk of the thousand drachmas, and on certain occasions to the epobelia, if he did not obtain the fifth part of the votes'^*. But what were the regulations if the injured party himself came forward an accuser? In this case two different methods may be conceived to have existed. A case which would justify the institution of a phasis, admitted of being viewed in a double light; and the plaintiff, whom it individually concerned, could, as I am convinced, select which of the two he would adopt. Thus, for example, redress might be obtained for an assault either by a private [hUy] alKias) or a public action [hiKT] or ypa(l>7j v^pecos), according as the plaintiff chose: so as we learn from Demosthenes, the law intentionally allowed in very many cases not two only, but even four different methods of proceed- ing, in order that every person might choose according to his disposition and circumstances: for instance, a person might in- stitute a private action for a theft of property exceeding 50 drachmas, and among public actions, the common action, the aTraycoyr) and the ephegesis; there were also four different forms of proceeding in a case of impiety, and so with almost every other offence '*'. The correctness of this assertion is '»3 Pollux viii. 41,48. '«* See below chap. 10, 12. ^^^ Demosth. c. Androt. p. 601. On this point see more particularly He- rald. Animadv. iv. 7, 8. CH. IX.] UPON LEGAL PROCEEDINGS. 353 proved by the spirit of the whole Athenian law. In the same manner the law, in an instance in which private property had been damaged, either allowed a case which justified the proce- dure by phasis, to be in fact brought on as a phasis or a public suit (which course a person who had not received any injury, in case he wished to come forw^ard as accuser, was always com- pelled to take), or the injured party was at liberty only to found a private actioa upon it, for the purpose of prosecuting his own rights. By the former method of proceeding the plaintiif brought the defendant into greater hazard, as the latter was sub- ject to the penalty not only of a fine, but also of imprisonment and death : at the same time he exposed himself to the risk of the thousand drachmas, and also of the epobelia, if he did not obtain the fifth part of the votes. In the latter case the defen- dant was exposed to less risk, and the plaintifi* was not subject to the loss of the thousand drachmas, but only of the epobelia. Now with regard to the prytaneia, we can hardly suppose that they were required in the first case, as the injured party came forward solely in the character of public accuser, and the fine which he received would have been equally paid to him if ano- ther person had been plaintiff: in the latter case, however, pry- taneia were unquestionably required, as the cause was merely a private suit. It is probable that, unless some particular cause of animosity or zeal existed, the method of the private suit was generally preferred; and we have still two law-suits extant, which might have justified a phasis, and were nevertheless instituted as pri- vate causes. Pollux expressly states that the action against guardians {Zlkti eTTiTpoTrrjf;) was a public suit, and adds, that any person who washed it was at liberty to prosecute the guar- dian in behalf of the injured orphans '^^; and yet in another place he calls it a private suit^^^: so again the author of the Lexicon Rhetoricum considers the action for the omission of the letting of orphans^ property as a phasis, and at the same ^^^ Pollux (viii. 35) calls it the diKt] \ ^^^ y[[i 31^ Heraldus Animadv. in (TTLTpoirris hrj^ocrla. ^E^tjv yap tw jBov- Salmas. Observ. iii. 4, 5, also considers Xo/xfi/6) ypd(Pca6ai tov enLTponou virep j that the biKr) eniTpoTrrjs was a private Ta>v ddiKoviMevcov opcpavcou. I suit. 2 A 354 FEES AND PAYMENTS [bK. III. time as a private suit'^^ and it is also cited by Pollux, together with the action against guardians, among the private suits^'^ The law-suit of Demosthenes, detailed in the speeches against Aphobus, which have been placed by the arrangers of his works among the private orations, is an action against guardians. Are we then to suppose that these persons were deceived in a whole set of speeches so important in the history of Demosthenes? It is hio-hly improbable that they should have committed so great an error, although it is true that they have incorrectly classed two other speeches^"". It is indeed evident from the tenour of the speech itself, that the action was not a phasis, but merely a private suit. Demosthenes frequently complains that he is exposed to the risk of the epobeha, to which his property was only just sufficient, and which should not in fairness have applied in his case'''. Again, if the action had been a phasis, he would have spoken of the thousand drachmas, which must have been paid in the same case to which the epobelia applied. But of this payment he says not a word. Or are we to sup- pose, that in the action against guardians the phasis itself, which in all other cases was a pubhc suit, became a private one, with this difference only, that any person had the liberty of accusing? This is apparently the notion which the author of the Lexicon Rhetoricum had formed of this point, as he calls the phasis a species of public and private action, and the latter with refer- ence to the omission of the letting of orphans' property; his out the meaning of oIkos correctly in his Animadv. in Salmas. Observat. iii. 6, 10. ^^^ In the speeches against Nico- stratus and against Theocrines, neither of which, however, is by Demosthenes. The latter was considered by Calli- ^3« Lex. Seg. p. 313, cf. p. 315; Etymol. in v. (pdais, Phot, in v. (jydais, particularly in the second article, and Epitome of Harpocration, quoted by the commentators upon Pollux viii. 47. ^^^ To this action the w^ords of Pol- lux viii. 31 {^Iktj) /xicr^too-fcoy oXkov Bhould be referred. Iludtwalcker is ' machus to be the work of Demos- incorrect in supposing (von den Dia- ' thenes, but Dionysius and the greater teten, p. 143,) that the dUr] {xLadoiaews ' number of authorities include it in the oIkov is the same as the action for the ' works of Dinarchus, and justly give it payment of house-rent {bUr] (volkIov), a place among the public orations, an error into which he was probably See the Life of Dinarchus by Diony- led from the difference between olkos sius. and olKia in the Athenian law having ' ^^^ P. 834, 25, p. 835, 14, p. 841, 22, escaped him. Ileraldus has pointed p. 880, 9. CII IX.] UPON LEGAL PROCEEDINGS. 355 statement^ however, is probably founded upon a confusion, the origin of which was, that the subject of a phasis could equally be the subject of a private cause; and that it was the wish of the government that offences connected with guardianship should be treated as public actions, as well as offences relating to harbours, custom duties, and mines, and sycophancy, in order to give greater protection to orphans. And it is remark- able that Photius, who for the most part coincides with the Lexicon Rhetoricum, opposes the phasis regarding the property of orphans, to the public actions, but yet does not distinctly call it a private suit; so that the grammarians do not themselves appear to have formed any precise notion of the subject. It may therefore be supposed that as, in the Roman law, the actio tutelce of the ward against the guardian, at the end of the guar- dianship, for a restitution of the property taken from him during the minority, was a private suit, and the actio suspecti of a third person against the guardian who acted dishonestly during the tutelage was a quasi-public [quasi publica) suit, so in the Athenian law, a distinction of the following nature existed be- tween the actions against guardians; viz., the public action was the phasis, not being however, as in the Roman law, limited to a third person, and to the continuance of the guardianship*"^ and the private suit was the hiKrj iinrpoTrrjs and /jLcadojaecos olkov. The grammarians then appear, in the first place, to be in error when they call the Bikt] eVtTpoTr?}? and /niadcoa-eco^ olkov a public action^''% and secondly, when they call the phasis in actions '■^"^ A public action against a frau- ; spirit of the Athenian law, by which dulent guardian is extant in the ora- the greatest liberty in the selection of tion of Lysias against Diogeiton, where the mode of proceeding was allowed, he speaks of the extreme of danger I "^"^ It may be easily perceived how (eaxaroi Kivdvvoi, p. 893 ad fin.) which ' Pollux, who alone, as far as I remem- alludes to the penalty of death. It is ber, calls tlie 8iKr] eVtrpoTr?}? a public instituted by a third person, but after | suit, was led into this notion. For the conclusion of the guardianship, and [ after having correctly mentioned the diKT] eVtrpoTT^f and fita-doicreois olkov in the enumeration of the private suits, he returns to it only incidentally in viii. 35, in the words aTrpoirraa-iov 8i Kara tcov ov vefjLOUTCov TrpocrraTTjv fxeroi- Kcov dXX' avTT) (as should be read for 2 A 2 the passing of the accounts. That the injured party was also empowered to bring on this kind of action, I do not find anywhere expressly stated ; but it can hardly be doubted that such was the case, if we mav judge from the 356 FEES AND PAYMENTS [bK. III. against guardians a private suit; excepting that this phasis, by reason of its double relation^ both to the injury of individuals and to that of the state, may be considered as a public and at the same time as a private action, and by this means the account of the grammarians may be in some measure justified : whereas it is extremely improbable that the public action or the phasis, and the private suit, were both called hUrj iTrirpoiTri^ and fita- daxrecos oXkov, There is a corresponding resemblance between the proceed- ings against Aphobus, and the law-suit detailed in the speech against Bionysodorus. The defendant, as is plain from the charges of the accuser, had not only injured him, but also trans- gressed the commercial laws; consequently he might have been prosecuted for this latter offence by a phasis; yet it is manifest from the whole speech, that this matter was taken up as a pri- vate suit, and we therefore hear nothing of the possible loss of the thousand drachmas, but only that the plaintiff, in case of failure, will be forced to pay the epobelia^"'^. We do not, indeed, in either of these two law-suits, find any mention of the prytaneia, an omission in which there is nothing remarkable; for their loss and restitution was so much a matter of course, as they were deposited in all private causes with the excep- tion of the private action for an assault, that no allusion to this payment need be expected. Apollodorus also in the first oration against Stephanus^**^, in an action for debt, in which we know with certainty from Aristophanes that the pr^'taneia were always required, only remarks that he should have to pay the epobelia in addition, silently implying the loss and restitution of the prytaneia. avTT]) fxev brj^oaia, uxTTTCp Kai t] Trjs em- TpoTrrjs. 'E|^y yap roj (3ov\opevco ypd- (})ea6ai ruv eniTponov vnep twv abiKOv- fxevcov dp(f)ava>v. Here it occuired to him accidentally, that the guardian might be prosecuted by any person, \{z. by a phasis, and thus he thought it necessary to remark, that the bUr] eTTtrpoTT^? was a public suit, although j (TrcolBeXiav. he had before stated it to be a private | suit. The first account he appears however to have derived from good authority; the accidental observation evidently came from his own head, and therefore it deserves but little credit. ■^^^ r, 1284, 2. '^^^ P. 1103, 15, npoa-ocfjXoiv be Trjv CH. IX.] UPOX LEGAL PROCEEDINGS. 357 Heiresses [eiriKXripoL) were under the peculiar protection of the state. If, therefore, any person laid claim to an heiress whom another person wished to marry, as having a better right to her, he was compelled to pay the parastasis as in a public action^*'^ One description of actions, viz., the eisangelia for mal-treatment of the helpless, for example, of an heiress, of parents on the part of children, and orphans on the part of the guardians [KaKciiaews einKkrjpov, yovicov, opcpavcov), which was commenced before the archon eponymus, received from the state a considerable preference, in the exemption from pryta- neia and parastasis; and even if the accuser did not obtain a single vote, he was not, according to Isseus, exposed to any risk*''^ It is also to be observed, that this was a pubhc suit, since every person was allowed to accuse either by instituting an eisangeha^"% or a common indictment {ypacpijY^^i and the probable reason why Pollux*^" enumerates it among the private suits, is, that for the same wrong which justified a public action, the party injured (for example, the ward after the cessation of his minority) could seek redress by a private one. Another particular exception also existed in the actions for assault. Isocrates mentions*' ', that public and private suits [ypacfial koI hiKai) might be instituted for an assault [v^pis) without depositing any sacramentum {'jrapaKaTa/SoXi]), which preference existed in this case alone. In this statement there is a trifling discrepancy with Iseeus, who mentions that the eisangelia before the archon was the only one devoid of hazard. According to Isocrates, however, the private action for an assault at least, was completely free from risk, whatever might have been the case with the public suit, which, if this exemp- 206 Andoc. de Myst. p. CO. j ^ " viii. 31. ^'^^ Isseus de Pyi-rhi Hered. p. 44, 45, and thence Harpocration in v. elcrayyeXia. 208 Isseus ut sup. Compare De- 21*0. Lochit. 3. See Vales ad Har- pociat. in v. napaKaTa(3o\f)y Sigon. R. A. ii. 6. Whoever wishes to see a full account of the diKTj alKias and mosth. c. Panta^net. p. 979 sqq. He- ! v^pecos, may find it in Heraldus Ob- rald. Animadv. in Salmas. Observat. serv. et Emend, c. 46—48, and in his iii. 14, 4, Matthia? Miscell. Philog. p. Animadv. in Salmas. Obser. ad I. A. 234 sq. et R. ii 9, sq. CH. IX.] UPON LEGAL PROCEEDINGS. 359 time entailed the payment of them upon the first plaintiff, who by this time had become defendant. If either party lost his cause without having the fifth part of the votes on his side — as, for example, the client of Demosthenes in the speech above quoted — in the first place his prytaneia were forfeited to the state, and he was obliged to replace the prytaneia of the suc- cessful party: in the second place, he had to pay the fine to his adversary: and lastly, he had to pay to the opponent the epo- beha for the fine at which he had assessed his injury. These monies, the prytaneia and the parastasis, were used, like the parastasis of the disetetse, for paying the wages of the dicasts; of the prytaneia in particular, as being the most important, it is mentioned, that they were applied to the pay- ment of the courts of justice^ '^ The prytaneia have therefore been compared with the fees of the Roman courts; and this analogy has been supported by a passage in Aristophanes, which, however, does not prove that the dicasts received the prytaneia at Athens immediately, as the Romans received their fees^'"*. On the other hand, Joseph Scaliger^'* has started the singular notion, that the corresponding payment at Rome were not the justice fees, but the sportula which was given by the nobles of Rome to their clients, in money or victuals, confound- ing them with the public feasts in the prytaneum. If by the fees of justice, according to the Roman custom, we understand the payment received directly by the judges, the prytaneia cannot be called fees; but although not the same in name they were so in substance, and the only difference was that they were paid into the public coff"ers, as is the case at present in some places, and the state then paid the judges with this money. For this reason Aristophanes^'^ reckons the prytaneia among the public revenues, which is also the account given by 2>3 Xenoph. de Rep. Atli. i. 16, Pol- lux viii. 38, Suidas and Photius in v. Trpvrai/eia, where by the 6000 the judges are meant. '^^ Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 1139, Suidas in v. npvTavelop, glosses quoted by Kiihn ad PoEuc. viii. 38, Casaub. ad Athen. vi. p. 237 F. referring to Aristoph. Nub. 1200, Spanheim ad Nub. 1 182. ^'* De Emend. Temp. ""^ See above, note 4. 360 FEES UrON LEGAL PROCEEDINGS. [l5K. II. Suidas and Photius*'^: the presidents of the courts of justice assigned them to the proper authority, which was doubtless the office of the colacretee. For the colacretae had the duty of managing the feasts in the prytaneum, for which, as their name sufficiently proves, the prytaneia were originally assigned, at a time when law-suits were received and introduced in the pry- taneum^'^; the same officers also distributed the wages of the dicasts, after their introduction as a regular stipend, and the prvtaneia were then naturally appointed for the immediate pay- ment of this salar}^ But how great must have been the num- ber of law-suits in order to defray the wages of the dicasts, amounting to about 150 talents! Xenophon gives us to under- stand, that it chiefly was the law-suits of the allies which made it possible to pay the dicasts out of the prytaneia; at the same time, as has been above remarked, additional money must have been supplied from other sources ; for it is not credible that the prytaneia were ever alone sufficient; and, moreover, the pay of the dicasts was only one of those democratic forms, under which the public money was to be divided among the people. Chapter X. Fees ujjoii Appeals, The Paracatabole and the Epobelia. Another description of the payments made in the courts of justice was the fee {irapd/SoXovy^^ upon appeals (et^eVets'), con- cerning which nothing is known accurately. The paracatabole was, however, a fee of nearly the same nature: this was a joay- ment which was made by any person who either claimed *^ UpyTavela : rrpoaodos els to dTjpocriov KUTaraa-aopevT]. Cf- Lex. Seg. p. 192, 17. Valesius (ad ^Maus- (sac. ad Ilarpocrat. p. 32G, ed Gronov.) aud Kuster (ad Nub. 1134) liave given a correct general view of the question. '"^ Tiiis is the meaning of Suidas in V. npvTuvelov and TrapaKaTa(3oXr], Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 1 139. Concerning the colacreta3 see book ii. ch. 6^ and on the pay of the dicasts, book ii. ch. 15. ^'^ This is the term used by Aristo- tle ; by later writers it was called 7rapaj36\iov, Pollux viii. G3; see Sal- mas. :M. U. v. p. 198; lludtwalcker von den Diateten, p. 127. CH. X.] FEES UPON APPEALS. 361 {dfM(l)tcr^7]T€l) from the state any confiscated property, or from individuals an estate adjudged to him, and it was forfeited if the party lost his suit. The fifth part of the property claimed {tcov d/jL(j)t(T^7]TovfjLii^(ov) was paid before the action as paracata- bole, if the party laid claim to confiscated property; and the tenth part if he claimed an inheritance or property of heir- esses"", and in fact the payment took place at the preliminary investigation into the case {dvdKpLo-i(;Y'^\ The similarity of both cases with the appeal may be seen from this fact, that all confiscations of property were founded upon a judicial verdict, and whoever laid claim to property thus forfeited, if he did not in strictness of speech appeal against the decision, yet appealed against its appUcation to a particular object; the resemblance is also strengthened by the circumstance, that the paracatabole was only paid in cases relating to the inheritance of property, when the plaintifi" sought to obtain possession of an inheritance already adjudged to another person (eTrtSi/tafoyLteva)*", so that in this instance also an appeal was made against a former legal decision. In both varieties of the paracatabole the questions arise, by whom was it received, if the party who had deposited it lost the cause, and whether other justice fees and fines could be com- bined with it. In order to determine these problems, it will be necessary to premise the following observations. The pay- ments made in law suits were of three kinds : in the first place, there were mere justice fees, such as prytaneia and parastasis, which the unsuccessful party paid: in the second place, fines "' Pollux viii. 39j 32; Harpocrat. ' Didymus says in Harpocration in Suid. Phot, in TTapaKarafdoXrj, Lex. Seg. j TTfJonefMnra' elal yap ol to. TreyuTrra tcov p. 290 (Harpocration refers to Lysias, TiixTjfxdTcov (he should have said rau Hyperides, and other orators): see \ dfji(f)ia0T}Tnvfj.€va>v) TrapaKaTa^dXXeadai Harpocration and Suidas in dfjL(f)ia- j (fiaaiv, as Avaias iv tS Kara 'AttoXXo- ^TjTclv, and concerning the inheritances , da>pov vnoarjfiaivei. All the rest of this see Pollux viii. 32 ; Timseus Lexic. article is worthless, as has been aheady Plat, in TrapaKara^oXr}, and there | remarked by Yalesius in his notes to Ruhnkeu; Demosth. c. Macart. p. ;Maussac. 1051, 20, 1054, 27 (from a law), c. ; "' Isaeus de Hagn. Hered. p. 2. Leochar. p. 1090, ext. p. 1092, 20. ! ^^^ See Buusen de Jure Hcrcdit. Isicus mentions it in several places, i Atheu. 1, 2, 3. And to this probably belongs what | 362 FEES UPON APPEALS. [bk. {Tt/jbr]/jLaTa), which the successful plaintiff received in private, and the state in public suits, excepting that in a phasis, the injured party received the fine, and in certain private suits, a fine was annexed to be paid to the state: and, lastly, certain compensations, which in particular law suits, the unsuccessful was compelled to make to the successful party, for the risk to which he had exposed him, for example the epobeUa. Now the paracatabole appears to be of the latter kind, and it was evidently introduced in order to protect the state and all legal heirs from the vexatious suits of self-interested plaintiffs: from this it follows that it must have been received by the party who was injured by the suit, viz. in claims for confiscated property by the state, in cases of inheritance by the heirs. From this view of the case, the litigants were probably in addition to the paracatabole compelled to pay the common justice fees, since they would have paid them if there had been no paracatabole, according to the respective circumstances of the suit, although I have not been able to find any information upon this point. The unsuccessful plaintiff does not appear to have been subject to any other punishments or augmentations of punishment {TrpocTTLfjLrjfjLaTa). It should also be observed, that the payment of the paracatabole could only have been required from the complaining party, as a punishment for vexatious litigation. Something must also be said on the subject of the epobelia {67rci)/3e\ia), since in the writings of both early and modern scholars as little clear and definite information is found upon this point as upon the other justice fees and fines'". The epobelia is the sixth part of the assessment of the suit {ri/jLTj/jia), and was so called because an obolus was paid for every drachma of the valuation. As this circumstance is manifest from the name alone, and the best grammarians give the same account"*; and as the examples of the epobelia occurring in Demosthenes, ^'^^ Even the accurate Heraldus (Animadv. in Salmas. Observ. iii. 4, 8 — 11, 5 ad fin ) has adopted an en- tirely false view of the question, and Hudtwalcker only incidentally touches upon this subject in a few places. ^" Harpocrat. Etymol. Suid. Zona- ras in eVco/SeX/a, Lex. Seg. p. 255; Schol. Plat. Ruhnk. p. 239; Pollux viii. 30, 48. ix. GO ; cf. Salmas. II. U. p. 12 sqq. CH. X.] FEES UPON APPEALS. 363 which will be adduced presently, prove it beyond a doubt, the statement which Hesychius and Eustathius have derived from ignorant writers*", that the epobelia was the tenth part of the assessment, does not require refutation; it owes its origin to a confusion with the paracatabole, not unlike that which we have already seen in the case of the prytaneia. The true nature of this fine is given in general terms by Harpocration, who states that it was an additional valuation (^Trpoarlfxrjfjua) fixed by law, independent of the decision of the judges"^: this account, how- ever, leaves the questions open, in what law suits, by whom, under what circumstances, connected with what, and to whom, was it paid. According to the Etymologist^*^, the epobelia was introduced because many persons had been vexatiously accused in causes relating to money, particularly with regard to bottomry or sea security: on which account the law imposed the epobelia upon the plaintiff, for the prevention of vexatious accusations {avKocfyayTLo) ; and afterwards it was applied equally to all other pecuniary causes (^^pT^/xart/cal hUai). Probably this alludes to the fact mentioned by Isocrates against Callimachus^*^, who states that Archinus, after the government of the thirty tyrants, introduced the payment of the epobelia in law suits in which the defendant was allowed the right of instituting a paragraphe against the plaintiff, in order to protect him from vexatious accusations. The case mentioned in the speech of Demosthenes against Stephanus for false testimony*^% is precisely of this nature. The orator's client, Apollodorus, had brought an action against his step-father Phormion to recover a sum of money which he claimed from him; Phormion, on the other hand, instituted a paragraphe, and Apollodorus, having been unsuc- cessful in the suit, was condemned to pay the epobelia. But the litigants were also exposed to the risk of the epobelia in pecuniary cases, even when there was no paragraphe, as may be '^* Hesych. in eVca^eXt'a ; Eustath. i is transcribed, ad Odyss. A. p. 1405, 27. ' ''^'^^ In the beginning ; comp. below, ^^ Barpocrat. in npoa-TiixrjixaTu, and i chap. 15, 16. thence Photius. ^^^ P. 1103, 15. "^7 From which Suidas in eTrco/ScXia ' 364 FEES UPON APPEALS. [bK. III. seen from the law suit of Demosthenes against his guardians^ and the cause against Dionysodorus on account of the non-re- payment of a loan of money: and also in a phasis which related to a fine; in this instance, however, it was doubtless limited by certain conditions, which will be more aptly pointed out in another place: and, finally, in the cross action^^° {dvTLypacjir]), on account of the appearance of A-exation which it bore. It cannot be proved that any epobelia was required in actions for an assaxilt. The private suit for the same offence {SUrj alKia^) of necessity indeed led to nothing more than a fine, but it was distinguished in several essential points from a common pecu- niary law suit; and the only known case in which epobelia was paid in a private action for an assault, related in the speech against Euergus and Mnesibulus, had also the nature of a cross suit, which circumstance introduced the obligation of the epo- belia. In the public action for an assault [hiKT) vjSpecos) it is impossible to conceive that any epobelia existed; nor when ^schines against Timarchus^^^ supposes the case of a person bringing an action against a youth, who, having sold his chastity by a written document, had violated his engagement, and con- siders it to be just that the plaintiff should both lose his suit, and sufi'er the penalty of death, " not only paying the epobelia, but also a fine for the other injury ,^^ must it be supposed that the plaintifi* generally paid the epobelia in public actions for bodily wrong; for this would not be a suit of this nature, but an action connected with pecuniary matters, which, as the agreement was contrary to law, would necessarily be lost; con- sidered in the light of a pecuniary case, the plaintiff would of course sufifer the penalty of the epobelia ; but the orator sup- poses him to be punished with far greater severity for the seduction and disgrace of an Athenian youth. Speaking gene- rally, the epobelia only applied in cases relating to money, and not in public actions, except in the phasis. •230 Pollux viii. 58. I (tlv ck tov biKactr-qpiov ov rrjv eirio^eXiav •231 "Where the chief words that refer I fiovov uXka koI aXXj/y v^piv: the case to this subject are, eneira ou KuraXeva- \ Jiere supposed is iralprjaLs kutu avvSrj- 6i](j€TaL 6 piadovixevos tup ^Adr^vtilov , Kas, which actually occurred. See napa tovs vupuvs Koi Trpoo-ocpXcoi/ anei- \ Lysias c. biuiou. p. 1 17, 14^. CH. X.] FEES UPON APPEALS. 365 With regard to the party who was bound to pay the epobelia there may seem to exist some doubt, for the passages of the grammarians apparently contradict one another, and the ancients do not explain themselves with sufficient distinctness. It seems to me probable, that not the plaintiflf only, but the unsuccessful party in general, was subject to this payment, although a deci- sive proof to this effect cannot now be obtained. By the law of Archinus, both parties in the litigation, as well the accuser as the party instituting a paragraphe, in case he was condemned, was bound to pay the epobelia^^^; which however cannot be accounted for by the reason which Pollux mentions*^% that the paragraphe was similar to a cross suit, and therefore both parties were considered as plaintiffs: Pollux asserts, that in the phasis the unsuccessful party paid the epobelia, without making any distinction between plaintiff and defendant; which he also states in the most general terms of the epobelia^^*. And doubtless if in a phasis the defendant paid the epobelia equally with the plaintiff, in case he lost the suit, by the same reason he must have paid it in a money case to which the epobelia applied, even if it was only a private cause, for in the phasis the epobelia was only added in reference to the money which the injured party endeavoured to obtain from the defendant ; that is to say, merely in reference to that which in the phasis is a private concern; and if the plaintiff was exposed to the danger of the epobelia, it was but just that the hazard of the accuser should be increased in an equal proportion. We have two instances of the plaintiff paying the epobeha in private cases; but if correctly understood, they do not war- '"- See above, chap. 9. 223 Pollux viii. 58, upon the principle of Reus eacipiendo fit actor. '^* viii. 48 and 39. In the former chapter he says, 6 5e /xj) ixeraXa^cov to 7re/x7rrov ^epos roiv ylrrjCJiuiv ttjv eTTco^e- Xiav 7rpoaa)(j)\i(TKav€, where by the word TTpoo-ocfAtaKavciv the grammarian means to express the additional loss besides the loss of the suit : in the same manner in viii, 58, o 8e avnypa- yj/dfxevos fxr) Kparrjaas rrjv inoi^cklav 7rpocrco(fiXi(TKav€. Demosth, c. Stephan. ■^evbop.. i. p. 1103, 15, TrpoaocpiXcov 8e rrjv eVco/SeXiai/j and yEschin. ut sup. I mention this, that it might not be thought that by Trpoo-ocfAtaKaueiv a pre- ^^ous fine is implied. In the other passage (c. 39) Pollux says, encolSeXta 8' rjv TO eKTOV [xepos tov Tip.T]^aTOSf o a>cf:€i\ev 6 alpedets. 366 FEES UPON APPEALS. [bK. III. rant us in inferring that the defendant, if he was unsuccessful, would not have been compelled to pay it. Darius and Pamphi- lus lent Dionysodorus 300 drachmas upon bottomr)^; this latter person acted contrary to the agreement and the commercial laws: "but, notwithstanding all this,^^ says the orator, "he dared to come into court, with the intent of depriving me of the epo- belia, and of carrying it off to his own house, in addition to the other money of which he has defrauded me^^\" The silence of the orator cannot be considered as a proof that the defendant, in case he was unsuccessful, did not pay the epobelia. Demos- thenes says in the first speech against Aphobus^^®, that if he was unsuccessful, he should have to pay the epobelia without being assessed {ari/jLijTos) ; if Aphobus lost, he should not have to pay the fine until the assessment of the judges had been made {tl/jltjto^). This expression does not by any means exclude the possibility of Aphobus being compelled to pay the epobelia. Demosthenes had estimated his damages against Aphobus at 600 minas: " If I lose my cause," he says, " I shall be forced to pay 100 minas for epobelia, without being assessed;'' for as he had himself estimated the damages, the estimate remained, and the epobelia was thus immediately determined, that being the only manner in which it could be fixed. If, on the other hand, Aphobus lost, he was empowered to put in a petition that the judges would moderate the damages, and com- pel the plaintiff to lower his demands : the fine was then assessed, and consequently the epobelia also, which followed the assess- ment of the damages. Demosthenes, however, had no reason for laying any stress upon the latter point, as the payment of the epobelia is naturally understood. In a third case, viz. the cross action in the speech against Euergus and Mnesibulus, no distinction can be made between the plaintiff and defendant, as both of them come forward in a double character. Now al- though the grammarians*" (whose joint testimony has only the authority of a single witness) state that the plaintiff paid the epobelia to the defendant, if he lost the suit, they do not actu- ^^ Demosth. c. Dionysod. p. 1284,2. 1 "" Ilarpocrat. Etyraol. Suid. Scliol. *36 p. 834, 25. I Platon. Lex. Seg. CH. X.] FEES UPON APPEALS. 36j ally deny that the defendant was also obliged to pay it : but as it was originally introduced for the prevention of vexatious accusations, they only mention the plaintiff, and state that, in case he lost, he was forced to pay the epobelia to the defendant, as compensation for the risk which he had occasioned. It should also be observed, that the unsuccessful party was only com- pelled to pay the epobelia in case he did not obtain the fifth part of the votes^"^, and therefore his guilt might be considered as sufficiently manifest. Our next question is, whether the epobelia could be con- nected with other justice fees and fines ? It had not the nature of a sacramentum, nor was it deposited before the verdict, but was paid immediately after the loss of the cause, as is evident from the speech of Demosthenes against Euergus and Mnesibu- lus"°; from the law suit against Aphobus; and even from Iso- crates against Callimachus: consequently, some sacramentum must necessarily have been paid for the introduction of the suit; and accordingly we know for certain that in the first of the three cases above quoted the unsuccessful party paid the prytaneia and the epobelia, and that prytaneia were also paid in the last case^'"'. Again, the loss of a fine {rifJLTjfjba) was sometimes con- nected with the payment of the epobelia: this loss, however, could necessarily be suffered only by the defendant, and by him in every case in which he was unsuccessful; if he did not obtain the fifth part of the votes, the payment of the epobelia was appended to the fine, according to the amount of a sixth part of the money which he was condemned to pay: the plaintiff, on the other hand, was not subject to any fine, but only paid the epobelia upon the sum which he had assessed against the de- fendant, in case he did not obtain the fifth part of the votes; unless by the institution of a cross action he had taken the double character of plaintiff and defendant. All these particu- lars might have been assumed a priori, even apart from the authority of law suits now extant; it is manifest therefore that the statement of Hesychius, made upon the authority of Didy- mus, that the epobelia was a fine which followed the assessment 238 Isocrat. in Callimach. 5, Pollux viii. 48. ^^^ Comp. chap. 9. '^'^ Vid. ibid. 368 FEES UPON APPEALS. [bK. III. of the lost cause" ^, merely refers to the determination of the epobelia according to the assessment of the suit : for this pay- ment in reference to the plaintiff was regulated by the assess- ment which he made against the defendant;, and in reference to the defendant by the assessment appointed by the court: on the other hand, we should misconceive the meaning of the grammarian, if we supposed that the epobelia was so far a con- sequence of the assessment or fine, that it was only paid in cases in which the fine itself or the timema was paid. For in all cases mentioned above, in which the plaintiffs speak of their being exposed to the risk of losing the epobelia, there is no trace of any apprehension of a fine. Lastly, a peculiar circumstance occurred in the phasis, as being a public suit. In this form of proceeding it must be inferred, from the circumstances of the case, that the defendant, if he lost the cause, paid the fine, and also the epobelia, if he did not obtain the fifth part of the votes : the plaintiff indeed had no reason to apprehend the first payment, but if he was unsuccessful in his suit, he was in the same case com- pelled to pay the epobelia; and if he did not obtain the fifth part of the votes, i. e, in the very case in which he was subject to the epobelia, he was forced to pay to the state the usual fine of 1000 drachmas'^"-; the former regulation arising from the nature of the money suit {xpVH'^Ti''<:v ^^kt)), the latter from its being a public cause. Are we however to suppose that both these payments were required in every phasis, according to the hypothesis which we have just made ? This point cannot be determined without taking a more accurate view of the nature of the phasis. The phasis then was sometimes a purely public suit, as for example in the case of plunder of monies, or unsold mines ^*^ *Ak6\ov6oPT(0 TJJS KaTClbtKTJS TlfJLT]- fiari o(p\r]fia: an inaccurate expres- sion which cannot be applied to the plaintiff, unless, with all probability against us, we prefer writing Biktjs with Salmasius M. U. p. 14 (who be- sides tills has rightly corrected the passage as I have given it), and Palmer upon Ilesychius. I pass over the mass of confusion which is contained in the notes of the other commentators upon this passage of Ilesychius. ^'=^ Orat. c. Theocrin. p. 1323, 19. CH. X.] FEKS UPON APPEALS. 369 belonging to the state, actions by which no private individual was injured; at other times, it was a suit partly public and partly private, for instance, if an action was instituted for the embezzlement of orphans^ property : it could not in any case be solely a private suit, for it would thus have lost the distinctive character of the phasis, and have become a mere money suit for compensation of the injury suffered. Now, when the phasis was a purely public suit, its only object was a fine to be paid to state ; and in this case neither the plaintiff nor the defendant could ever have paid the epobelia, since this payment was only required in cases which took the form of a private money suit, as its origin alone shows, the intent of it being to repress frivo- lous accusations, or on the part of the defendant to prevent him from vexatiously withholding the property of another person. Hence in the purely public phasis, the only penalty was doubt- less that of 1000 drachmas, which fine is in the speech against Theocrines quoted from a law, in reference to this point, without any mention of the epobelia in a phasis, as the penalty of the unsuccessful plaintiflf, if he did not obtain the fifth part of the votes ; whether the plaintiff had made the assessment for a fine or some other punishment. If however the phasis was of a mixed nature, the object of the accuser was to obtain a fine for the compensation of the injured individual, and a fine to the state as a penalty for the injury done to it: in this case probably the epobelia applied both to the plaintiff and defendant in reference to the first view of the suit, and the penalty of 1000 drachmas on the part of the plaintiff, in reference to the public nature of the action. Lastly, if the injured person brought on a case, which would have justified a phasis, merely as a private suit, the epobelia alone applied. From this then it may be also determined to whom the epobelia was paid. The gram- marians**^ say that the defendant received it from the plaintiff, ' if he (the defendant) gained the cause ; from which it is evident, that if the plaintiff was successful he received it from the defendant ; supposing always that both parties were bound to ^*^ Etyinol. Siiid. Scliul. Plat. Lex. I yoiv napa tov diotKovTos, f2 ti)u diKtjv 2 B 370 FEES UPON APPEALS. [bK. III. pay it, as we have assumed. And that in private suits the epo- belia was received by the successful party and not by the state, is completely proved by the orations which are still extant***. But, it will be asked, to whom did the epobelia in the case of the phasis belong ? If the phasis was a purely public action, the epobeUa did not apply; where it did exist, it was merely annexed in so far that the phasis contained, as it were, an action for compensation claimed by a private individual, in order to restrain vexatious suits, or the withholding of property belonging to the plaintiff. If then the plaintiff was unsuccess- ful, the epobelia was paid to the defendant, in the same manner as in a private money-suit; but if the plaintiff was successful, either the party whose rights had been violated by the defend- ant, and who was represented by the public accuser, received the epobelia in the same manner that the injured party received the fine (for the circumstance of the plaintiff being a third person might appear quite accidental in reference to the money- suit contained in the phasis), or it was paid to the plaintiff as compensation for the risk to which he himself had been exposed. The state therefore could not in any case have had any share in the epobelia. Chapter XI. The Fines accruing to the State. The public income arising from judicial cases was further increased by the fines for illegal acts, as far as they were esti- mated in money and paid to the state. All fines were called valuations or assessments {TifjbrjfiaTa), a term which comprehended damages and all punishments esti- mated in money, because they were determined by the valuing or TLfi7}cn9, and by the abuse of the word it came to signify the punishment itself. In treating of this matter I shall chiefly follow the guidance of Heraldus, who has entered into a comprehensive examination Orat. c. Euerg. et Mnesib. p. 1158, Demosth. c. Dionysod. p. 1284,2. CH. XI.] FIXES ACCRUING TO THE STATE. S'jl of it; but agreeably to my purpose I shall limit my inquiries to what is either requisite for the comprehension of the whole question, or is immediately connected with the public revenue; for which reason I shall set aside all assessments which were not made in money, and in great measure also the question of damages, as alien to my subject. All punishments (fines included) were either defined by law as affecting both pubhc and private actions, or were with respect to some public actions left to the discretion of the judges, which was however limited in particular cases; certain punishments being defined^ from which they were to select that which appeared to them best adapted to the case*'\ An action in which the punishment was a fine or other penalty affixed by law, was called an unassessed suit, from the laws having defined no certain penalty [a'ycbv arlfir^ros) ; if it was necessary to assess it for the occasion, it was called an assessed suit {tl/jl7)t6(;Y*'^, In all private causes, the fines were with a single exception fixed by law'*^^, and if not absolutely, they were fixed propor- tionably to the value in litigation. Thus in the action for injury {BiKrj ^Xd^rjs) in many cases a scale fixed according to proportions was the only one which could be adopted, as the amount was to be determined by the injury done, which required to be accurately known in order to admit of an assess- ment. In this case it was ruled by the law, that if the injury had been done unintentionally the single, and if intentionally the double, assessment should be restored""^. The law, on the other hand, fixed all penalties absolutely which had not the character of compensation, as, for example, in a case of slan- derous words [KaKTjyopia), at 500 drachmas'^*^, and in the action for non-appearance of a witness {Slktj XeiTTo/Maprvpiov) at 1000 drachmas"". *** Herald. Anim. in Salmas. Obs. ad I. A. et R. iii. 1, 2. "•» Herald, iii. 2, Mattliiae Miscell. Philog. vol. i. p. 276, 277- '■^*' Ulpian. ad Demosth. c. Mid. p. 325. *^8 Demosth. c. Mid, p. 528. ^^ Isocrat. c. Lochit. 4, Lysias c* Theomnest. p. 354. See Matthia? ut sup. Hudtwalcker von den Diiiteten, p. 149 sqq. 250 Pollux viii. 37. Compare Har- pocration, Photius, and Suidas in v. KkT]Trjp€s, Lex. Seg. p. 272, 10. 2 B 2 372 FINES ACCRUING TO THE STATE. [bk. Ill The only case in which the fine was undetermined was the private action for assault {Bikt) aUias), in which the procedure upon the whole resembled that in public causes, and it was thus an assessed action"^, in order that the court and the plaintiff might be able to estimate the fine according to the degree of injury received: it could, however, be only rated in money*'**. But in all private suits the plaintiff received the assessment, so that we have no farther concern with this species of cases. In public suits, on the contrary, the state received the fine of the defendant, unless the money-cases of private individuals were implicated in them, e. g, in the phasis concern- ing cases of misconduct of guardians or violation of commercial law, in which the assessment accrued to the injured party, if the plaintiff succeeded; in all other public causes, however, the penalties of infamy, death, &c. might be appointed in place of fines. Now these public causes were either assessed or unas- sessed: in the first case, the plaintiff generally assessed the injury in his plaint (rt/^a, irpoTLfia)^ the defendant made a counter-assessment {avTircfjua, vTroTUfia) ; the court then decided upon the assessment {niMa, eiriKpiveL), agreeing with one or the other. At the same time the plaintiff might give up his own higher assessment and accede to that of the defendant; and in like manner the judges might depart from their own assessment and take that of the defendant, if the plaintiff consented. This method of proceeding {avyxcoprja-aLy^^ was much used in public actions in which there was no punishment distinctly fixed for the defendant, but only for the plaintiff, in case of his being unsuccessful; thence in the writing of accusation it was always necessary to fix some assessment; there were, however, cases in actions of this kind, in which the law only left the plaintiff the choice between certain fixed punishments; thus e.ff. in the action for bribery {rj v^pecos Koi diKj] KaKijyopUis, and that if tlie same is done to a thesmothetes, the guilty party will be arifios for the single offence. In this passage too the ypaT), where 1068, 10), as well as to the eponpni of a doubt is thrown out against the tlie tribes. Thus Theocrines was con- genuineness of the oration just men- demned to pay 700 drachmas to the ' tioned. cponyraus for inconect accounts, Orat. i ^^i Demosth. c. Macart. p. 1069, 22. c. Theocrin. p. 1326, 6. ! '^"^ ^scliin. c. Tiniarcli. p. oi) sq. CH. XII.] EXAMPLES OF FIXES. 377 in case he was convicted, of 1000 drachmas'"'^; a regulation which could not always have been enforced. Whoever dug up olive trees, beyond the number allowed by law, forfeited to the state 100 drachmas for each tree, of which a tenth part went to Minerva*^*. A woman conducting herself indecorously in the streets, paid a fine of 1000 drachmas*^\ If a woman went to Eleusis in a carriage, she subjected herself, according to the law of Lycurgus, to a fine of a talent^'^ Whoever brought a foreign dancer upon the stage, forfeited, in the age of Phocion, 1000 drachmas. This law, however, only applied to the theatre of Bacchus in the city. Demades brought forward 100, and thus forfeited 100,000 drachmas^". Other fines of 50 and 1000 drachmas, with regard to foreigners in the chorus, need not be here mentioned^^^. In the case of embezzlement of public money, the penalty was fixed at double, and in the case of sacred money at ten times the amount^^^ If any person was accused of not having paid a fine awarded by a judicial sentence, or of having retained any property adjudged to the plaintiff, and was convicted in the suit [hiKT] i^ovXrjy, actio rei judicaf{s), the state received from the defendant the same sum that he was bound to pay to the plaintiff ^^''r the same was also the case if the defendant was found guilty of taking forcible possession of any property*^'. The state derived a similar ^73 Deniosth. c. Neter. p. 1350, 23; dias (p. 528, 17), av Se f/iKpov ttuvv Petit (Leg. Att. vi. 1,6), has misun- | Tifj-rjixaros a^tov ris \a^r], ^la 8e tovto derstood this law in a most ludicrous | d(Pe\r]TaL, to 'itrov tco drjuoaiw Trpoari/JLtiv manner. j ol vo/jlol KeXevnvo-iv, oaovTrep av t(o 18l- ^"* Demosth. c. Macart. p. 1074, 19- ] a>TTj. ]My reason for rejecting this *75 'AKOfr/ieT. See Haii^ocrat. in v. ! inference may be seen from what fol- oTt ;^tXtay, and thence in other glos- lows : of the fact itself I entertain no doubt, for expulsion from possession was always considered as violence, even when a creditor was obstructed saries. 276 Petit i. 1, 17. 277 Plutarch. Phoc. 30; cf. Petit Leg. Att. iii. 4, 3. 278 See Petit iii. 4, 5. 279 Demosth. c. Timocrat. passim. *8" Hudtwalcker von den Diateten, p. 137 sqq. 28' Hudtwalcker ut sup. p. 135, note, in taking possession of the property pledged for the debt, or when this pledging "and obstruction were only fictions, and consequently as severe a penalty was the consequence of expul- sion from possession, as of an act ot wishes to deduce the latter fact from j abstraction by violence. And that in the words of Demosthenes against Mi- | every 8iKt] e^ovXrjs (and not only in the 378 EXAMPLES OP FINES. [bK. III. profit from condemnations in actions for violence {BUt] ^LaicovY^^; and if any person took a slave from his master as if lie had been a free citizen, he paid to the state the half of the whole fine"\* in all three cases because the state was considered as injured. actio rei judicatce) the state received a fine equal in amount to that which was to be made good to the plaintiff, may be also seen from the words of Harpo- cration and Suidas in v. i^ovXrjs diKT] : ol di a.\6vT€S €^ovXt]s koi roJ iXovri eblboaav a d(f)r]povvTO avTOv Koi ra drj- fxoa'm KareTiBecrav ra TLfirjOevra, which passage Hudtwalcker (p. 147) appears not to have undei-stood. It would liave been more convenient if the actio rei judicatce, the issue of wliich was that the same sum was paid to the state as was given in compensation to the plaintiff, had not been called by the same name, hUr) i^oi>kr]s, unless the original hUrj i^ovk-qs, which was a real expulsion from possession, had not been followed by the same conse- quences. Nor do the words of De- mosthenes against Meidias, p. 528, 11, by any means prove that the actio rei judicata was alone followed by a fine to the public, but the orator only cites this one instance, as the other cases, on account of what is afterwards said con- cerning the diKT] (Biaicov, did not appear to require a separate mention. It may be observed, that the reason why the biKT] e^ovXrjs is considered in this place as ovK Ibla is, that it is merely consi- dered in reference to the fine required by the state ; for that in all other re- spects it was iSt'a, Demosthenes must have been well aware. Ovkct inoi-qa-cv is certainly the preferable reading: but the word ovk^tl does not make any opposition between the b'lK-q e^ovXqs as an actio rei judicatce and the dUrj i^ov- Xrjs as an actio unde vi, as if the former could only be called ovk I8ia, and not the latter ; but Demosthenes calls the actio rei judicatce owkcV' Idlav in oppo- sition to the foregoing private suit from which it arose. I may also re- mark, that a particular application of the diKT) e^ovXrjs was when it was brought by a mortgagee against the buyer of any property which had been given as security to the former. See the Dissertation on the Mines of Laurium. ^^^ Harpocrat. in v. ^laiatv, on the authority of the passage in Demos- thenes against Meidias given in the last note, which refers to the diKTj jBiaioov, and not to the Sixr/ e^ovXrjs, the former being a different kind of action for property taken by violence, but ex- tending only to moveables, for example, slaves. An instance of it occurs in Lysias adv. Pancleon, p. 736. Com- pare Plato de Leg. xi. p. 914 E. It is indeed sufficiently singular that, ac- cording to Suidas, the Biktj c^ovXtjs also applied to moveable property, particu- larly slaves; so that it is not easy to perceive the difference between the dUr] ^uiioov and the Si'/ct; e^ovXrjs. Per- haps it was that the 8lktj ^laicov might be instituted by the possessor against the person who had forcibly abstracted from him some article of moveable property, and that the dUr) e^ovXrjs might be brought on by the person, to whom the moveable property had been adjudged by a judicial verdict, against the possessor who refused to allow hira to take possession; and also by the mortgagee, who had the liglit of seizing the moveable property for non-pay- ment, against the debtor who did not transfer tlie mortgaged property to him. ^^^ Concerning this case, in which the offender could be prosecuted by a diKT] (^aijHcrcois, see Orat. c. Theocrin, CH. XII.] EXAMPLES OF FINES. 379 It has been already remarked incidentally in several places^ that in all public actions the plaintiff paid a fine to the state of 1000 drachmas, if he did not obtain a fifth part of the suffrages (to Tre/jLTTTOv fiepos tmv yjrTJcpcov fir) /juerdXa^o^v co^Xe ^j^tXta?) ; which penalty could also be enforced, if he dropped a cause already commenced: this last law was not however always apphed in practice, as is proved by the example of Demosthenes, when he abandoned the action against Meidias*^\ The only exemption from this fine was in the case of an eisangelia before the archon^^'; in all other public causes, by whatever names they were distinguished, it was exacted'^^ We find in the ancient authors frequent examples and confirmations of this assertion. Demosthenes expressly proves it with regard to p. 1327 sq. Compare the argument and Petit ii. C, 4. According to this law the state received to rjfiia-u tov Tifirjfxaros, by wliich is meant the half of the whole fine, not of the damages acciniing to the plaintiff; i. e. the state received the same sum as the injured person. This, as it appears to me, is evident from a comparison of the dUr] f^ovkr]s and the biio] ^laicop : Plato (ubi Slip.) to a certain degree includes the biKT} e^aipeaecos under the diKr) (:iiaia>v, and then supposes a double reparation of the injury. ^* See Taylor's Introduction to the Oration against Meidias. The latter point, viz. the penalty for dropping the action, or for compounding in public suits, is treated of particularly by Hudt- walcker von den Diateten, p. 159 sqq. with so much accuracy, that I have no- thing farther to add. Only the follow- ing words, which occur in p. 168, re- quire some limitation : " It was also allowed to compound even in court, and this was often effected in" criminal cases by the assistance of the judges themselves." For the two instances quoted by ^fatthiso, vol. i. p. 269, of a composition made in court in Isaeus de Dicaeog. Hered. p. 98, and Isocrat. c. Callimach. 16, are only in private cases, the former in a diio] ■^cvboyiapTvpiovy the latter in an action for more than 10,000 drachmas, which the plaintiff claimed for himself, and not for the state. In the former case indeed the penalty of atimia M^as added, by which however the law suit does not cease to be a private case, as I will show in another place : in the latter the plain- tiff is also apprehensive of the atimia (Isocrat. 15), but evidently only on ac- count of the consequences ensuing upon the loss of the suit ; since, if he had not a fifth part of the votes, he would be compelled to pay the epobelia, and not being able to pay this from liis po- verty, would be prosecuted by the suc- cessful party with a hUri e^ovXrjs, and if condemned in this suit, would become a pubUc debtor. This is the very rea- son why Demosthenes is apprehensive of atimia, with the loss of the epobelia, in the private cause against Aphobus, p. 834, 29, p. 835, 11. *^^ See the passages quoted above. *^^ Pollux viii. 41, Theophrast. ap. Poll. viii. 53, and in reference to drop- ping the cause see Orat. c. Theocrin. p. 1323, 14 sqq., Demosth. c. Mid. i>. 529, 23. 380 EXAMPLES OF FIXES. [bk. III. the action for assault [hUri or ypa(j>7]v ^pews): the same is evident from other writers with regard to the action for impiety (ypacpyj (iGe^eLa<^Y^' , for incontinency {ypacj)!] eratprjaeajsY^^y and for illegal proceedings (7/3ar)yr](Tis, evBcL^cs), nor was he able in an action for impiety to take refuge ''^^ Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 702, 5, Plat. Apol. 5. '■^^^ Deinosth. c. Androt. p. 599 extr. 2^^ Demosth. c. Timocmt. p. 701, 1, must be so understood. Comp. also the Lives of the Ten Orators, p. 248, cd. Tubing. ^3« C. Androt. p. 001,20. 29' Deinosth. c. Aristocrat, p. G47, 7, Andocid. c. Alcib. p. 120, Pollux viii. 49, Suidas in v. dfjL(f)iopKLa. Cf. Lex. Seg. p. 188, 19, in reference to theft. ^^^ Harpocrat. in v. elcrayyeXla, Theo- phrast. ubi sup. 293 Orat. c. Theocrin. p. 1323, 19. 29^ See Hudtwalcker von den Diii- teten, p. 98 sq. Matthia?, vol. i. p. 26G, is mistaken. To be condemned in contumaciam is ip-q^L-qv 6(p\€iv. 295 Demosth. de Corona, p. 2fjl, 20, where ras nevraKoo-ias dpaxp-as refers to something customary. 296 See Lives of the Ten Orators ut sup. and Matthias, p. 272. CH. X !•] EXAMPLES OF FINES. 381 ill any temple''^, excepting in the case of an eisangelia, probably according to some enactment which was subsequently added*®^ Lastly, the court appears in certain cases to have been authorized to condemn the plaintiff to the same fine at which he had assessed the defendant, as Aristogeiton, having failed in an action for illegal practices against the priestess of Diana of Brauron, was forced to pay the fine of 5 talents, at which he had assessed the defendant''^ The punishment of death, which, according to the statement of Andocides, was the conse- quence of the false information {firjvvaus:) of a mutilator of the Mercuries, appears to have a regulation appointed only for that individual case^"". *^^ Concerning the atimia see De- mosth. c. Aristog. i. p. 803, 13, Ando- cid. de jNIyst. p. 17 and 36, whence we learn that this atimia was only partial, Kara npocrTa^iv, that is, according to a certain prohibition that one person might not bring on a ypacfirjy another an evbei^is, &c. See also Schol. De- mosth. ap. Reisk. vol ii. p. 132, 133. According to Genethlius, as quoted by this grammarian, a public accuser could only be sentenced to atimia, if he had not obtained the fifth part of the votes in three law suits; t. e. because Andro- tion had not been made ari/xoy, for having once lost an action of this kind : this assertion is however im tenable, nor can it be proved that Androtion, after losing the ypcK^rj dae^elas, wns not arifjios Kara TrpocrTa^iv, so that he could not any more ypacf)€a6cu in the more limited sense : and even suppos- ing that this was not then the conse- quence of losing the cause, it must be borne in mind that at Athens the letter of the law was not always attended to. The law might therefore have pre- scribed atimia. and yet its ordinances have been disobeyed. The same was the case with the law which imposed a pimishment for gi\'ing \ip public ac- tions, of which I have just spoken. It ismoreover evident, that whoever failed to pay the fine of 1000 drachmas was also su})ject to the separate kind of atimia imposed upon public debtors. Whether atimia was the immediate consequence of dropping a public ac- tion is not manifest. From Demos- thenes adv. Mid. p. 548, 7, and there Ulpian, it may be concluded that atimia had been appointed by law (only however the partial atimia in reference to bringing on actions of this kind), as Heraldus Aniraadv. vii. 16, 20, assumes, without any interference on the part of the state; for the plain- tiff, says Demosthenes, subjects him- self to the atimia by dropping the suit, without mentioning that the state sen- tenced him to it. But we may adopt the supposition advanced by Hudt- walcker in p. 162, that the seceding plaintiff was condemned to a fine of 1000 diachmas, and made himself arifxos by failing to pay it, inasmuch as he had then become a public debtor, and thus actually artpos, although per- haps he was not considered as such, as gradually they ceased to exact the payment of the fines, and to treat the defaulters as serarii. 29« Poll. viii. 53, from Theophrastus. ^^^ Dinarch. in Aristog. p. 82. SO" See Matth. p. 270, 271. This information must be distinguished from the ypa(j>ri dcre^eiaf. EXAMPLES OF FINES. [iJK. III. The fines (rtfiri/jLaTa) which were fixed against the plaintiff were for the most part much higher. In cases indeed in which the senate decided, as in certain kinds of eisangeUa, the defen- dant escaped easily, as the senate was not able to inflict a fine of more than 500 drachmas; if however a fine of this amount appeared too small, they referred the case to a court of justice. An instance of a very inconsiderable fine is afforded in the cause of Theophemus, who by the concession of his accuser was only condemned to an additional fine {7rpor} irapairpea^elas), CalUas the Torchbearer concluded a most advantageous and honourable peace wdth the king of Persia, according to which no army was to approach the coast within a day^s march of cavalry, and no armed Persian vessel was to appear in the Grecian seas; yet although he obtained much celebrity by these negotiations, as Plutarch relates in the Life of Cimon, he was condemned to a fine of 50 talents, when he ren- Theocrin. p. 1323, 3, (cf. p. 1331, 19, p. 1332, 5, 17, 22,) and p. 1336, De- mosth. c. Mid. p. 573, 17, Orat. c. Neser. p. 1347, 10, (p. 1348, 1,) De- mosth. de Corona, ^sch. de Fals. Leg. p. 198,190. 2«» Athen. vi. p. 251, B. ^lian. V. H. V. 12. ^^^ Demosth. de Fals. Leg. p. 431, 14. 384 EXAMPLES OF FINES. [bk. dered an account of his official conduct, for having taken bribes'' '. And how large was the number of those who were condemned to severe punishments for treason or bribery! Cleon was compelled to pay 5 talents, probably not, as the Schohast of Aristophanes''* supposes, for having injured the knights, but for having taken bribes from the allies, in order to procure a mitigation of their tributes; and to omit the fine of 50 minas, which Aristides is stated (probably without truth) to have paid for having received bribes'' % Timotheus was con- demned upon the same grounds to a fine of 100 talents by an indictment for treason {'ypaopa) were treated less severely, nor do I find that they were classed with the public debtors; a regulation which is perfectly reasonable. Whoever had purchased or was in possession of any public property, was a personal debtor, and by parity of reasoning, whoever had failed to pay a fine after it had become due; these therefore might be subjected to atimia and imprisonment, besides other penalties: whereas the property-tax was not a personal debt, but a debt merely attaching upon property, for which no one could be imprisoned, or treated in the manner of the public debtors; it therefore remained unpaid without any evil conse- quences for the person taxed, until the state, pressed by pecu- niary difficulties, determined upon a final and complete collec- tion, and then it could resort to the property of the debtor, if he refused to pay^^". To ascertain at what time any person became a public • Above cli. viii. 3*7 Demosth. c. Pantsen. p. 973, 6, ^^^ Demosth. c. Euerg. et Mnesib. p. 1145,25. ^^^ Thence the permission to take tlie property of a citizen for a fine of tliis kind. (See Corp. Inscript. No. 123, § 2.) But the payment of double this belongs the case quoted in note lfi2. ^^^ The truth of this statement is proved beyond a doubt by Demosth. c. Androt. p. 608 — CIO. Cf. Lys. c. Philocrat. p. 832. The poletse also were entrusted with the duty of sell- ing the property of those who re- the amount after the ninth prytaneia mained in debt for tlieir property- does not appear to have been required taxes. Photius in v. TrwXj/rai, Suidas either in this or many other cases. To in v. TrcoXr/r^f. CH. XIII.] THE PUBLIC DEBTORS. 38? debtor requires a separate investigation. With regard to pur- chasers and farmers of public property, and their sureties, it is evident, that they became public debtors as soon as they exceeded the appointed term of payment. It is more difficult to decide as to those who had to pay any kind of fine, whether arising from action, the passing of official accounts, or a judicial sentence^^*; at the same time every thing seems to show that the party condemned became a public debtor immediately after his sentence, if he did not pay the fine upon the spot. With respect to the public action for assault {ypacprj v/Specos), the ancient law enacted that if the defendant was condemned to a fine, he should pay it eleven days after judgment, and that if he should not be able to pay immediately, he should be imprisoned until the payment^^^; it appears, how- ever, that afterwards, if any person assaulted a free citizen, he could be detained in confinement until he had paid, according to the law in Demosthenes^^^. In this law it is supposed that properly the fine was to be paid immediately after every sen- tence, and that the party so sentenced should be instantly thrown into prison^^^: the additional provision that if he did not pay down the fine upon the spot, he should pay it eleven days after, merely fixes the extreme point, after which he was proceeded against with greater severity. From the first until the eleventh day he was a public debtor, as being under obligation to pay; after the eleventh the payment was no longer received as before, but he was subject to the severe penalty of the regular payment of twice the sum, and if this was not immediately made, confiscation of property. In the case of other debtors the extreme period was the ninth pryta- neia, and they could be imprisoned until that period. For a person condemned in a public suit for an assault, it was provided as an additional punishment that the eleventh day should be the extreme period of payment, and that the party condemned should be put in chains, or at least kept in confinement. As 3^' The different kinds are enume- rated by Andocides de Myst. p. 35. See above, note 155. "^^■^ iEsch. c. Timarch. p. 42. ^^^ C. Mid. p. 529. s'^ Cf. Demostb. c. .Mid. p. 529, 27. 2 c 2 388 THE PUBLIC DEBTORS. [bK. Ill, then this law is not opposed to the account already given, so it is completely confirmed by the express provision, that from the day that any person was sentenced to a fine or transgressed the law (d(fi rjs av 6(j>\7] rj Trapa/Sr} rbv vojiov rj to -yfrricpto-pLa)^ he should become a public debtor, even if his name had not been reported by the practores"*. This enactment contains two pro- visions, according to the difference of the case. In offences which were not proved, and which required an assessment, it was necessary that a sentence should be passed before the indi- vidual could become a public debtor, as e. g. in the common action (ypaV dypa(f)iov was instituted against the debtors who were not registered. He- sychius is followed by Hemsterhuis (ad Polluc), and by AVesseling (ad Petit, iv. 9, 19, 20,) who transcribes the note of the latter, accusing the author of the speech against Theo- crines, notwithstanding his express reference to the law, of intentional perversion of justice. Hemsterhuis however brings forward but weak argu- ments, and Hesychius, whose collec- tion shows upon the whole but little legal knowledge, together with the author of the Rhetorical Lexicon, or their authority, probably only inferred their statement from the name ; nor could the orator have uttered so direct a falsehood, particularly since the apparent force of the word was against him, and he must have known that the law had assigned to it a more limited meaning. It is unquestionably true that an evdei^ts might be laid against public debtors, when they held an official situation (Liban. Argument, ad Demosth. in Androt. Suid. in v. ivdeiKvvvai, Zonaras in v. ev^ei^is); but manifestly it does not follow from this that it might not be laid against a debtor who had not been registered, without any reference to public offices. But because a person who was not re- gistered might at any moment obtain a place in the public administration, it Mas natural to allow the evdei^is to be laid against him in order that he might be registered, and thus be cirtfxoi and excluded from holding public offi- ces. This was as it were an cvdei^ts dypaiov, without paying any attention to the learned writers mentioned above. '■^*^ Suid. in vv. -^evdifs iyypa(f>r] and yj/evdeyypacPos Blkt], ^*^ Orat. c. Aristogit. i. p. 792, 3, Lex. Seg. p. 317. I pass over the ypa(f)r] "^evdoKXrjTcias {ylr€v8oK\r](Tias) which Hai-pocration (and Lex. Seg. p. 317) also refers to the public debtors. The cases which the grammarian al- luded to were accidentally connected with public debts. For the same reason the inaccurate author of the Lexicon Segueranum, p. 194, 21, limits the ypn(f)rj ylrevdoKkTjTelas to the false sum- mons in the action els efjLcfiavcov Kard- (TTaaiv, from Demosth. c. Nicostrat. p. 1251. ^^"^ Andocid. de Myster. p. 35, Orat. c. Theocrin. p. 1326, 20, c. Neser. p. 1347, 10, Demosth. c.Timocrat. p. 743, 19, c. Androt. p. 603 ext., Orat. c. Aristogit. i. p. 771, 6, cf. Petit, iv. 9, 12—14. ^*^ Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 721. ^*^ See above chap. viii. "° Herod, vi. 136, Plutarch. Cim. 4, Nepos Miltiad. 7, Cim. i, "^ Cim. i. "^ Apol. p. 37 B. CM. XIII.J THE PUBLIC DEBTORS. 391 until the debt is paid^ as a customary circumstance; although it is evident from other passages that it did not always take place, since no allusion is made to imprisonment in places where it must necessarily have been mentioned, if it had been generally inflicted"^ During the continuance of the atimia and imprisonment the public debtors, with the exception of those who received sen- tence in a public cause for assault, were permitted to pay at any time before the ninth prytaneia: if the payment was not made before this term the debt was doubled, and the next step was confiscation of the property, in order to raise from it the amount of the double debt^^^, which procedure, however, Timocrates endeavoured to restrain by a law, as has been stated above at full length^^\ An instance of the fine being doubled is afforded by the speech against Theocrines"®; the same circumstance is also mentioned to have taken place in the case of a purchaser of a mine, who had delayed the term of payment^". The severity of this law (the injurious effects of which are set forth in the speech against Neaera) was farther increased by the debt de- scending to the sons as heirs to the estate, although this provi- sion may have been necessary in order to prevent concealment or secret transfer of the property: thus the atimia, if the imprisonment was remitted, passed on to the children^^% until they paid what their father owed, as, among many others, the instance of Cimon may show^^^ Also, if the father was not regis- tered, and the exaction of the money owing had been omitted, the children were considered by the law as debtors to the state^^°; and the debt even went by inheritance to the grandson^^\ No fine that had been once adjudged could be re- S53 Andcc. de Myst. p. 35, Orat. c. j """ Oiat. c. Neser. p. 1347, 11, De- Neaer. p. 1347, aud in other places. j inosth. c. Androt. p. G03, extr. See 25* Andoc. de Myst. Orat. c. Neser. | Petit iv. 9, 15. ut sup. Liban. Argum. ad Orat. i. c. Aristogit. Ilarpocrat. in v. ddiKLOv. 2" See above chap. viii. 35« P. 1322, 3. 3*7 Deraosth. c. Panteen. p. 973, 6. Compare p. 9C8, 8, and the argument p. 064, 18. 3^^ Nepos Cim. 1, Plutarch. Cim. 4. Cf. Demosth. c. Bceot. de Norn. p. 998, 25. 3^" Orat. c. Theocrin. p. 1327, 21 sqq. 3«i Ibid. p. 1326, 29, p. 1327, 4. Cf. Demosth. c. Aphob. ii. iuit. 392 THE PUBLIC DEBTORS. [bk. hi. mitted'", except upon one condition, which will be immedi- ately explained: if the state was willing to grant this, it was necessary to have recourse to a form, by which the debt appeared to be paid, although in reality it had not; and of this nature is the building of the altar which was allowed to Demosthenes. Nor could any debtor who was under atimia apply for a remission of the debt and atimia; if he petitioned in person, he was exposed to an information (eVSetft?); if another person petitioned for him, his property was forfeited; if the proedrus put it to the vote, he was himself placed under atimia. It was necessary that 6000 Athenians should give express permission by a decree which was passed by secret votes in tablets, before it could be debated in the public assembly whether a public debtor should be remitted his debt, and be reinstated in his former situation^"^ Chapter XIV. The Confiscation of Property. Aristophanes mentions the property confiscated and publicly sold {Brj/jLcoTrpara) as a separate branch of the public revenue^"*; concerning which an account was presented to the people in the first assembly of every prytaneia^^^ The lists of such forfeitures were posted upon tablets in diflferent places, as was the case at Eleusis, with the catalogues of the articles which accrued to the temple of Ceres and Proserpine, from such persons as had com- mitted any oiSfence against these deities^®^ The penalty of confiscation of property, however unjust towards the heirs, who are innocent of the offence; however melancholy its consequences to families^®^; and however evident its tendency to produce unjust accusations and decisions among 8«* Petit iv. 9, W. ««3 Petit iv. 9, 22. Tliis is the cideia trepl Ta)v o€i\6vT(>iv ockttc \eyeiv i^elvai Koi €'m'\lrr)(f)i(civ, Andocid. de Myst. p. 36. ^'''* Aristoph. Vesp. 657, aud the Scholiast; also Schol. Eq. 103. 3" Pollux viii. 95, Schol. ^schin. vol. iii. p. 739. ««« Pollux ix. 97. "^' Orat. c. Neaer. p. 1347. CH. XIV.] THE CONFISCATION OF PROPERTY. 393 the persons who would gain by the condemnation of the accused, was yet one of the commonest sources of revenue in ancient days, and all writers, in particular Lysias, afford exam- ples of it. Besides the proceedings against the public debtors and their sureties^^% which have been already mentioned, the law enacted in very many instances the confiscation of property, with infamy, banishment, slavery, or death; the three latter punishments always brought the loss of property with them : this was not however the case with banishment by ostracism [ocTTpaKLafjLo^), which differed essentially from simple exile (<^f7^, d€L(j)vyLa), It is particularly mentioned that the pro- perty of those persons was confiscated who were condemned for wilful murder^®% who were banished by the Areopagus^ ^*^, or were guilty of sacrilege and treason^^'; or again, persons who endeavoured to establish a tyranny, or to dissolve the demo- cracy. Thus the property of Pisistratus was sold several times to Callias: any person who killed a tyrant received the half of his property^^"* ; whoever married a foreigner to a citizen, under pretence that she was a citizen, subjected himself to atimia, and his property was forfeited, of which the third part was received by the accuser: if a foreigner married a female citizen, his person and property were sold, and the third part of the proceeds was also received by the accuser^'^. In the age of Demosthenes, any foreign woman who married a citizen was sold as a slave, but probably only in case she pretended to be a citizen. Resi- dent aliens were sold, together with their property, if they exer- cised the rights of citizenship, failed to pay the protection money, or lived without a patron {TrpoardrrisY''*, These are particular cases selected out of a large number : for it was a favourite practice of the Athenians to multiply occasions 368 Besides that which has been already remarked in speaking of the letting of duties, see Orat. c. Nicos- trat. p. 1255, 1. 3«» Demosth. c.Mid. p. 528, c. Aris- tocrat, p. 634, 23. 370 Pollux viii. 99. '7^ Petit viii. 4, 4. 3'* Andoc. de Myst. p. 49 sqq. Petit iii. 2, 15. Comp. also Xenoph. Hellen. i. 7, 10, Herod, vi. 121. After the archonship of Euclid (b.c. 403) this law did not apply to the time previous to that year; but it doubtless was con- sidered to be in force for the subse- quent time. 373 Petit vi. 1, 5, 6. 37* Petit ii. 5, 2, sqq. S94 THE CONFISCATION OF PROPERTY. [bK. III. for the confiscation of property, and they endeavoured above all to entrap the resident aliens, as Diceearchus remarks of his times^^'. The demagogues also favoured these measures, for the purpose of increasing their private gains and the public revenue, and of providing donations of money to be distributed among the multitude, which was the policy of Cleon'^'. At Megara the penalty of banishment was often resorted to, for the sake of the consequent confiscation of property, and the most crafty and malicious calumnies were circulated against the wealthy, with a view to obtain their possessions^'^ The desire of gain destroyed all sense of equity: and injustice was attended by its natural consequences and penalties; for the multitude of exiles, restless in their places of banishment, and eager to return, created dis- traction and disturbances in their native country. It should be remarked, that, besides the confiscation of the whole property, there were other cases in which only a particu- lar sort of property accrued to the state; thus, for example, mines which were in the possession of private individuals, reverted to the state on the violation of the laws and non-per- formance of the obligations under which they were hekP"^; com- modities again were forfeited to the state, if the payment of the custom duties was fraudulently avoided, and also if a false measure was used^'^ It is, moreover, probable that the pro- perty of persons who died without heirs belonged to the state. This event may, however, have been equally rare with the analogous case of a person appointing the state his heir; as we read that Callias made over his property to the people, in case he should die childless^ ^*'. Notwithstanding the frequency of confiscation of property, the state appears to have derived little essential benefit from it; as we see that the plunder of the church property has for the '^7s Geograph. Min.vol. ii. p. 9. See Dodwell's Diss. p. 6. ?76 Aristoj) 1. Eq. 103, and Scholia, in which ovcricov should be written instead of Bvaiav. 377 Aristot. PoHt. V. 5. ^78 Oiat. c. Phacnipp. p. 1039. 20. See the Dissei-tation upon the Silver Mines of Laurium. ^7^ For the former point see book iii. ch. 8, for the latter, Corp. Inscript. No. 123. 381 Andocid. c. Alcibiad. p. 118. CH. XIV.] THE CONFISCATION OF PROPERTY. 395 most part been of little advantage to modern states. Consider- able sums were squandered in this manner, such as the property of Diphilus, which amounted to 160 talents; in many cases a part of the property was received by the accuser, and in most, as appears from the above-quoted examples, the third part. In certain cases, the person who informed against public debtors received three parts of the confiscated possession^^'; this regu- lation appears however to have been confined to concealed pro- perty, which was discovered by the informer. A tithe of the property of persons condemned for treason, or for having endea- voured to subvert the democracy" ^% and probably also of all or of most other forfeitures, belonged of right to Minerva of the Parthenon. Many kinds of property were received by the tem- ples without any deduction, so that nothing passed into the public cofFers^^^: and how great must have been the losses occa- sioned by fraud or by sale of property under its value. " You know,^^ says a person in Lysias threatened with confiscation of property^ ^*, " that part of my property will be plundered by these persons (his adversaries), and that what has considerable value will be sold at a low price;" the community, he remarks, derives less profit from the forfeiture, than if the proprietors retained the property, and performed the services annexed to it by law. Again, the offender frequently concealed his property under a fictitious name, or relations and friends claimed it from the state, and, finally, the accused sought to excite pity, by speaking of orphans, heiresses, age, poverty, maintenance of the mother, &c.^^'; and it is a beautiful and praiseworthy feature in the character of the Athenians, that this appeal was seldom made in vain, but a part of the property was commonly transferred to the wife or the children^^^ Upon the whole, the receipts actu- ally obtained were in general far less than was expected, as is shown by Lysias^ speech for the property of Aristophanes. If ^8' Orat. c. Nicostrat. p. 1247, to. j ^^^ Instances of this may be seen in rpia fJ.epr], a €k rSiV vofioiv rai lbia>Tr} Corp. Inscript. No. 158. Ta> dnoypdyj/avTL ylyvcTai. ■'^'^ Xenoph, Hellen. i. 7, 10, Ando- cid. de Myst. p. 48, Decret. ap. Vit. Dec. Orat. p. 226. 38-* C. Poliuch. p. 610. ^8* Orat. c. Nicostrat. p. 1255. 386 Dcmcsth. c. Aphob. i. p. t<34, 6. 396 THE TRIBUTES OF THE ALLIES, [bk. 1 there was any suspicion of concealment, this again furnished material for fresh accusations. Tlius when Ergocles, the friend of Thrasybulus, was deprived of his property by confiscation, for having embezzled 30 talents of the pubUc money, and the value of that found in his possession was inconsiderable, his treasurer Epicrates was brought before the court, suspicions being entertained that the property lay concealed in his house'"'. Chapter XV. The Tributes of the Allies, Origin of the Tributes^ and of the subjection of the Athenian Allies. Amount of the Tributes before the Anarchy (b. c. 404). By far the most productive source of revenue belonging to the Athenian state was the tributes {^opoi) of the allies, as the ancients themselves were well aware^^^ They were, however, an insecure and uncertain income, for the payments soon ceased to be voluntary, and from the disturbances occasioned by war, or the defection of the allies, were often irregularly made, or even entirely failed^ ^^ " Before the time of Aristides,^^ says Pausanias^®'*, " the whole of Greece was free from tributes ;^^ by which statement he wishes to detract from the fame of this person, by the men- tion of the imposts with which he loaded the Grecian islands. We question, in the first place, whether the name of Aristides suffered by a work which at its first institution was honour- able and just; and, in the second place, whether the payments which Aristides introduced were entirely novel. At so early a period as when Sparta had the precedence of all Greece, certain monies {aTrocpopa) were paid for the uses of war, although we have no accurate account of them. When the Athenians suc- ceeded in the place of the Spartans, Aristides was commissioned by the Greeks with the charge of investigating the territory '■^"^ Lysias c. Ergocl. et c. Epicrat. =«« Thucyd. i. )22, ii. 13, iii. 13, 91. 289 As was the case after the Sicilian war. 39" viii. 52. CH. XV.] THE TRIBUTES OF THE ALLIES. 397 and revenues of the different states, and of fixing, according to the power of the several countries, the contribution which each should make towards the equipment of the naval and miUtary forces against the power of Persia. The moderation of Aris- tides, the satisfaction expressed with his allotment, and also the poverty in which he lived and died, have gained for him in all ages the reputation of a just man'*'. The temple of Delos was the treasury for the reception of these tributes ; and here also the assemblies were held, to which all the aUies had admission ; the Athenians only enjoyed the precedence together with the administration of the money by means of the Hellenotamiee, who were always Athenian citizens appointed by the government of Athens. The contributions were, at their first institution in Olymp. 'J'J, 3 (b. c. 470), known by the name oi tributes {(popocY^^, and, according to the rate appointed by Aristides, amounted to 460 talents a year^®^ ; and so early even as at that period it had been determined which states were to supply money, and which ships^^*. Everything was regulated by voluntary agree- ment for a common object^"; for the preservation of their free- dom, the small and weak states willingly annexed themselves to the larger and more powerful. The ships of the allies assem- bled at Athens, and those states which had ships gave to those which had none^^^ And notwithstanding the payment of a tribute the allies were independent {avrovofioty^'', as their share in the regulation of the joint proceedings manifestly shows. Gradually however they fell into entire subjection to the Athe- nians, and were surrendered to their oppression and ill-treat- ment; a mischance which was in truth frequently owing to their 39' Plutarch. Aristid. 24, Nepos Aristid. 3, ^scliin. c. Ctesipli. p. 647, Demosth. c. Aristocrat, p. 690, 1, Diod. xi. 47, «Scc. 39* Thucyd. i. 96, Nepos Aristid. 3, Diod. ubi sup. Dinarcli. c. Demosth. The time is not Olymp. 75, 4, as Dio- dorus states; see Dodwell's Annal. Thucyd. under Olymp. 77, 5- '■■^^ Thucyd. ubi sub. Plutarch. Aris- tid. 34, Nepos ubi sup. Suidas in v. 'EWT]vora[xiai. Diodorus (ut sup.) has incorrectly 560 talents, although in xii. 40 he errs in the contrary direc- tion, when he states the tributes in time of Pericles at 460 talents. ^^* Thucyd. ubi sup. 39* Besides the other passages see Andocid. de Pace p. IO7. 39^ Andocid. ibid. se7 Thucyd. i. 97. 398 THE TRIBUTES OF THE ALLIES. [bK. III. own conduct; for these states, in order to avoid serving in war, agreed to supply money and vessels without the crews, but frequently failed to pay their contributions ; and for this reason they were ready to seize the first opportunity for revolt, although their resistance would of necessity be unavailing, as they had previously yielded up their power; nor had any sufficient pre- parations been made against the Athenians, who were strength- ened at their expense^^^ On the other hand, the Athenians, although at first they were strict in their demands for crews and vessels, favoured the inclination of the allies after the time of Cimon, Avho willingly took empty ships and money from those who would not serve in person. He allowed the allies to carry on trade and agriculture without any disturbance, by which means they became unfitted for war; and, on the other hand, practised the Athenians, who w^ere maintained out of contri- butions of the alHes, in naval exercises; for they were conti- nually serving on board their vessels, and the arms were rarely out of their hands^^^ Thus in the same degree that the military strength of the allies declined, the Athenian power increased, and with it a spirit of arrogance and severity towards the con- federates*"". The payment of the tribute was now considered as a duty of the allies, while they were at the same time deprived of their vote in the assembly. The transfer of the treasury from Delos to Athens placed the Athenian state in the unlimited possession of these funds, and showed that the true relation between the allies and Athens was that of tributary subjects to their sovereign and protector. From this period Athens made use of the resoxirces and property of these allies for her own private interests, and against their prosperity and freedom. The excuse alleged in favour of this dangerous transfer of the treasure, was the greater security against the barbarians ; and it is remarkable, that this allegation proceeded from Samos, one of the allied states, although it was doubtless made at the bidding of Pericles*" ^ Aristides declared that the proceeding was expedient, but unjust, like the burning 388 Tlmcyd. i. 99. I '"" Cf, Diod. xi. 70. 399 Plutarch. Cini. I . | ^°' riutarch. Aristid. 25. CH. XV.] THE TRIBUTES OF THE ALLIES. 399 of the Grecian docks*"^: but as he had prevented the execution of the latter project^ he could not have been zealous in his endeavours to prevent the transfer of the treasure of Delos to Athens, at least according to the judgment of Theophrastus ; and he held the opinion, that in public affairs perfect justice need not of necessity be followed"\ Pericles is stated to have obtained the superintendence of the money that was brought to Athens*'^*. He taught the Athenian people that they were not accountable to the allies for these contributions, as the Athenians waged war in their defence against the attacks of the barbarians, while these states did not provide a horse, a ship, or a soldier; that it was their duty to apply the money to objects which would both promote their interests and enhance their celebrity; and that by devoting their resources to the creation of works of art, they would maintain every hand in employment, and at the same time most splendidly adorn their city*°\ In fact, no statesman ever applied the public revenue to nobler purposes than Pericles, or conferred greater benefits upon commerce and industry, which were especially promoted by the extended rela- tions and increased naval force of Athens; but while he distri- buted this money among the people, he built the wealth of Athens upon maritime trade, and her ascendancy upon naval power, omitting all concern for the welfare of the landholders, whose property he gave up to devastation; and at the same time he laid the foundation of the unlimited democracy, which, as is evident from the diminution which he effected in the power of the Areopagus, was unquestionably a part of his policy, and to which even Aristides and Cimon, although in their hearts they were aristocrats, essentially Contributed by yielding to the spirit of the times. After this transfer of the treasure, which (as near as can be ascertained) took place about Olymp. 79, 4 (b.c. 461)'°', the subjection of the allies was by degrees completely established. --"2 Plutarch. Themist. 20, Aristid. '"'^ Plutarch. Pericl. 12, cf. Isocrat. 22, Cic. de Off. iii. 11. Su/x/xax- 29. ^"3 Plutarch. Aristid. 25. i ''"° .Justin, iii. 6 ; see Dodwell Ann. "o* Diod. xii. 38. i Thncyd. ad ann . 400 THE TRIBUTES OF THE ALLIES. [bK. III. a point which we shall presently have occasion to notice. Not- withstanding this arbitrary proceeding, Pericles does not appear to have made any great alteration in the rate of the tributes; for in his time they only amounted to about 600 talents"^ The 140 talents, which is about the excess of this sum above the rate fixed by Aristides, may be easily accounted for by the acquisition of fresh allies subsequently to the time of Aristides, particularly of the Asiatic states, and by the redemption of the obligation to serve in war, or of the dependence of the free states; to which the increase of the Euboean tribute, supposed to have been the work of Pericles, probably refers. It is expressly related of Alcibiades*°^, that he persuaded the Athe- nians to make a new valuation in the place of that which had been so equitably framed by Aristides, and being appointed for this service together with nine colleagues, he imposed on an average a double rate upon all the allies. This proceeding took place in the beginning of the public career of Alcibiades, shortly before the peace of Nicias concluded in Olymp. 89, 3 ; for after this period the Athenians raised annually more than 1200 talents, that is, in fact, double the former amount""®: in this compact, however, many states were suftered still to retain the original assessment of Aristides. According to Plutarch"^% the demagogues after the death of Pericles gradually increased the tribute until it reached 1300 talents, not on account of the expenses of war, but in order to defray the public distributions. *°7 Thucyd. ii. 13, Plutarch. Aris- tid. 24. Here Diodoriis (xii. 40) falsely gives 460 talents. The passage of Telecleides in Plutarch. Pericl. 16, does not prove that Pericles had raised or lowered the tributes, but only that Le had the power of doing so. Cf. ibid. 15, init. Concerning the Euboean tributes see Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 214« *^^ Andocid. c. Alcib. p. lie. npcorov fjifv ovv ndo-as vfias tov dolence. Concerning the Me- troum, which occurs in this passage in Athenteus, see Lives of the Ten Ora- ! tors, p. 255, also Harpocration and Valesius. It was there that the laws were preserved ; it was in the vicinity of the senate-house {^ovXevrrjpiov), and there also the statues of the heroes of the tribes ( eVwi/v/ioi) were placed, upon which all new proposals of laws were exposed for the information of the public. Before any public action could be brought on, it was also neces- sary that it should be publicly exposed in the same place. Demosth. c. Mid. p. 548, nXrjv tv cKKeoiro npo tu>v enoovv- fxcov. " EvKTTjpaiv Aov(Ti€vs iypay\raTO Aripocrdevr) Uuiavica XnroTa^iov." Cf. Herald. Animadv. vii. 16, 21. Now in the Metroum, which was close at hand, accusations were also drawn up, and exposed to public view (Chamae- leon ubi sup.), and this was the case with the action against Hegemon the parodist. Can it however be supposed that private actions could have been publicly exposed in this place ? None but public actions were of sufficient importance to make it necessary that they should be communicated to the people. Hence it is evident that the action against Hegemon was a public suit, and this may be seen from the very words used by Chaniaeleon : ypa- ylrdfievos ris nai tov 'HyrjfjLOva diKijVf OTTov Toiv 8iKa>v TjCTav al ypa€aBai is very rarely used of a private action, as in Isocrat. adv. CaUimach. 5. [It appears from the passage in Athenseus that some person had compelled Hege- mon of Thasos to go to Athens, for the purpose of referring to the Athe- nian courts an offence committed in his own country, ypayj/dfievos ris tov 'Hyrjpova vlktjv rjyayev els Tag ^AOrjvas. Hegemon had also on some occasion thrown stones from the stage into the orchestra, probably in the theatre at Athens. There does not therefore ap- pear to be much giound for the con- jecture advanced in the beginning of this note. — Transl.] ■•2^ P. 724, 6 ovde TToXei (a subject state such as ^M} tiloue) e^eaTiv avev 406 GENERAL SURVEY OF THE ALLIES [bK. li; mencing the investigation^" (an arrangement which was indis- pensably necessary), and the Athenian court only gave judg- ment. For more determinate accounts on this point I have in vain sought. The independent allies must have had the power of de- ciding for themselves with regard to war and peace, and at least a formal share in all decrees, although the preponderance of Athens deprived the latter right of its force; while the sub- ject states were, according to the legal conditions, governed by the will of the Athenians. Both had their own public officers; for that this was the case with the subject states is proved by the Delian archons who occur in the 100th Olympiad (b.c. 380), at a time when Delos was so far in the power of Athens, that the latter state was in possession of the temple, which it managed by its own amphictyons. Nevertheless we find that Athens sometimes appointed archons or governors of its own in the states of the subject allies. These officers may be com- pared with the harmosts of the Spartans^^\ Thus Polystratus, 'A67]vai(ov ovbeva Bavarcd ^rjfiLaxrai. It should be observed, that the person who delivers this speech is not an Athenian, as might be supposed from the Greek argument, but a foreigner; he is in- deed one of the ancient inhabitants of Mytilene, which is shown by the ac- count of his father (p. 742—746), who was in Mytilene at the time of the re- volt, and afterwards went to JEnus ; but he had perhaps formerly lived at Athens as a foreigner, and part of his property and his children were there at the time of the revolt (p. 743). His son Helus (p. 713) includes him- self among the foreigners, and (p. 737) he calls Ephialtes t6u Ifxcrepov TToXirrjv: also in p. 739, oi 'EXKijvora- fiiai ol vixerepoi. [And Bekker Orat, Att. tom. i. p. 72, has restored rj vfie- repa noXis from 3 MSS.] Reiske, by supposing that Antiphon's client was an Athenian, has fallen into error throughout the whole speech. Hence he misunderstands the passage in p. 743, and writes iKava yap rjv to. iv€)(ypa, a €"x^T€ aVTOV, 01 T€ TToideS Koi TO. XP1~ para, without making any mention of this alteration beneath the text. The reason given in p. 865 of his notes is however quite futile, and the old read- ing et;^€ro must be restored, according to which the children and property of the father of Antiphon's client were not in Athens, as according to Reiske's emendation, but, what was more natu- ral, in Mytilene. ^^3 This is evident from the same speech of Antiphon, p. 719 sqq. as the examination and the torturing, and in- deed the whole investigation, had been previously gone through at Mytilene. *'^* Harpocration ; fTria-KOTrof 'Av- Ti(f)a)V iv T(o Trepl tov Aivdicov (popov, KOL iv Ttc Kara Aaia-novbiov ol Trap' ^A6r)vaicov els Tcis vnyjKoovs rroXeis eTTicr- K€-^aadai ra nctp eKaarois neprropevoi, (TTlCTKOTrOl KOL (fivXtiKes eKoXovvTOj ovs ol AcLKcoves appocTTcis eXeyov. OeocPpaa- Tos yovv eV tt/jcoto) tuiv noXiriKau twv CH. XVI.] BEFORE THE ANARCHY. 407 one of the 400, had been an archon at Oropus*^"*; we hear of similar officers even before the Peloponnesian war in the sub- ject Samos*^% and one as late as at the time of ^schines in the island of Andros*^^, which had indeed been formerly settled l)y Athenian colonists, and perhaps may be thought to have been under an Athenian governor for that reason. Also in time of war they had Athenian commanders in the cities, together with garrisons, if there appeared to be any necessity. Of those archons or governors we know by name, the episcopi, of whom I have already treated, and the officers called KpvTrrol, who transacted some foreign affairs in secret, but of what nature, we are not informed^^^ It cannot be proved that there ever were Athenian officers of this kind in the independent states, except only that their military forces were commanded by an Athenian general"". Both classes of the allied states had un- questionably the unrestricted administration of their home affairs, and the power of passing decrees. The subject states were necessarily in this point limited to a narrow circle; it is, however, wholly inconceivable that every decree which they passed required a ratification from Athens or the Athenian authorities"*^". The obligation to pay a tribute was held originally not to npos Kuipovs (prjcTLV ovtco' IloWa yap KoXXiov Kara ye rrjv tov ovofxaros OeaiVi ois ol Aa.K(i>ves app-ocTTas (f)d(TK0VT€s els ras TToXeis 7re/x7reii/, ovk cniaKonovs ovSe (f)v\aKaSy as * Adijvaioi. The term cf)v\a^ is applied in Thucyd. iv. 104, to the Athenian commander at Amphipolis. *^^ Lysias pro Polystr. p. 569. ^2« Thucyd. i. 115. ''27 ^schin. c. Timarch. p. 127. It is to archons of this description that the fragment of a law in Aristoph. Av. 1049, refers, iav de ris e^eXavvrj Tovs ap^oin-aSj Kal fxr) de^Tjrai Kara rrjv arrjXrjv. *^ Lex. Seg. p. 273. Kpynrr] : dpx'T) Tis vnb TUiV 'Adrjvaicov Trepiropevrj els TOVS vTT-qKoovs, tva Kpv(})a eVireXe- crtocri ret e^o) yiv6p.eva. dia tovto yap Kal KpVTTTol €KKr)dT]CraV. *^^ As the instance of Chios shows, Thucyd. viii. 9. ^3<^ This must not be inferred from the Delian decree in Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 2270. For although it is not of the time when Delos was under the rule of Hadrian, it is of late date, when Delos was no longer a separate com- munity, but had been incorporated with Athens (whence the expression 6 drjfxos t5)v ^A0r]vaia)v ev A17X0)), and was under the protection of Rome. Moreover the application that is made in it by the Deliahs for the ratification of the decree by the Athenian senate and people is voluntary, and not com- pulsory. [See the author's notes to this inscription iii his edition. — -. Transl.] 408 GENERAL SURVEY OF THE ALLIES [bK. III. be incompatible with independence^ nor indeed in later times was it the absolute criterion of dependence or subjection ; but the independent allies of the Athenians were commonly free from tribute, and were only bound to provide ships and their crews {ovx vrroreXels (popov, vavirros nepl rou 2a- €^ 6)1/ f]p.€is iy€v6p.e6a' KaTtoKicrdTjaav de dvdyKT]^ ovk inidvp-ia ttJ9 vrjcrov. 'E^eTTecrov yap vtto Tvpdvvtov ex 2a/xov, Ka\ TVXT] f^prjaavTO ravrr], koi Xeiav \a^6vT€S dno rrjs QpaKrjs dcfuKPOvvrai p.o6paK6pov dyoivcov rav Tols crvfx- fxdxois evddde yevofievcov, Tis eariv ovtcos I seling. d(fiVT]s, oaris ovx fvprjtrec irpos tovt '"" Diod. xv. 76. dvT€i7T€'iu, on nXeiovs XuKedaifJiouioi twv \ ^YiKkr^vciiv aKpiTovs dTTCKTovucri twv Trap rjfMv, e^ ov TTjv noXiv oiKovpeVy els dycova Kai Kpicnv KaTaaTdvTwv. ^"^ Diod. XV. 79, and there Wes- 422 THE TRIBUTES AND ALLIES OF ATHENS [bK. III. and according to the conditions of the treaty, the one was to belong to the king, and the other to be independent^*'^ This war, which lasted until Olymp. 106, 1 (b.c. 356), ruined the finances of Athens by its enormous expenses, the loss of the tributes, and the desolation of the Athenian islands, and ended with the independence of the revolted states. During this war several Tliracian allies were also lost, of which some, as Amphi- polis, became independent, and some were taken away from Athens by Philip, such as the cities of Pydna and Potidaea, which were given to the Olynthians. Thus the revenues received from the tributes were necessarily much diminished at the breaking out of the Sacred war (Olymp. 106, 2, b.c. 355). The cities of Euboea were afterwards detached from the Athenian alliance by the Macedonians; the remaining posses- sions in Thrace and in the Chersonese were taken, the state gradually lost the seventy-five cities which had been combined by Timotheus into the confederate council, together with 150 ships, and large sums of money^°^ Athens, however, up to the period of her complete downfall was never entirely destitute of allies : although in latter times she was unable either to j^rotect them or to assert her own rights. Even pirates disputed for possession with the Athenians; and the contest was no longer confined to the independent states, but extended to the islands which had been the peculiar property of Athens, since Philip attacked even Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros^°^ Concerning the amount of the tributes in the times which succeeded the breaking out of the Social war, our knowledge is most imperfect. Without dwelling upon the erroneous state- ment, that in the time of Lycurgus they still amounted to 1 200 talents, we may notice their inconsiderable amount at the time when after the Social war, and at the end of the 106th Olympiad (b.c. 353), Demosthenes came forward against Philip. At that time none but the weakest islands were attached to Athens, not Chios, or Rhodes, or Corcyra; the whole contribution {avvra^csi) •'•07 Demosth. de Libert. Ilhod. p. l ^^^ ^Eschin. do F.als. Leg. p. 247. 198. I *^^ /Eschin. de Fals. Leg. p. 251. CH. XVII.] AFTER THE ANARCHY. 423 amounted only to 45 talents, and even this small sum was raised in advance^ '°. Demosthenes succeeded in acquiring more powerful allies, the Euboeans, Achaeans, Corinthians, Thebans, Megarians, Leucadians, and Corcyrseans; the contributions of the states must however have been less compulsory than they had been in more ancient times, ^schines speaks of the unfortunate islanders, who at the time of Chares were forced to pay a yearly contribution [auvra^is:) of 60 talents*' ^ It is possible that these payments subsequently rose to 130 or even to 400 talents; although this fact does not admit of proof, and can only be assumed for the purpose of explaining a passage in the fourth Philippic, of w^hich I will presently speak^^*. From this also we might explain the credit w^hich Demosthenes obtained, for having procured from the allies contributions (crvvTa^ets ')(^pr]^dT(av) of more than 500 talents. Of the respective allotments we know nothing, except that, in the time of Philip, Eretria and Oreus in Euboea paid 5 talents, each under the name of contribution, which, according to the account of ^schines, were lost through the fault of Demosthenes. This orator^' ^ states, upon the authority of a report of Callias the Chalcidean, which he himself disbelieved, that an Euboean council {avviSpcov) existed at Chalcis, which produced a contribution {avvra^is) of 40 talents; and also another of all the Acheeans and Megarians, which supplied a contribution of 60 talents; that the same Callias had also stated that many other states were preparing for war, and that they all wished to form themselves at Athens into a common confederate council, and take the field against Macedon, under the command of Athens. He proceeds to mention, that in consequence of these proceedings the Athenians, at the insti- = ^» Demosth. de Corona, p. 305. ^" ^scliin. de Fals. Leg. p. 250. ^'■^ See chap. 19. Concerning De- mosthenes see the decree after the Lives of the Ten Orators, p. 276. 513 C. Ctesiph. pp. 482—497. At the conchision of this subject I may remark that the passage of Hyperides in the Delian oration in Hai-pocration in V. avvra^is: 2vvTa^iv iv r&i napovri ov8ev\ didovres, r]fxe7s 8e nore rj^tdxrafiev Xa/Seii/, is not to be imderstood of all the allies, but probably only refers to the Delians, who were independent at the time when that oration was com- posed. 424 THE TRIBUTES AND ALLIES OF ATHENS. [bK. III. gation of Demosthenes, had remitted tlie contril^ution to the Eretrians and the Oreitans, in order that both states might contril^ute to the Euboean council at Chalcis, while Chalcis itself should cease to belong to the allied council of Athens, and pay to it any contribution ; that by this means Callias had wished to make Euboea independent, and had therefore urged the formation of the council at Chalcis; but that Demosthenes, having been bribed to support this measure, received 3 talents, 1 from Chalcis through the hands of CalUas, and 1 from each of the other two cities. As the amount of the sums contributed was so considerable, it is quite possible that the receipts may at that time have equalled several hundred talents. Chapter XVIIL The Athenian Cleruchia, or Colonies. I have as yet intentionally omitted a subject which is essential to a full understanding of the Athenian alliance, and which by reason of its influence upon the national wealth should on no account be wanting in a history of the public economy of Athens; I mean the Athenian cleruchiae, in the consideration of which, I shall only touch upon some of those points which have escaped the notice of others, in the hope that some future writer will carry on the investigation. It was always considered as a right of conquest to divide the lands of the conquered people into lots or freehold estates {KXrjpot); in this manner the Grecians peopled many cities and countries which had previously been in the possession of bar- barians; thus, for example, Athens colonized Amphipolis, which she took from the Edoni. This sort of cleruchia had never any appearance of singularity or harshness, because none but barbarians, who seemed born for slavery, were injured by it. This system of colonizing was, however, more rare between Greeks and Greeks. The principal example is afforded by the Dorians, who, on the return of the Heraclidee into the Pelopon- nese, expelled the majority of the ancient inhabitants, and took possession of their lands, to which they had no other right than CH. XVIII.] THE ATHENIAN CLERUCHI.*:. 425 that which was obtained by conquest. In like manner also the Thessalian knights appropriated to themselves the lands of the ancient inhabitants^ the Penestee; who became their bondsmen and the cultivators of their lands at a rent: and again in Crete and Lacedaemon the right of conquest had introduced a similar relation between the citizens and the Clarot^^ Mes- senians^ and Helots, and in Rome between the patrons and the clients. In these cases the proprietors of the new estates were no other than cleruchi, and their ownership was a cleruchia^'*; and it would be unjust to the Athenians, if we reproached them with the invention of this practice, which is to be considered rather as a remnant of the barbarous treatment of conquered enemies which prevailed in early times; although it appears more unna- tural at a period when mankind had ceased to wander about in large bodies, and had adopted some settled habitation, and also when the severity was exercised towards nations of the same race. In other respects this practice differed so little from the establishment of other colonies, that Polybius, Dionysius, and others, call the Roman colonists cleruchi. All motives of revenge and hatred against enemies being left out of the question, it may be said that excess of population and excessive poverty of the citizens were the immediate in- ducements which caused Athens to retain this ancient practice of conquerors. In later times, however, when the system of the Athenian alliance had taken a settled form, reasons of state policy were added to these inducements. The distribution of the land was employed as a caution against, and penalty for, revolt; and the Athenians perceived that there was no cheaper or better method of maintaining the supremacy, as Machiavelli has most justly remarked, than the establishment of colonies, which would be compelled to exert themselves for their own interest to retain possession of the conquered countries : but in this calculation they were so blinded by passion and avarice, as to fail to perceive that their measures excited a lasting hatred Concerning the term see Harpocrat. Phot. Suid. Lex. Seg. p. 267, &c. 426 THE ATiiEXlAX CLERUCIII.E. [bK. III. against the oppressors ; from the consequences of which over- sight Athens suffered severely. Isocrates'^^ truly says that the Athenians established cle- ruchi in the desolated towns for the purpose of custody; but he forgets to mention that the Athenians had themselves been the authors of their desolation; and no one will suppose that they were actuated in those proceedings by disinterested motives. Or are we to call it disinterestedness when one state endows its poor citizens with lands at the cost of another? Now it was of this class of persons that the settlers were chiefly composed^ and the state provided them with arms^ and defrayed the expenses of their journey^^^ It is nevertheless true, that the lands were distributed by lot among a fixed number of citizens^^^: the principle of division doubtless was, that all who mshed to partake in the benefit applied voluntarily, and it was then determined by lot who should and who should not receive a share. If any wealthy person wished to go out as a fellow-^ speculator, full liberty must necessarily have been granted him. The profitableness of the concern forbids us to imagine that all the citizens cast lots, and that those upon whom the chance fell were compelled to become cleruchi. With regard to the first introduction of the Athenian cleruchies, it may be observed, that the earliest instance occurs before the Persian wars, when the lands of the knights (tTTTToySorat) of Chalcis in Euboea were given to 4000 Athenian citizens, other estates being at the same time retained for the gods and the state^'®. In the Peloponnesian war, however, Chalcis had ceased to be a state of cleruchi, for it is mentioned among the tributary allies, separately from the Athenian colo- nies^' ^. In what relation the ancient cleruchi stood to the natives, and whether the latter (who were partly common people, and partly descendants of the knights formerly liberated by the Athenians for a ransom) shared the governing power ^'^ PanegjT. p. 85, ed. Hall. *'^ Liban. Argum. ad Demosth. de Cliersoneso. ^^' Thucyd. iii. 50, Plutarch. Pericl. 34. ^^' Herod, v. 77, vi. 100, ^lian. Var, Hist, vi, 1, where the text is corrupt; for in Herodotus it is evident that no alteration can be made. *'» Thuoyd. vii. 57, cf. vi. 7C. CH. XVIII.] THE ATHENIAN CLERUCHI.E. 427 with the Athenian cleruchi, or whether the cleruchi, who returned to the main-land upon the Persian attack of Eretria, were not restored to their cleruchiae, are questions which I shall not attempt to determine. The next case of this kind was the enslaving of the Dolopes and Pelasgians of Scyros, in the time of Cimon, when the island was settled with cleruchi*-": in like manner the islands of Lemnos and Imbros belonged to the Athenians. The distribution of lands was of most frequent occurrence after the administration of Pericles. Pericles himself and his successors^ Alcibiades^ Cieon^ and other statesmen, employed it as a means of gaining the favour of the needy citizens^^^; and the fondness of the common Athenians for this measure may be seen from the example of Strepsiades in the Clouds of x\ris- tophanes, vrho, on the mention of the word geometry, is instantly reminded of measuring out the lands of cleruchi*^^ Thus in Olymp. 83, 4 (b.c. 445), Histieea in Euboea was given to cleruchi^", and at a later period Potidaea, the inhabitants of which were expelled: the same course was also followed with ^gina, at the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war, and the Dorian people were ejected^-"*. Delos was indeed again depo- pulated, but not entirely surrendered to the Athenians until a subsequent period, when it had become nearly desolate. Lesbos however they divided^ with the exception of Methymna, after the revolt of the Mytileneans: at Scione the adult men were put to death, the women and children made slaves, and the PlatcEans wxre established in possession of the city, as being Athenian citizens destitute of land*^': the Melians were also reduced to slavery, and their property granted to cleruchi^*^ Many other cleruchi were also sent out upon the instigation of ^^'^ Thuc. i. 98, Diod. xi. 60, Nepos Cimon. 2. ^^' Plutarch, ubi sup. cf. Aristoph. Vesp. 714. *** Nub. 203, and the Scholia&t, with a calculation founded upon the amount of diobelia the author coujectui'es that the colonists of iEgiua were about 1400 or 1500. Corp. Inscript. No. 148, vol. i. p. 227.— Thaksl.] the notes of the commentators. i ^" Thuc. v. 32, Diod. xii. 76. Cf. 5^ Thuc. i. 114, cf. vii. 57, Died. xii. ! Isocrat. Panegp*. pp. 85, 80. 22. ' I ^^^ Thuc. V. ad fin. "^ Thuc. ii. 27, Diod. xii. 44. [From [ 428 THE ATHENIAN CLERUCHI.E. [^BK. [I. Pericles. This statesman sent 1000 men to the Chersonese, 500 to Naxos, 250 to Andros, 1000 to Thrace, without reckoning those that went to ^Egina, Thurii, and other places" ^ In Euboea, from which, on account of its proximity to Attica, the greatest advantages were reasonably expected, they manifestly seized upon much land^"; hence ^schines^" asserts, that at the time which immediately succeeded the peace of Nicias, Athens was in possession of the Chersonese, Naxos, and Euboea; of the latter island more than two-thirds, as An decides attests in his oration concerning peace^^". There can be no doubt that all the cleruchise were lost by the battle of ^gospotamos"'; but as soon as they had suffi- cient power, the Athenians established new colonies. In the 100th Olympiad the odium which they incurred on account of these settlements was so great, that they recalled them^^^: but the law which prohibited any Athenian from owning landed property out of Attica did not long remain in force. Demos- thenes speaks of cleruchian property in the 106th Olympiad (B.C. 354)'". In Olymp. 106, 4 (b.c. 353), they again sent cleruchi to the Chersonese, who were admitted by some cities; the Cardiani however excluded them'^\ Samos was in Olymp. 107, 1 (B.C. 352), settled with 2000 cleruchi"% not without the 5^7 Plutarcli Pericl. 11. 528 Cf. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 314, Demosth. Lept. 95, and there Wolf, Moms ad Isocrat. Pan eg. 31. 5^9 De Fals. Leg. p. 337- 530 P. 93. Here actual possession, and not subjection only, is meant, as is evident from the circumstances of the case. Comp. also Aristoph. Vesp. 714. 521 Cf. Xenoph, Mem. Socrat. ii. 7,8. 53^ Diod. XV. 23, 29. 533 In his speech concerning the Symmorise. 53* Demosth. de Cherson. p. 91, 15, Philipp. Epist. ap. Demosth. p. 163, 5, Diod. xvi. 34, Liban. Argum. in Orat. de Cherson. 535 Strab. xiv. p. 439, Ilcraclid. Fragm. de Repub. 10, where Kdhler's long note contains nothing, Diog. Laert. x. 1, Diod. xviii. 8, ^Eschin, c. Timarch. p. 78, Zenob. ii. 28. For the date, I follow the statement of Pliilo- chorus (ap. Dionys. in Vit. Dinarch. p. 118, ed. Sylb.) in preference to the Scholiast of ^schines (p. 731, vol. iii. ed. Reisk.) who states that it was in the archonship of Nicophemus (Olymp. 104, 4, B.C. 361). Diodorus xviii. 18, does not agree with either, as he reckons forty-three years from the ex- pulsion of the Samians until their re- storation by Perdicca.s in Olymp. 114, 2 (B.C. 323). There is however un- questionably some error in this pas- sage, which has been well examined by Wesselinjr. CH. XVIIl.] THE ATHENIAN CLERUCHI^. 429 disapprobation of those ^yho were under the influence of better principles"^ But what was the relation which the states of the cleruchi bore to Athens? Did the cleruchi remain Athenian citizens, and if they did, were they at the same time citizens of a com- munity composed of the cleruchi ? If this was the case, are they to be considered as Athenian allies? and if so, in what manner, whether dependent or independent? Of these questions some can only be answered by conjec- ture. That the cleruchi remained Athenian citizens cannot be a matter of any doubt, whether we look to the views of Athens in the establishment of cleruchi, or to the reasons by which individuals could be actuated in accepting cleruchiee. The only objects which Athens could have had, were either to enrich the poor citizens, or to maintain important stations or countries for its own advantage. But if the cleruchi had ceased to be citi- zens of Athens, the benefit received by the parent state would have been lost. These establishments of cleruchi would in that case have become mere colonies, unconnected with Athens by any close relation, analogously to the lonians in Asia Minor and the islands, who, although they had proceeded from Attica, soon broke off all connexion with the mother-country. x\nd who would have sacrificed his rights of citizenship, which were so highly prized by the Greeks, for the possession of an estate, if he was moreover exposed to the risk, in case the former pro- prietors were reinstated either by war or treaty, of being left not only without property, but even without a country? ^s- chines speaks of a person who had gone with the cleruchi to Samos, as if he were merely an absent Athenian; and Demos- thenes includes the property of the cleruchi among that of Attica. Aristophanes the poet possessed an estate in ^Egina, during the time that he was an Athenian citizen"^: Aristarchus, a person mentioned in Xenophon, who was a citizen and a pro- ^« Aristot. Rhet. ii. 6. 537 Aristopli. Acliarn. 652, accord- The Callistratus mentioned by the other Scholiast, Avho also possessed a ing to the correct interpretation of one ' portion of land in /Egina, cannot be Scholiast. Cf. Aristoph. Vit. p. 14. meant in this passage. 430 THE ATHENIAN CLERUCHl^. [bK. III. i:)rietor of houses at Athens, and whose estates had fallen into the hands of the enemy, was both a citizen and a cleruchus ; as also Eutherus, who had lost his foreign estates, and com- plains that his father had not even left him anything in Attica"'. Demosthenes also appears to consider the inhabi- tants of Lemnos and Imbros as Athenian citizens"'; and although Ariston the father of Plato went as a cleruchus to ^gina, and Plato himself was born there (Olymp. 87, 3, B.C. 430); although Neocles the father of Epicurus settled in Samos wdth the cleruchi^^% and his son was educated in that island; it is nevertheless certain that Plato and Epicurus were, as well as their fathers, Athenian citizens, the former belonging to the borough Collyttus, the latter to the borough Gargettus, and that after their return, they were considered as natives equally with citizens born in Attica. But, notwithstanding this privilege of the cleruchi, in the states w^hich were exclusively possessed by them they composed a separate community: this fact might indeed have been in- ferred from the general policy of the Greeks, according to which the inhabitants of each place formed themselves into a separate community, administering its own government. Again, as the cleruchiee must be considered as colonies (with this one excep- tion, that they were more closely dependent upon the mother country than the early settlements), it was indispensable that they should compose a separate state: hence they are called by a new appellation, as Amphipolitans, Istieeans, Chalcideans, ^ginetans^*^; although they are sometimes also called Athe- nians; for by the international law of Greece it was permitted that one person should at the same time be a citizen of several states, and even all the citizens of one state frequently received the rights of citizenship in another. It sometimes however happened that the cleruchi, as was the *38 See tlie passages of /EscliiuGs, Demosthenes, and Xenoplion, in notes 535, 533,531. 539 Demostli. Philip, i.p. 49, 2C. ^^^ Phavorin. ap. Diogen. Laert. iii. 2, Ileraclid. ap. eund. x. 1. viii. 1, 4G, Pansan. v. 23. The Athe- nians in Delos in later times indeed called themselves " the People of the Athenians in Delos ;" but from a pe- riod so recent no conclusion can he drawn which will apply to earlier *^' Thucyd. iv. 104, vii. 47, Tlerod. times. Sec above note 430. CTI. XVIII.] THE ATHENIAN CLERUCHI/E. 431 case in Mytilene, did not personally occupy the property, hut held it as landlords. In this case then are we to imagine that they composed a separate colony? After the revolt and recon- quest of Mytilene, more than 1000 of the chief persons were executed, the small cities of the Mytileneans were separated from Lesbos, and reduced to the condition of subject alhes of Athens. No tribute was imposed upon the Mytileneans them- selves, but the country was divided into 3000 lots, of which 300 were reserved as tithes for the gods, and the others were given to the cleruchi who were sent to Lesbos : the cultivation of the land was then permitted to the Lesbians themselves, in con- sideration of a rent of 2 minas for each lot^'*^. Now althouo^h Thucydides undoubtedly states that the cleruchi were sent thither, it is impossible to believe that 2700 Athenians remained in this island, as in that case the whole countiy would hardly have been granted in lease to the Lesbians. There can be no doubt that many Athenians returned home; but a part of the settlers must have stayed behind as a garrison, and probably these, together with the former inhabitants, composed the com- monwealth. Lastly, from the nature of the cleruchian communities it may be inferred, that although their citizens were also citizens of Athens, they nevertheless remained in the most entire depend- ence upon the mother country. In the first place the religious institutions of the cleruchi were, as well as their priests, con- nected with those of Athens, the religion of all colonies having been originally derived from the mother state. Again, there was no obstacle which could prevent the government of Athens from retaining large estates in those countries as pubUc pro- perty, either as consecrated to the gods, as in Chalcis and Les- bos, or as belonging directly to the Athenian state, as was the case in Chalcis, and probably with the Thracian mines**^ A community of such colonists was evidently debarred from the privilege of maintaining a separate military force, in which 5^^ Thucyd. iii. 50. Antiplion de j xiii. p. 412, and there Ciisaubon, Time. Herod, ciede p. 744. Concerning the iv. 52, Herod, v. 94 sqq. towns upon the main-land see Strab. -^^^ See book iii. ch. 2 and 3. 432 THE ATHENIAN CLERUCHIiE. [bK. III. respect it must have been wholly dependent upon Athens. Hence we find that the Chalcidean cleruchi had no vessels of their own at Artemisium and Salamis, but they manned 20 Athenian triremes*", for which the 4000 cleruchi were exactly sufficient; and they received from Athens instructions for mili- tary undertakings^*^ Their generals were doubtless nominated by Athens; and although perhaps they had the privilege of appointing to many public offices, they were yet subject to the control of inspectors sent from Athens, and indeed in many other colonies the mother state had the right of nominating to certain situations. It must also have been considered by the cleruchi as a right allowed to them and not as an obligation, that they were under the jurisdiction of the Athenian courts; for otherwise the cleruchus would have renounced an essential privilege of the Athenian citizen. And what we have already said upon the authority of Anti- phon concerning the limited jurisdiction of the Mytileneans after their revolt, proves that the supreme jurisdiction in the cleruchian communities belonged to Athens, and extended not to the cleruchi only, but also to the ancient inhabitants, who might in the first instance have resorted to courts of the Athe- nian cleruchi. In this manner such states as we have been speaking of fell (although by a path wholly different) into a state of dependence as degraded as that of the subject allies; T\^th this difference only, that they were inhabited by citizens, who would have been entitled to exercise all the risfhts of o citizenship in Athens itself. The only point as to which any doubt can exist is, whether or not they paid a tribute ? Thucydides is silent with regard to them, although in speaking of the other communities he invariably mentions whether they paid a tribute or furnished a military force. The cleruchi, as being Athenian citizens, must necessarily have performed military service for their country: but it is nevertheless possible that particular states were also subject to the payment of a tribute, which perhaps arose from the transfer of the obhgations, together with the *" HerocL u])i sup. 545 u^j-oa. vi. 100. CH. XVIII.] THE ATHENIAN CLERUCHIiE. 433 transfer of the property which had belonged to the former inha- bitants. Mytilene before its revolt paid no tribute; from which, as is manifest, the cleruchi were equally exempt; for Thucy- dides, having expressly stated that no tribute had been imposed upon the Lesbians, would not have omitted to mention that the Athenians were subject to this burthen, ^gina had been subject to a tribute from the 80th Olympiad; and it seems to me probable that the cleruchi who in the 87th Olympiad were sent in the place of the ancient inhabitants paid the same tribute. At least this enables me to comprehend why in the 93rd Olympiad we should meet with an eicostologus in ^gina; the custom duty of a twentieth having succeeded in place of the tribute. I have already remarked, that Chalcis^ which Thucy- dides calls a tributary state, had ceased to be a community of cleruchi in the time of the Peloponnesian war, and therefore that city is unconnected with any discussion upon this point Chapter XIX. Total Annual Amount of the Public Revenue of Athens. From the regular revenues, of which an account has been already given, independently of the liturgies and the extraor- dinary taxes, the sum of the annual income of the Athenian state might be computed, if each single item could be deter- mined for the diiferent periods. But as this is not in every case possible, we must be contented with collecting and passing judgment upon the few statements which the ancients furnish us with. I do not stay to consider the absurd assertion made by Petit, Salmasius, Meursius, and others, that the revenue of Athens amounted to 6000 talents a year, but shall immediately turn to the statement of Xenophon, who informs us that on the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war not less than 1000 talents were received from domestic and from foreign sources, i. e. from the allies"®. Xenophon evidently considers this sum Cyr. Expod. vii. 1, 27. 2 F 434 TOTAL ANNUAL AMOUNT OF THE [bK. III. as extraordinarily large; and if we reckon the tributes at 600 talents^ which was their amount at that period, 400 talents remain for the domestic revenue, which corresponds sufficiently well with the resources of the country, and with the necessary regular expenses. The account of the historian is, however, contradicted by the poet Aristophanes, who in the comedy of the Wasps^^^ (Olymp. 89, 2, B.C. 423) estimates the total sum of all the revenues at nearly 2000 talents, exclusively of the liturgies, w^hich were not paid into any public fund. Aristo- phanes indeed reckons many things which Xenophon perhaps might pass over, such as justice fees and fines^ together with the proceeds of confiscated property. This, however, is not sufficient to occasion so large a difference in the statements, nor can it be supposed that Aristophanes would have made any gross exaggeration. Nothing therefore remains but to suppose that the enhancement of the tributes, which is mentioned in the orators as if it had been a consequence of the peace of Nicias, had in fact taken place a short time before, that is to say, about Olymp. 89, 1, or 2 {b.c. 424 — 3). If the increased tribute, as has been already shown, alone amounted to 1200 talents, and if we add the items which Xenophon, as has been said, perhaps omitted, the sum obtained would be about 1800 talents. How great must have been the falling off in this large amount of revenue, when the ascendancy of Athens no longer existed, it is superfluous to point out. After the battle of iEgospotamos all payment of tribute ceased, the traffic was inconsiderable, many houses in Athens were unoccupied, the state was unable to pay off the smallest debts, and was forced to submit to reprisals from the Boeotians for the sake of a few talents. We have not however any determinate statements until the time of Lycurgus, excepting in the fourth Philippic, which, although not the production of Demosthenes, ought not therefore to be neglected; for definite statements must have some foundation even in a spurious oration. ^^ It was once our case,'^ we are there told"^, " and that not long ago, to be pos- »^7 Vs. 657 sqq. ^'^ P. 41,9. CH. XIX.] PUBLIC REVENUE OF ATHENS. 435 sessed of a public revenue which did not exceed 130 talents;" and the orator presently adds, that good fortune had afterwards increased the public income, and that the receipts amounted to 400 instead of 100 talents. It is hardly conceivable that the national income should ever have sunk so low as 130 talents, especially as Lycurgus in the age of Demosthenes is stated to have again succeeded in raising it to 1200 talents. It is how- ever possible that the author of this speech had some passage before him which he misunderstood, and in which the tributes were alluded to. These payments might have amounted to 130 and afterwards to 400 talents, and the latter have been in the time of Lycurgus; it would otherwise be incomprehensible to us by what means he could have so much augmented the revenue without the aid of considerable tributes. We must however be satisfied not to pass any decided judgment upon this subject, so many points of it being obscure, as they must always remain. Nor indeed will the statements of Demosthenes and ^Eschines, concerning the tributes in later times, agree with my hypothesis, unless, as is probable, they relate to other years. For what Demosthenes and ^schines say, may be referred to the time of the social war, and then the account of the 130 talents may have reference to the years immediately following, and of the 400 talents to the time beginning in Olymp. 109, 4 (b.c. 341), or Olymp. 110, 1 (b.c. 340), the date assumed by the author of the fourth Philippic for its composition. The revenue appears to have sufifered the greatest falling off in the 105th and 106th Olympiads (b.c. 360— 53)*'®, from the con- joint influence of the defection of the allies, and the interruption of trade. It is to this latter evil that Xenophon alludes in his Essay on the Revenues"^ when he complains of the failure of several branches of the public income in time of war. According to Isocrates"' the Athenians were at that time in want of the common necessaries of life, and by extorting money for the 5" See Demosth c. Leptin. § 21, 95, spoken in OljTnp. 106, 2 (b.c. 355). ^^^ 5, 12, Concerning the time see book iv. cb. 21. **' ^vfjLfxax- 16, written in Olymp- 106, 1 (B.C. 35G). 2 F 2 436 TOTAL ANNUAL AMOUNT OF THE [bk. payment of the mercenaries, utterly ruined tlieir allies: so that, in his opinion, peace was the only means of recovering their prosperity, of putting an end to war taxes, and to the trierarchy, of promoting agriculture, trade, and shipping, of raising the revenues, and increasing the number of merchants, foreigners, and resident aliens, of which the state was absolutely destitute. Demosthenes*** indeed not long afterwards (Olymp. 106, 3 (b.c. 354), estimates the wealth of Athens as nearly equal to that of all the other states; but in this comparison he refers only to the national wealth, and not to the public revenue. The orator Lycurgus appears to have been the only one amongst the statesmen of ancient times who had a real know- ledge of the management of finance. He was a man of the strictest integrity, and so hardy that he went barefoot, after the manner of Socrates; at the same time judicious, active, econo- mical without parsimony, in all respects of a noble disposition, and so inflexibly just, that he was more willing to give than to take: thus we are told^ that he bestowed a talent upon a syco- phant, to prevent an information being laid against his wife, for the transgression of a law passed by himself; although it is true that he thus deprived the state of a fine*". Although the administration of finance engaged the largest share of his atten- tion, he also attended to other public duties, and in the latter part of his life to foreign aifairs"^ The public revenue was under his management for three periods of five years (Trevrae- T7;ptSe9"'), that is, according to the ancient idiom, twelve years**': the first four years for himself, and the others under the name of another person; but in such a manner, that it w^as known that he was properly the manager of the public revenue. When this administration began, and when it ceased, we are *" De Symmor. p. 155, 2. 553 Taylor ad Lycurg. p. 114, val. iv. Reisk. The defence of Lycurgus iu the assembly may be seen in Plutai'ch's Comparison of Nicias and Crassus, cliap. 1. *•'•"' Pseudo-Demosth. Epist. 3. "* Decret. in Vit. Dec. Orat. p. 278, Vit. Lycurg. ibid. p. 250, Pliotius cclxviii. p. 1483, whose account is chiefly derived from the spurious Plu- tarch, and therefore will not always be quoted separately. "^ Diod. xvi. 88. Wesseling (ad Diod. et ad Petit Leg. Att. iii. 2, 33) assumes fifteen years, which appears to me impossible. Comp. above, book ii. ch. fi. CH. XIX.] PUBLIC REVENUE OF ATHENS. 437 not indeed informed; nor can the question be settled by the testimony of Diodorus, who mentions it as past, in speaking of the battle of Chaeronea : for it is evident that he only took this opportunity of stating that Lycurgus had distinguished himself by his financial measures. I have however some reasons for supposing that he did not enter upon that office before the 109th Olympiad'^^ He passed through with honour on the several occasions when he rendered an account of his financial administration" ^ The loss of the accounts which he fixed up previously to his death (a fragment of which is probably still extant*), of his oration concerning the administration (vrepl StoLKrjaecos^^^), and of his defence against Menesgechmus {a7roXoyca-pb09 o)v Treiro- XirevTai, airoXoyla virep tmv evOvvoiv'"^^), in which he justified the accounts that he had set up against the attacks of his^^^ adversary, and in which he entered into minute details, such, for example, as the hide money; the loss of these documents is irreparable for the history of the Athenian finances. When the military preparations were committed to Lycurgus," he built 400 vessels, of which some were new and some old vessels repaired; provided a large store of arms, and also 50,000 darts, which were brought to the Acropolis ; procured gold and silver instruments for processions, golden statues of victory, and golden ornaments for 100 canephorae; he also built and planted the gymnasium in the Lyceum, founded the wresthng school in that place, completed many unfinished works, such as the docks, the armoury, the theatre of Bacchus, the panathenaic course, and adorned the city with many other works of art^^^ He also raised the revenue"' (and not the tributes, as Meursius and his followers suppose''') to 1200 talents. The author of Corp. Inscript. No. 157, and founded with the Eisangelia against notes. ^58 Decret. iit sup. p. 279. * See note 557. *^^ Suid. in w. AvKovpyos, 'ETriKpa-n;?, Menesgechmus. ^' Vit. Dec. Orat. p. 255. 56^ Decret. in Vit. Dec. Orat. Phot, ubi sup. Pausan. i. 29. oxelov, (xeipiov, Harpocrat. in vv. 'Etti- *^^ Vit. Dec. Orat. p. 254. KpaTrjs, ox^'iou, aeipiva. j ^64 Meurs. Fort. Att. p. 55, Barthel. **^*' Concerning which see Meurs. Anarch, vol. iv. p. 33 1 , Manso, Sparta, Bibl. Att. This must not be con- : vol. ii. p. 498. 438 TOTAL ANNUAL AMOUNT OF THE [bk. III. the Lives of the Ten Orators adds to this statement, singularly- enough, that they formerly amounted to 60 talents; for which number it has been proposed by some to read 600; Meursius however prefers 460, who again refers it to the tributes, and indeed to the assessment of Aristides. It appears to me most probable, that either the ignorant compiler himself, or some commentator who wished to supply the deficiency of his author, had in his mind the 60 talents contributed by the allies, of which ^schines speaks. With regard to money stored up for future use, I am upon the whole convinced that Lycurgus did not collect any treasure. Pausanias indeed thought that he had done so, and the decree in favour of Lycurgus states that he brought much money to the Acropolis ; but there can be no doubt that it was soon con- sumed. Distributions were made among the citizens from the surplus money, and nothing remained but what was worked up in ornaments for processions, or in works of art and sacred offerings . Of the measures which he adopted for increasing the public income we are wholly ignorant: it should at the same time be borne in mind, that at this period, when the quantity of money in circulation was considerable, the value of 1200 talents was not so great as in the age of Pericles. On account of the extreme honesty of Lycurgus, many private individuals had confided large sums of money to his custody, which in time of need he advanced to the state without requir- ing any interest. In the decree it is stated that this money amounted to 650 talents, but, according to the Lives of the Ten Orators, it was only 250 talents'": the former is the more probable statement. The amount of all the monies, for the receipt and disburse- ment of which he accounted, is stated differently. The decree of Stratocles, which was brought forward in the archonship of Anaxicrates (Olymp. 118, 2, b.c. 307), and to which we have '^* The origin of Uiis difference pro- bably was, tha t it was written in the decree III H |A| TaXavra, which the author of the Lives of th^ Ten Orators read as if it were H H [a7' This is more probable than that the mistake sliould luive been the contrary way. CH. XIX.] PUBLIC REVENUE OF ATHENS. 439 SO often referred, mentions 18,900 talents'*^; but in the Lives of the Ten Orators only 18,650 talents are quoted from the same source. Upon which side the error lies may appear doubtful. The passage in the Lives of the Ten Orators is, however, evidently interpolated by some other hand, and is therefore less worthy of credit than the text of the decree, which is the original of that statement ; and it is possible that the number 650 instead of 900 arose from a confusion with the amount of money advanced by private individuals, which occurs immediately afterwards in the decree, and amounts to the very same number. The safest course therefore is to abide by the statement of the decree. The whole sum is in another place stated at only 14,000 talents^^^: this number appears however to have been arrived at by a mere process of approximation, viz., by multiplying 1200 talents, the amount of the annual receipts, by twelve, which gives 14,400 talents, and inaccurately omitting the other 400; whereas the decree of Stratocles must have been founded upon official documents, and doubtless upon the account rendered by Lycurgus himself, and fixed up in public. For it would be absurd to suppose that in so ancient a document, and one which was drawn up for the express use of the state, the number should have been ascertained by an approximate estimate, merely by multiplying 1200 talents by 15, on the assumption that Lycurgus administered the finances for fifteen years. Now it is true that the record of the decree does not agree with the account which states that in the time of Lycurgus the revenue amounted annually to 1 200 talents, if, as has been assumed, he was only at the head of this department for twelve years ; but since he accounted for the money of private individuals, which was afterwards repaid, the sum of the disbursements might have been considerably increased, if the money advanced was included among the payments, and afterwards the money with which these loans were replaced. The statement of Pausanias'^® on this subject is also worthy of consideration. This author, in his ambiguous Herodotean *^« P. 278. ^*^7 Vit. Dec. Orat. p. 251, Phot, ubi sup. "•* i. 20. 440 ANNUAL AMOUNT OF PUBLIC REVENUE. [bK. III. style, informs us that Lycurgus brought into the pubhc treasure 6500 talents more than Pericles; by which he means, the whole amount of what Lycurgus had received and disbursed. Accord- ing to Isocrates, the sum collected by Pericles was 8000 talents: if we suppose that Pausanias folio ^ved some more accurate authority which stated 7900 talents as the amount collected by Pericles, 14,400 talents would be the sum which he meant to say was amassed by Lycurgus, a number which would upon this hypothesis have merely been obtained by an approximate estimate, as has been remarked above. The statement of Pau- sanias cannot be well understood in any other manner. Lycurgus was succeeded in the administration by his adver- sary Meneseechmus, and Dionysius is also stated to have been treasurer of the administration (6 kirl ri]^ hioiKrjo-ea)^) at the same period, to both of whom Dinarchus was opposed^*'. Demetrius Phalereus is also praised for having increased the revenue of the state"" after Olymp. 115, 3 (b.c. 318), at a period when Athens had already sunk into comparative insigni- ficance. Nor is it easy to determine what amount of credit should be given to Duris of Samos"^, when he states that the annual revenue of Athens amounted to 1 200 talents in the time of Demetrius. In the later times of the republic the manage- ment must have been more economical, in order to carry the state through its difficulties. We are informed by a decree"* that Demochares, the son of Laches, was the first person who curtailed the expenses of the administration, and made an economical use of the current revenues. The same person also procured gifts for his country from foreigners: 30 talents from Lysimachus, and on another occasion 100 from the same person, 50 from Ptolemy, and 20 from Antipater. Thus was this once great nation forced to beg of kings. '*^ Concerning these two see Dio- nysius llalicaruassensis in tlic Life of Dinarchus. *'<' Diog. Laert. v. 75. ^7' Ap. Athen. xii. p. 542, C. ^'■' Ap. Vit. Dec. Oral. p. 276. CH. XX.] HISTORY OF THE PUBLIC TREASURE. 441 Chapter XX. History of the Public Treasure, From the overplus of the national revenue there arose in ancient times the Public Treasure, which at its first formation was exclusively, and afterward in a great measure, applied to the uses of war. It was preserved upon the Acropolis, in the posterior cell (oTTtaOoBo/jLos) of a temple of Minerva'"^; but of what temple we are not informed. The scholiast to the Plutus of Aristophanes assures us that it was the temple of Minerva Polias ; that is to say, the threefold temple which belonged to Erectheus, Minerva, and Pandrosus. But this, according to the certain testimony of Herodotus and Pausanias, was burned down by the Persians under Xerxes; in Olymp. 92, 4 (b.c. 409), and even in Olymp. 93, 1 (B.C. 408), it had not been rebuilt'^* ; and in the third year of the same Olympiad, in the archonship of CalUas (b.c. 406), it was again burned down'*^^ for the second time. The temple which was afterwards built, as Stuart remarks*'®, had not any opisthodomus, and this is evidently true of the temple which w^as in course of building in Olymp. 92, 4, from its similarity with that of which the remains are still extant, which have been compared by Wilkins with the inscription relating to the unfi- nished temple just mentioned. At no time therefore can the treasure have been deposited in a posterior cell of the temple of V '^^ Harpocrat.Suid.Hesych. Etymol. Phot, (twice) in v. oniaOodo^os. Aris- topli. Plut. 1194, Orat. jrepl avvrd^. p. 170, Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 743, 1, and there Ulpian. p. 822, Lucian. Tim. 53, also Lex. Seg. p. 286, although in the latter the sacred money alone is mentioned. *7* Corp. Inscript. Gr, No. 160, in his notes to which inscription the author makes the following remark : *' Quod vero templum adhuc superstes idem est atque illud, de quo nostra inscriptio, inde non colligitur id tem- plum Olymp. 93,3, non esse incensum. Non enim absumptiim igne dicitur, sed correptum (ad quod non satis attendi (Ec. Civ. Ath. iii. 20,) et recte Vis- contus (de Elgin, p. 113,) judicat, in opere lapideo non potuisse nisi siipel- lectilem et tectum incendio deleri, ut Pantheon Agrippoe post incendiuni adhuc manet." — A^'ol. i. p. 264. ^^^ Xenoph. Hellen. i. 6, 1. *'^ Antiquities of Athens, vol. ii. p. 4 sqq. 442 HISTORY OF THE PUBLIC TREASURE. [bK. III. Minerva Polias ; nor indeed was any treasure laid by before the Persian war, for the first time at which any such deposit was made was after the transfer of the office from Delos ; unless we give this name to the sacred possessions under the management of the treasurers, which were preserved at Athens before it was taken by Xerxes. It is therefore necessary to suppose that the opisthodomus of the Parthenon is meant, in which the treasure was deposited ever after the building of that temple. The opisthodomus as the place of custody for the treasure occurs in an inscription"", which I cannot err materially in assigning to the 90th Olympiad; and at this time the Parthenon alone was in existence, the temple of Minerva Polias not having been as yet built. It should also be remarked, that in addition to the public monies, treasure belonging to temples was deposited in this building''^ and also many valuables: others were kept in the body of the Parthenon itself, as is proved by several inscriptions"^ Other precious articles were preserved in different temples ; among which was perhaps the temple of Diana upon the Acro- polis, if the opisthodomus mentioned in an inscription'^" can be referred to this temple. The separate treasure of Minerva Polias^^^ was a portion of the public treasure, which name may have given occasion to the error of the Scholiast to Aristo- phanes. It is unnecessary to inquire in what place the public monies were kept, when the opisthodomus of the Parthenon was burned down in the age of Demosthenes, for there can be no doubt that it was soon afterwards restored'^*. The key of the public treasure and the superintendence of all the monies of the state, belonged to the daily epistates of the prytanes*°\ ^'^ Coi-p. Inscript. No. 76. 57« Ibid. ^'^ lb. Nos. 139, 141, 150, 151. 5^0 lb. No. 150, § 45, cf. § 27. In the temple of Minerva Polias there were also certain precious articles, €. g. in the time of Pausanias the silver-footed stool of Xerxes and the golden sabre of Mardonius (Pausan. i. 27). •'^' Corp, Inscript. No. 147, Pryt. i. which inscription is of Olymp. 92, 3, (B.C. 410). *^* Demosth. c. Timocrat. ubi sup. and Ulpian. *^* See the passages of Pollux, Sui- das, and Eustathius ap. !Meins. Cecrop. 20. The argument to Demosth. c. Androt. p, 500, 21, speaks of the keys of the Acropolis. Tlie following arti- CH. XX.] HISTORY OF THE PUBLIC TREASURE. 443 But the treasurers of the goddess and of the gods had also the right of opening and shutting the doors of the opistho- domus^^\ It cannot be proved that any treasure was ever laid by at Athens before the time of Pericles ; and as prior to the period of Themistocles all the money received from the mines was divided among the citizens, it is manifest that they never thought of making any deposit : besides which it would have been impossible for Athens to collect any large amount of trea- sure without the aid of tributary allies. We do not hear of the public treasure until after the transfer of the funds of Delos to Athens ; but when formed, its amount was very large as com- pared to the price of commodities, and it produced considerable benefit to the state. Although its operation may have been so far mischievous, that it took a large quantity of coin out of cir- culation, this evil was more than compensated by the conse- quent lowness of prices, and the power of procuring much with a small outlay of money. At the time when the treasure was brought to Athens, this fund had been in existence about ten years; consequently the sum paid into it could not have exceeded 4 600 talents ; a considerable portion of which must have been again disbursed in time of war. Diodorus*^^ is therefore unde- serving of any credit, when he states that nearly 8000 talents were transferred from Delos to Athens: and speaks more absurdly in another place of 10,000 or more*^^; in forming which statements he has evidently confounded other data which were alien to the subject. According to Isocrates^^'', Pericles brought 8000 talents into the Acropolis exclusively of the sacred money. The number 7900, which Pausanias appears to adopt*®% is perhaps more accurate. If this statement is correct, the sum which was transferred from Delos to Athens cannot have exceeded 1800 talents. For there can be no doubt that the public treasure in the time of Pericles, which was formed of cle also belongs to this subject, Lex. | '^^^ xii. 38. Seg. p. 188, 22, (TnaTaTrjs : (jjvKa^ tS)v Koivcov ;(pJ7ftarcoi' kol eTriTTjprjTTjs Ta>v '^* Corp. Inscript. No. 76. '^^ xii. 54, xiii. 21. ^'7 ^vfifiaX' 40. ^^'^ See note 508, chap. W. 444 HISTORY OF THE PL'BLIC TREASURE. [bK. III. the funds transferred from Delos, and whatever was subsequently added to these, amounted, when at the highest, to 9700 talents of coined silver^^°; which number is inaccurately stated by Isocrates and Diodorus to have been 10,000'"^ Demosthenes"^ reckons that during the forty-five years' ascendancy of Athens before the Peloponnesian war, more than 10,000 talents were brought into the Acropolis: and his statement is perfectly accu- rate, for he includes the uncoined gold and silver, of w^hich we will presently speak. At the beginning of this war, the treasure had undergone a considerable diminution from the expenses incurred in building the propyleea and the siege of Potidsea: and according to Thucydides there was only a surplus of 6000 talents, from which in Olymp. 87, 2 (b.c. 431), a separate trea- sure of 1000 talents was laid by, together with 100 vessels which W'Cre only to be made use of in case that Attica w^as threatened by a hostile fleet^^^ The large expenses of the following years until Olymp. 88, 1, evidently consumed the whole treasure with the exception of this deposit; especially the enterprises of the last-mentioned year*"; and hence about the winter of this same year it was found necessary to levy a war tax of 200 talents for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the siege of Mytilene^^S It w^as not until after the peace of Nicias that the Athenians re-commenced the formation of a treasure, the tributes having at that time been considerably increased, and ^^^ Thiicyd. ii. 13. lamis and Platsea in 01}Tnp. 75, i, and ^^^ Isocrat. Symmach. 2'S, Diod. xii. Olymp. 93, 4, which is 70 years in 40. : roinid numbers. Andocides (de Pace, 59' Olynth. iii. p. 35, 6, and thence p. 107) reckons 85 yeai-sfor the grow^ in the spurious oration Trepi o-vi/rd|eco$-, ing power of Athens, i.e. evidently p. 174, 2. He reckons from Olymp. [ from the battle of Marathon in Olymp. 75, 3, until Olymp. 87, 1, since he 72, 3, until Olymp. 94, J, wliich is not speaks of their hegemouia while re- i indeed what one would expect from the cognised by the Greeks, which did not context of his narration. 65 years is the last longer. Isocrates in the Pane- most correct statement ; see Dodwell gyric reckons 70, and in the Panathe- Annal. Thucyd. under Olymp. 77, ^. naic t*5 years; Demosthenes in the [See Clinton, Fast. Hell. vol. ii. Ap- third Philippic 73 years for the dura- ; pend. vi. — Transl.] tiou of the ascendancy of Atliens, all ^^^ See book ii. ch. 23. according to different views. 7^ years i "^ Thucyd. iii. I7. intervened between the battles of 8a- ^"^ Thucyd. iii. 19. CH. XX.] HISTORY OF THE PUBLIC TREASURE. 445 such extraordinary preparations for war having ceased to he necessary. Andocides in the speech Trepl elprjvrjs and ^schines*", wishing to recommend the adoption of peace, exhaust them- selves in the enumeration of the advantages which Athens had always derived from it: and either with intentional perversion or from ignorance of the ancient history of their country, they so mix together all facts and seasons, that it is no easy task to elicit the truth from such a tissue of confused statements. The following is the substance of what they say on the subject of the public treasure, which is given with no alteration except in the chronological arrangement. In the thirty years' armistice or peace between Athens and Sparta, which was only kept for the fourteen years between the ^ginetan (Olymp. 83, 3, b.c. 446) and Peloponnesian wars*-°, 1000 talents were deposited in the treasury, which according to law were to be laid by separately {i^aipera) : 100 triremes were added to the navy^®^, and several other preparations made: this however manifestly took place in the first part of the war, and not in the beginning of the peace, as has been already shown""; which makes it more singular that this point should have been dwelt upon by the orators, as it would have far better suited their purpose to mention how much Pericles had collected during that time. They also state that during the peace of Nicias (which was concluded in Olymp. 89, 3, b.c. 422, for fifty years, but was never regularly kept, and in the seventh year, Olymp. 91, 1, b.c. 416, was completely broken by the invasion of Sicily), until Athens upon the persuasion by the Argives again commenced the war, the sum paid into the Acro- polis amounted to 7000 talents"^ Nothing farther is known with regard to the exact amount of the sum, but the statement *^^ Andocid. p. 91 sqq. iEschiu. de his statement of this point. The alte- Fals. Leg. p. 334 sqq. ration of 1000 into 2000 talents pro- ^^^ Diodorus in this year, and there posed by Scaliger is equally aibitrary Wesseling, Thucyd. ii. 2, Plutarch, and false. Pericl. 24. ^99 Reiske proposes to substitute "7 See Andocid. p. 93. 700 for 7000. 598 Petit iv. 10, 8, is also correct in , 446 HISTORY OF THE PUBLIC TREASURE. [bK. III. appears nevertheless to be deserving of credit. It is not impos- sible that about 1000 talents might have been laid by every year, as the amount of tribute received was so considerable. Thucydides'"° moreover remarks, that during this truce the state had both increased its numbers of men fitted for bearing arms, and again begun to amass treasure. Lastly, there can be no doubt that the inscription belongs to this period, in which it is stated that the sacred monies were to be repaid; the 3000 talents which it had been decreed to raise, having been again returned to the Acropolis. Pericles had proposed to the Athenians to make use of the sacred trea- sures in time of necessity, but to replace whatever was borrowed. This perhaps occurred between the 87th and 89th Olympiads: In Olymp. 89, 3, they again began to amass a treasure, and about Olymp. 90, i, 3000 talents had possibly been collected, which sum they then began to think of devoting to the payment of their debts. It is not possible to fix upon any other moment previous to the Anarchy which will accord with this inscription, and it is evident that it belongs to some period before the Anarchy. Those 7000 talents were consumed in the two first years of the Sicilian war, the expenses of this expedition being so enormous that this sum could scarcely have been sufficient to defray them^"\ In the third year of this war there was a most urgent want of supplies; and when subsequently after the defeat in Sicily the revolt of Chios took place (Olymp. 91, 4, B.C. 413), contrary to their law they seized the 1000 talents which had been laid by as the last resource of the state*°^ There can be little doubt that some money must subsequently have been set apart for the public treasure, but it was again immediately disbursed; a subject which might be followed up in all its details, if we were in possession of more complete accounts rendered by the treasurers than the four fragments of inscriptions which still remain*. One of these, of which only a coo Yi. 20, a.V€ikTj(pfi rj ttoXis iavrrjv — fs xPVH-^'''^^ (Wpoiaiv. I^Nicias in Thuc. vi. 12, says, aTro voaov fieyaXrjs Kal TToXe/xov ^pax^ ri 'Xe\w(f>7]KafX€v, C0O-T6 KOL xpr]p.a(Ti Koi rots o-copMcnv Tjv^rjaBaL. — Traxsi..] •^o- See book ii. ch. 22. ^''■^ Thucyd. viii. 15. * See class ii. of the Attic Inscrip- tions in the Author's Collection, Nos. 137 sqq. — Transl. CH. XX.] HISTORY OF THE PUBLIC TREASURE. 447 few words are wanting, belongs to Olymp. 92, 3 (b.c. 410); another probably to Olymp. 91, 3 (e.g. 414); and the other two are also more ancient than the archonship of Euclid. Aristophanes complains in Olymp. 92, 4 (b.c. 409), that the ancient contributions from the spoils of the Persians were con- sumed, without being replaced by property taxes^''^ The history of the public treasure concludes with the battle of iEgospotamos; subsequently to this engagement Athens appears to haA^e lived chiefly, according to the common saying, from hand to mouth. The passion for the theorica wasted the money that might have been laid by for future wants, and the fre- quency of property taxes proves that the regular revenues were not sufficient. Whoever therefore can suppose that there existed a large treasure at Athens in the time of Lycurgus, must be ignorant of the resources and political condition of Athens at that period. It is well known that the public treasure and the temples also contained uncoined gold and silver, of which part was in bars®''^ and part worked up either as vessels or ornaments of the statues. Pericles, as mentioned by Thucydides®"^, states that in the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, there were upon the Acropolis no less than 500 talents of uncoined gold and silver, in public and private ofl'erings, in sacred vessels for the processions and games, in Persian spoil and other similar articles; and he adds, that there was a considerable quantity in the other temples. There were 40 talents of pure gold upon the statue of Minerva, which could be taken oiF: the value of this, according to the lowest estimate, amounted to 400 talents of silver: for it cannot be supposed that these 40 talents were merely estimated in silver^°% as Thucydides expressly speaks of «^3 Lysist. 655. 604 Pqj. which point see Corp. In- script. No. 145. «" ii. 13. ^"^ This notion has been brought forward bvHeyne (Antiquarische Auf- satze, vol. i. p. 192) as a conjecture, but after the expression of Thucydides it appears to me that no doubt can exist. Passing over the Commentators upon this historian, and others who have treated this point in greater length than was required, I only remark that Quatremere de Quincy in his valuable work upon the Olympian Jupiter is of the same opinion which I have adopted. 448 HISTORY OF THE PUBLIC TREASURE. [bK. III. gold. Philocliorus however appears to state the quantity of gold more accurately than Pericles as represented by Thucy- dideSj for he mentions the number of 44 talents; which, according to the proportion of 1 to 13, amounts to no less than 572 talents of silver. The loss of Polemon's work upon the sacred offerings in the Acropolis^"^ is much to be lamented: in the mean time the catalogue of valuables collected by Meur- sius®**" may be much increased from the accounts preserved in different inscriptions. Lycurgus added many ornaments of this nature, and others were melted down and altered, as for example, crowns and phialse, of which there were many upon the Acropolis^"*. In later times, however, profuse distribution and plunder were not unfrequent: thus we read that Lachares the tyrant stole the ornaments of Minerva and the golden shields. Chapter XXI. Of the Liturgies in general, and of the Ordinary Ones in particular. Hitherto we have only considered what may be strictly called the revenues {irpoaohoi) of the state. The community likewise derived an indirect benefit from the public services or litur- gies (XeLTovpyLai), which saved the state great expenses; although Demosthenes^'" in speaking of another subject observes that the liturgies were not in connexion with the revenue. This is the only question within the circle of financial affairs, which has been subjected to an accurate investigation, (viz., by Wolf in his preface to the Oration of Demosthenes against Leptines^'^,) founded upon the testimonies of ancient With the statements of Thucydides | Aristoph. Pac. 604, which is the an- compare also Plutarch. Pericl. 31, and thority upon which Scaliger proceeds de vit. aer. alien. 2. Diodorus (xii. in 'OXv/xtt. 'Ai/ayp. Olymp. 87, 1. 40), according to liis custom, mentions ^^'^ See ^leurs. Cecrop. 2. a higher number, viz. 50 talents, as the ^"^ In the same treatise, weight of the gold in the statues, and '"^ Cf. Demosth. c. Androt. p. GIG. compare with this, Siiidas in v. ^eidids. ^"' C. Leptin. § 21. The passage of Philocliorus is in Schol. "" Pp. Ixxxv— cxxv. CH. XXI.] OF THE LITURGIES IX GENERAL. 449 writers. To several points in this dissertation I shall have occasion to refer ; but shall for the most part follow my own course. The errors of my predecessors I shall generally pass over in silence, or only notice them with a few words; and in this I feel less embarrassment with regard to the editor of the Oration against Leptines, as he has subsequently admitted that he has misconceived some parts of this subject^^^ The liturgies, as I have already shown*, were not pecu- liar to the Athenians, and they existed among this people from remote times. As early as in the history of Hippias the Pisis- tratid we meet with choregia and hestiasis, the latter under the name of phylarchia; and also the trierarchy^'% which is moreover the foundation of the account of Themistocles havins: provided ships out of the money received from the mines® ^% although the ancient writers do not mention it by name: and the establishment of the Exchange by the law of Solon proves that the liturgies had been introduced even at that early period. The word liturgy signifies a service for the community {\y]LTov, \yrov, Xetrov®'*), and also a service performed by a hired servant, or a servant belonging to the state (vTrrjpirr}^, BrjfjLoacos) ; from which it may be inferred, that only services performed in person, such as choregia, trierarchy, &c., were included under the term liturgy, and not the property-tax (elacjiopa), as Heraldus has already remarked^'^ The ancient writers, wherever they speak accurately, distinguish between the liturgies and the property-taxes^ '^ Orphans were exempted «^2 Analect. Part i. ad Fin. It is proper that I should remark that my investigations had been long termi- nated before this confession and pro- mise to correct the errors committed were made known. * B.iii. c. 1. ^•^ See Wolf, p. Ixxxviii. "^^ See book iv. ch. 12, also b. i. ch. 19, and the dissertation on the Lau- rian mines. ^'5 Wolf, p. Ixxxvi. cf. Lex. Seg. p. 277. AeiTovpyelv is explained by the grammarians els to drjfjiocnov ipyd^ecr- dai, Tco drjfjioaico VTrrjpeTeiv. ^'® Anim. in Salmas. Observ. ad I. A. et R. vi. 1, 7. ^'^ Orat. c. Euerg. et Mnesib. p. 1155, 22, where the trierarchy is in- cluded among the liturgies; cf. p. 1146, sup. The same distinction is clearly made by Isocrates Symmach. 40, ad fin. and de Antid. p. 80, ed. Orell. 2 G 450 OF THE LITURGIES IN GENERAL. [bK. III. from all liturgies, but not from the property- tax" ^ This then is quite sufficient to show that these two expressions are totally different. Property-taxes were only considered as liturgies when advanced for some other person (7rpo€L(T(f>opd), this being a contribution essentially diflferent from the property-tax itself. Hence Demosthenes' client in the speech against Polycles states that he was not compelled to pay the advance of the property-tax, as he was trierarch, and the law exempted any person from performing two liturgies at the same time^^^ If however the property-tax itself had been considered as a liturgy, all choregi, trierarchs, gymnasiarchs, and other persons serving liturgies, would have been exempted from it, which was evidently not the case. But as the property-taxes have always been in- cluded among the liturgies, even after Heraldus, the explanation of these contradictions has been rendered impossible, and there- fore no writer has willingly touched upon the subject. The ignorant Ulpian^^'^ is the only witness who can be adduced in favour of their identity, and there are some ambiguous expres- sions in the ancient writers which might make it appear that the property-taxes were called liturgies ; but these cannot esta- blish this position; for where there is no precise limitation of the meaning, the word is used to denote every service and every performance of a duty; thus every species of pecuniary aid or expenditure was by an extension of the term called choregia"^ With regard to the nature of the liturgies, they may perhaps upon the whole be most aptly compared with the personal ser- vices or contributions in kind of modern days, although the objects were very dissimilar, and the parallel fails also in many other points. The liturgies of the Greeks were likewise con- sidered as a mark of distinction"'; and they were thus produc- tive of public benefit to a degree which could only have been •*° See book iv. ch. 1 and 11. j to any object, x^^PT/V^^^ ^**'* Bairdvaf, "'» Demosth. c. Polycl. p. 1209, 2, see also Oral. c. Phaenipp. p. 1046, 20—24. ^^ Ad Leptin. § 24, and elsewhere. "** Thus it may be said in reference &c. ^** Aristot. Eth. Nicom. iv. 5. Xe- noph. Off. Mag. Eq. i. 26, Isocrat. Areopag. 20. See Wolf, p. cxvii. note. CH. XXI.] OF THE LITURGIES IX GENERAL. 451 possible in the ancient democracies, in which the eflfects of emulation were so powerfully felt; we find indeed that these public servants usually performed more than the law prescribed; and any person who was parsimonious in his expenses exposed himself to popular censure. Another advantage was that the state thus dispensed with the services of many paid officers and contractors ; so that the profit obtained by the latter of these w^as saved to the nation, and neither class received the unfair privileges which are enjoyed by the pubUc functionaries and mercantile speculators of modern days. One disadvantage of the system of liturgies, viz., the tardiness in the naval equip- ments w^hich it occasioned, did not make its appearance until the patriotism of the Athenians had much abated. In the better times all impediments were speedily overcome. But an equable distribution of the burdens was unquestionably a matter of great difficulty; and it frequently happened, that while one person exhausted his means, another made little or no sacrifice, although his property was equally large. And, finally, it fur- nished the citizens with an occasion for ambitious and useless expenditure, and excited them to aim after a pernicious popu- larity"^ Aristotle®^'' justly recommends that expensive and useless liturgies, such as the choregia, lampadarchy, &c., instead of being encouraged, should be not even permitted to those persons who volimtarily undertook to perform them. The majority of the liturgies were the ordinary liturgies, as they were called, i,e, returning in a regular succession {iyKVKXioc XeiTovpylac^*^), The trierarchy and the advance of the pro- perty-tax furnish instances of extraordinary liturgies, although we shall not consider the latter in this place, but combine it with the investigation of the tax to which it belongs. There is not any separate name for the extraordinary liturgies; Reiske ^^^ Thus the expense of the chore- gia, gymnasiarchy, and trierarchy, was earned to a great extent by Alcibiades. Isocrat. Trept rov (evy. 15. This is the meaning of KaraXeiTovpye^v, Karaxo- priyelv one's property; but a person might KaTa^€vyoTpo€2v his estate without performing any public service. «^* Polit. V. 8. ®-* This expression is thus explained in Lex. Seg. p. 250 : al kut' iviavrov ytvo- p-evaij olov xoprjyiai, yvpLvaaiapxlai. KoL iepcbv Trepiodoi (the architheoria). 2 G 2 452 OF THE ORDINARY LITURGIES. [bK. III. invented the appellation of compulsory liturgies (TrpoaraKral XeiTovpyLai), in order to correct a passage in a Byzantine decree which confers upon the Athenians an exemption from certain liturgies in Byzantium®^^: it is, however, highly improbable that the extraordinary liturgies are intended, for at Athens the extra- ordinary liturgies were the only ones from which an exemption was allowed; and moreover the alteration, even if the extraor- dinary liturgies were meant, must necessarily remain doubtful. The most important of the regular liturgies, which we are now about to consider, are the choregia, gymnasiarchy, and feasting of the tribes (ia-rlao-L^;^'''); the archetheoria''* is a fourth, but it is too unimportant to be entitled to a separate discussion, and therefore I may with Wolf pass it over. I need only remark that the latter liturgy was, as well as the trierarchy, considerably lightened by contributions from the public'^^® or sacred treasures®^", which is also asserted by an insignificant ■\mter, of the gymnasiarchy and choregia"'. There were also other liturgies of more rare occurrence, such as the arrephoria and the trierarchy for mock sea-fights, which probably existed only upon extraordinary occasions. And lastly there were cer- tain degrading services performed in the processions by the resident aliens, which belonged to the liturgies. The obhgation to render these several services, with the exception only of those last mentioned, was founded upon pro- perty. An estate of 46 minas, or even of 1 or 2 talents, did not entail upon the possessor the performance of any liturgy®^*, although it was sufficient for his maintenance, and made him liable to the payment of property- taxes. The smallest amount of property which obliged the owner to the performance of liturgies, was about 3 talents, unless a person of less wealth voluntarily consented to undergo this burden®^^. Companies ^^ Demosth. de Corona, p. 256, 10. ; dias, p. 510, ed. Reisk. ^^7 Wolf, p. Ixxxvii. j «32 Is^iis de Hagn. Hered. p. 292, ^^^ See the passages quoted by Wolf, p. xc. and frequently in inscriptions. «^9 See book ii. ch. 6. ^^^ See Corp. Inscript. No. 158. (concerning which passage see book i. ch. 20,) Demosth. c. Aphob. i. p. 833, 22. ^^^ Cases of this kind see in book *^^ The anonymous author of the , iv. ch. 15, of the trierarchy, if they are argument to the speech against Mei- really correct. CH. XXI.] OF THE ORDINARY LITURGIES. 453 {crvvreXeiat) did not exist in the regular liturgies"^; except that in Olymp. 92, 1, in the archonship of Callias (b.c. 412), after the national wealth had been exhausted by the Sicilian war, a decree was passed to give permission that two persons might perform the choregia together®". The performer of the liturgy was appointed by his tribe; which shared the fame of victory with the individual, and was therefore inscribed as conqueror upon the tripod. This appointment must have been made according to some regular succession ; yet, if persons willing to undertake the office of choregus were wanting, one individual could serve for two tribes at the same time®^^ The liturgies of the resident aliens were wholly distinct from those of the citi- zens. According to Demosthenes®^^ the ordinary liturgies only required about sixty persons a year; a statement which is hardly credible, since ten hestiatores were necessary for a single feast- ing of the tribes, while for the provision of every kind of chorus there was always the greatest emulation, and every tribe used commonly to furnish a choregus for the sacred feasts®^^, which is equally true of the gymnasiarchy. It may be also observed, that if any one who was returned to the state as the performer of a liturgy thought that some other person should be appointed in his stead, he could resort to the legal remedy of the Exchange, as in the case of the trie- rarchy. In order too that no person might be burdened beyond his means, it was enacted by an ancient law, that no one should be bound to perform liturgies for two successive years®^^ Neither was any person forced to perform two liturgies at the same time®^^: w^hence it is evident (as indeed is stated by the orators^^O? that the trierarchs were free from the regular litur- «3* Demosth. c. Lept. § 19. 635 Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 406, to which may be joined Platonius in KUs- ter's Aristophanes, p. xi. 636 Antiphon de Choreuta, p. 768, Corp. Inscript. No. 216, Demosth. c. Lept. p. 467, 27, and the ancient com- mentators quoted there by Ulpian. 6^7 c. Lept. § 18, and there Wolf. ^^^ This may be even inferred from the passages collected by Sigon. R. A. iv. 9, and is expressly stated by the authors of the arguments to the ora- tion against Meidias, and by Ulpian ad Lept. § 24, in reference to the great Dionysia. 639 Demosth. c. Lept. § 7 (p. 459, 12, ed. Reiske). 6^0 Demosth. c. 6^' Demosth. c. Polycl. p. 1209, sup. Lept. § 16 (p. 462, 454 OF THE ORDINARY LITURGIES. [bK. III. gies during the time of their trierarchy. Orphans were exempt {areXeh) from all Uturgies for the period of their minority and one year over^*^ Besides this exemption, an immunity from the regular liturgies was also given as a reward or testimonial of honour; and it is to this that Demosthenes refers^''^ when he asserts that there were about five or six citizens, and less than that number of resident aliens, exempted, and that he went to the utmost limit in stating ten. Leptines in Olymp. 106, 1 (b.c. 356), carried a law against citizens as well as resident aliens and isoteles possessing an immunity from Uturgies, and even prohibiting that it should ever again be either sought for or granted: but the oration of Demosthenes, which was delivered in the following year, completely put an end to this project^**. Chapter XXII. TTie Choregia, or furnishing of a Chorus. Among the ordinary liturgies which were appointed for the celebration of festivals and the diversion of the people, the choregia must be considered as the most important. The office of the choregus was to provide the chorus in all plays, tragic as well as comic {Tpay(pBoL<;, KcjfKpSols) and satyri- cal, and also for the lyric choruses of men or boys, pyrrhi- chistse, cyclian dancers and flute-players (x^piryelv dvBpdcrc or dvhpiKols ')(^opols, rrathiKol^ ')(^opolsy 7rvppL')(^Lo-Ta2<;, kvkXiw %o/)o3, avXrjTac^ avSpdacv), and others. But there is not the least reason for supposing that the choregus defrayed the whole expense occasioned by the play; an error which ought not to 23), which passage however, accord- ing to the correct interpretation of Wolf, cannot be any longer taken as a proof, and c. Mid. p. 565, 3. That those who served the trierarchies, when they were no longer in the per- formance of this duty, might be called upon to serve other liturgies, is evi- dent, and many instances occur which cannot all be attributed to voluntary performance. ^*^ Concerning the ateleia in gene- ral see Wolf, p. Ixxi. sqq., book i. ch. 15, and where this subject is inciden- tally mentioned, as book iii. ch. 4, book iv. ch. 1, 10, 11. «*3 Lept. § 17. ^** Die Chrysost. Or. Rhod. xxxi. vol. i. p. 635, ed Reiske. CH. XXII.] THE CHOREGIA. 455 have been revived, as it has been lately, after the truth had been pointed out by Heraldus^*^ The state itself contributed largely to the plays, as is proved by several passages in ancient writers; and the lessee of the theatre was also bound to provide for several expenses, in consideration of which he received the entrance-money. If the actors had been provided by the cho- regi, the state would have allotted them to the choregi; but they were allotted to the poets, and not to the choregi^*^; con- sequently the choregus had no concern with them. It is also frequently mentioned that this or that player acted in particular for a certain poet; and moreover the poet taught the actors independently of the choregus; whereas the case was exactly reversed with the teaching of the chorus. The choregi ap- pointed by the tribes were assigned by the archon to the poets, which was called giving a chorus^ *\ The first duty of the choregus, after he had assembled his chorus, was to provide a teacher {-xppohihda-Kdkos) to instruct ®^' Anim. in Salmas. Observ. ad I. A. et R. vi. 8, 2 sqq. ^*^ Hesychius, Suidas, Pliotius in v. v€fjif)(r€is xmoKpiToav. Each poet re- ceived three actors by lot ; and which- ever of them obtained the victory was taken for the next time without a fresh decision. The passage of Plu- tarch. Phoc. 19, from which it might seem that the choregus provided the actors] and their dresses, I have not noticed in the text, as in the first place it is so confused that it is impossible to form any clear notion of the story related there, and secondly because the rpaycdbbs is represented as demand- ing of the choregus what could only have been demanded by the ttoitjttjs, and the rpaycoBos was never the noir]- TT)s, except when the poet appeared as an actor and singer in his own play ; and lastly the whole passage shows that the demand of the tragodus did ! not refer to the character of a queen, which would necessarily be present in ' the play, but only to the KfKocrprjtievai TToXXai TToXvTfXaii oTToSot, which the choregus is supposed to have refused ; these however might have been con- sidered by the poet as a chorus, and therefore he may have required the choregus to furnish them with dresses in addition to the chief chorus, and the choregus might refuse to comply, not allowing that these female atten- dants were a chorus, and being only willing to furnish that which he was bound in strictness to supply. Even then if the story is considered as true, it does not prove anything against the supposition of Heraldus. With the exception of this passage it has not however happened to me to meet with anything in favour of the notion that the actors were pro\aded by the cho- regus. «*7 Xopov bibovai, with which xopov Xa/Setj/ on the part of the poet corre- sponds. Cf. Plat, de Repub. ii. ad fin. and the Scholiast, and de Leg. vii. p. 817, D. Aristoph. Ran. 94, Casaub. ad Athen. xiv. p. 638, F. 456 THE CHOREGIA, [bK. III. them in their parts, whom he paid for his trouble. The teachers themselves were proposed, and the choregi received them, as we learn from Antiphon, by lot; which doubtless only means that these lots decided, as was the case in the selection of the flute-player, the order in which the competitors were to choose, as every tribe and choregus would naturally be desirous of having the best^*^: an instance, however, occurs in which the choregus chose a chorodidascalus who was not proposed^ *^ Another duty of the choregus was to provide the singers or musicians who were to receive instruction. In the choruses of boys this service was often connected with great diflSculties, the parents being unwiUing to give up their children, so that the choregi threatened to punish them, or sometimes had recourse to violence""; a license which was necessary in other places as well as Athens: even in the Augustan age the choregi in Stra- tonicea of Caria were allowed full power of forcing children from their parents"\ The apprehension of seduction was the cause of this refusal; for which reason the age prescribed in the laws of Solon for the choregi was upwards of forty years"*; but this regulation had before the Anarchy become a dead letter, even for the choruses of boys. Moreover, the chorus received pay for their services equally with the actors, although it has been supposed without any reason, that the native artists obtained no remuneration"^ The Athenian people were as well paid as foreigners for dancing, singing, and running"^ The choregus was bound to provide such liquid and soHd foods as had the effect of strengthening the voice"^, as long as his chorus continued in existence, and generally he had to maintain «^3 Demosth. c. Mid. p. 519, Aris- topli. Av. 1404, Antiphon de Clioreuta, p. 767, 768, cf. Petit iii. 4, 2. ^^^ Demosth. c. Mid. p. 533. ®*' Antiphon ut sup. "' Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 2715. "* TEschin. c. Timarch. p. 391. «53 Wolf, p. xciii. note. "* Xenoph. de Republ. Ath. i. 13. «" Phitarch de Glor. Ath. C. An- tiph de Choreuta, and the argument of the same speech. Concerning the maintenance of the choinis see also the anonymous author of the argument to Demosthenes against Meidias, and Ulpian ad Lept. § 24. In Corcyra also (and it was no doubt the same every- where) the chorus and the musicians were pro^•ided with maintenance in money or in kind (ainjpeaia) ; see Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 1845. CH. XXII.] THE CHOREGIA. 457 the chorus during the period of their instruction. For the representation itself he furnished (in the same manner that the archetheori provided the ornaments) the sacred clothes adorned with gold for the use of himself and of the chorus, golden crowns''', and the masks of the chorus, and any articles of a similar description which were required at the performance of the play. The choregus was also bound to supply a place for the school either in his own house or elsewhere'". Additional persons were required for subordinate offices. Thus Antiphon^s client provided four men for the management of the chorus, of whom one was appointed solely for the purchase of whatever the teacher considered useful for the boys. Any person who did not supply the legal amount was reprimanded by the proper authorities'^^ From this account it is manifest that the choregia must have occasioned a considerable expense, though differing ac- cording to the nature of the representation. The chorus of flute players cost more than the tragic chorus'" j whence it is evident that the choregus did not defray the expenses of the whole play: and the comic chorus cost less than the tragic; it was indeed considered vulgar to provide expensive dresses of gold, purple, and ornaments of a similar kind for the former"". Demosthenes"', mentioning the donation which the people had made to Lysimachus the son of Aristides, says, that any person would sooner receive the third part of it than immunity from the liturgies. The gift was consideral)le; but we are too little acquainted with the value of landed property in Euboea to determine with certainty what amount of income he derived from it. At the same time I do not imagine that the third part of his income accruing from this donation amounted to more than 1200 drachmas; and consequently the average yearly expense of the ordinary liturgies could scarcely have amounted to so large a sum, on the supposition that the person serving 656 Demosth. c. Mid. pp. 519, 520, 658 XenopL. Hier. 9. 4. 531, Antiphanes ap. Athen. iii. p. 103 j '^9 Demosth. c. Mid. p. 505, 6. F. Ulpian ut sup. cf. Herald, ut sup. 5. | ^''^ Herald, vi. 8, 5. 657 Antiphon in the above-cited j "^ Demosth. c. Lept. § 95. speech. 458 THE CHOREGIA. [bk. them only expended the precise sum required, or a little over^ Aristophanes^^*, as we learn from Lysias, had in the space of four or five years, for himself and his father, spent 5000 drachmas upon two tragic choregias, three years of which time he was also trierarch. This evidently exceeded the standard fixed by law. A brilliant example of an excessive expenditure is also afforded by another client of the same orator^®\ This person had been choregus in his eighteenth year, in the archonship of Theopompus (Olymp. 92, 2, b.c. 411) after the scrutiny {Sokc- fiaala), and had given 3000 drachmas for a tragic chorus. In the same year, after an interval of three months, he paid 2000 drachmas for a chorus of men, with which he was victorious. In the year which immediately followed, in the archonship of Glaucippus (Olymp. 92, 3, b.c. 410), he gave 800 drachmas for a chorus of beardless pyrrhichistae at the great Panathensea; and in the same year, at the great Dionysia, 5000 drachmas for a chorus of men, with which he again obtained the victory; and was thus exposed to the farther expense of consecrating the tripod, which was commonly set up in a cell distinguished by an inscription. Immediately afterwards in the archonship of Dio- des (Olymp. 92, 4, B.C. 409), he paid 300 drachmas for a cyclic chorus at the little Panatheneea; data from which we also get the proportion between the expenses of the different per- formances. This same individual was trierarch for the seven years from Olymp. 92, 2, to Olymp. 93, 4 (b.c. 411— 405), at an expense of 6 talents; and at this same time, although absent on his duties as trierarch, he paid two property-taxes, one of 3000, the other of 4000 drachmas: in the archonship of Alexias (Olymp. 93, 4, b.c. 405) he was gymnasiarch at the Promethea, and was the victorious competitor, at an expense of 1200 drachmas: a chorus of boys cost him soon afterguards more than 1500 drachmas: and in the archonship of Euclid (Olymp. 94, 2, B.C. 403) he conquered with a comic chorus, upon which he "^^ Lysias pro Aristoph. bon. p. 642, cf. p. 633. "3 'AttoX. ScopoS. p. 698 sqq. Petit Leg. Att. iii. 4, 1, has treated this pas- sage with his usual ill luck, for which he has been sufficiently censured by others. CII. XXII.] THE CHOREGIA. 459 expended 1600 drachmas, including the ornaments and dresses which were consecrated; in addition to which he paid 700 drachmas for a chorus of beardless pyrrhichistae at the Uttle Panathensea. He conquered with his trireme in a mock sea fight off Sunium, at an expense of 1500 drachmas: and more- over he consumed above 3000 drachmas upon arrhephoria, architheoria, &c. The sum of his expenses in nine years amounts precisely to 10 talents 36 minas. This person unquestionably made great sacrifices; but, in order to avoid making any false estimate of the public burthens, it must be clearly understood that, whatever was his motive, whether ambition, or a desire of obtaining distinction by the liberal application of a large fortune, he performed more than was required of him : the possibility of any exaggeration in the sums I will leave entirely out of the question. In the first place he was not bound to serve any liturgies in the first year after the scrutiny : he was not bound to perform several ordi- nary liturgies in the same year: he was not bound to devote himself to them several years without interruption : he was not bound to perform ordinary liturgies at the same time with a trierarchy, the latter being a ground of exemption from the former : nor was he bound to be trierarch for seven years, a service to which no person was oftener liable than once in three years®®*: and indeed after the trierarchy he was for one year allowed an exemption from all liturgies. In short, this person does not in the least exaggerate when he asserts, that legally he need not have subjected himself to a fourth part of the expenses which he actually incurred. Assuming however that he was legally liable to the fourth part, which amounts to nearly 160 minas, it must not be forgotten that out of the nine years seven were burthened with the current expenditure of a war, for which two property-taxes were raised, amounting alone to more than 70 minas ; and that the years of peace were still more unpro- pitious; and again, that his property must have been very considerable, as may be seen from the amount of his expenses, and above all from the long duration of his trierarchy. We Avo cTtj KUTaXiTTcou, IssBUS de ApoUod. Heied. p. 184. 460 THE CHOREGIA. [bk. III. may therefore fairly assume, without any danger of exaggeration, that his estate amounted to 20 talents : the inheritance of Demosthenes, by which the possessor was bound to perform the trierarchy, amounted to 15 talents : many other persons were however possessed of double, triple, or many times that sum. If then we assume this amount, Aristophanes must upon an average have paid 1 7f minas a year from an estate of 20 talents; or, reckoning in our money, 71^' from a property of 4833/. If this should appear a heavy taxation, I answer that it is precisely the same as if a citizen in modern days were not only to pay nothing in the shape of taxes, but were to receive in addition to this property an annual donation of about 200/. For if we only reckon 18 (4350/.) out of the 20 talents as pro- ductive capital, the average rate of interest being 12 per cent., the possessor must have had an income of rather more than 2 talents or 120 minas (483/.) a year; of which he did not pay the seventh part to the public: 'whereas at the present time an estate of 4350/. bearing interest does not produce on an average more than an income of 215/., and from the excessive lowness of prices the means of enjoyment which the remaining six- sevenths of his income would have afforded w^ould have been very great. Thus the marvel of the enormous taxes paid by the Athenian citizens is readily accounted for; in order to show which I have taken into consideration the whole passage of Lysias, including that part which does not relate to the choregia. Every age must be judged from itself; what appears incompre- hensible in one, is in another perfectly natural*. By the unfortunate termination of the Peloponnesian war (Olymp. 93,4, B.C. 405), and the dominion of the thirty tjTants, the internal prosperity of Athens received as severe a shock as her foreign power, through the decline of house-rent and trade, and the loss of all foreign landed property. It is therefore easy to understand why, when Aristophanes represented the ^olo- * Compare the passage of Antiphanes Atheii. iii. p. 103, where the expenses of the choi'egus are thus described : *H x^pvyos alpedels pcLKOi (fiopel. — Transl. CH. XXII.] THE CHOREGIA. 461 sicon and the second Plutus (Olymp. 97, 4, B.C. 389), there should have been no choregi for the comic chorus^", although persons were found to fill this office in the archonship of Euclid (Olymp. 94^ 2, b.c. 403). The parabasis disappeared from the comedy from another reason: after which the chorus only remained as an acting or interlocutory character^ as it appeared in the second Plutus and in the new comedy, particularly in Menander. This is doubtless the abolition of the choregia, which the Scholiast to Aristophanes^®^ states to have been effected by Cinesias, on account of the censure he had received from comic poets. Comedy however did not cease with the cessation of the chorus, which is a fresh proof that the choregus provided no part of the performance but the chorus. Demos- thenes in the oration against Leptines*'^ does not apprehend any want of choregi: but his own speeches, and even some circumstances of his own life, prove that in the 106th Olympiad (the effects of the social war having probably been still in opera- tion), the full number of choregi could not be procured. The tribe Pandionis had supplied no choregus for three years, until a dispute having arisen between the archon and the managers of the tribes, Demosthenes voluntarily undertook the choregia''^ In Olymp. 127, 2 (b.c. 271), we even find the state performing the part of choregus for the tribes Pandionis and Hippothontis, and it was moreover victorious in both instances, in the chorus of boys and men®®^ Chapter XXIII. The Gymnasiarchy, or Provision of Sacred Games : the Hestiasis, or Feasting of the Tribes. The gymnasiarchy was, in the time of the Roman emperors, performed at Athens by gymnasiarchs, whose office sometimes lasted for a year, and sometimes for twelve or thirteen months. ^" 'ETre'XiTTOv ol x^^PVy^h Platonius j ®" Ubi sup. de Comoedia, p. 11, Aristoph. Vit. p. j ''^ Demosth. c. Mid. pp. 578, 579. 14, with regard to the expression see Decree i. at the end of the Lives of Demosth. in Lept. § 18. i the Ten Orators. 666 ijan. 406. ' ^^^ Corp. Inscript. Gr. Nos.225, 226. 4j62 THE GYMNASIARCHY. [bk. IIT. who had the superintendence and care of the training schools, and the exercises performed under the instructions of the teachers {yvfivaaral, 7ratSoT/3ty8at)"". With the later gymna- siarchy we are only acquainted from inscriptions. The annual gymnasiarchs, however, at that time provided for the sacred games which were performed by the gymnasts, the lampade- phoria for example'^'. There is no reason for supposing that the ancient gymnasiarchs, with whom alone we have any con- cern, ever had the superintendence of the training schools. Ulpian^^*^ alone asserts that the gymnasiarchs were bound to supply a full crater of oil to such persons as wished to anoint themselves at the public expense: but it may be at once per- ceived with what ease this negligent writer may have seized upon some fact, and generalized what only held good of later times. Or even if the statement did refer to an earUer period, it was perhaps limited to those who were training for the sacred games. We therefore make a distinction, which has not always been sufficiently attended to, between the modern and ancient gymnasiarchy, and limit the latter to the superintendence of the sacred games. We have now to ascertain what were the expenses of the gymnasiarch. He provided the oil, we are told upon the authority of Ulpian, a statement which I do not object to, although we learn from inscriptions that the oil was furnished to the gymnasiarchs in several places in ancient Greece, and even in Athens at the time of Hadrian; and that in many periods none but particular gymnasiarchs supplied the oil voluntarily^^'. Wolf conjectures that they also furnished the dust, and it is very possible that such was the practice. There is however another more important fact which we know without ^70 Van Dale, Dissert, ad Marm. p. 584 sqq. *'7' Inscript. ap. Gruter, p. 317, 3 (Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 243), 79, 6 (and elsewhere in single passages), concerning which comp. Biagi Monum. Gr. et Lat. ex Mus. Nan. p. 43 sqq. «72 Ad Lept. § 24. ®7^ Instances of which are furnished by the well-known Sicilian inscription concerning the oil for the gymnasia, the ordinance of Hadrian with regard to the duty upon and the exportation of oil (Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 355), and the decree of the Salaminians, ibid. No. 108. CH. XXIII.] THE GYMNASIARCHY. 463 the aid of conjecture, viz., that the gymnasiarchs were bound to maintain and pay those persons who were training for the cele- bration of the festivals'^*: a burthen by no means inconsider- able, as the combatants required the most nourishing foods. The cost of ornamenting the place of combat for the festival, together with many other expensive preparations, doubtless also fell upon the gymnasiarch. The lampadarchy, as being a particular species of the gymnasiarch y, deserves to be mentioned' ^\ The lampade- phoria on foot was a common solemnity; it was performed on horseback in the time of Socrates for the first time at Athens'^'. The art consisted in running fastest without extinguishing the torch: a feat in which there is no difficulty with the pitch- torches of modern days, but not easily performed with the waxen lights borne by the competitors, which were secured in a species of candlestick protected by a shield, as we learn from monuments of ancient art now extant. It is possible too that it was necessary to illumine the course, as the race took place at night. Games of this kind were only celebrated to the gods of fire; and five of them were held at Athens, one at the Hephaestea, the presiding deity of which was also worshipped at the Apaturia by men in sumptuous dresses, holding in their hands torches which they lighted at the sacred hearth in token of thanks for the use of fire; another at the Promethea in the exterior ceramicus in the Academy; another at the Panathenaea, perhaps however only at the great Panathenaea; manifestly because Minerva, as being the goddess of arts and companion of Vulcan, was also goddess of fire; she was also honoured at Corinth with the lampadephoria""; at the Bendidea, in which '7* Xenoph. de Rep. Ath. 1, 13, de Vectig. 4, 52 «75 Aristot. Polit. V. 8. "'« Plat, de Rep. init. Its diflferent names are Xa/zTras-, Xa/iTraST^Spo/xia, \afX7ra8T]({)opiay XafxTraBovxos dyoiv. See Meurs. Grsecia Feriata, Castellan, de Fest. Grsec. Van Dale ut sup. p. 504, sqq. Schneider ad Xenoph. de Vec- tig. p. 170. ^7^ Harpocration in v. Xa/x7ray, and there Valesius, Suidas in v. \afind8os, Lex. Seg. p. 277, Aristoph. Ran. 1119, and the Scholiast, also Schol. Ran. 131. Concerning the lampadephoria in ho- nour of Vulcan as a Grecian custom. Caylus Recueil d'Antiq. T. I. p. 17 ! see also Herod, viii. 98, of Prometheus 464 THE GYMNASIARCHY. [bk. III. Diana Benclis appears in the character of goddess of the moon"^: and lastly, at the annual games of Pan the god of fire^'^ For all these spectacles the gymnasiarchs had to provide : and, as considerable emulation existed, one person was ap- pointed from each tribe for every game, whether accompanied or not with lampadephoria^®". The gymnasiarchy was not by any means one of the inferior liturgies. A cyclic chorus, or a chorus of pyrrhichistee, appears to have been generally less expensive. x\n inscription of the tribe Pandionis, of the time immediately succeeding the thirty tyrants, mentions the con- querors in the gymnasiarchy for the Promethea and the He- phsestea, together with those who had conquered at the Thar- geha and Dionysia with a chorus of men or boys. The tribe confers the same honour upon the one as upon the other^^^ Iseeus®^^ classes the gymnasiarchy for lampadephoria with the trierarchy, the property-taxes in the class of the three hundred, and the tragic choregia. Aristotle includes it, together with the choregia, among the expensive and useless liturgies: Alci- biades and Nicias, who w^ere distinguished for their great expenses upon public liturgies, performed the gymnasiarchy®^^ Pausan. i. 30, at Corinth in honour of ^linerva Schol. Find. Olymp. xiii. 56. That the Panathenaic lampadephoria was only celebrated at the great Pana- thensea may perhaps be inferred from the anonymous author of the argument to the oration against Meidias, p. 510, as he states that gjinnasiarchs were only appointed for the great festival. Into the inaccuracy of this limitation 1 shall not now however inquire. A gymnasiarch of the tribe Cecropis oc- curs in a mutilated inscription, Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 251. ^'^ Plat, ubi sup. The lampade- phoi-ia in this passage has indeed been referred to the less Panathensea, which would fall immediately after the Ben- didea ; Corsini has however shoAvn that the less as well as the gi'eat Panathe- nsea were celebrated in the month Hecatombaeon, and consequently are here out of place. See the above-cited inscription. «79 Herod, vi. 105, Phot, in v. Xa/x- Tras, and Lex. Seg. ubi sup. 680 Argum. ad Mid. ut sup. In the Lex. Seg. ubi sup. the yvfivaaiapxoi are simply called ol apxovres twv Xa/x- nadodpofjiicop, which explanation is too confined. ^^^ Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 213. ®^" Isgeus de Philoctem. Ilered. p. 154, where the expression made use of is yvfj-vacTLapxelv Xapwddi, with which comp. Xenoph. de Vectig. ut sup. eV Tois XafiTrdcn yvp,vaaiapxovix(voi. ^^^ Isocrat. nepl rov (evy. 15, Plu- tarch. Nic. et Crass. 2. CH. XXIII.] THE HESTIASIS. 465 The client of Isaeus in the speech for the inheritance of Apollodo- rus*^* boasts of his honourable gymnasiarchy for the Hephsestea. According to Lysias^^^ a victorious gymnasiarchy for the Pro- methea cost 1200 drachmas. The feasting of the tribes (eariaais), a species of liturgy which occurred less frequently, was provided at the expense of particular persons selected from the tribe (iaTidropes), Har- pocration*^® informs us that if no person came forward volun- tarily, some one was appointed by lot; which is stated as if upon the authority of the oration of Demosthenes against Mei- dias, where nothing of the kind occurs. It appears to be an incorrect inference from what is stated in that speech respecting the appointment of the choregi, the voluntary choregia of De- mosthenes, and the order which was determined by lot in the election of the chorodidascalus^^^ The hestiatores were doubt- less appointed, like all persons serving liturgies, according to the amount of their j^roperty, in some regular succession which is unknown to us^^^: for no burthen of this description could have been imposed upon a citizen by lot. The banquets which were provided at this liturgy, were different from the great f eastings of the people, the expenses of which were defrayed from the funds of the theorica. Entertainments at the festivals of the tribes^ ^^ {(jivXerL/ca Selirva) were introduced for sacred objects only, and for the maintenance of a friendly intercourse between the citizens of the tribe, and also from motives agree- ^"^ P. 184. This g}-mnasiarcliy is chorus of boys at tlie Dionysia (Corp. also mentioned by Andocides (de Myst. Inscript. Gr. No. 213), and again with 65) as having been performed by him, a cyclic chorus (A^'it. Dec. Orat. p. together with the archetheoria to the 229). Isthmus and Olympia; and the sanie ^^^ See above, chap. 22. mentions his having gained a victory ^^^ Harpocration in v. ecrru'lTcop. in a lampadephoria, and tlierefore by *'"^7 Demosth. c. Mid. pp. 518, 519. the gymnasiarchy, in his oration against "^^ This is cfiepcLv ia-riaTopa. De- Alcibiades, p. 133, it happened how- mosth. c. Boeot. de Nora. p. 99G, 24. ever earlier. Another victory was The filling the office itself is called also obtained at thePanathenseaby the \ ea-riav ttjv (pyXriv, Demosth. c. Mid. p. same person with an evavdpia, a game \ 565, 10. wliich also belonged to the liturgies j ^^^ Athen. v. p. 185 C. (c. Alcib. ubi sup.) another with a 2 II 466 THE IIESTIASIS. [l3K. 111. able to the spirit of democracy^ ^''. Delicacies were probably never provided; but meat was given at these banquets, as may be collected from Pollux''^'. If we reckon 2000 guests, and the cost of each at 2 oboli, which is probably rather under than above the truth, the expenses of an hestiasis may be estimated at nearly 7^)0 drachmas. ' Cf. Herald, ut sup. ii. 1, 12. «^' in. 07- EniAPXinnOYAPXONTOS^PYNIONOSAHMAPXOY [KJATATAAEM ISSOYZINnEIPAIEI ZRA PAA I ANKA I AAM Y P I [A]AKAlTOeHZ El O N KA I T A AAAT EMENHAHA NTATOY ZM I X[G]n [Z]AMENOYZYn EP:A:A P AX M AZ K A e I ZTANA I A ROT I MHM ATH Z M [IJZenZEnZAEIOXPEHNTOYZAEENTOZAAPAXMANErrYNT H [N]AnOAIAOMENONTA EA YTOYTHZMI ZeilZEnZ E H I TO I ZA E M [l]ZeOYZ IN AN En ITIMHTAKAI ATEAHEANAETI ZE I Z<1>0 P A P [IjrNHTAI A nOTil NXnP I IINTOYTIMHMATOZTOYZAHMOT A Z E [l]ZEPEINTHNAEYA IN K A I THN f H NMHEEEZTH E E A T E INTO [Y]ZMIZenZAMENOYZMHTEEKTOYeHZE lOYMHTEE KTXIN A A A nNTEMENilNMHA ETHN YAHNAAn OZHTniXXlPini Ol M I Z[e]n ZAMENOITOeEZMO0 P I O NKA I TOTO YZXO I NOYNTOZ K A I Z AAAAENNOMI ATHNMI ZeXl I NKAT AGH ZOYZ I THNM EN HM IZ EANENTni EKATOMBA I UNITHNAEHM IZEANENTXll ROZ I A E ilN I Ol M IZenZAMENO I RAPAA I ANKA I AAMYP I AAKA ITO O H ZE I ONKAITAAAAE I H O YT I EZTINOZAOIO N T E K A I 9 E M I TO N EZTINEPTAZIMAnOE IN K AT ATAA E E PT AZON T A I T A M E N E N NEAETHOnnZ A N BOYAilNTA ITillAEAEKATIilETHITHNH M IZEANAPOYNKA IMHRAE I AOnnZANTHI M I ZSnZAME Nfll METATAYTAEENI YHEPrAlEZeA I AROTHZE KTHZERIAEK ATOYANSEZTHP inNOZEANAEOAEI flAPOZE I HTHNHM I Z E ANTilNAHMOTflNEZTXlOKAPnOZOnA E IXINTHNO I K I ANTHN ,. ./\.. . lAIZTErOYZANHAPAAABilNKAIOPeHNKATAT* [ desunt litterae xxxii ]N * HNO PG A I C 467 Note [_A],iJ. 307. The present inscription was first published by Chandler (ii. 110) from a very inaccurate transcript, together with a Latin vei-sion, and without any attempt at explanation. It was afterwards given by Professor Boeekh, in the Appendix to his Staatshaushaltung (vol. ii. p. 3:i6), where he corrected many of Chandler's errors; and he has since repeated it with some additional improvements in his Collection of Greek Inscriptions (No. 103, vol. i. p. 141; cf. p. 900). As, however, after this last edition some difficulties still remained, which the inaccuracy of the transcript made use of by Mr. Boeekh placed in his way, the translator has thought it desirable to give in the form of a note a more correct copy, made by himself, from the original inscription, which is now preserved in the British Museum (No. 289). The inscription consists of twenty -four lines, with the date, which is written in larger characters upon a projecting ledge of the stone, and has thus all its letters perfect, while the first letter of each of the next nine lines is lost. A transverse blow has destroyed tlie first seven letters of the twenty-third line, and nearly all the last line ; the word OPGAI appears, however, to have been the last of the inscription, as a part of the original under surface of the right corner still remains. It is written aroixrjdoVf each of the first fourteen lines, after the date, containing forty-three letters : but in the sixteenth line the stone cutter had written ETIN for E2TIN, and the T was afterwards changed into a 2, the I into a T, and an I was inserted ; so that after the correction, the number of lettei-s is forty-four. The remaining lines contain only forty-two letters. Tliere is no difference between O and 0, and A is frequently put for A. In the vacancies for one letter in the eleventh and thirteenth lines, the surface of the stone appears to be perfectly preserved, and there is no trace of any letter having existed. In the sixteenth line, the nineteenth letter was at first E. Tlie whole inscription may be thus written in modern characters. l^Kjard TciSe fjnadovaiv HeLpatels UapaXcav real 'AXfjuvpi- [8] a Kol TO Grjaelov Koi raWa T6/J,evr} airavTa. rovs |lLa[6^^ co- [^a-^afj,evov9 vTrep: A: Spa^/xas KaOiardpac d7roTLfi7]/jLa ttjs fi. 5 [t] 'EKaTO/bL/Satcovc, Trjv he rffMiaetav iv rw ITocrtSe- 15 covt. ol /jLLaOcoordfievot HapaXlav koI 'AXfjuvplSa koX to ©rj- crelov Kol ToXka el ttov tc eVrtV, oaa olov re Kal OefiLTOv ien8eus concerning Nicias the general, who was executed in Sicily, to his grandson Nicias, and asserts of the other that he died childless, referring to Demosthenes against Meidias, where his great grand- son Niceratus is said to have died with- out children. Markland (ad Lys. pro Aristoph. bonis) supposes that the childless Niceratus was the Niceratus who was executed in Olpnp. 04, 1, and by that means involves himself in in- extricable difficulties, from which he wishes to relieve himself by an absurd emendation : the truth however is that the one vras the grandfather of the other. The elder died in Olymp. 94, 1, the younger was living at the time of the suit against Meidias. That the former had a son may be also seen from Lys. c. PoUuch. p. 604. Spalding also (ad Mid.) and Reiske (Ind. His- tor. ad Demosth.) have confounded these two persons. 482 PROPERTY GF CITIZENS, AND Fbk. family of Hipponicus and Callias, ^yhich derived its origin from Triptolemus, and had the hereditary dignity of torch-bearer {BaBov'x^os') in the Eleusinian mysteries". The first of this family whom we hear of was the Hipponicus, who is said to have bought much land with borrowed money a short time before the changes introduced by Solon in the 46th Olympiad (B.C. 594y\ It should be observed, however, that as a charge of having obtained his wealth unjustly is implied in this state- ment, it may have originated in the envy of his countrymen. Pheenippus, the father of the first CalUas^ was probably his brother; this Callias had large possessions, and he bought the property of Pisistratus as often as he was driven out", expended much money in keeping horses, was conqueror in the Olympic games, gave great dowries to his daughters, and permitted a]l three the liberty of choosing among the Athenians whatever husbands they wished. His son Hipponicus the second, sur- named Ammon, is said to have been made still richer than his father by the treasures of a Persian general which Diomnestus of Eretria had acquired on the first irruption of the Persians into Greece (Olymp. 72, 3, B.C. 490), and which upon the second invasion he gave in custody to Hipponicus; and the latter, as all the captive Eretrians were sent to x\sia, was unable to return them^^; a story, which is deserving of credit, since even the name of the Eretrian is mentioned. Callias the second, the torch-bearer, called Laccoplutus from his great riches, was the son of this Hipponicus; he was held to be the richest of the Athenians^^, and his property was valued at 200 talents'^; he was appointed ambassador to the Persian court, and subsequently paid a fine of 50 talents to the state^^ He 53 Xenoph. Hell. vi. 3, 2, Andoc. de Myst. p. 57 sqq. and elsewhere in the account of Callias the second. ^* Plut. Solon. 15. " Herod, vi. 121. ^ Heraclid. Pont. ap. Athen. xii. p. 536 F. 57 Plut. Aristid. 25. '^ Lys. pro Aristoph. bonis, p. (140 sqq. s** See book iii. ch. 12. The author mentions in the Addenda that "since Callias the second, the torch-bearer gained such fame by the conclusion of the peace of Cimon, that the Athe- nians are said to have erected at that time an altar to Peace (Plutarcli. Ci- mon. 1.3), one might be inclined to question the reality of the fines to which he is said to have been con- en. III.] DISTRIBLTION OF THE NATIONAL WEALTH. 483 is said to have obtained his cognomen from an occurrence which took place at the battle of Marathon, at which there can be no doubt that he was present: the story is, that a Persian pointed out to him a treasure buried in the earth, that he killed the communicator of the secret, and carried away the money; it is however more probable that this faille arose from his cog- nomen, and from the account handed down concerning his father, especially as the story is differently narrated, and the battle of Salamis substituted for that of Marathon^". His larire possessions passed into the hands of his son Hipponicus the third, whose wife afterwards married Pericles; in family and riches this one too is ranked among the first of the Greeks'". According to Xenophon he had 600 slaves in the mines, and he is even said to have applied for and obtained permission from the state to build a house upon the Acropolis, in which to deposit his treasures, as they were not sufficient^ secure at his own residence; a circumstance which appears afterwards to have vexed him when he was reminded of it by his friends^^. His daughter, who married Alcibiades, received a dowry of 10 talents, which was the first instance of so large a sum having been given by a Grecian; 10 others were to be added w^hen she had a son'^^ Hipponicus was killed in the battle of Delium (Olymp. 89, B.C. 424), where he was general: and Callias the third, the torch-bearer, succeeded him, who must have inherited his father^s property when a youth; he w^as celebrated for his riches and liberality. Sophists, flatterers, and courtesans, helped to consume his substance. When he filled the office of general (Olymp. 96, 4, B.C. 393), he probably spent his own demned. Pausanias (1, 8, 3) on the j not erected till later times, and for other hand, influenced by the latter ' that reason cannot afford any decisive circumstance, appears even to question | testimony in his favour." the merits of Callias as merely relying j ^^ The passages are Plut. Aristld. 5, upon popular report; the Athenians ' Schol.Aristoph. Nub. Go, Hesych.Suid. indeed recognised them by the erec- and Photius in v. XukkottXovtos. tion of a metal statue to his memory, | ^^ Andoc. de ]\r,\st. p. 64, Isocr. which, however, as well as the statues nepl tov C^vy. 13, Plut. Alcib. 8. of Lycurgus, of Demostlienes, and of , ^^ Heraclid. ut sup. the goddess of Peace, together with | ^3 pj^^t. Alcib. ut sup. Andoc. c. which it stood, were unquestionably Alcib. p. 1 17- 2 I 2 484 PROPERTY OF ClTIZEXS, AND [liK. IV. private fortune instead of increasing it: the duties of the Spartan proxenia may also have been performed by him in an expensive manner. About the 98th Olympiad (b.c. 388) his property did not amount to 2 talents; and at an advanced age, after having gone as ambassador to Sparta so late as in Olymp. 102, 2 (b.c. 371)5 he died in indigence^*. His son, Hipponicus the fourth, cannot therefore have inherited much from his father. Whether Callias, the son of Calliades, who gave Zeno 100 minas for instructing him®^, and, as is evident from this fact, was a man of considerable wealth, belonged to this family, cannot be determined; but the rich Callias of inferior descent, who obtained his property by mining, and who paid for Cimon the great fine imposed on Miltiades®% was unconnected with this house. The property of Alcibiades, who was doubly related to the noble Callias, was very considerable. His family estate only indeed amounted to 300 plethra of land, although Cleinias his ancestor, doubtless his great-grandfather, is mentioned among those who made a dishonest use of the seisachtheia of Solon, for the purpose of increasing their property®^; and the orna- ments of his mother Deinomache are estimated by Socrates, as mentioned in Plato (or whoever was the author of the first Al- cibiades), at only 50 minas. There cannot however be any doubt that he had much other property, for his father Cleinias ^* Concerning tlie reduced circum- | xiv. 16, Larcher ad Herod, vi. 121, stances of this Callias, see Heraclid. ut ! Klister ad Aristoph. Av. 284, and the Slip. Lysias ut sup. (in Olymp. 96) /Elian. Var. Hist. iv. 16, 23 ; and com- pare Perizonius upon the latter passage. writers quoted by Fischer ad Plat. Apol. 4. I have only here wished to adduce what relates to their wealth, Concerning him as general, ambassa- j and to the distinction between tlie dor, daduchus, and Spartan proxenus, \ different individuals. see Xenoph. Hell. iv. 5, 13, v. 4, 22, j "^ Plat. Alcib. i. p. 119 A, and there vi. 3, 2 sqq. and in order to obtain the j Buttmann. date of the event mentioned in the ^^ Pint. Cim. 4, Nepos Cini. I. last passage, Diod. xv. 51, and the com- j ^'^ Plat. Alcib. i. p. 123 C, Plut. Sol. mentators. The jest of Iphicrates in i 15. With regard to the double rela- Aristot. Rhet. iii. 2, refers to the po- j tionship, Alcibiades' mother was of verty of this vain and noble torch- the family of Hipponicus (Dem. adv. bearer. He is well known from Plato. Mid. p. 561, 20; conip. Spalding, p. 74 Many have written upon this family, sqq.), and he himself married the sis- particularly Perizon. ad yElian. V. H. ter of Callias. CH. III.] DISTRIBUTION OF THE NATIONAL WEALTH, 485 had a trireme of his own in the Persian war, which he manned at his private cost: and his gains could not have been trifling during the four or five years that he was general, as the different states willingly gave him twice as much as they gave to others: his property was estimated at more than 100 talents, and if we find that he left behind him less than he had received from his guardians''^, this fact can only be explained by his profligacy and extravagance, and the extraordinary reverses of his life. Upon the whole, the office of general and places connected with the administration of public money enriched the persons who filled them. Themistocles was not possessed of 3 talents before he entered upon the management of public affairs, and he had no scruples about taking money w^hen any favourable occa- sion offered. Thus he received 30 talents from the Euboeans for an object of great utility, of which he embezzled 25, having attained his purpose wdth only 5'% when he fled to Asia, he saved part of his property by the assistance of some friends, and yet what accrued to the state, according to Theopompus, amounted to 100 talents, according to others to still more, and according to Theophrastus to SO'**. Cleon the leather-seller w^as so deeply involved in debt, that nothing that he had was unmortgaged, before he became a demagogue; his well-known rapacity gained him 50, or, according to another reading, 100 talents^'. The account is unquestionably exaggerated which Dinarchus"* gives of Demosthenes having by Persian and other bribes gradually obtained 150 talents, although he was not pos- sessed of any landed property, and was not even able to pay the fine, when judgment was passed against him in the case of Harpalus. Of others who lived in the same age the last I shall mention is Diphilus, whose confiscated property produced 160 talents^'. Common report ascribed to Epicrates, as Lycurgus mentioned, a property of 600 talents^*. ^^ Lys de Aristoph. bonis, p. 654. °^ Herod, viii. 4, 5. "^^ Plut. Themist. 25, M\\&n. Var. Hist. X. 17." "'^ ^lian.ut sup. and there Perizon. "''^ Adv. Dcniosth. pp. 50, 51. 7^ Lives of the Ten Orators in the Life of Lycurgus. Conip. above, book i. cli. 7, and my Dissertation upon the Silver-mines of Laurium. ''* Ilarpocrat. and Suidas in v. 'Etti- KpUTr]S. 486 PROPERTY OF CITIZENS. AND [bk. IV Altliongh these data are not sufficient to express the national wealth in a determinate number, yet they justify us generally in asserting that it was not inconsiderable, as compared with the actual circumstances of Greece. Demosthenes'^, in refe- rence to this very point, states that the resources of Athens were nearly equal to those of all the other states. It ap- pears that in the better times property was divided into nearly equal portions; that is to say, most persons had only as much as they used: no one was so poor that he disgraced the state by begging'^: the rich however shared their property with the poor in order to obtain popularity, as was the case with Cimon; and when we are told that the people was poor [irevv^s]", this statement refers to the more recent times; nor, according to the Grecian idiom, does it mean that the majority of the nation were wholly destitute of property. The land also appears to have been much divided; even wealthy citizens, such as Alcibiades or Aristophanes^^ did not possess more than 30 plethra, or thereabouts. In the age of Demosthenes we meet for the first time with complaints that individuals got possession of too many, or very extensive estates^^; of which Phsenippus and Pasion the banker are instances. At the return of the people after the overthrow of the thirty tyrants, there were not more than 5000 citizens who did not possess any land^^, and some of these probably had other property. In later times, although it appears that many of the citizens fell into great poverty, and that a few only rose to opulence, the wealth of individuals never reached such a height as in the Macedonian kingdoms, and in the Roman state; whence Cicero" declares that 50 talents was a great sum of money, particularly at Athens in the age of Alexander. When Anti- pater in Olymp. 114, 2 (b.c. 323) deprived all Athenians of the full rights of citizenship who did not possess 2000 drachmas. "'^ De Synnnor. p. 105, 2, cf. adv. Aiulrot. p. 617, 12, Thucyd. i. 80, ii. 40. ^^ Isocrat. Areopag. 38. '" Xenoph. de Vectig. and do Rep. Ath. '8 Mentioned by Lysias. See book i.cli. 11. '" Book i. cli. 12. «" Dionys. Hal. Lvs. p. 92, 44, ed. Sylb. ''^ Tusc. V. 32. CH. III.] DISTRIBUTION OF THE NATIONAL WEALTH. 48/ 12,000 persons''' are said to have been thus excluded; conse- quently not more than about 9000 can have been possessed of that sum; in the time of Cassander 10 minas were sufficient qualification for the full rights of a citizen^': these rates are so low, that it might seem preferable not to consider them as esti- mates of the whole property, but as fixed parts of it with refer- ence to the imposition of taxes, which was the nature of the valuations of Solon and Nausinicus; but this again is impossible, as in that case too large an amount of property would have been requisite to entitle the possessor to the rights of citizen- ship; we must therefore consider those rates as real valuations of property, and suppose that Athens had greatly declined in wealth. For the earlier times it would be important to know how much property qualified a citizen for admission among the 5000 hoplitee during the government of the Four Hundred; but we only know in general that bodily strength and opulence were requisite^^ Chapter IV. Approximate Determination of the National Wealth of Attica. Concerning the total amount of the national wealth of Attica, Polybius^^ gives an apparently most satisfactory statement. Phylarchus had related that Cleomenes before the battle of Sel- lasia collected 6000 talents from the plunder of Megalopolis: this sum, which, according to Polybius, would have enabled the king of Sparta to exceed even Ptolemy in civil and military expenses, our historian will not allow to be correct ; at that period, he maintains, when the Peloponnese was completely exhausted, as much unquestionably could not have been levied out of it, as in his own, when the country was in a flourishing condition, and yet that at the actual time they could not, excluding the inhabitants, and counting in all kinds of furniture and implements, make up 6000 talents : " For what historian,'' «^ Book i. ch. 7. I ^* Thv.cycl viii. Go, conf. 97. «3 Diod. xviii. 74. 1 "' »• ^'-^ ^"^'"f- ^■*- 4B8 ArnioxiMATE determination of [bk. IV. he proceeds to say, " has not related of the Atlienians, that, at the time when in conjunction with Thebes they entered upon the war against the Lacedaemonians, they sent out 10,000 soldiers, and manned 100 triremes; that having then deter- mined to pay the war taxes from property (aTro rr/s ovalas), they valued the whole country of Attica, and the houses, and all other property as well ; and nevertheless the whole valuation of the property (to ovfJLirav ri/jbrjfjLa rf;? a^tas) wanted 250 of 6000 talents.^^ How Ste. Croix^^ could imagine that Olymp. 103, 2 (b.c. 367) is here meant, I am at a loss to conceive ; for Polybius points with sufficient clearness to the recent valuation made in the archonship of Nausinicus, Olymp. 100, 3 (b.c. 378). In this year the Athenians entered into an alliance with Thebes, after the attempt of Sphodrias the Spartan upon the Piraeus had miscarried, fortified this harbour, built new ships, and assisted the Thebans to the utmost of their means : Demophon was sent to their assistance with 5000 hoplitse and 500 cavalry; and, according to the statement of Diodorus (who, pursuant to his usual custom, does not mention it till the following year, and always exaggerates the numbers), they agreed to send out 20,000 hoplitee, 500 cavalry, and 200 ships, under the command of Timotheus^ Chabrias, and Callistratus : the first consequence was the cession of the citadel Cadmea to the Thebans'^ A more exact statement upon our subject hardly appears desirable. Polybius, the most accurate and judicious of writers, furnishes us wdth a determination of the national wealth for a particular period, and this according to the valuation, and con- sequently upon the authority of public documents, which one at least of his predecessors, who drew from the fountain-head. ^^ Recherches sur la ropulation I transcribed from Harpocration is in- d'Attique, Mem. de I'Acade'mie, t. 48, ' serted after the article 6 KarcoOcv vofios^ p. 148. The same writer also relies | and appears to be imited with it. Kiis- for the valuation of 6000 talents upon i ter had separated them. Anaximenes; a gross error, the origin ^^ Xcnoph. Hell. v. 4, 34 sqq. Diod. of which was that the article ort xv. 25 — 29. f|oKicr;^iXta in f^uidas and Photiiis i CII. IV.] THE NATIONAL WEALTH. 489 must have inspected. Nor can there exist any doubt that he means every sort of property; for he calls it the valuation not only of the lands of all Attica (xcopas) and the houses, but of the other property also {rrjs XocTrrfs ova las). Moreover, it nearly coincides with the statement of Demosthenes, who reckons the valuation of the country {jlfjir^^a rrjs ')(^copa^) at 6000 talents^% as also Philochorus in the tenth book upon Attica^^ Harpocration®" remarks, that the word valuation {TLjjL7]fjLa) signifies capital; it is therefore impossible that the annual revenue can be meant, even if we did not know that it never amounted to so high a sum^'. But however weighty the character of Poly bins, and how- ever specious the agreement of the other authors, I yet hope to bring forward such powerful arguments as will convict this excellent historian of error, by showing, in the first place, that 5750 talents are, as may be collected from other circumstances, too small a part of the national wealth of Attica to admit of our supposing that it was only a valuation which was accidentally too low, from the citizens having concealed much of their property? and, secondly, I hope in the course of my investigation to point out how Polybius fell into this error, and how the other pas- sages, as well as the statement which he misunderstood, are to be taken. Property, according to the language of the Athenian law, was divided into two classes, visible and invisible [ovala (pavepa and d(f)av7](;). The latter of these classes included money, furni- ture, slaves, &c.®^ The former included houses and lands; the mines could not have been comprised under it, because no pro- perty-tax or liturgy was paid from them, being held on herit- able leases from the state. The corn-land alone amounted to «^ De Spunior. p. 183, 5, p. 186, 18, \ in Olymp. 106, 3 (b.c. 354). ^^ Harpocrat. ut sup. In the manu- script of Demosthenes, which Harpo- cration used, it was incorrectly written 8000 talents. ^^ In V. Tt/x77/xa. °^ And yet Meursius (F. A. p. 51), Petit (Leg. Att. iii. 2, 33), balniasius (^lod. Usur. i. p. 28), and even Wink- elmann, Avhom Heyne has corrected in his Antiquarisclie Aufsatze, i. p. 205, have tliought that the annual revenue was liere meant. ^^ Harpocrat. 'Acf)avr)s ovala kuI (f>a- vepd : d(f)avr]S fX€U tj ev pcpTy/iacri Kal (tm- ^aai Koi (TKfveo-i, (pauepci 8e r] eyyeios. 490 APPROXIMATE DETERMI NATION OF [bK. IV. more than 900,000 plethra; and as a plethron cannot at the lowest be estimated at less than 50 drachmas'% the value of this one item was more than 7500 talents. If from this sum we deduct 500 talents for the property of the state, the taxable corn-land alone exceeded by about 1250 talents the amount given by Polybius; and as the land which grew corn did not compose much more than the third part of the area of Attica, we may safely add 2000 talents for the rest of the country, as far as it was in the possession of private individuals or of tax- able corporations, inclusive of the demi; so that the landed property, taken at the lowest estimate, amounted to 9000 talents. Moreover, Athens had 10,000 houses, besides the buildings in the farms, in the villages and country towns^^ If each house is reckoned on an average at 10 minas, which cannot according to their ascertained value be an over-estimate, the sum we obtain exceeds 1600 talents; to which 400 talents may be fairly added for the buildings out of Athens; so that the immoveable property alone amounts to nearly twice Polybius's statement. To the value of the immoveable property may next be added that of the slaves, who may be taken at 360,000; and if we assume the value of each at only a mina", we obtain the sum of 6000 talents. The value of the horses must also have been considerable, as there was a body of cavalry which consisted of 1200 men, and an equal number of servants; and if we then take into account the passion of the young men for horses, and the expenses which many persons incurred for these animals, that they might exhibit them at the sacred spectacles (as, for example, Alcibiades, who sent seven chariots at one time to the Olympic games^^), together with the number required for agri- cultural purposes, our estimate rather errs on the side of defi- ciency if we assume 3000 horses, and each upon an average at 5 minas^^, which gives the sum of 250 talents. To these we will add only 1000 yokes of mules, at 6 minas, together making 100 talents: and will estimate all the cattle, sheep, goats, and 8^ See book i. cli. 15 and 11. 9^ Book i. ch. 12. " Comp. book i. ch. 7 and i;}. 5« Time. vi. 15, IC. "7 Book i. ch. 14. CH. IV.] THE NATIONAL WEALTH. 491 pigs, at no more than 250 talents. Again, the money accumu- lated and lent out at interest could not have been inconsider- able in amount, if a banker like Pasion had 50 talents of his own placed out at interest, and if Lycurgus had 650 talents entrusted to him in his own house^^ Then how great was the value of the materials vested without interest in implements of gold, silver, and brass, and worked up in commodities of various kinds? Even in the time of the poet Aristophanes the use of silver in articles of furniture was common, and it gradually increased to such a point, that in order to lower the prices of such vessels, when the means of the purchasers had been diminished, the silver was reduced to an excessive thinness; whence a comic poet speaks of vessels which weighed 4 or 2 drachmas, or even as little as 10 oboli®^ Every other descrip- tion of household furniture {eircTrXa, aKevrj)^ even clothes and women's ornaments, were estimated at the valuation, as may be seen from the valuation of the property of Demosthenes; and this item must have amounted to a considerable sum, for they not only had conveniences for lodging, eating, and sleeping, but in the houses of the wealthy they liad also establishments for various kinds of trades, as for weaving, baking, &c.^°° Demos- thenes' father left at his death 100 minas in furniture, cups, gold, clothes, and his wife's ornaments, which, when the esti- mate of the son's property was made, were included in the register of taxes. The furniture of another person was worth more than 20 minas. The furniture of Aristophanes, which was forfeited to the state, was sold for more than 1000 drachmas, perhaps at less than the half of its value. Gold and clothes in the dowry of persons of a middling rank were esti- mated at lOminas"'^ Alcibiades' mother had jewels worth 50 minas. But without enumerating every trifle, and passing over many statements of the orators, I shall mention only the ships, the value of which cannot have been inconsiderable. All these different items being added together, the national ^^ Book iii. cli. 19. I '*'' Deniostli. c. Nicostrat. p. 1251, ^■' Atheii. vi. p. 221), F, sqq. 1 15, Lys. pro Aiistoph. bonis, p. C35, 100 Couf. Xenopli. Ct:con. 9, 6. < Demo.«tli. c. Spud. p. 1030, 10 492 APPROXIMATE DETERMINATION OF [bK. IV. property, as it was estimated in the valuation, cannot 1)6 taken at less than 20,000 talents, in which the monied capital, and all moveables, with the exception of slaves and cattle, have evi- dently been estimated at an extremely low rate at 2400 talents. In every instance indeed I should make a higher estimate, but I have thought it better in each successive case to take the lowest which could be thought possible, in order to show that Polybius had deceived himself, whatever hypothesis be adopted. Gillies^°% who likewise w^as dissatisfied with the common acceptation of this statement of Polybius, thought that the landed estates only were comprised in the 5750 talents, all other property having been so concealed, that an estimate of it was impossible; but this directly contradicts the words of Polybius: and even if we suppose that many persons concealed a portion of their property, yet on the whole its amount cannot have been considerable; for by reason of their law-suits and inheritances the inhabitants could not have ventured to return a smaller sum than they possessed; many too, in order to appear of conse- quence, returned even more than they were actually worth; and, generally speaking, the valuation, as the instance of Demos- thenes shows, was accurately made. Least of all can I accede to the idea of the writer just mentioned, that the national wealth of Attica was about 12,000 talents. The number stated by Polybius is too small even for the landed property alone, as this might be fairly estimated at 12,000 talents. In short, Polybius states the valuation {rifjbrjfjLa) of Attica with perfect correctness at 5750 talents; but it is the valuation, not the value, of the whole property: he only knew how much the valuation of the whole property amounted to; but not being aware of the principles upon which it had been obtained, he erroneously supposed that it was the value of the whole pro- perty. For the valuation taken during the archonship of Nau- sinicus was, as will be shown, of a certain and fixed portion of the property, which was considered as subject to taxation. This portion varied in the different classes ; in the first class a fifth ""^ Considerations upon tiiu History, ^Manners, and Character of the Greeks, 1>. 24. ClI. .] THE XATIONAT. WEALTH. 493 part was taxable^ in the inferior classes a smaller part: very inconsiderable properties were doubtless not admitted into the valuation at alP*'^ Consequently the national wealth was far more than five times the valuation, and exclusively of the public property, which was tax-free, may be estimated at 30,000 or 40,000 talents: the annual incomes obtained from this amount of capital were at the least double what an equal sum would produce at the present time, and consequently every tax was at the most only half as large as it appears; or rather even smaller still, for the owner of a moderate property of 5 or 6 talents could hardly have consumed the returns from it upon his main- tenance, without very expensive habits. To the view which I have here taken, nothing can be objected but a passage of Aristophanes, which has never yet been applied to this subject, in the Ecclesiazusse'^*, which was produced in Olymp. 96, 4 (b.c. 393). Euripides, probably the tragic poet (but not the celebrated one, for he was dead at this time), had, shortly before the representation of this play, pro- posed to raise a property-tax of a fortieth, which was to produce 500 talents. This proposal at first gained him great popularity; but afterwards, upon the rejection of the measure, the cry of the people was turned against him. Why it did not succeed we are not informed ; either the taxed were not able to pay^ Athens not having as yet recovered from the Peloponnesian war, or he had made the rate too high ; in which respect, how- ever, the error cannot have been very great, for experience must have already taught them what amount of property could in a general way be reckoned upon as available: the former supposition is, therefore, the most probable of the two. He had evidently estimated the taxable capital at 20,000 talents ; but that the taxable capital is in this case identical with the whole property cannot be proved ; it may have only been the fixed or taxable portion of it, and this may have been estimated differently from the valuation in the archonship of Nausinicus; *"^ Comp. book iv. cli. 9, near tlie end. '°* Vs. 818 sqq. An income-tax cannot be meant, as Spanheim de U. et P. N., vol. ii. p. 551, and Buraiann de Vect. P. R.V. supposed. 494 THE NATIONAL WKAI/IH, [bk. IV. for example, as in the valuation of Solon, which was so arranged, that of the first class the whole property was returned, of the second f, of the third |-: a regulation according to which, w^ith about 35,000 talents of property, it would be easy to arrive at a valuation nearly amounting to 20,000 talents. But it is time to explain v.ith greater accuracy the system of the Athenian valuation. Chapter V. The Valuation of Property in Attica, Early Constitution, xo'ith reference to the Financial Administration. Valuation of Solon, and the alterations in it up to the Archonship of Nausinicus (b.c. 378). The regulations with regard to the Athenian taxes, before the time of Solon, cannot be accurately ascertained. I consider it as certain, that before the changes introduced by this lawgiver all the four tribes had not a share in the governing power: the hopletes w^ere the ruling aristocracy; under them were the cultivators [rekeovres), the goatherds {alyiKopecs), and the manual labourers {apjdSec^)^'^^; the hopletes being the supreme and dominant class, the cultivators paid them the sixth part of the produce '"% the same portion which in India the king formerly received ; and these latter were, like the penestae or the clients, bondsmen or thetes in the original sense'", w^ithout any property in land, which belonged solely to the hopletes. The latter bore arms, when they served in war, and took their attendants into the field, like the Thessalian knights ; for the '°* Upon these classes sec my Pre- face to the Catalogue of the Lectures of the University of Berlin, Summer, 1812 (reprinted in the ^Museum Criti- cura, vol. ii. p. 608). I do not find myself induced to alter what I have there said, since Ilullmann (Anfiinge der Griechischen Geschichte, p. 239 sqq.) has treated this subject. Nor can I, by any means, accede to Ilem- sterhuis's singular explanation of FeXioj/res, Proceres, Splendidi. Names of this kind were not given to distin- guish from "OTrXT^rey, 'ApyaSei?, KlyiKO- peis, which all contain something defi- nite and separate, no more than ol TTuxels was anywhere the name of a tribe fixed by the state. 'O" Plut. Sol. 13. ^ ' These are correctly placed toge- ther by Dionysius Archfeol., ii. p. 84, ed. Sylb. CH. v.] VALUATION OF PROPERTY. 495 maintenance of the state in time of peace little or nothing was necessary, and the wars were too inconsiderable to require an artificial structure of finance. The temples and priests were supported from the sacred estates, tithes, and sacrifices ; and the administrators of justice were remunerated by gifts or fees {yipa) upon each separate decision. The constitution of Solon first, as it appears, wholly abolished bondage, which must not, however, be confounded with slavery: his laws gave to all freemen, that is, to all the four tribes, a share in the govern- ment, apportioning their rights hov/ever according to the valua- tion (rlfMrj/Ma, census); by which means the form of government was brought near a democracy, without actually being one. For Solon, according to the manner in which he instituted the Areopagus, placed a half-aristocratical counterpoise in the opposite scale ; and also by allowing the fourth class the right of voting in the assembly, and a share in the jurisdiction, but not permitting them to fill any . office of government, he gave an influence to the upper and wealthier classes, by means of which the constitution was made to resemble a timocracy, or an oligarchy founded upon property. However, without wish- ing to develope the whole system of Solon^s institution of classes, we shall inquire into its nature in reference to the valuation and the public services. Solon made four classes {ri/jLrjfjuara, riXr])^^^, a number afterwards adopted by Plato in his work on Laws^"^; the methods, according to which they fixed them, were however very different. The first class was the pentacosiomedimni ; that is to say, those who received 500 measures, either dry or liquid, from their lands, medimni of dry, and metretse of liquid measure. For the second class he took those who received 300 measures, and could afford to keep a horse, viz., a war-horse (iTTTToy iroXe^iLarrjpLo^), to which was added another for a servant, and they must also necessarily have required a yoke of animals: this class was called knights [Itttttj^, LTrirdBa TeXovvres), i*"* The latter expression is used by Harpocration and Suidas in v. Ittttcis, and by others; the former is very common. '°» V. p. 744, e. vi. p. 755, E. 496 VALUATION OF PROPERTY. Qbk. IV. The third class are the zeugitte {^evyLTat), and their valuation is called the valuation of the zeugitte (^evyiacov reXetv); by which, however, is not to be understood a particular tax upon cattle used in ploughing, as might be supposed from the account o-iven by Pollux. Their name is derived from keeping a yoke (^€1)709), whether of common mules, or of working-horses or oxen. Their income is stated in general at 200 measures of dry and Uquid measure. The last class is the thetes, whose valuation was less than that of the zeugitcc"*'. "The pentaco- siomedimni/' says Pollux, "^^ expended upon the pubUc weal [avrfKiaKov is to BrjfjLoacov) 1 talent, the second 30 minas, the third 10 minas, and the thetes nothing^ ".'^ Thus far we have followed the most authentic accordant statements. Some grammarians, however, only mention three classes (ra^et?), and entirely omit the zeugitse^^^ which is evi- dently erroneous, as well as the statement of Aristotle^ ^% or of some grammarian or copyist who has interpolated the words in his text, which makes the knights the third, and the zeugitas the second class, in direct opposition to the testimonies of all ^-" Pint. Sol. 18, ^vhere, iii speaking j of the third class, he is made, by an | en-or of the transcriber, to say, oh \ fierpov rjv o-vva^(f)OT€pcov TpiaKocridiv \ instead of diaKoalcov, as Henry Stephens ; has rightly corrected from Pollux : (Tvvafi(f)oT€pa}v means both dry and j liquid measure : as, for example, Lex. Seg. p. 298, in TrevTaKocnoix^bipvoi: TrevraKoaia perpa crvvdp>Vf Hai-pocrat. in 'nrTras, who all give the same order, the latter re- ferring to Aristotle's State of Athens, also Schol. Thiicyd. iii. 16; Hesychius (in v. iTTTras) is mutilated : also, see Lex. Seg. pp. 260, 261, 267, 269, and concerning ^evyiaiov Pollux ^^ii. 130, 132 ; Suid. Phot. Etym. Lex. Seg. pp. 260, 261 ; and Hesychius. In several of these passages it is falsely written ^evyrjo-iov. That C^vyos generally means a yoke of mules, we learn from the orators, e. g. Isseus de Dicseog. Hered. p. 116, de Philoctem. Hered. p. 140. The Etymologist and Photius in V. (evyos, and Lex. Seg. p. 260, when combined, refer this expression to all the three kinds of animals. ''' Pollux is followed by Schol. Plat. ed. Ruhnk. p. 184. "^ Etym. and Photius in v. (fvyiaiov, Schol. Aristoph. Equit. 624. ''3 Polit. ii. 10. CH. v.] VALUATION OF PROPERTY. 49/ ancient writers''*, who invariably mention the knights after the pentacosiomedimni, and above all to the law which will be presently quoted. Nor can any argument be drawn from a fact recorded in an inscription upon the Acropolis' '% that Anthemion, the son of Diphilus, of the class of thetes {6r]rcKov reXo^), was immediately raised to the class of knights; for a person might easily become on a sudden so rich by inheritance, as to be transferred from the lowest into the second class. Suidas, indeed, ascribes 400 measures to the knights, which appears to be an error of the transcriber, rather than of the author; for the scholiasts of x\ristophanes and Demosthenes"^ who repeat the text of Suidas, only differ from him in giving the correct number, viz., 300 instead of 400 ; therefore Reiske deserves no attention when, by an alteration of the common reading, he wishes to make Plutarch say, in the life of Solon, that the knights had 400 and the zeugitse 300 measures. Synesius"^ even calls the second class triacosiomedimni, instead of the usual name of knights. Nevertheless I venture to reject the statement preserved by all writers, that the number of measures for the zeugitse was 200, not however because it is incredible that all were thetes who had less than 200 measures : a stronger argument against the correctness of the statement than the last would be, that the difference between the 200 measures of the zeugitee and the 300 of the knights, is too small in comparison with that between the knights and the pentacosiomedimni; but my reason for rejecting it is, that a law preserved in Demosthenes"^ leads to a different conclusion. This law fixes the allowance which any person of the three upper classes was to make to an heiress in the lowest class, if, being her nearest relation, he did not choose to marry her. The pentacosiomedimnus was to give her 500 drachmas, and the knight 300; thus both were to give the same number of drachmas as they received measures : the "* For example, Thuc. iii. 16. I ^'^ De Insomn. p. 140, B. *'^ Pollux viii. 131. ^'^ Demosth. c. Macart. p. 1067 sqq. "^ Scliol. Aristoph. Eqiiit. 624. ! comp. Harpocration in v. Or/Tes and Schol. Demosth. vol. ii. p. 85, ed. j cTrt'SiKos-, Diod. xii. 18, Reiske. I 2 K 498 VALUATION OF PROPERTY. [bk. IV. zeugites^ however, was to give only 150 drachmas. I am persuaded, therefore, that the property of the zeugitae only sup- posed an income of 150 measures: whoever had less than 150 measures belonged to th^ thetes : whoever had between 150 and 300 to the zeugitae ; from 300 to 500 to the knights ; and from 500 and upwards to the pentacosiomedimni. Modern writers relate with great complacency the amount of taxes which, according to the statement of Pollux, these classes paid to the state, without being aware of the absurdity involved in it"^ The question is^ what notion shall we form of these imposts of a talent, of 30 minas, and 10 minas ? Are we to suppose that they were a regular tax which was paid into the public treasury ? If so, the annual revenue of Athens would necessarily have l)een very large, whereas it at no time amounted to more than 2000 talents ; unless we assume with Salmasius that Athens had a yearly revenue of 6000 talents, of w^hich 2000 were derived from the sources which Aristophanes enumerates in the Wasps, and 4000 from the valuations of the citizens ; an assertion which is too groundless and absurd to deserve a moment's attention. Or were those sums to be employed for the liturgies? The expression agrees very well W' ith this hypothesis, but it is inconceivable that the state should have fixed the exact sum of money which each person was to expend in his own liturgy: how much was to be performed in each liturgy w^as exactly defined, e.g., how many singers or flute-players the choregus was to furnish, how he was to main- tain, how to ornament them, and in like manner with the other liturgies : to the state it was indifferent what sum each indivi- dual liturgy cost. One person might, by good management, supply at a small expense, what another, from inexperience, had only been able to provide at a large outlay; if, therefore, the government fixed any determinate standard, it failed in attaining its object; not to mention that in the age of Solon the liturgies could not have been so expensive, and there is no "^ Also Budaeus (de asse et paitibus ejus V. p. 530, Gryph.) both upon this point and upon that of the valuation of 6000 talents, falls into great confu- sion; for, perceiving that he is at variance with himself, he searches, though unsuccessfully, for some expla- nation. CH. V.l VALUATION OF PROPERTY. 499 -■ / question as to subsequent times. Or, lastly, shall we suppose that this scale was for the regulation of the extraordinary taxes ? An extraordinary tax, like the eisphora w^hich w^as first levied in the 88th Olympiad (b.c. 428), could not have been so high in the time of Solon, as the sums stated by Pollux. Again, the method of its imposition could not have been such that all persons in the same class paid the same sum, for example, that each pentacosiomedimnus contributed a talent, whether he received 500 or 5000 medimni, a regulation which would have been manifestly absurd : neither can we suppose that all persons were excluded from the payment of this tax, who were not able to contribute 10 minas. Is it possible to believe that all were thetes {capite censi) who did not pay taxes to the amount of 10 minas ; that 10 minas was the smallest amount of tax required of the citizens, and this too from landed property alone ? Lastly, in the imposition of extraordinary taxes, it was never determinately fixed what the rate of contribution was to be both for the actual levy and all future occasions. On the contrary, the rate was appointed according to the sum required. If the amount was great, the scale was higher ; if small, it was less. It is thus impossible to ascertain what this large tax, of which Pollux speaks, is to be referred to ; but in order to con- vince the most incredulous of the total want of foundation in this account, I will add the following short explanation. In the time of Solon the medimnus of corn sold for a drachma'*^; if the price of a metretes of oil was higher, wine on the other hand was cheaper ^'^^; so that upon an average, a measure of products of the soil cannot be reckoned at more than a drachma. The pentacosiomedimnus was consequently valued according to his landed property, at an income of 500 drachmas ; and are we to suppose that a talent was to be paid out of that sum, which is the twelfth part of the receipts, and for the others the same, according to their respective proportion ? Or is the seed-corn, and not the whole produce, meant by the 500, 3G0, and 150 measures, as in the Mosaic law, in which the rates Avere fixed Book i. cU. 15. '^' Book i. ch. ICi, 2 K 2 500 VALUATION OF PROPERTY. [bK. IV. according to this standard? Of this, however, no ancient author says one word, whatever inaccurate writers on early- history may assert ; liquid measures are moreover expressly- included, in which no seed-corn exists ; and again, this quantity of seed-corn would have been too considerable : for in later times, Alcibiades, who was unquestionably a pentacosiomedim- nus, possessed only 300 plethra of land; nor can any one imagine that all were thetes who did not use 150 measures of seed-corn for their lands ? In whatever way we look at it, the statement of Pollux fails. Is it then to be absolutely rejected ? or does it contain a concealed truth? Unquestionably; but it has been made almost indiscernible by a gross misapprehension of its meaning. We have next to consider how Solon's institution of classes was arranged with regard to the duties of the citizens. As the rights differed according to the classes, so did the burdens. Among these, the first was the obligation to military service in its different gradations. The thetes were said, in a lost passage of Aristophanes, to have performed no military service^^**, like the lowest class of the Romans : although this may have been the case in ancient times, it may be assumed, without hesitation, that they soon served as light-armed soldiers (-v/rtXot), and as sailors: they were, indeed, sometimes used as hoplitse upon an emergency'", as well as many even of the resident aliens; but since they had no obligation of this kind, it was doubtless necessary for the state to arm them on these occasions. Thucy- dides"'^ mentions hoplitse, who were of the class of thetes, but opposes them to the regular hoplitcP, from the list {oTrXlrac itc KardXoyov). The zeugita? evidently composed the mass of those who were bound to serve as hoplitee. Above them came the knights, whose name alone shows that their duty was to serve as cavalry, even if they were not at all times bound to hold themselves in readiness. Of the pentacosiomedimni we '2^ Ilarpociat. in v. BrjTes, comp. Phot, in V. 8r)T€vs. ^^ Antiphon ap. Harpocrat. ut sup. contains an indication of this in the words, Tovs 6^Tas anapras onXiras Troirja-at. ^'* vi. 43. CH. v.] VALUATION OF PROPERTY. 501 know nothing : but it is evident that persons of this class must in general have filled the situations of commanders, as well as that of trierarch, which was also a military service; the other liturgies were also probably performed according to the valua- tions of the classes, although the distribution of them is not known. Lastly, I entertain no doubt that when the valuation was taken, a scale was at the same time fixed, according to which an extraordinary tax was raised whenever the occasion occurred ; but there was no regular collection at the time when these assessments were made, since otherwise we should un- questionably have more determinate information upon that point'"; and the first introduction of the property tax, at so late a period as in the Peloponnesian war, shows how unfre- quent and extraordinary were the occasions on which imposts of this kind had previously been levied. The expression to pay a valuation [reXelv reXo^;) is indeed of so frequent occurrence, that we might infer from it that there existed a tax which was regularly raised, especially since the more definite expression is sometimes used oi paying the valua- tion of a knight or of a zeugites (iTTTrdSa and iTTTrcKov reXelv, i^evylaiov reXecv, eh lirirdha reKelv) : it is to be observed, however, that the valuation of the thetes, and their paying a valuation '^^ {OrjroKov ri\o9, Otjtlkov reXelv) are also mentioned, and yet it is clear that they paid no tax, even according to the statement of Pollux. The poll-tax which was paid at Potidaea, by the persons who were destitute of property'^", was a mode of levying money entirely peculiar to that, town, and not derived from the mother-country, and was moreover used only for extraordinary taxes. This idiom, however, admits of an easy explanation ; for the same word which signifies valuation, also means a rank or class, and the words which mean to pay a '■^5 EvenBudgeus ut sup. p. 534, was aware that no regular direct tax (tri- butum) was levied at Athens. ^*^ See concerning this expression, passing over the grammarians, De- mosth. c. Timocr. p. 745, 13. Isaeus de Apollod. Hered. p. 185, an ancient law in Demosth. c. Macart. p. 1067, 28. Inscript. ap. Poll. viii. 131. Dinarch. c. Aristog. p. 80, and many other '^^ Pseud-Aristot. (Econ, 2, 5, ed. Schneid. 502 VALUATION OF PROPERTY. [bk. IV. valuation, also stand for merely belonging to a class^^^. Besides, the payment or performance of a valuation {reXecv to Te\o<;) does not mean the payment of a fixed regular impost, but the fulfilment of all those duties which were imposed upon a class according to its valuation, particularly military service and liturgies, together with the extraordinary property taxes. Xenophon^" mentions every expense which the state required at the hands of a citizen, and which could oppress him, but he is silent concerning a regular duty, although he makes use of an expression which must have instantly reminded him of it, if any- thing of the kind had existed. The only circumstance that could justify us in considering the valuation-taxes as ordinary ones, would be the occurrence of some passage in which they are distinctly opposed to the liturgies and the extraordinary taxes ; but I have sought for one in vain. Where Antiphon^^'' opposes the payment of the duties [KaraTodivac ra reXr]) to the choregia, a Mytilensean is speaking of his father, who was one of those deprived of their estates ; but these, although they paid to the Athenians a rent of 2 minas for each lot'^^, also ^^^ Theuce is avbpas reXelv, is Boico- Tovs TiXeeiv, ill the same sense Herod, vi. 108. Thence reXos of a division of troops, particularly of cavalry. Censeri is used in Latin in the same way as reXeij/ in Greek. ''^^ GEcou. 2, 6, en be kol ttju irokiv aladdvoiiaL to. fxkv fjh-q aoi npocrraTTOV- (rav [xeyaka reXeii/, In'o-oTpocpias re (for the cavalry at festivals) kol xoprjyias Kai yvjJLvacriapx'-o.s kol TrpocrraTeias (an obscure expression which cannot sig- nify the patronage of the resident aliens, but may refer to the iarlaais, which was also called (pvXapx^a, see Wolf, p. Ixxxviii.) ^v fie 817 7rdXe/iOS yivTjTai, old' on kol TpLr)papx^cis pnaOovs KOL elrrcpopas Toaavras (Toi npoara^ov- (711/, ocraj (jv ov pabicos xmoicreLS. The meaning of the word re'Xoy is very well : explained in Lex. Seg. p. 308, TeKrj : j ov fjiovov TO. Tols TeXcovaty KaralBaWo- p-eva, dWa Koi to. dva\o)paTa. Xa/i/3a- ■ VfTai Kai inl dnijpTKTpiuco npayp-ari r/ | €py(o T] TToXe'/xo). Hence also areXjys and are'Xeia of the exemption from liturgies, and noXvTeKrjs. Conf. Phot, in V. TeXos. '^^ De Herod, csede p. 744. 'ETret fi' vp.€7s Tovs qItlovs rovTcav €KoXdaaT€, ev ols ovK i(f)aiv€TO ciyv 6 epos Trarfjpj To7s S' dXXoLS MvTiXijvaiois abeiav e'fio)- Kare oi/ceii/ Tr]U acperepav avrtov (since they allowed them to hold their land on condition of paying a rent), ovk e^i Plut. Aristid. 1. ^■'^ Et TO Ti^rjfid ioTLV avTtOf et to. riKr] reXei, Pollux viii. 86, Dinarch. c. Aristog. p. 86, who p. 87, by reXos evi- dently means the extraordinary tax {(laopd). The serving in war is in this place excepted from the reXos, and on accomit of its importance is particularly inquired after, which can- not seem strange, since the t(\os only determined the species of arms, and from that it could be ascertained whether the individual was present in the field. '*3 Bookii. ch. 5. '" Plutarch. Aristid. 22. CH. v.] VALUATION OF PROPERTY, 509 the speaker' '\ Theogenes, of noble birth, but of small means, was king-archon in the age of Demosthenes' '^ Lastly, the needy and infirm man (dBvvaros), who is represented as speak- ing in Lysias, manifestly belonged to the lowest class of per- sons entirely destitute of property, since he claims the allow- ance for the poor from the state '^^ This man nevertheless asserts, that if his body was not defective, his adversaries would not be able to hinder him from casting lots for the dignity of one of the nine archons, and accuses his fate of depriving him of the highest honours'*^; meaning the infirmity of his body, ^^5 P. 1319, 20 sqq. ^*« Orat. c. Neser. p. 1369, 17- "' See Lysias Trepi rov ddvv. p. ^A3, sqq. ^*^ p. 749, KaiTOL el tovto Treiaei rivas vfxcov, CO /SovXt), tl fjLC koj\v€1 Kkr)pov(r6aL TOiv ivvea apxovroiv ; and afterwards p. 750, ov yap drjnov rov avTov vfiels }i€V lis 8vvdixevov dv /xeV KaWicTTOiv Koi fxeyicTTCOV did rffv (rvfx(f)opdu dmcTTep'qp.evos iir)v. Petit iii. 2, on the law concerning the Anacrisis of the archons (p. 239 sqq. of the old edition) shows, that freedom from all bodily defects was necessary for the office of archon ; doubtless on account of the sacrifices which he had to perform. But it is singular that he did not perceive that, according to Aristides, there might have been an archon out of every class of property, and should imagine that the law of Aristides was repealed ; of which I do not find any proof. In ancient times the archons were chosen not by lot, but by cheirotonia, as may be inferred from the intricate passage in the ora- tion against Neaera, p. 1370, 19. [The author mentions in the Addenda, " that he had inferred from the ora- tion against Nesera that in ancient times the archons were chosen by chei- rotonia." He then proceeds to say, that "it hardly deserves mentioning, that what the orator asserts of the king-archon in the democracy, which, according to common report he com- mences with Theseus, may be taken generally of the ancient election of the nine archons. In order however to reconcile this assertion with the ap- parently inconsistent account of the election of the archons by lot from among the pentacosiomedimni (see above p. 508), it must be remembered, that the election of the archons was frequently changed with the progress of freedom and equality. The office of king was after the time of Codrus changed into that of archon, by merely compelling the king to give an account of his official proceedings (Pausan. iv. 5), but the office remained by inherit- ance in the royal family of the Nelei- dae or Codridae. The next step was the limitation of the time of holding the office to ten years. It remained nevertheless in the ancient royal family until the time of Eryxias, who was the last in the uninterrupted series of the Medontidae, according to the testi- mony of ancient writers. The annual archons which then succeeded were chosen by cheirotonia from among the nobility, in which the ancient royal family was included (tjpfdtja-av i^ EiViraTpibcop Eiiseb. Chron» p. 41), of 510 VALUATION OF PROPERTY. [bK. IV. which impeded him from standing for the office of arch on, and not the want of property. Accordingly we can at the most refer the statement of Isaeus to situations such as those of the treasurers, for whom a certain valuation was agreeably to reason always requisite, in order that the state might have a pledge of their honesty^ ^^ Chapter VI. Public Registers in Attica, Register of Lands, General Register of Property, For the purposes of the public valuation, registers (aTroypacj^ai) were generally used in Greece, as was the case in Egypt and the kingdom of Persia, which in different places were arranged according to different principles. The method adopted in Attica was that each person valued his own property, and returned the amount; after which they were doubtless, as in Potidsea, subject to the check of a counter- valuation {v7roTLfir,(TL9Y'\ In early times, however, there was which series Solon the Codrides is to be considered the last (cf. Plutarch. Solon. 14, iOP^Ot} apxoiv; alperos is the same xf'poToi^'jros). Solon then sub- stituted a timocracy in the place of the ancient aristocracy, and from this time eligibility no longer depended upon birth, but upon property, and the archons were chosen by cheirotonia (Aristot. Polit. ii. 9, where the words dpxovTcov alpco-is should be thus under- stood). Cleisthenes however probably changed this mode of election into choosing by lot, but left the right of eligibility unchanged; and with this the arrangement under which Aristides held the office of archon, and the case mentioned in Herodotus vi. 109, cor- respond. Lastly, Aristides gave all the Athenians the right of filling the situation of archon by castiug lots, without any distinction of property, a right which the people had earned in battle with their blood.] '^^ I must here make an additional remark upon the qualification to pub- lic office arising from the valuation in reference to Hermogenes. This writer says, {rexv. pijrop. p. 35,) TrpeafievovTos TOV TTevqTOS 6 TtKoVCTIOS ^X^pOS 03V elcTT)- veyKS vopiov, rov e'lcrco TreVre Tci\dvTOiv ovaiav Ke5^ Aristot. Polit. v. 8. •'3 It was so called in the Athenian symmoriee according to Snidas, see Lex. Seg. p. 184, 31, Zonaras p. 186, Harpocration, Suidas,and Zonaras (p. 205,) in V. avao-vvra^as. ''* V. p. 741, c. p. 745 A. 512 PUBLIC REGISTERS. [bk. IV. of mortgages in use in Germany; for it cannot be proved that at Athens the debts upon landed property were entered in a public book, but the creditor was ensured, if he required it, by pillars or tablets {a-TrjXai, 6 pot) set up on the boundary of the mortgaged estate. In no place but Chios do we hear of regis- ters of debts^". There could have been no inducement to enter the property of the state in the register of lands; on the con- trary, the property of other corporations, particularly of the demi, and at least of such temples as were only small corpora- tions and had no connexion with the state, were necessarily included in it; for the property of corporations was always tax- able according to its proper scale (at least about the 114th or 115th Olympiad) ^^^ upon the imposition of extraordinary taxes. The mines were also a part of the public property, which were granted in perpetual leases; consequently these too could not have been entered in the register of lands. The formation as well as the custody of this register pro- bably belonged at the time of Cleisthenes to the forty-eight naucrari, to whom is ascribed the collection of the taxes [el(T(f>opaiY^'' ', that is to say, it was the duty of these officers to collect the taxes imposed according to the valuation, on those rare occasions when in the ancient time of Athens it was neces- sary to resort to this method of raising money. When they were replaced by the demarchs, the latter made the registers of the landed estates in each demus'^^ From a false reading in the SchoHast to Aristophanes, by which the word debts has been substituted in the place of lands, it might appear that the demarchs entered the latter in the register; but nothing farther >" Pseud- Aristot. (Econ. ii. 12. ^^^ 'Atto TOiv \(iipi(i)v Toi) Ti^rjfiaTos, Corp. Inscript. No. 103. Above, b. iii. note A. [Also in another inscrip- tion, containing a lease by an Attic demus, in Olymp. 108, 4 (b.c.34o), edv Tis (Icrcfiopa imep rov x,(opiov yiyvrjTai els rfjv noXiu. Ibid. No. 93. — Transl.J "' Ilesych. in v. vavKXapos. '^^ Harpocrat. in v. hr]p.apxoi : ovtol be Tus dnoypatpas enoLovvro rcov eKaarat (1. ev eKacTTtp) bT)p.a> x^P'-^^ ' thence Suidas, who reads tS>v Trpoaovroiv cAcao- Toy drjfico ;^v av- vcniTpoTTcou TTJ TToXfi TO nXrjOos Ti/os p TT]XiKavTr)v avro? elcrcfinphv ■q^'iixxrev cla(f>ep€iv, &c. ''^ Herald, vi. 1, 7. particularly in note SO. '7^ Demosth. in INIid. p '7^ See Wolf, p. G2 sq. Wolf, p. 99, 05, 12. CH. VII.] ARCHONSHIP OF NAUSINICUS. 51? But who can imagine that at that time, or indeed in any- state, and at any time, a property tax of 20 per cent, was levied? If such an event occurred frequently, the property of the citizens must in a short time have either been entirely anni- hilated, or reduced to a very small amount, as was actually the case in Syracuse, during the reign of Dionysius, who in five years nearly reduced the citizens to indigence, by means of taxes' ^^ Without therefore stating those conclusions which the reader himself will be able to deduce from what follows, I only remark, that, according to Demosthenes, the Athenians did not willingly pay large property taxes, and that an immense sum would have been raised if the tax had been a fifth part of the property; whereas that imposed in the year of Nausi- nicus did not produce much more than 300 talents' ^^ Demosthenes, in fact, returned to the symmoria a fifth part of his whole property (etVe^epev etV rrjv avfjU/jLoplav), which he inaccurately calls to contribute, or to pay taxes {elacpepetv) ; the sum returned was not however his tax, but his taxable capital (rifjLTjfjLa) : " for a property of 15 talents,'^ he says, " the taxable capital or the valuation amounts to 3 talents: a tax of this amount is what I ought justly to have paid;" i, e., whatever was the proper per-centage of this sum'". The valuation {rifMrjfjLa) is here accurately distinguished from the property, and just as distinctly from the tax. For how many taxes did Demosthenes pay? His guardians had, according to their own statement, paid 18 minas in the ten years of their guardianship for extra- ordinary taxes'^^: therefore the taxes of these years amounted altogether, and not merely for one year, to the tenth part of the valuation, or to the fiftieth part of the property. '75 Aristot. Polit v. 11. 176 Demosth. c. Androt. p. 606, 27. 1^7 This is evidently the meaning of the words in the first speech against Aphobus, p. 815, 26. ArjXov fxev tolvvv KoX €K TOVTOiV eazl TO TrXijOoS TTJS ovffias- TrevreKaideKa raXavrcov yap rpia raKavra TifiTjixa. TuvTi-jv rj^lovv el(T(f)ep€iv rrjv elacfiopdv. It is to this that the useless rrjs ovaias ela-cfyepofiepov •nap'' eKacrTov, for example, in Photius, p. 433, ed. Leips. '78 C. Aphob. i. p. 825,7. EtV^opa? S' elaeur]vox^vai \oyi^0VTai dvoivdeovaas e'lKocTi fivaS' I may remark, by the way, that in the accounts of the guardians there is no mention of the regular payment of a duty according interpretation in the grammarians re- to the valuation (reXos) ; a strong proof fers, that riprjpa was also called to €k i that no such thing existed at Athens. 518 THE VALIATIOX IN THE [^K. IV. From this simple explanation it is evident, that in the valu- ation taken in the archonship of Nausinicus, the principle of Solon's valuation was followed in three points, viz., in the regis- tration of the property itself {ova la), the taxable part of it, or the valuation (rifjurj/jLa), and, lastly, the tax fixed according to the valuation {elacpopa in the limited sense). The estimate of the property was obtained by a valuation of all moveables and immoveables ; the valuation, or the taxable capital, was only a certain part of this general census, and in the highest classes, to which Timotheus and Demosthenes belonged, was the fifth part; in the others, however, it was a smaller portion; for De- mosthenes expressly says, that only those who had the highest valuations were rated at 500 drachmas for each 25 minas. If, for example, we reckon four classes, the valuation of the second may perhaps have been one-sixth of the property, of the third one-eighth, and of the fourth one-tenth, in order that the poor might be taxed in a fair proportion. It should be also ob- served, that those persons in the same class whose property was different did not contribute an equally high valuation, but only the same part of their property; in the first class it was 5 for every 25 minas; thus the possessor of 15 talents contributed 3, of 25 contributed 5, of 50 contributed 10; for the reason that the estimate of the whole property of Demosthenes amounted to 3 talents was, that for 25 minas 5 was in his class the rate of the taxable capital. But of the taxable capital each person paid the same part, whenever any tax was imposed; and how large a part was to be taken couM be easily determined, as the sum total of all the valuations was known, which in the archonship of Nausinicus amounted to 5750 talents. In order to make this clear, let us assume, for the sake of example, four classes, and in the second one-sixth, in the third one-eighth, in the fourth one-tenth, as the portion on which the tax was imposed: farther, as the least property from which taxes were paid, 25 minas ; so that the latter is the lowest estimate of property in the last class ; as the lowest estimate in the third class 2 talents, in the second class 6, in the first 12; which are arbitrary assumptions^ except that, as we shall remark below, 25 minas were probably taken as the lowest property CH. VII.] ARCnONSHIP OF NAUSINICUS. 519 which was subject to taxation. If, then, a twentieth was to be raised, the tax would have fallen in the manner shown by the following table : — Classes. Property. Of which was Taxable. T„aMe Cap.ua. ^^T^J-' i 500 talents First of 12 ! 100 talents talents and ' 50 talents over ; 15 talents 12 talents One fifth One fifth One fifth One fifth One fifth 100 talents 5 talents 20 talents 1 talent 10 talents 30 minas 3 talents ' 9 minas 2 tal. 24 min. 720 drachmas Second of 6 talents and over, under 12 talents 11 talents 10 talents 8 talents 7 talents 6 talents One sixth I tal. 50 min. 550 drachmas One sixth 1 tal. 40 min. 500 drachmas One sixth 1 tal. 20 min. 400 drachmas One sixth 1 tal. 10 min. 350 drachmas One sixth 1 talent 300 drachmas Third of 2 talents and over, under 6 talents 5 talents One eighth ' 37 5 minas ^ 1874 drach. 4 talents One eighth 30 minas 1 50 drach. 3 talents One eighth 22i minas II24 drach. 2i talents One eighth 18| minas 93f drach. 2 talents One eighth 15 minas 75 drach. Fourth of 25 minas and over, under 2 talents 1| talents ' One tenth 900 drachmas 45 drachmas 1 talent One tenth 600 drachmas : 30 drachmas 45 minas One tenth 450 drachmas 22^ drachmas 30 minas ' One tenth 300 drachmas 15 drachmas 25 minas One tenth j 250 drachmas , 12^ drachmas An arrangement such as this cannot be considered as very skilful for a state, in which from the beginning of the Pelopon- nesian war many experiments might have been made as to the collection of property taxes : the mismanagement of its finances must not, however, be attributed to a want of political know- ledge, but to the endeavours of the government to effect more than it was able ; while the passions of individuals and of the populace interrupted the most beneficial measures, and the whole state was frequently blind to its real interest; at the period, however, of this valuation, there was no want of good intentions either in the Athenian state itself or among foreign powers towards it. 520 EXTRAORDINARY TAX IN [bk, IV. Chapter VIIL What proportion of the Property and the Valuation was levied as an Extraordinary Tax, in the year of Nausinicus, Since in the two valuations, concerning which some suffi- ciently accurate accounts are extant, that of Solon in the 46th Olympiad, and that of the year of Nausinicus in the 100th Olympiad, a distinction, as has been already shown, was made between taxable capital and property, we may infer that this was a fixed principle at Athens, and that the rate of charge w'as the only thing that varied. If in Olymp. 88, 1 (b.c. 428), the total of the taxable capital of Attica was that which Euri- pides assumed as the basis of his proposal for the levying of a property tax, viz., 20,000 talents, the first property tax, as Thucydides states, must have been a 100th (e/carocrr^), since it produced 200 talents, in the same manner as that calculated by Euripides to produce 500 talents was a fortieth {TeaaapaKoarrj). In the Ecclesiazusee of Aristophanes^ '% w'hich was acted in Olymp. 96, 4 (b.c. 393), a 500th {irevTaKoaiodTrj) is mentioned: this was probably a smaU property tax levied at that time in order to meet the public expenses, and its highest produce could not have exceeded 40 talents. At that time, however, the taxable capital, if it really amounted to so high a sum, came much nearer to the whole property than in the archonship of Nausinicus, since in that year it amounted only to 5750 talents. Demosthenes^^", estimating the taxable capital in round num- bers at 6000 talents, reckons, according to this new method of taxation, the 100th at 60, and the 50th {TrevrfjKoaTr]) at 120 talents. " Shall I suppose,'^ he proceeds to say, ^^that you will ''^ Vs. 999. Although this passage is extremely obscure, the reading is unquestionably correct : Ei fxrj rav ifiSiv Ttjv TrevraKocrioaTijv KariOqKas rfj TToXct, and twv eVcoi/, which Avas pro- posed by Tyrwhitt, is highly absurd. In order to obtain the meaning of these words, something ai)pears to be want- ing to us fi-om the Athenian law, upon which the conclusion is founded which Aristophanes supposes the young man to draw. I Iiave intentionally omitted to pay any regard to the inter])retation of the scholiast, "*" De Symmcn-. p. liio, lli. CH. VIII.] THE YEAR OF NAUSINICUS. 521 contribute a twelfth {ScoSeKarrj), which would produce 500 talents ? but a tax so high as that you would not endure." From this passage it is plain beyond a doubt, that the Athe- nians, at that time, never taxed themselves so high as a twelfth part of the valuation, which, however, for the most wealthy only came to If per cent., and for other persons far less. Two property taxes are known, which can be calculated with great accuracy from the valuation in the year of Nausi- nicus. The one was imposed a year after Demosthenes' speech upon the symmoriee, in which the taxable capital is stated at 6000 talents; and occurred when the Athenians, in Olymp. 106, 4 (b.c. 353), in the month Maimacterion, on account of PhiUp's siege of the Hereeon Teichos, decreed to send out forty ships, and to raise a property tax of 60 talents^^'. It was a 100th {eKaroarrj), which the orator states to have been charged at that precise rate, that is, one-fifth per cent, of the property of the most wealthy. The other is the tax in the archonship of Nausinicus, which produced rather more than 300 talents ; this must consequently have been a 20th [elKoarrjy^'^, It might, indeed, be thought improbable that the 100th produced any more than 574, or the 20th more than 287i talents, since the valuation, according to Polybius, amounted exactly to 5750 talents ; but it must be remembered, that the resident aliens also were taxed, who are not included in this valuation ; and they not only made good what in the former case was wanting to the 60, in the latter to the 300 talents, but were obliged to contribute a large additional sum; with this addition, there- fore, the whole taxable capital would doubtless have amounted to 6000 talents. Demosthenes also unquestionably contributed to the tax of a 20th, in the year of Nausinicus ; those 18 minas ■'^^ Demosth. Olyntli. iii. p. 29, 20. the collection of taxes by a vitupera- ^"^^ Demostli. c. Aiulrot. p. G17, 22, tive terra. If, however, any person uses the word Se/careLicti' with reference sliould wisli to attribute to this word to the payment of the taxes in the its literal sense, he should bear in archonship of Nausinicus, and the same j mind, that the orator also says, bnfKas word in the oration against Timocrates, irpaTTOvrcs ras elactiopas, and that a p. 751], 4. This, however, is a general j tax of a 20th twice collected makes a expression, when tiie object is to denote 10th. 522 EXTRAORDINARY TAX IX [bK. IV. which the guardians charged in their account were however, as he himself says, for several taxes; to that tax he could not have contributed more than 9 minas, which was the 20th part of his taxable capital ; the other 9 were either for another tax of a 20thj or two of a 40th, or for two 50ths and one 100th. These property taxes were, therefore, by no means excessive ; in ten years Demosthenes only paid the 10th part of his taxable capital, or the 50th part of his property, and indeed at the first tax in the archonship of Nausinicus only half this rate, or 1 per cent. ; his property, however, even if we deduct a 6th part as paying no interest, must have returned a premium of 10 per cent. : 1 per cent, of his property is consequently the 10th part of his income. Or, in order to place the subject in a more striking light, while in ten years he only paid 2 per cent, from his whole property, the same brought in, if it was tolerably managed, 100 per cent. This clearly shows the absurdity of the assertions respecting the exorbitant taxes of the Athenian citizens, more particularly if we take into consideration the low rates of the custom duties, and the cheapness of the chief necessaries of life, by which they were enabled to live upon very small means. If notwith- standing this there was a great disinclination to pay property taxes, as may be plainly seen from the Olynthiacs and the oration concerning the Chersonese, the fact cannot cause any astonishment, as no one wilhngly taxes himself; and as to the decrease of the national wealth, the causes originated in other circumstances, the consideration of which does not belong to this place. It is, indeed, true that we find instances of large property taxes, as, for instance, one mentioned in Lysias of 30, and another of 40 minas; but the great expenses of the payer prove the large amount of his property^ ^^; in proportion to which the tax may have been very moderate, particularly since it only occurred twice. Aristophanes, as is mentioned in the same orator, likewise paid 40 minas as his share of the property tax, although this was not for himself alone, but for his father also ; '^^ See book iii. ch, 22. CH. VIII.] THE YEAR OF NAUSINICUS. 523 nor upon one occasion^ but for several taxes, and in times of the greatest exertions, during the four or five years after the battle of Cnidos (Olymp. 96, 2, B.C. 395); and that Aristo- phanes (Lysias may conceal it as he will) must have been very wealthy, is proved by the choregias, which he served for his father and himself; the three years^ trierarchy, upon which he expended 80 minas ; by his having given 5 talents for land, and being possessed of much furniture ; and also by his having, even before the times of the Anarchy, subscribed 100 minas to the expedition against Sicily, and subsequently 30,000 drachmas to the auxiliary fleet for the Cyprians and Euagoras, which sum was, without doubt, paid by Euagoras in the island of Cyprus, where his father was settled'^*. At the same time, I will not deny that many persons volun- tarily contributed more than their means allowed, and that many were oppressed by too high valuations, while others con- cealed their property ; as, for instance, Dicseogenes, mentioned in Iseeus, who from an income of 80 minas contributed nothing to many property taxes, as he concealed his property, except that he once voluntarily gave 3 minas'"; nor, lastly, that a frequent repetition of these taxes at short intervals of time, particularly when, as was the case after the Anarchy, the channels of industry were blocked up, was a great national calamity^ ^^ : from which fact the complaints as to the oppres- sion of the property taxes are sufficiently explained. Chapter IX^ Symmoria of the Property Taxes after the Archonship of Natbsinicus. The Advance of Property Taxes, and other Regulations relating to the Payment of them. In the year of Nausinicus, the symmoriee (classes or compa- nies'^') were introduced with reference to the property taxes. '^* Lysias pro Aristoph. bonis. 642 sqq. cf. p. 633 sqq. and p. 637- '^^^ Isaeus de Dicaeog. Hered, 109—111. pp. '"^^ Cf. Lys. c. Ergocl. pp. 818, 819. '^7 See Heraldus vi. 2, 4, concerning the name, which also is frequently ap- plied to other sorts of companies. 524 STMMORIiE OF [bK. IV. These are what Harpocration'"' means when he quotes from Philochorus the institution of the symmorice in the archonship of Nausinicus, since the symmorise of the trierarchy were not introduced till afterwards; and Demosthenes became imme- diately after his seventh year in Olymp. 100, f (b.c. 377), the leader of a symmoria'^': at that time, therefore, they had been already estabhshed. After they had been once introduced, they continued uninterruptedly until the 108th Olympiad. The fact of Demosthenes having been for ten years a leader in the sym- morise of the property taxes, proves their existence up to Olymp. 103, -h (b.c. 367): they were, however, still in existence in Olymp. 106, 4 (b.c. 353), which is the date of the speech against Meidias, since Demosthenes says of this person, that '^ up to the day on which he was speaking he had never been the leader of a symmoria'^'." Whether they were still in existence in Olymp. 107, 4 (b.c. 349), has been questioned '^^, because Demosthenes, in the second Olynthiac'^^ says to the Athenians, that '' formerly they paid taxes by symmorise, but now they administered the state by symmorise ;'' these words, however, distinctly prove their existence at that time. For an institution, like the symmorise, might very easily obtain a powerful influence upon the public administration, as the dif- ferent classes of property, and above all, the divisions of people created by them, would produce political parties, and parties could only retain their activity so long as the division existed. Since then, as Demosthenes ironically says, the state was governed by symmorise, the symmorise must have been estab- lished by law. The custom of paying taxes by symmorise they had disused ; for the obvious reason, that no one will pay taxes if he has any means of avoiding them. The object of Demos- thenes evidently is, as the whole oration proves, to raise a tax ; '"^ In V. (Tv^iJLopia, and thence Pho- | Deinostli. c. Mid. p. 505, 19. tins, Suidas, Scliol. Deraosth. vol. ii. i '^' Wolf, p. xcviii. note. p. 55, Ileiske and ScaligcrinliisoXv/ATT. | '°- P. 20, 21, irporepov fxeu yap, co dvayp. I civdes ^Adrjvciioi, (laecfiepere Kara avp- '^^ See above, book iv. cli. 7. p.opias, vvv\ 6e 7ro\iT€V€a6e Kara ovp.- ^^^ MftSias Se TTcUy; ovdtnai Koi p-opias. And thence in the oration rrjpepov avppvpuis rjyenojv yeyovcv, ttc/ji a wrale cos, p. 172, 1. CH. IX.] THE PROPERTY TAXES. 52: but, seeing the disinclination of his hearers, he says to them ironically, that the institution of the symmoriae had lost all its meaning, and instead of taxes being raised according to it, that they only used it for political purposes. If the oration against Bceotus Trepl rov ovo/xaroq belongs to the first year of the 108th Olympiad (b.c. 348), as has been supposed, we should have a proof that at that time the symmoriae of the property taxes were still in existence, since they are there mentioned' ^^ in opposition to the trierarchy. The date of this speech may, however, be placed with much greater probability in Olymp. 107, 1 (b.c. 352)'^^: yet I entertain no doubt that this consti- tution of taxes was still in existence at the later period. It should be observed, that Petit, and those who follow him, have not recognised any connexion between the sym- =»'' P. 997, 1. '^^ Corsini F. A. t. iv. p. 30, and Wolf, p. cix. sq. note, suppose tliis speech to belong to Olymp. 108, 1, after Dionysius : but preponderating reasons compel me to dissent from this opinion. Dionysius places the birth of Dinarchus about the archonship of Nicopheraus, in Olymp. 104, 4, and states that at the time of the oration against BcEotus rrepl ovonaTos, Dinar- chus was thirteen years old, as this oration belongs to the archonship of QovfiT]bos or QeofxvTjTos ; the latter because in the oration nepl ovofiaros the expedition of the Athenians against Pylae is mentioned as liaving lately taken place. No such fact, however, is mentioned in this oration : Diony- sius clearly meant the expedition against Tamynre, p. 999, and Diony- sius should evidently be corrected from this passage, Trjs els Tajxvvas i^obov yeyevTjpevrjs, and the hiatus rj 8'' els . . . ^Adr]vaioiv e^odos should be supplied with Tajivvas and not with UvXas. The probability is, tliat there was also an hiatus formerly in the former woi'ds TTjs els . ... e^odov yeyevrjfJLevrjS, the copyist being unable to read, in either j place, the name Tafivvas, of which lie was ignorant. Some corrector then inserted IlvXas in the former place, who Iiad some vague notion of the well-known expedition against Pylso. Now Dionysius was only acquainted with the expedition and the battle of Tamynge from the oration against INEeidias, which speech he falsely attri- butes to OljTiip. 107, 4, allowing him- self to be misled by the Olynthian ex- pedition there mentioned ; and from that he places the birth of Demos- thenes four years too late. For the same reason he also places the battle of Tamynge four years too late ; since it probably was fought in Olymp. 106, 4 (comp. below chap. 13). That the date he assigns is 108, 1, whereas agreeably to his calculation it should have been Olymp. 107, 4, is in fact no objection, as two successive civil years are always confounded from their being included in the same natural year, reckoned from spring to spring. Con- sequently, on account of the Euboean expedition, and the battle of TamjTise, the oration against Eceotus Trept 6v6- fxaros must be placed four years earlier, viz., about Olymp. I07, 1. 526 SYMMORKE OF [bK. IV. morise and the property taxes. Wolf has the merit of having remarked after Heraldus the introduction of the symmoriae, and of having distinguished between the passages which treat of the symmorise of the property taxes, and the symmoriae of the trierarchy. But after we have examined all the statements concerning the property taxes and the valuation, and although the solution will appear to possess sufficient clearness and sim- plicity, the chief question as to the mode in which the sym- morise of the property taxes were arranged, will not be answered in a manner at all satisfactory. The only detailed account of their constitution occurs in the ignorant interpreter of Demosthenes^*^, whom we usually call Ulpian, in a passage upon the second Olynthiac, wherein we may follow Wolf in separating the first from the second part, as being more ancient. " Each of the ten tribes,^^ he says, "was obliged to specify 120 of its own members who were the most wealthy. These 120 then divided themselves into two parts, so that there were 60 whose property was very large, and the other 60 less rich. They did this in order that if a war should suddenly break out, and the less wealthy should not happen to have any money at their disposal, those who were more rich might advance the taxes for them, and be after- wards repaid at the convenience of the others. This body of 60 was called a symmoria/^ In the second part, which is the work of a different hand, it is stated, that " since each of the ten tribes specified 120, the whole number of liturgi (as they are here called) was 1200: that these were distributed into two divisions, each of 600 persons, or ten symmoriee ; that these two great divisions were again sub-divided into two smaller, each of which was composed of 300 persons of five symmoriae. One of these bodies of 300 was made up of the most wealthy, who paid the taxes either before the others or for them {wpoei- aicpepov rcov dWcov), the other 300 being in all things subject to them.^^ So far the account is, in some measure, intelligible: that which is further added is both absurd and foreign to our purpose. "^ P. :«, ed. Hieron. Wolf. See F. A. Wolf, p. xcv. CH. IX.] THE PROPERTY TAXES. 527 According to this, then, it appears that two classes of 300, under similar arrangements, were instituted, the members of which were of nearly equal property, and advanced money for the payment of taxes for two others equally poorer. There is, however, no inteUigible reason why the 600 most wealthy were to be divided into two equal portions, if in all other respects they were similarly constituted ; it is far more probable that the first 300 were a higher class ; therefore to pay taxes among the 300, means the same as to pay taxes among those who contributed the largest amowif^^. The only passage from which it might be inferred that there existed two classes of 300 persons similarly constituted, is that already quoted from the second Olynthiac^^^ (and it is from this that Ulpian has princi- pally formed his view of the subject, and drawm many other erroneous conclusions): "Now you administer the state by symmoriee, an orator is the leader of both, and under him a general, and the 300, who are always ready to clamour, while the rest of you are assigned, some to one and some to the other.^^ I confess that I do not entirely understand this passage, but I can only explain it by supposing that two classes of different degrees of wealth were the highest, since the immediate effect of a different scale of property w^ould be to create a spirit of party between the classes ; while the contest which in ancient days always existed between the superior and inferior, the rich and the poor, w^ould necessarily be combined with it, although in a less degree. Upon this point, however, we need give ourselves no trouble; but that 1200 was the entire sum of those who paid taxes is wholly incredible, and can by no means be assumed upon the testimony of such a writer as Ulpian. The passages of the ancient writers and of the grammarians bearing on this subject are extremely indefinite; in several of them we do not even know whether they refer to the Twelve '*® Isaeus de Philoctem. Hered. p. 154, Orat. c. Plisenipp. p. 1046, 20, p. 1039, 17. The account given in Lex. Seg. p. 306, is too vague to be of any service. [That the 300 were the most wealthy appears from Demosth. de Corona, p. 285, 17. See below, note 394.— Transl.] '^'' P. 26, and thence in the speech TTfpi a-vvTa^eois with some alterations. 528 SYMMORI^E OF [bK. IV. Hundred of the property taxes, or of the trierarchy'''". The Thousand, whom Harpocration quotes from Lysias and Tsceus, and considers as identical with the Twelve Hundred, can neither be referred to the symmoriee of the property taxes after the year of Nausinicus, nor to the symmorioe of the trierarchy'^% since Lysias died in Olymp. 100, f (b.c. 378*)"''''. Philochorus treated of the symmorise in the archonship of Nausinicus, in the fifth book of the Atthis'"^, but of the Twelve Hundred in the sixth book*"*: they were therefore wholly distinct, so that he rather appears to have mentioned the latter in connexion with the trierarchy according to symmoriee which was subse- quently introduced. Isocrates*"^^ however calls those who paid taxes and performed liturgies '^ the Twelve Hundred '^' where from the context all liturgies, and particularly the trierarchy, may be understood; so that twelve hundred must have borne all the property taxes and all liturgies, including the trierarchy. But this passage again proves nothing, as it is perfectly fair to suppose that an orator might express himself in such terms in speaking of an exclusive class like the rich, who paid the largest portion of taxes, and to whom the state on every occa- sion first looked for assistance. And although similar state- ments are highly embarrassing to the writer who endeavours to reconcile all contradictory statements, yet the reasons for con- sidering that all the inhabitants of the state not included in the Twelve Hundred, whose property was at all considerable, were subject to taxation, are so preponderating, that it is impossible to refuse our assent to them. If we supposed that only twelve hundred rich persons paid the property taxes, the result would '®^ As e. g. of Harpocration in v. avfxnopia (although in this passage the symmoria? of Nausinicus are the sym- nioiiaj of the property taxes) and in v. ;(tXTov piv tcov [prj] as security; ""E-mTipiov opiC^Tcoaav av- dedcoKoroiv, elra kol twv eyyvt]Tav, Sic. Tois Kara rrju rrjS dneiOias ci^iav. [eav '^'^'^ See book iv. ch. 7- di] elau, says Demos- thenes against Leptines. See book iii. ch. 21. ■^^ Isaeus de Apollod. Hered. p. 184, 8uo ^TT] /caraXiTTci)!/. See also b. iii. c.22. 270 Demosth. c. Lept. § 15 (p. 462, 15), § 22 (p. 4G4, 29), § 23 (p. 465, 18). 271 P. 182, 14. That the following words are neuter is shown by the ex- pression opcpaviKwv, wliich, if the mas- culine gender were meant, would be 6p(}>ava)v. Pollux iniderstood this point correctly, as well as Harpocra- tion in v. k\t]pqv)(oi ; but the same grammarian in v. koivcovikwv inaccu- rately considers this word as masculine. Cf Poll. viii. 134, 136. Photius in Kkrjpovxoi and koivwvikuv has only transcribed Harpocration. CH. XI.] THE TRIERARCHY. 545 personal services, and not from contributions to the symmoriee), but insufficiency of property, since a man of sufficient property for the trierarchy might by misfortune be reduced in his circumstances; also the property of heiresses {iiriK\7]poi), of wards {6pv TOU ndvTa xpdvov SiereXcaev, ovk ck crvfjifio- pias TTjv vavv TTOir](Tdp.evos axrirep ol vvv (after Olymp. 105, 4, b.c. 357), JXX' e/c Toiv uvTov dairavcov, ovde devrepos avros o)v dXXd Kara p,6vas. CH. XII.] THE TRIERARCHY. 551 previously to Olymp. 105, 3 (b.c. 358), there cannot exist the slightest doubt. The state always supplied the vessel. When Themistocles built ships for the JEginetan war out of the funds accruing from the mines, the building and the entire equipment of them was delivered in charge to 100 wealthy individuals, who were the trierarchs appointed for that service ; but they were indemnified for the building, since, according to Polysenus, they each received a talent. This law of Themistocles enacted that twenty new ships should be built every year, and the ship- building was continued on the part of the state, as far as we can ascertain, during the independence of Athens"^ All the ships in the public docks belonged to the state : private individuals of great wealth had indeed triremes of their own, for example, Cleinias, who fought in his own vessel at Artemisium; but since it is particularly remarked^^" that he went out with a trireme of his own, it may be inferred that the state was bound by law to provide it. Those which were in the possession of private individuals, they either built voluntarily for the public service, or for their own use in privateering or similar objects, or else for sale. The same was the case in the Peloponnesian war. The 100 triremes which, according to a decree of the people, were to be kept in readiness from Olymp. 87, 2 (b.c. 431), in case Attica was threatened by sea, were evidently ships pro- vided by the state, and trierarchs were appointed for those in readiness^*'^ In the Knights of Aristophanes""^ (Olymp. 88, 4, B.C. 425), Cleon threatens to make his adversary a trierarch, and to contrive that he should receive an old ship with a rotten mast, upon which he would be forced to spend much money for the necessary repairs; it is therefore certain that the hull and mast were at that time furnished by the state. In the expe- dition against Sicily in Olymp. 91, 2 (b.c. 415), the state pro- vided nothing but the pay of the crew, and the body of the vessel; the trierarchs supplied the entire equipment of the ship, and also gave voluntary contributions^"^; and when a trierarch ^^^ Concerning the building of the ships, see book ii. ch. 19. ^fo Herod, viii. 17, Plutarch. Alci- biad. i. ^°' This is the only manner in wliich Thucyd. ii. 24 can be understood. 30^ Vs. 908 sqq. '•^^^ Thucyd. vi. 31. 552 FIRST AND SECOND FORMS OF [bK. IV. boasts of having, after the battle of ^gospotamos (Olymp. 93, 3, B.C. 40G)''% saved his ship, it is clear that the vessel must have been pubUc property, as otherwise he would have gained no credit by saving it. The same person also states that he and his brother had voluntarily contributed the pay and pro- vision of the crew. We may conclude then that at this time the state furnished both the pay and provision, as well as the hull of the ship together with the mast; the trierarch however had to equip the vessel, and was also bound, as the threat of Cleon shows, to keep it in repair. We may likewise infer that the same regulations were in force until Olymp. 105, 3 (b.c. 358), although the inaccurate expressions of the ancients, who always presuppose more in their readers than they have the means of knowing, have deceived all modern writers from the ignorant Ulpian down to the acute editor of the oration against Leptines. Demosthenes in his speech against Meidias^"^^ says, that when he was trierarch in Olymp. 104, 1 (b.c. 364), the trierarchs provided everything at their own expense, and had to furnish the crews (TrXrjpcofjLara) ; and if we are to give credit to the remarks of Ulpian upon this passage^°% the state must frequently have supplied both the ship and the seamen; and in fact in many instances have provided nothing, but left it to the trierarch to supply the ship together with the pay and provision of the crew. The real state of the case, however, is as follows. Ulpian, as usual, has no authority for his statement, but by a singular process of logic draws all these conclusions from the words of Demosthenes. The orator however, in speaking of the whole expenditure, refers to the later form of the trierarchy in symmorise; when these were instituted, the state equipped the vessel and provided the crew, in addition to^ which the trierarch who commanded the ship received pecuniary assistance from the symmoria; it follows therefore that the whole expense did not fall upon him. Again, when the orator speaks of the whole expenditure, it is evident that he can only mean the entire amount of expenditure which ^^* Isocrat. c. Callimacli. 23. ^"^ P. 564, 22. ""5 r. UfJO A. CH. XII.] THE TillERARCHY. 553 was customary at any time; the state however always provided the pay and provision together with the hull of the ship, as well before the trierarchy of Demosthenes, as in the time of the symmoriee. Thus no one of the hearers of Demosthenes could have thought that these expenses were alluded to. In short, when Demosthenes speaks of the whole expenditure, he means nothing more than the equipment of the vessel, and the keep- ing it in repair, as well as procuring the crew, which last was frequently attended with much expense, as the trierarch, not being allowed to employ foreign sailors, was obliged to select the crew from the native population, which produced consider- able trouble and vexation, and subjected the trierarch tothe necessity of giving bounties to induce persons to serve. Even in Olymp, 104, f (b.c. 361), the state was bound by law to equip the ship. That this must have been the meaning of the orator is partly evident from the expenses of his trierarchy, and partly from the speech against Polycles. When Demosthenes had attained his majority, and begun to prosecute his guardians, Thrasylochus, the brother of Meidias, wished to compel him either to the exchange of property, or else to take the trierarchy. Demosthenes was wiUing to adopt the former course, reserving, at the same time, his claims upon his guardians; it being how- ever necessary to confirm this agreement by a judicial decision which could not be obtained in a short time, he volimtarily undertook the trierarchy, which was let to a contractor for 20 minas^"^; it was, however, a syn trierarchy^" % so that the whole 307 Demosth. c. Mid. p. 539 sq. C. bers, each of whom contributed 20 Aphob. ii. p. 840 sq. This Thrasy- minas, in order tliat he might make lochus was himself trierarch three ; the sum a talent, since it is stated in years later, 01>Tnp. 104, 4, Orat. c. i one other place, that a person had let Polycl. p. 1222. 3»8 Demosth. c. Mid. p. 564, 20. Kayo) ft€i/ Kar' eiceivovs tovs ;^pdi'ous cTpiTjpdpxovv, evdvs eK naihcov e^eXdav, his trierarchy to a contractor for a talent. As if this had been a fixed price, and Demosthenes did not dis- tinctly say that there were only two oT€ avvbvo ^/xei/ ol rpirjpapxoi, &c. trierarchs ! Spalding also ad Mid. p. From this passage too Ulpian has de- i 43, has been led into error. It may be duced some ingenious conclusions ; | observed that the words in the speech tlms (p. 660 E— G) he supposes that against Meidias, p. 540, 18, ocrot rrpi there existed a syntelia of three mem- | Tpirjpapxiav riaav fiefxiadaxoTeSt refer 554 FIRST AND SECOND FORMS OF [bk. IV. trierarchy only cost 40 minas. Can it, however, be conceived that this was the whole expense of a trierarchy, if the ship, pay, and provision were supplied by the trierarch, the cost of pay and provision for one month alone being as much as that sum? Moreover the speech against Polycles, which belongs to Olymp. 104, f (B.C. 361), contains the best information con- cerning the services which were required by law at that time. There is not however the slightest mention of any obligation to supply the vessel, but the trierarchs were only bound to launch it (/ca^e\/cetv)**'^ The crew was appointed out of the demus, but since a few only were obtained, and those inefficient, Apol- lodorus was glad to hire some sailors of his own^^": he also voluntarily paid them their wages, the generals having only given him provision-money, and two months' pay out of seven- teen^^ ^: he also subjected himself to many other voluntary expenses, such as having fresh seamen in different places^ ^*: he also equipped the vessel himself ^^^; nor was he single in this respect, for others had likewise supplied the ship's furniture^ ^*, and let it to their successors : other trierarchs however at this period received their vessels ready equipped from the state; and in the oration concerning the crown of the trierarchy^ ^% which refers to the same form of this service, it is distinctly stated that the state equipped the ship; and this is also evident from the fact that in Olymp. 105, 4 (b.c. 35 7)^ ships' furniture which had not been formerly paid for, was claimed from the trie- rarchs^ '^ Apollodorus having supplied the furniture of his own ship, had it in his power to demand of his successor to bring new with him, or to purchase the old from himselP^^: with regard to the ship itself there is nowhere any trace either of selling or letting, but Apollodorus only requires of his successor to both Thrasylochus and Meidias, the latter of whom was only connected with it as assistant to liis brother, and had no share or partnership in the trierarchy. Meidias was not trierarcli before the introduction of these com- panies, as we learn from Demosthenes, p. 5G4. =*«» P. 1207, 13. ^'^ P. 1208. 3^' P. 1209. 3^^ P. 1210 sqq. 3^3 P. 1208, 17, p. 1217, 15. 31^ P. 1219, extr. 3'* P. 1229, 15. 3'® Orat. c. Euerg. et Mnesib. p. 146. 3^7 C. Polycl. p. 1215. CH. XII.] THE TRIERARCHY. 555 to receive it from him according to law, in order that he might be at length relieved from his trierarchy, which he had already performed beyond the legal time. It is therefore hardly worth repeating that at that time nothing but the repairing and preservation of the ship and ship's fm'niture was required of the trierarchs by law, all other expenses being merely voluntary; although these were by no means trifling, as the state frequently furnished damaged ships, and on voyages, and particularly in battles, great losses were experienced. This ApoUodorus, the son of Pasion, is a remarkable instance how harshly a man could be treated, if he was rich and ambitious, and moreover, like him, a new citizen : for his state- ments bear the stamp of truth in a greater degree than the assertion of Phormion, that ApoUodorus in the offices of trie- rarch and choregus had not even expended as much from his own property as was required of himself with an income of 20 minas^^^. Such extreme contradictions are to be found in the same orator, provided that both speeches are the work of Demosthenes. Others again performed their duties at less expense, and only supplied what was absolutely necessary : and even before the institution of the symmoriee, the trierarchs began to let their trierarchy for a certain sum to a contractor, of which Thrasylochus is the most ancient among the known examples, in Olymp. 104, 1 (b.c. 364). Another instance occurs in Olymp. 104, 4 (b.c. 361), of the same person again^^% and about what amount was given at that time we have already seen. It is evident that they transferred their trierarchy to whoever required the lowest sum^^% a custom detrimental to the state, not only on account of the insufficient performance of the duties, but also because the contractors by their priva- teering practices gave occasion to reprisals against the state^*\ Upon occasions of defeat, the guilt therefore justly fell upon those who had let their trierarchy, the letting being considered ^'^ Demosth. pro Phorm. p. 956 sq. 319 Demosth. c. Polycl. p. 1222, 26. 32" Demosth. de Trierarch. Corona p. 1230, 5. 3^1 Ibid. p. 1231 sq. 556 FIRST AND SECOND FORMS OF [bK. IVi as a desertion of their post (XiTrord^covY^^, since the trierarch was bound to be on board his ship and to command in person. Before we proceed further it may be worth mentioning, that even after Olymp. 105, 3 (b.c. 358), the hull of the ship was not supplied by the trierarchs or the symmorise, but that the ships of war were in general the property of the public, as Xenophon expressly says in his Essay upon the Revenues^**; though I do not mean to deny that individual citizens occa- sionally presented their triremes as a free gift to the state. For since at these later times the trierarchy was often not announced, and the trierarchs not appointed till the campaign was already at hand^**, it was not possible that the trierarch should build a new ship; if, however, it was expected from him to buy one, a delay of this kind would have been most unwise, as the possessors, in order to vex or defraud him, would have been able (unless a maximum was fixed by the state) to demand an exorbitant price; not to mention that of a sale of this description, which must have occurred almost every year, there is not the slightest trace in any ancient author. Or are we to suppose that the person who had built a new ship, delivered it to his successor gratis ? It is impossible to imagine that such an inequality as this existed in the distribution of the burdens of the trierarchy. To what purpose moreover had the Senate of Five Hundred, together with the trireme-builders, the duty of inspecting the ship-building^" ? To what purpose did the latter receive their funds from the state, if the trierarchs supplied their own ships ? To what purpose was it that about Olymp. 106, 2 (b.c. 355), new triremes were built at the expense of the state (as we see from the speech of Demosthenes against Androtion), and that it was even enacted that the senate should not receive its crown, if the ships were not in readiness ? Do we not know that Eubulus superintended the ^^^ Demosth. de Trierarch. Corona p. 1230. ^^^ Demoath. Philipp. i. p. 50, 10. ^■"^^See book ii. ch. 19, comp. also ii. ch. 6. That the building was paid for by the public is particularly shown by Demosth. c. Androt. p. 599, 13. CH. XII.] THE TRIERARCHY. 557 ship-building in the capacity of an officer of state^^^ 1 and that Lycurgus provided 400 triremes, partly by repairing old, and partly by providing new^^^ ? Still further ; in the proposal of Demosthenes respecting the symmorise, the ships are supposed to be already prepared, and together with the furniture were to be assigned to the symmoriae by lot^*^ This proposal, how- ever, only had in view a better regulation of the vessels actually in the possession of the state. There are only two passages which could seem to favour the supposition that the state supplied the hull of the ship. The first is where Ulpian asserts^ *° that the trierarch had at times only supplied the ship; this, however, is an erroneous conclusion from the oration against Meidias, in which it is stated that at the institution of the symmoriae, the state furnished the crew and equipment^'*'; whence he infers, and with him the modern writers on the subject, that the trierarch s supplied the ship. But as to this, what I have already remarked upon the subject again applies, I do not consider it necessary to bestow on it a particular examination. The expression used by Isaeus'"', of an Athenian, might appear more doubtful, "who did not make the ship {rrjv vavv iroLTjad- fievos) by the assistance of a symmoria like the trierarchs of the present day, but at his own expense ;'^ so that, according to this passage, as well before as after the institution of the symmoriie the trierarchs furnished the vessel. But the expres- sion "to make a ship^^ must have another meaning in this passage; because, as has been already shown, it is impossible to suppose that the trierarchs supplied the hull of the ship before the establishment of the symmoriae. Although to make a ship may signify to build a new ship^^% it does not necessarily 3i6 Book"ii. cli. 7. | ^^^ Demosth. p. 564 extr. and p. oC5 3=^7 iii. 19. sup. 3=^« Demosth. p. 183 sup. (ha avy- \ ^^^ De Apollod. Hered. p. 184. /cXr/pwo-ai (Tvyiiiopla (rco^droyv eKaaTj] ti)p \ ^'^'^ So in the speech against Audro- nevreKaLbfKavatav. 1. 24, ra? rpL^peiS, \ tion, where rpi^peis TTOielaetu is the as av CKaa-Toi Xap^cocrt, napeaKevaajxevas Tvapex'^iv. 3=^9 Ad. Mid. p. 682 A. same as Kaivas Tpn']peis TroielaSai, as there the oi-ator is speaking of new triremes ; and elsewhere. 558 THE TRIERARCHY. C^K. IV. bear that meaning; but the expression is general, and the extent of its signification must be determined from the context. Now the trierarch never received a ship actually ready for sailing : the hull was given to him, and he then built upon it, repaired what was damaged, supplied the furniture and decora- tions^^^ and put the whole in perfect condition. This labour is so considerable that I know no reason why it may not be signified by the words ^Ho make a ship'' or "/o build a sMp^^^-'^ for by these means the vessel is placed in a fit condition to sail. Without, then, being hindered by this passage (which on account of the indefinite nature of the expression, cannot be considered as sufficient proof against us), we assert that the state always furnished the pay and provision, in addition to the empty vessel, and that all the alterations in the services of the trierarchy, merely refer to the equipment of the vessel, and to the method of levying the crews. Chapter XIIL Third Form of the Trierarchy. Syntelia and Symmori(B,from Olymp. 105, 4 (b.c. 357) to the end of the I09th Olympiad (B.C. 341). From the account of Ulpian^^^, w^ho states that besides the two trierarchs, sometimes three or even sixteen persons combined to defray the expenses, it has been incorrectly supposed that this must have been a peculiar kind of trierarchy, whereas Ulpian's 333 Cf. Thucyd. vi. 31. ^^* It might with equal justice be called vavTTTjyTja-aadat, in the sense of a thorough repair and refitting, and yet this expression is also applied to new ships. Merely repairing is irria- KevdC^iv, e g., in the decree in the Lives of the Ten Orators, p. 278, and Xenoph. Rep. Ath. 3, ci tis tt)v vavv fxfj eVtcrKfva^ei, which is also to be understood of trierarchs, i. e., these words relate to the duties of the trie- rarchs already appointed, and aftei-- wards mention is made of the appoint- ment of new trierarchs, and of their lawsuits. Tr)v vavv with the article, signifies a well-known and determinate service, with regard to a fixed vessel, which is assigned to an individual, and shows that it relates to the trierarchs. 335 C. Mid. p. 681, G, p. C82, B. The emendation of Petit, Koi ore 5e €KKaideKa TpLrjpap)^ni, for 8e kcu 8eKa rejected by Wolf, p. ciii. is evidently correct. CH. XIII.] THIRD FORM OF TRIERARCHY. 559 words only mean that in the symmorise of the Twelve Hundred sometimes three, sometimes sixteen, or any other number of persons, managed the trierarchy of a ship^^*; it would be far more consistent with his statement to refer these unions to the symmorise ; a supposition which indeed can hardly be avoided, as the symmorise were instituted immediately after the double syntrierarchy, as will be presently shown ; and indeed at the first establishment of the symmorise we find that two persons held the trierarchy together, according to the ancient method, a fact which we learn from the oration against Euergus and Mnesibulus^^^ In the mean time, there is no proof that three persons ever performed the trierarchy together: and it is evident that Ulpian has merely fixed upon the latter number, in order to explain how it was possible that Demosthenes should have paid only 20 minas for a trierarchy, as he himself con- sidered it certain that the lease of a trierarchy always cost a talent ; notwithstanding that in the first place there could not have been any fixed price, as it must have varied according to the circumstances and expectations of the contractor ; and, secondly, Demosthenes unquestionably performed the trierarchy with one person only, and not with two^^^, and moreover long before the introduction of the symmorise, viz. in Olymp. 104, 1 (B.C. 364). The introduction of the symmorise is immediately connected with the form of the trierarchy, which has been already treated of, according to which this liturgy was borne either by one alone or by two syntrierarchs. For in Olymp. 105, 3 (b.c. 358), it being found impossible to procure any or a sufficient number of trierarchs according to the legal forms, it was con- sidered necessary to summon voluntary trierarchs. As these, however, could only suffice for the current year, it was necessary to consider of some new regulation for the ensuing 3^^ P. 682, B, x^'^^oi yap Ka\ SiaKo- (Tioi rjaav ol Tois rpiTjpapxtciis dcficopta- pevoi. TOvTOiv 5e \ombv rj avveKKalbeKa TTjv TpiTjpr] enX-qpovv fj crvvrpeiSf rj 6(roidT]noTe. The remainder of his account is mixed with absurdities. 337 p. 1162 extr. cf. pp. 1148—1154, in reference to the connection of the fact and the time. ^^^ See above chap. 12, and particu- larly note 308. 560 THIRD FORM OF TRlERARCHY. [bk. IV. year, and as it was impossible to provide for the public service according to the actual system, they agreed to appoint 1200 partners {avvreXeLs) distributed into symmorise, who were to perform the duties of the trierarchy. In the case to which the oration against Euergus and Mnesibulus refers, the trierarchs had been already regulated according to the symmoriee; the trierarchy, however, of the person for whom this speech was written, which was performed after the establishment of the symmorise, took place in the archonship of Agathocles, Olymp. 105, 4 (B.C. 357)'"'. Yet even at that time, two persons were sometimes appointed trierarchs out of the symmorise, in order to perform their duties in person. In earlier times no trace of symmoriee exists, but of the syntrierarchy alone. It is, there- fore, highly probable that this year was the first in which the symmoriee came into operation. In the oration of Isseus con- cerning the inheritance of Apollodorus'", the date of which might be placed further back, but cannot be brought lower down, in the oration against Leptines^"^, which was delivered in 3=^9 Demosth. c. Euerg. et IMnesib. p. 1152, 18, cf. Petit. Leg. Att. iii. 4, 10. Concerning the syntrierarchs, see p. 1162, extr. The expenses wliich were then entailed upon the pei-son for whom this speech is written, by his syntrierarchy, were so great that he consumed the money appointed for the fine to be paid to his adversary, amounting to 13 minas and over, p. 1154. I must in this place explain away a passage from which it might appear that sjTnmorise Avere in exist- ence before Olymp. 105, 4. It is the passage quoted above on the subject of the trierarchy, in the oration against Euergus and Mnesib. p. 1145, 21. ATjixo)(^dpT]s de 6 Ilaiavuvs fV ttj (Tvymo- pia a>v Koi ocfxiXav rfj TTo'Xet (tk€vt) fiera 06o^i7/iou TOVTOv, crvvrpiy'ipap^os yevo' fxfvos. It has been already remarked, that the syntrierarchy of these two ' persons must have *^ taken place in Olymp. 105, 2 or 3. Now Demochares | was a member of the symmoriffi in Olymp. 105, 4, and he may thus appear to have served the former syntrierar- chy in the symmorise, which, if it were true, would give an earlier date to the symmorire. But wliat prevents us from supposing that Demochares was syntrierarch before, and did not belong to the symmoriae until Olymp. 105,4? What renders this the more probable is, that he alone is stated to have been in the symmoriai, while Theophemus is not mentioned as a member of one, and if they had both been members of a symmorise when they peiformed that trierarchy, Theo- phemus must have been in the same symmoriae as Demochares; whereas the contrary must be inferred from the words of the orator. S'lo P. 1{;4, comp. Wolf, p. cix. who supposes tlie speech to belong to the 105th 01}^npiad. If it was not deli- vered in Oljnnp. 105, 4, its date is Olymp. 100. ■^■'' § 19, p. 403, 24. CH. XIII.] SYNTELI^ AND SYMMORI/E. 561 Olymp. 106, 2 (b.c. 355), in the oration upon the symmoriae which was spoken in Olymp. 106, 3 (b.c. 354), and in the oration against Meidias, which belongs to Olymp. 106, 4 (b.c. 353), this institution is recognised as existing. The law of Periander, by which, according to the account contained in the oration against Euergus and Mnesibulus^^*, the symmoriae of the trierarchy were introduced, was evidently, as may be seen from its agreement with what has been stated, the primary and original enactment upon this subject. The 1200 Partners (o-uz^reXet?)''' were properly the most wealthy individuals according to the valuation, and among these, as was the case in the symmoriae of the property taxes, there was a separate body of three hundred, which was still in existence when Demosthenes abolished the symmoriae^^*; the whole number was divided into twenty symmoriae or classes^"*: in these classes a number of members combined for the equip- ment of a ship, which body was called a Synteleia {avvTe\€tay*\ A body of this kind often consisted of five or six persons^''^, so that a symmoria could furnish ten or twelve ships; but there were fifteen persons to each ship, and therefore only four ships were provided by a symmoria of sixty persons. A division of this kind, which, according to Hyperides"*^, was itself called a symmoria, was at certain times appointed by law: the most singular fact however is, that before Demosthenes introduced the new law of the trierarchy according to the valuation, vv^hen the institution of the symmoriae was still in existence^"", according to the actual law sixteen persons were appointed out of the syntelias for each ship, for twenty-five or thirty years"", ^*- P. 1 145. j tines as above, Harpocrat. and Etymol. ^*^ Demosth. c. jNIid. p. 564, extr. I in v. crvvreXe^s. de Symmor. p. 182, 19, and the gram- \ '^^ Hyperides ap. Harpocrat. in v. marians passim, Harpocration, Suidas, Photius, Lex. Seg. pp. 238, 300, also p. 192, 3, which latter article is however very incorrect. ^** Dinarch. c. Demosth. p. 33 ; comp below, ch. 14. »^* Demosth. de Symmor. p. 182, 19. ^*^ Concerning tins word see De- mosthenes against Meidias and Lep- avfifiopia, corrupted by Petit iii. 4, J. 3^8 Ibid. ^■*^ This is evident from the speech for the Crown, p. 329, 17, p. 260, 21. ^^'^ Law in Demosth. pro Corona, p. 261, extr. Karakoyos. Tovs Tpiijpdp' ;^ovy /caXetcr^ai eVt ti)i> Tpirjpi] avvcKKai-' dcKa €K Twv iv Tols \6xoLS (TvvTiKetiov dno f'Uoa-i Kal nevre iroyv fU reTTapd- 2 o 562 THIRD FORM OF TRIERARCHY. [bK. IV. and these sixteen bore the burden in equal shares. Since this number does not agree with the constitution of the twenty sym- mori^e of sixty persons each^ we must either suppose an entire change in the internal arrangements of the 1200 Partners, w^hich is by no means probable; or an increase in their number to 1280; or, if neither of these conjectures appears probable, dis- cover some other method of explanation. Might w^e not assume, since a part only of the law has come down to us, that there were other material additions to it, which made the meaning clear? It is possible that the syntelias did not consist only of fifteen persons, as they are stated by Hyperides (although he calls them symmorise), and that to these fifteen another mem- ber was purposely added from a different syntelia, in order to prevent any unjust proceeding among the other fifteen members, and to perform the duties of a comptroller over them. The superintendence of the whole business was performed by the most wealthy, upon whom the burdens of the trierarchy chiefly fell, that is to say, the leaders of the symmorise {rjyefioves rcov o-vfi/jLopLMV )"^ and the managers of the symmoriae {eTrifie- XrjTal TMV av/jL/JLopLcovY^'^. KovTu, eVi 'laov rfj X'^PV'/^^ ;;^pco/xe'vov?. confused and unsatisfactory. Hiero Cf. p. 260, 27, p. 261, 3, 16. XopTj-yLa , nymus Wolf is of opinion that farther here means any public service in the researches are necessary as to the general sense. But the difficulty in meaning of the ttoXltikoI and rpi-qpap- the expression eV rots' \6xoi.^ cannot be x'-'^^'- ^oxoi, and considers that Demos- solved, nor has F. A. Wolf, p. 112, thenes uses this expression for the been able to remove it. It is certain symmoria?, which is the only method that \6xos may mean a civil as well as of overcoming the difficulty. I may a military division, and if net from likewise mention, that at that time, as Xenophon (Hieron. 9, 5), where it is seen from note 349, the symmoriae may be referred to a military division, , were actually in existence, and the it is evident from Aristotle (Polit. v. only reason why in Demosth. adv. 8) : Tov ixeu ovv fxi) KXeTVTeadaL to. koivo. Bceot. de Xom. p. 997, 1, about Olymp. 77 TTapdboaLs yiyveadoi rcov xPW^'^^'^ 1^7, 1, the trierarch is opposed to the TrapovTUiv rravTcov roiv noXiTcovy kol symmorije, is that the sjTnmorige of dvTiypar) Trapavoficov) which Patroclus of Phlya had brought against him^^^ ^" Philochorus ap. Dlonys. Halicar- nass. vol. ii. p. 123, ed. Sylb. ^^' Concerning the latter person see book ii. cli. 24. ^^^ Deniostli. Olynth. ii. p. 22, sup. ^«^ Diod. XV. «]. ^^* Diod. xvi. 8. 3«5 Diod. ibid. ^^^ Libauiiis Argum. ad Demosth. Olynth. 1. ^^ Demosth. de Corona, pp. 260, 261. Concerning the office which De- CH. XIV.] FOURTH FORM OF TRIERARCHY. 571 The symmoriee and syntelice then in existence, the members of which had even given up the names of trierarchs, and called themselves partners or sharers (avvreXeh), were abolished, and the services were again brought back to the valuation. The trierarchs were, according to the words of the law, rated for a trireme according to their property as stated in the register, in such a manner that one trireme was required from 10 talents; whoever was valued at a higher sum was, according to the same proportion, returned to the trierarchy as being bound to furnish three triremes and one auxiliary vessel {uTrrjperiKov) ; while all those who had less than 10 talents were to unite in syntelias until they made up that sum^^^ The terms of the law, although towards the end they are not expressed with precision, distinctly show that the 10 talents were not merely property, but the property according to the valuation, or the taxable capital, as Budaeus before understood it^^^ Thus if the valuation of the year of Nausinicus was still in force, which was the foundation of the proposals made in the speech concerning the symmorise in Olymp. 106, 3 (b.c. 354), whoever was possessed of 50 talents was obliged to pro\dde one trireme; of 150 talents and over, as in the case of Diphilus, was to supply three triremes, and, to preserve the proportion, an auxiliary vessel besides: for the sake however of preventing the burden from being too oppressive, this was the highest rate 6ven for the most w^ealthy; so that if a person was possessed of 500 talents, the number mosthenes held when he put his pro- ject into execution, see ^sch. c. Cte- siph. p. 614. The law first came be- fore the senate, who referred it to the ovoiv T} ovaia a7T0T€TifjiTjfj.eur} fj )(^pr]fj.aTa>v, Kara tov avaXoyKTfxbv ecoy TpicovrrXoiav Koi vTTTjpeTLKOv T) XeLTOvpyla e(TT(0' Kara TTjv avTTjv 8e avaXoy'iav earo) koi ols people. Instead of eiarjveyKe vofiov eXdrTcov ovcrla earl twv deKa laXavTcop els TO rpi-qpapxi-K-OV in the speech for the eiff avvreXeuiv (Tvvayop.4vois els ra dcKa Ci own, should be read, elarjveyKe v6p.oi> Tokavra. On account of an observa- rpiTjpapxiKov ; which I mention in order tion of the last editor, I may mention that it may not be supposed that there ' that the ancient form is rpirjpapxos existed a separate office called to Tpir)- ; and yvfxvaaiapxos, and not Tpirjpdpxijs, papxiKov. ' yvfxvaaidpxf]S, as is proved by inscrip- ^^^ Demosth. ibid. p. 262, sup. Ka- | tions, for example, Corp. Inscript. Nos. ToXoyos. Tovs Tpirjpdpxovs alpeladai ! 147 and 158. enl TYjv TpLr)pr] dno ttjs ovcrias koto. tI- ^^^ Ubi sup. p. 543. jXTjaiVj OTTO TaXdvTiov beKa' iav be rrXet- \ 572 FOURTH FORM OF TRIERARCHY. [bK. IV. which he was bound to furnish was the same: all who were possessed of an inconsiderable property contributed according to their valuation, and diminished in a corresponding ratio to the diminution in their property. By this law a great alteration was effected. All persons paying taxes were rated under the new regulations; while the poor, who had been very much oppressed during the time of the Twelve Hundred, received some relief, which was the intention of Demosthenes^®"; and those who formerly contributed a six- teenth to the trierarchy of one vessel, were now trierarchs of two^®'; that is to say, if their taxable capital amounted to 20 talents. Of persons whose valuation was still higher than this sum Demosthenes says not a word, and it would almost appear as if no higher valuations had been then in existence, although they are allowed for in the law; and if the statements of the property were correctly made, there must have been some of a higher amount. The consequences were, according to Demosthenes, highly beneficial; during the whole war, which was carried on under the regulations of the new law, no trierarch threw himself on the protection of the people, or took refuge at the altar of Diana of Munychia, or was thrown into prison; no trireme was lost to the state, or remained lying in the docks, from there being no means to send her out to sea, which had formerly been the case, as the poor were unable to perform the necessary services. What portion of the expense the trierarch was forced to sustain, we are not informed; probably the same as under the symmorise: and if the distribution was really made as the law directed, and the trierarchy was performed in turn through the whole valuation, \nthout ever falling a second time upon the same person, however rich, it could not have been oppressive. If we reckon that, as formerly, it cost about a talent, the total expense of the trierarchs for 100, 200, or 300 triremes amounted to an equal number of talents, or a sixtieth, a thirtieth, and a twentieth of the valuation; that is to say, for the first class one- third, two-thirds, and one per cent, of their property; for the ''s" De Corona, pp. 260—262. 39' Ibid. p. 261. CH. XIV.] FOURTH FORM OF TRIERARCHY. 573 poorer a proportionally less amount: and of the annual incomes, if they are only taken as a tenth part of the property, 3^, 6f, and 10 per cent, for the most wealthy. But we may reckon that at that time Athens had not more than between 100 and 200 triremes at sea; at least the occasions on which there were 300 must have been extremely rare, although the orators in exao-- geration speak of that number: so that this war-tax did not for the richest class amount on an average to more than one-third and two-thirds per cent, of their property. The arrangement of Demosthenes was upon this occasion, as in his former proposal concerning the constitution of the symmorise, calculated for 300 triremes^^^; and for this number 300 trierarchs serving in person must have been necessary. The chief burden therefore naturally fell upon the leaders of the former symmorise, and upon the second and third symmo- rites who were next in order (of whom Demosthenes says that they would have been glad to have given him large sums of money in order to prevent the passing of the law^^^), or upon the Three Hundred, according to an earlier form of trierarchy, as is proved by Hyperides making mention of them^^^; but whether the Three Hundred continued to exist as a corporate body, after the passing of the new law, cannot be ascertained, although it can be hardly doubted thatnews ymmoriae and new leaders were created. Demosthenes boasts of his resistance to bribes in the intro- duction of this law; while Dinarchus reproaches him with the most disgraceful and rapacious conduct in the proceeding: Demosthenes extols the fortunate consequences of his mea- sures; but, as iEschines thinks that he has proved, he deprived 3»* Msch. c. Ctesiph. p. 614. ^83 De Corona, p. 260, 21, cf. Di- narch. c. Demosth. p. 33, where the bribery of the Three Hundred is men- tioned. "Wolf p. cxv. after Corsini was aware that Dinarchus and Demos- thenes allude to the same thing ; the points in which we disagree I leave to the consideration of the reader. '"^^■^ Hyperides ap. Harpocrat. in v. (TVfifiopLa, compare Pollux viii. 100. The Three Himdred mentioned by Demosthenes de Corona, p. 285, 17, in a narration belonging to Olymp. 110 2 (bc. 339), appear to be the three hun- dred of the symraoriae of the property taxes. 574 FOURTH FORM OF TRIERARCHY. [bk. IV. the state of the trierarchs of sixty-five swift-sailing triremes^''^ Which shall posterity believe, when it wishes to form a judgment from the accounts of deceitful orators? It appears to me that the statement of Demosthenes is defended by the fact itself, and the general opinion concerning his whole public Hfe. But instead of entering more largely into this subject, I will only attempt to fix the period at which this law was proposed. According to a document still extant it was passed on the 16th of Boedromion in the archonship of Polycles^''; but unfortunately no year bears his name. Corsini^" places him in Olymp. 109, 4 (b.c. 341), which is called the year of Nico- machus; but if his arguments are closely examined, their weak- ness is soon perceptible. In Olymp. 109, 4, in the archonship of Neocles or Nicocles, which falls in the year of Nicomachus, it was proposed by Aristophon in the prytaneia of the tribe Hippothontis on the last day of Boedromion, to claim from Phihp the ships which he had taken away^^^: the law of Demos- thenes was however passed on the 16th day of Boedromion during the presidency of the same tribe; consequently, says he, Polycles must have been archon in the same year. This con- clusion is perfectly unwarranted. Nothing more follows, than that in the year in which Polycles was archon, the tribe Hippo- thontis had the third prytaneia, and likewise in Olymp. 109, 4; only however in case both were common years: if the. year in which Polycles was archon was an intercalary year, this agree- ment could not have existed, but the same tribe must have had the second prytaneia in that year; but even supposing it was a common year, why should not the tribe Hippothontis have been allotted the same prytaneia in two successive years? Do we not find that the tribe Aiantis often held the first place, although there was no necessity that it should be so^^^ ? ^^^ See Dinarclius and yEschines as above. =*«« Demosth. de Corona, p. 261. 397 F. A. vol. i. p. 352. He con- fuses himself however in his inquiry, and this confusion led Wolf into the eiTor of supposing that Corsini meant Olymp. 109, 3, when Sosigenes was archon Eiionymus, p. 1 13 sq. 3»8 Demosth. de Corona, p. 250. ^^9 The tribe Aiantis had indeed so far tlie preference that its chorus CH. XIV.] FOURTH FORM OF TRIERARCHY. 575 Secondly, Corsini asserts that Demosthenes passed the law before the war with PhiHp, which broke out in Olymp. 110, 1 (B.C. 340), consequently it must belong to the year mentioned before. But I am unable to discover any proof that the law was passed before the war. Petit'*" on the other hand places the archon Polycles in Olymp. 110, 2 (b.c. 339). For in Olymp. 110, 1, PhiHp attacked Byzantium and Perinthus; and on this occasion the Athenians, according to the account of Philochorus, equipped a fleet upon the instigation of Demosthenes, who was the author of the decrees, and also continued their preparations in the succeeding year. Now Demosthenes, after having related that Byzantium and the Chersonese were saved by his counsel, men- tions the law concerning the trierarchy as the next service which he had rendered the state*"'. The supposition of Petit therefore appears to be well founded. But it might be assumed with greater probability that the law was passed in Olymp. 110, 1, in the month Boedromion, that is in the autumn, about the month of September. Phihp, according to the account of Philochorus, made an attack upon Perinthus in the archonship of Theophrastus in Olymp. 110, 1, and, when this undertaking had failed, upon the city of Byzan- tium: it appears however that this either took place at the very beginning of this civil year, or at the end of the former year, ■vHz. in the summer of Olymp. 109, 4, and Olymp. 110, 1, which is signified by the new archon of the civil year which began in the middle of this summer, and not by the archon of the pre- ceding year which ended in the middle of the same summer. For the historians reckon the natural year from spring to spring: if then they wish to express the same year by the name of the archon, or, what is the same thing, to compare it with could never be the last (Plutarcli Qu. •'<"' Leg. Att. iii. 4, 8. Symp. i. 10). In the allotment of the j ^"^ Philochor, pp. 75, 76, of the col- prytaneias, it was however on pre- lection of his Fragments published by cisely the same footing as the rest, ! Lenz and Siebelis. Demosth. de Co- and might be the last : of which an in- rona, p. 260, 4, ^ovXofiai roivvv enaveX- stance occurs in Demosth. de Corona, ^eti/, e^' a tovtcov e^rjs enoXiTevofjLTjv. p. 289. 576 FOURTH FORM OF TRIERARCHY. [bK. IV. the civil year, the natural method would be to choose the civil year of which three-fourths coincided with the natural one, and not the preceding year, which has only three months in com- mon. If this is true, and the next summer of Olymp. 110, ^ is not meant, the preparations must have been made in the same autumn, in the beginning of Olymp. 110, 1, and Demosthenes carried through the law concerning the trierarchy about the September of Olymp. 110, 1, in order that in the following campaign the war might be carried on in the spring with better success; the archon Polycles must therefore be placed in the year in which Theophrastus was archon Eponymus. There cannot however be any doubt between any other years except Olymp. 110, 1, and 2. Of the duration of this law we know nothing, as we have no accounts concerning later times. In the oration for the Crown (Olymp. 112,3, B.C. 330), in which so much is said upon this subject, it is neither mentioned that this law was still in existence, nor that it had been repealed, nor that anything had been substituted in its place; it appears, however, that ^schines, influenced by the bribes of the leaders of the symmoriee, succeeded in procuring its abrogation*"*. Chapter XV. General Observations upon the Expense of a Trierarchy. From what has been said it is evident that the trierarchy, the most expensive of the liturgies, was not necessarily oppressive, if the regulations connected with it were fairly and properly arranged, though on the other hand no tax was more intolerable, if the burthens were unequally imposed and distributed: for thus it frequently happened that the property of those who from motives of ambition or patriotism were induced to incur greater expenses than were necessary, was exhausted by it. Accordingly, not only were the rich impoverished by the liturgies*"^ but they corrupted the people by their lavish Domosth. de Corona, p. :\2\K "'•^ Xenoph. Rep. Atli. i. 13. CH. XV.] EXPENSE OF A TRIERARCHY. 577 expenditure, as the sailors are said to have been by Apollo- dorus, the son of Pasion, when trierarch^°^; we must not there- fore be surprised at the exaggerations of the comic poet* % who, in order to show the insecurity of all property which a man did not hold, as it were, between his teeth, says that the payer of property taxes might be utterly ruined by them, the choregus could furnish his chorus with golden dresses, and leave himself afterwards in rags; and the trierarch hang himself in despair. But similar measures have also been employed in our days, though under other circumstances, and in a somewhat different form. If the ancients had been as well acquainted with the pressure of armies living at free quarter, of war supplies and forced loans, as we in the present time are with their liturgies, they would have had more to apprehend from the introduction of our system than we could have of theirs; especially as the means of legal redress were then far more accessible than in modern times. If we (in Germany) had the same publicity of govern- ment and freedom of discussion as existed in Greece, as many stories to our prejudice would descend to our posterity as have been handed down to us in the works of their orators on the subject of the liturgies; and if the persons who were liable to war taxes, or who had soldiers quartered on them, were allowed to challenge an exchange of property with any one who might appear better able to bear these burdens, the same number of courts of justice as existed at Athens would hardly suffice to decide the disputes which would arise in a city of equal extent*. With regard to the trierarchy, although the expenses required were very different at different times, the statements of the ancients all lead to the same result, viz. that a whole trierarchy did not cost less than 40 minas, nor more than a talent; and that a half trierarchy cost between 20 and 30 minas, except in such a case as that of ApoUodorus, where *"■* Demosth. c. Polyclem. •*"* Antiphanes ap. Athen. iii. p. 103 F. * [It is to be borne in mind that the original of this work was pub- lished in 1817, a time when the re- flections in the text might naturally occur to a German. — Transl.] 2 P 578 EXPENSE OF A TRTERARCHY. [bK. IV. the trierarch supplied the pay, or subjected himself to other unnecessary expenses, or managed his affairs without economy. A trierarchy which lasted for three years after the battle of Cnidus, cost, according to Lysias, 80 minas*"% that is, upon an average, 26f a year, which was doubtless only a half or syn- trierarchy; in the later times of the Peloponnesian war a trierarchy of two partners cost 48 minas, 24 a-piece**'^ The half trierarchy which was let by Demosthenes, cost 20 minas, the state neither providing the equipment, nor even supplying the crew. At a subsequent period the lease of a whole trierarchy cost a talent, although the vessels were both manned and equipped by the state'"', which may be explained by supposing that the contractors, who had before reckoned upon captures, and there- fore required less assistance, had been taught by former losses to raise their demands; the ship^s furniture might also have been damaged and imperfect, and the vessels themselves in want of much repair. A whole trierarchy for seven years in earlier times (from Olymp. 92, 2, until Olymp. 93, 4, B.C. 411 — 5), had cost a client of Lysias 6 talents, that is, 51^ minas a year*•'^ But the proportion which the services bore to the property, before a correct allotment had been enforced by law, cannot be ascertained, on account of the absence of a fair scale founded upon fixed principles. The only question therefore of which we can offer any solution is, what was the amount of property which obliged the citizens to the performance of the trierarchy; even upon this point however we are unable to state a determi- nate sum, although some fixed rate must have existed. ApoUodorus the trierarch had an annual income of 2 talents*'"; the family of Demosthenes, which was liable to the performance of the trierarchy, an estate of 15 talents*' ', that produced at the least an income of 90 minas a year, and *o« Pro Aristoph. bonis, p. G33, p. 643. 4"7 Lysias c. Diogit. pp. 907—909. *°8 See chap. 12 and 13. "'^ Book iii. cli. 22. ^•° Book iv. ch. 3. ^" Book iv. ch. 3 CH. XV.J EXPENSE OF A TRIERARCHY. 579 Isaeus''^ complains that a person with an income of 80 minas, which supposes a property of about 1 1 talents, had not per- formed any trierarchy. Critobulus, as mentioned in Xeno- phon*^% had a property of more than 500 minas, which would subject him, in the opinion of Socrates, among other expenses to the pay of more than one trierarchy, in case a war should break out; that is to say, he would be forced to perform the syntrierarchy, which had been introduced about twelve years before the death of Socrates, and which was in existence when Xenophon wTote this passage. The word 7j«?/ is used because a trierarch who did not command his own vessel, made a pay- ment to the other trierarch who served in person, which appears to be in strictness a remuneration for services performed. I am aware of no instance of liability to the trierarchy arising from a property of less amount than this; and since an estate of 1 or 2 talents never obliged the possessor to the performance of any liturg}^*^*, what shall be said to the assertion of Is8eus*'*, that many had borne the expensive office of trierarch, whose property did not amount to 80 minas ? If this is not a rhetorical exag- geration, or a deceit on the part of the rich, who, by concealing their property, wished to enjoy the credit of a greater sacrifice, while they only performed their just share, these must have been services performed by ambitious and public-spirited citizens, who did not hesitate to contribute to a syntrierarchy a con- siderable portion of a small property. The same judgment may be formed on the case of another client of the same orator*' ^ who defrayed the expenses of a gymnasiarchy from a supposed fortune of about 83 minas. •*^- De Dicaeog. Hered. p. 110. j was never bound to furnish the pay, •*^3 (Econ. 2, 6, Tptrjpapxias pnaOovs. | and if pay were meant, the expression Pay for the sailors cannot be here used must have been pna-Qovs vavrav meant. Reckoning the pay without and not rpirjpapxLas. the pro\ision at 20 minas a month, al- I *'"* See book iii. ch. 21. though 30 were often given, the result *^' De Dicaeog. Hered. ubi sup would be such a sum as no trierarch ""^^ De Menecl. Hered. pp. 219—223. overpaid or could pay; we have also Orell. sufficiently proved that the trierarch P 2 580 THE ANTIDOSIS. [bk. Chapter XVI. The Antidosis, or compulsory Exchange of Property, At the conclusion of our researches concerning the liturgies, it will be necessary to say something on the subject of the exchange (avr/Soo-t?). For the purpose of relieving the poor^ and particularly those whose property had been diminished by reverses of fortune^ '% from the oppression of an unfair burden^ and in order to pre- vent the wealthy from escaping the liturgies, it was enacted by law that whoever named another person to a liturgy, whom he thought to have been passed over, though better able to under- take it than himself, was empowered to transfer it; and in case the latter party refused to take it, he could demand an exchange of property, with the condition that he should then perform the liturgy from the property received by him in exchange; and the party, to whom the exchange had been oiFered, could no longer be called upon to perform if^^ Solon was the author of this regulation, which, though obviously subject to many difficulties, was neither unjust nor absurd^^% and it provided a ready means of redress against arbitrary oppression. To assist every man in obtaining his right, and to afford protection to the poor, were the predominant objects of the legislation of Solon, which he pursued without paying any regard to the inconve- niences which might arise from the means employed in attaining them. The exchange most frequently occurred in the case of the trierarchy, and not uncommonly in that of the choregia"-"; it existed, however, in the other liturgies, and could also be had recourse to as a relief from the property taxes, if, for example, any one complained that his means were not greater than those *-7 Orat. c. Phaenipp. pp. 1039, 1040. ''^^ Suidas in v. avridoais, Lex. Seg. p. 197, Ulpian ad Mid. p. 660 A. *'^ Orat. c. Phsenipp. init. ^'" Xenoph. fEcon. 7, 3, Lysias 7rep\ Tov dSvvar. p. 745, Demosth. c. Lept. § 109 (p. 496, 20), c. Mid. n. 565, 8. CH. XVI.] THE ANTIDOSIS. 581 of some other person who was rated to a lower class, or, as was frequently the case, that persons could prove themselves unfairly included in the class of the Three Hundred"'. This proceeding was allowed every year to the persons nominated for the liturgies by the regular authorities, which in the case of the trierarchy and property taxes were the generals"*, to the great delay of military aifairs. The offerer immediately laid a sequestration upon the property of his opponent, and sealed up his house, if he refused to accept the liturgy; the house was however free to the first party. The next step was that both the parties undertook upon oath to give an account of their pro- perty, and were bound within the space of three days to deliver in an inventory [airo^avcns) to each other. Then the cause was decided by the court^^^. If the decision was unfavourable to the party who made the offer, the proposed exchange did not take place; and it was in this manner that Isocrates gained his cause by means of his son Aphareus, against Megacleides, who had demanded to exchange property with him. If however the decision was in favour of the oflferer, the opponent was free either to accept the exchange, or to perform the liturgy. On that account Isocrates undertook the third of the three trie- rarchies performed by himself and his son, when Lysimachus liad claimed to exchange with him''^*; and it is to this the oration concerning the exchange refers, a speech of great length, but barren of information. Lastly, the party to whom the ofi"er was made, could not bring the cause into court, after the seal had been once imposed; but he was then ''2' Orat. c. Phaenipp. particularly p. 1046, 24, from whence it is pretty cer- tain that the question in the speech relates to the advance of the taxes. Concerning translation from one class into another, compare also the argu- ment to this oration. 4^^ Orat. c. Phtenipp. p. 1040, De- mosth. Philipp. i. p. 50, 20, Xenoph. Rep. Ath. 3, 4 ; comp. Suidas in the passage quoted by MattliiaB, Miscell. Philolog, vol. i. p. 249. *'^'^ Orat. c. Pha3uipp. cf. Xenopli. ubi sup. (unless it be thought that law suits wdth regard to ship's furniture are here meant, see the speech against Euergus and Mnesib. p. 1148, I? sqq.) Suid. in v. diadiKaa-ia. ^2-» Isocrat. de Antid. 2, ed. Hall, p. 80, ed. Orell. Comp. the inaccm-ate account in the Lives of the Ten Orators, p. 240, and the more correct one in p. 244. Dionys. Halicarn. Vit. Di- narch. ad fin. Aphareus is also men- tioned as triei-arch in Orat. c. Euerg. et Mnesib. p. 1148. 582 THE AXTIDOSIS. [bK. IV. obliged to take the liturgy; as was the case with Demos- thenes^". All immoveable and moveable property was transferred in the exchange, with the exception only of mines''^% which were exempted from the extraordinary taxes and the liturgies, as being already taxed. On the other hand, Wesseling upon Petit maintains that all actions, and Wolf that all civil actions, of the parties making the exchange, were transferred from the one to the other. Both regulations are too absurd to be imputed to the Athenian law. With regard to public actions it is evident at first sight that this could not have been the prac- tice. We will suppose that Demosthenes and Thrasylochus exchanged their property, and that Demosthenes had an action for illegal proceedings pending against him; if then Demos- thenes was afterwards condemned to death, is Thrasylochus to be executed? No one indeed imagined this possible; but supposing Demosthenes was condemned to a fine of 50 talents, is Thrasylochus to pay the fine, and in case of failure to be thrown into prison, and to suffer whatever were the other con- sequences of such omission ? A regulation of this kind would be impossible, for the law could only punish the person who actually committed the offence. The case is precisely the same with civil or private cases. If Thrasylochus struck Callias, or injured his property in any manner, and an action was brought against him before the exchange took place, and after it had been completed, was condemned to pay to Calhas a certain sum for damages, Demosthenes is evidently not bound to pay this sum; for the liabiUty is personal, and necessarily continues so. Or if Thrasylochus had a private law suit relating to some mining affair, the mines being a species of property which was excluded from the exchange, it is manifest that when the exchange was made, the law suit could not have been trans- ferred to Demosthenes. Now let us suppose another case. Demosthenes brings an action against Aphobus for having damaged his property, and *** C. Aphob.ii. p. «41, c.Mid. p. 540. I my Dissertation upou the Silver Mines *''^^ Orat. c. Phaeuipp. p. 1044. Com. | of Laurium. CH. XVI.] THE ANTIDOSIS. 583 demands a compensation of 10 talents: while the case is pending^ he exchanges his property with Thrasylochus; in this instance it is agreeable to common sense that the cause should pass over to Thrasylochus, who is at liberty either to proceed with itj or allow it to fall to the ground; and if he adopts the former course, he has no one to blame for the issue of it but himself. In otlier words, the parties making the exchange transferred their property, mines being excepted, with all claims and obligations attached to it, and particularly all debts, as may be seen from the speech against Pheenippus. This holds good of every other transfer of property, even when there was no interchange: whoever received an estate by inheritance, received also the rights and duties belonging to it: and with regard to the exchange the same rule obtained. The single case from which it has been inferred that law suits were transferred in the exchange, exactly proves what has been stated. When the action of Demosthenes against his guardians (from whom he claimed compensation for the pro- perty of which they had defrauded him, and thus in fact demanded restitution of what had formerly belonged to him, as of an unpaid debt) was to have come before the court in a few days, Thrasylochus offered to exchange property with him, having a secret understanding with the guardians, that if Demos- thenes accepted the offer, he (Thrasylochus) would not proceed with the cause against them; because these law suits, as the orator expressly says, were transferred to the party who made the exchange**^ Demosthenes accepted the exchange, reserving, however, his claims upon the guardians, in the hope of a judicial decision, by which the reservation would be granted to him: failing, however, to attain this object, and as there was no time to be lost, he cancelled his agree- ment to the exchange, and performed the trierarchy, in order that he might not give up the cause against his guardians, to whom his opponent had already yielded the dispute''^\ ''^^ C. Aphob. ii. p. 840 ext. tv' el j dvTibovros yiyvofxevcou. fxev dvTi8(OT]v, fxr) c^eir] fxoi npos avTovs \ ^'■^ Ibid. p. 841, c. Mid. p. 539 sqq. avTidmelv, cos Koi tu>v 8ik(ov tovtoov tov \ 584 MEANS EMPLOYED TO [bK. Chapter XVII. . Extraordinary means employed by the Greek States to relieve pecuniary difficulties: namely y Foreign Subsidies, Plunder, Captures, forced and voluntary Contributions, Notwithstanding the extensive resources of Athens and her various means of raising money, she shared the common fate of the Grecian states, and was frequently exposed to the greatest difficulty by an inability to pay comparatively trifling sums, arising from the want both of foresight and economy in the management of the revenue''"^ Thus Athens, after the anarchy, at a time when the state was completely exhausted, was driven into hostilities w4th the Boeotians, by an inability to raise 2 talents""; and subsequently the Thebans themselves were prevented from recovering their citadel from the foreigners by being in like manner unable to raise 5 talents; and an expe- dition of all the Arcadians failed in attaining its object from a want of 9 talents'"^ It is not therefore surprising that the states of Greece resorted to other means of raising money than those that have been already mentioned, and particularly for defraying the expenses of war. Among these may be mentioned the Persian subsidies, which were chiefly obtained by Sparta for the purpose of being employed against Athens*^^. The occasions upon which the latter state receiv^ed support from the king of Persia or his satraps were rare, as for example, through Alcibiades and Conon; in the contests against Macedon, when it was the policy of the Persian king to assist the Athenians with money, he at first refused it in a coarse and barbarous epistle; and shortly afterwards, when it was too late, and the Athenians no longer ventured to accept any aid, he off'ered them 300 talents. ^*^ Instances of embarrassment see iu Thucyd. viii. 4, and above book iii. ch. 19. *'" Lys. c. Nicomach. p. 860. "' ^sch. c. Ctesiph. p. 633. ^32 More than 5000 talents; see book i. ch. 3. This took place later than Olynip. 91, 4 (b.c. 413), as is shown by Andoc. de Pace, p. 103, cf. Thucyd. viii. 5. en. XVII.] RELIEVE I^ECUXIARY DIFFICULTIES. 585 Another productive source of revenue*^^ was the plunder obtained in war; for according to the international law of the ancientSj the bodies of all prisoners, together with their wives, children^ and slaves, and their whole property, moveable and immoveable, became the property of the conqueror ; and it was only by particular stipulations that milder conditions were obtained; for example, that the free population of a conquered city should be permitted to go out with a single garment each, or to pay a large contribution, or to cultivate their own lands upon the payment of a rent. The troops were also frequently paid out of the plunder; and the conquered land was theu immediately sold. The Athenian generals also in one instance received 60 talents for nine triremes, w^hich had been captured from Dionysius''^*. For reprisals against the enemy they were in the habit of taking prisoners {dvBpoXyyfrLa, avhpoXrj^iovY^^, and granted, both against states and individuals, permission to privateer (aOXa, avXaL)*^^. A prize-court decided upon the plunder which was taken*^^; the tenth part of which was allotted to the temple of Minerva^^^, and the rest must have belonged to the adventurers: under certain circumstances however it fell to the state*^% and the proceeds were frequently considerable. Thus a ship of Naucratis, which the court had adjudged to the state, was estimated at 9^ talents''*''. The contributions, which were imposed upon conquered states, were sometimes of large amount; Pericles raised 80 and at another time 200 talents from the island of Samos as a fine and compensation for the expenses of the war, for which indeed they were not sufficient'"'; at times they were taken not from the whole state, but from individuals whose principles were not *33 ^schin. ubi sup. p. 632 sq. cf. Dinarch. c. Uemosth, p. 14, where the same occurrence is probably alluded to. *3* Diod. XV. 47, xvi. 57. *35 See Petit Leg. Att. vii, 1. 17, Lex. Seg. p. 213. ^^® Conceruiug the avXas diBovai, comp. e. g. Demosth. c. Lacrit. p. 931, 23. ^37 Cf. Salraas. M. U. p. 211 sqq. Liban. Argum. ad Demosth, c. Timo- crat. p. 694, 20. *^^ See book iii. ch. 6. ^39 Demosth. c. Timocrat. and Liba- nius ubi sup. ^■^^ Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 696, 5, 14, p. 703, 15. **' Diod. xii. 27, 28, Thucyd. i. 117. 586 MEANS EMPLOYED TO [bk. IV. agreeable to the ruling power''^^ In general^ ho^yever, these contributions had the character of mere arbitrary extortions alike from friends and foes; vessels were dispatched in order to collect money {apyvpoXoyelv, BaajjLo\oyelv)**^, and not legal tri- butes alone but additional contributions, which impoverished the ill-fated inhabitants of the islands; Alcibiades, who had a particular dexterity in business of this description, and to whom they were most willing to give contributions, raised 100 talents in Caria alone^". The Athenians went about as pirates, in order to defray the expenses of war; and this even in the earlier and better times of Athens, for we find that Miltiades undertook an expedition for plunder against Paros, in order to raise 100 talents*^^ They also imposed fines upon different states for particular offences; thus for example the Melians, (or according to another reading, the Tenians,) were required to pay a fine of 10 talents, for having harboured pirates in their island, which sum was collected with violence^". Lastly, a source of revenue by no means unproductive existed in the calls frequently made in the assembly*^' for voluntary contributions {eTTtSocrecs), either in money, arms, or ships; and these, as they smoothed the way to popular favour, and as many were either willing to sacrifice all they had to the good of their country, or expected advantage to themselves from its prosperity, were bestowed largely by citizens and foreigners, especially such as were endeavouring to obtain the rights of citizenship. The voluntary trierarchies and the great sacrifices which were made in the earlier times for the expe- dition to Sicily, have been already mentioned; Pasion the banker furnished 1000 shields from his own manufactory, together with five triremes which he manned at his own cost*"*^; Chrysippus presented a talent to the state, when Alexander moved against Thebes, and afterwards the same sum for the **^ An instance occurs in Diod. xiii. 47. **^ Tliucyd. iii. IJJ, and frequently in the Historians. ''' Xenoph. HeUen. i. 4, 4. *^^ Herod, vi. 130. *'^ Orat. c. —28. Theocrin. p. 1339, 2 ^•'^ Demosth. c. Mid. p. 567, Plu- tarch. Alcib. 10, Theophrast. Char. 22, Athen. iv. p. 168, E. Plutarch. Phoc. 9. *^» Demosth. c. Steph. p. 1127, 12. CH. XVII.] RELIEVE PECUNIARY DIFFICULTIES. 5S7 purpose of purchasing corn'''; Aristophanes, the son of Nico- pheraus, gave 30,000 drachmas for an expedition against Cyprus""; Nausicles, general of the hoplit® in Imbros, sup- plied 2000 men with pay without requiring any compensation from the state; Charidemus and Diotimus, two other comman- ders, made a free gift of 800 shields'*''; Demosthenes not only performed voluntary liturgies and contributed money for the public works, but gave on diflferent occasions three triremes, and also at one time eight talents, to which he afterwards added three more for the building of the walls, one talent after the battle of Cheeronea, and another for the purchase of corn*". As they were accustomed to give presents upon so large a scale, Isseus"^ might well reproach Dicaeogenes, who was possessed of an income of 80 minas, with having given no more than 300 drachmas, even less than Cleonymus the Cretan. It is singular that voluntary contributions were not claimed for wars only, or to assist the people during a scarcity of provisions, but even for sacrifices'*'*. Chapter XVIII. Public Loans. Of the other measures by which the Greeks endeavoured to provide for any temporary difficulty of the state, and of which the second book of the CEconomics attributed to Aristotle fur- nishes a considerable collection, I will now mention some of the most remarkable, although many are not better than common tricks of roguery and swindling. Of these the most frequent, and indeed the least objection- able, is the borrowing of money, which was not so extensively practised in ancient as in modern times, both because credit was at a low ebb, and also because the high rate of interest was a great obstacle to the creation of a national debt; besides which their system of finance had not the solidity nor was of *^» Demosth. c. Pliorm. p. 918, inf. '*" Lys. pro Aristoph. bonis p. 644. ^*' Demosth. de Corona, p. 265. 4^ Decret. ap. Vit. x. Orat. p. 275 sq. 453 De DicsBOg. llered. j). 111. 4*-' Plutarch. Thoc. 'J. 588 PUBLIC LOANS. [bK. IV. the artificial nature which this method of raising money requires; hence they preferred procuring the necessary supphes immediately by a property tax_, to borrowing the necessary sum and aften\'ards repaying it at a high interest. We do however find examples of loans of various kinds (either from foreign states and individuals, or from the inhabitants of the state itself), as of property sacred or not sacred, paying or not pay- ing a rent, with or without security, voluntary or compulsory, and sometimes with a certain allowance of a currency of tokens. The loans of most frequent occurrence were those obtained by a state from its own citizens, as they required the least credit and were most easily eflfected: rich aliens at x\thens under the protection of the state sometimes made a voluntary oflfer of lending money*": a loan to one state from a citizen of another occurs in an Orchomenian Inscription*. Sparta furnished the Samians, w-ho endeavoured to reconquer their native country, with a sum of money which they raised by a public decree in a manner w^hich seems more amusing to us than it could have been agreeable to the Spartans. It was eflfected by the inha- bitants fasting for one day together with their slaves and cattle^ and each person was obliged to contribute to the state the same quantity that he would have consumed''^^ for which probably no repayment was required. This state also lent 100 talents to the Tliirty Tyrants at Athens; w^hich the people, whether from love of justice, as Demosthenes affirms, or through fear of the Spartans, redeemed by a general property tax, though some persons required, and not without an appearance of justice, that those who had incurred the debt should pay if*". In this loan there was doubtless neither interest nor security. Loans of money belonging to the temples frequently occur, and, for the ■»** It was however necessary for ' the same story of a present of corn them to avoid committing any solecism sent by the Spartans to the Sniyr- in their language which could shock j nseans. Are we to suppose that this the Athenian ear, if they wished their proposal to be accepted. Photius in V. Bepici). * Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 1569. *^'^ Aristot. (Econ. ii. 2, 9, Plutarch, (de Discrim. Amic. et Adul. 33), relates generous action was repeated, or that one of the accounts is untrue ? ••^7 Demosth. c. Leptin. § 10, 11, Isocrat. Areop. 28, Lysias c. Nicoiii. p. 800, Xenoph. Hell. ii. 4, 19, Plu- tarch. Lysand. 21. CH. XVIII.] PUBLIC LOANS. 589 most part without interest**®. Besides the large sums of money which Athens borrowed from its temples, it may be also men- tioned, that the temple of Delos, which was under the power of Athens, had lent money upon interest to private individuals, and even to many states*". The money deposited in the hands of Lycurgus, and advanced by him for the use of the adminis- tration, may be considered as a loan of private individuals without interest. Of a security or pledge in the case of public loans there are but few examples : Memnon of Rhodes, the governor of Lamp- sacus, assigned to the creditors the national revenues which were next due ; Tachus, the king of Egypt, did the same, upon the advice of Chabrias*^"; the Oreitge of Eubcea are stated to have pledged the public revenues to Demosthenes for a debt bearing interest ^®^; and at Orchomenus the cattle-pastures appear to have been given to an Elatean, as a security for a loan of money*^^ Compulsory loans are all those which were imposed upon certain persons by a decree of the people, or the command of a tyrant, either because they were particularly rich or in the possession of those objects which were required. The advance of taxes made by the wealthy Athenians^" belongs generically to this class, although there is a difference in the form, for the state was not, in this instance, the debtor, but the poorer citizens, who escaped the equal proportion of the taxes. The Chians obtained a forced loan, which fell solely upon the capitalists, in the following manner: they ordered that all the money lent out to private individuals, which in this island was entered in a public register, should be delivered up by the debtors to the state, which then undertook their obligations, and engaged itself to pay the interest out of the public revenue until it was able to redeem the principal"^ Diony- sius the elder, and Tachus, required all the uncoined gold and silver to be lent to the state : the Mendaeans, wishing to *-^^ Corp. Inscript. Nos. 76 and 144. "^^ Corp. Inscript. No. 158. '^<* Aristot. (Econ. ii. 2, 20, 25. Cf. Polygen. v. 11, 5. ■*«' .ICschin. c. Ctesiph. p. 496. ^^^ Corp. Inscript. No. 1569. ^^ See book iv. ch, 9. '^^ Aristot. (Econ. ii. 2, 12. 590 PUBLIC LOANS. [bK. IV. raise money for the war against Olynthus, decreed that every person should sell all his slaves, with the exception of one female and one male, in order to lend to the state the money which accrued from the sale : the Clazomenians passed a decree compelling private individuals to advance all their stock of oil, a commodity which was produced in that state in great abundance, in consideration of the payment of a sum of money, with a view to remedy the scarcity of corn : the Ephesians prohibited the women from wearing gold ornaments, and com- pelled them to deliver what they had as a loan to the state"". The Clazomenians owed 20 talents to their mercenaries for arrears of pay, for which they paid a yearly interest of 4 talents to the commanders ; thus they were continually making useless payments, without arriving any nearer to the redemption of the debt. They, therefore, coined 20 talents of iron money, to which they arbitrarily gave the value of silver, distributed it proportionally among the most wealthy, and received an equal quantity of silver in return, by which they redeemed the debt"^\ The iron, which was thrown into circulation by the possessors, replaced the silver as a currency of tokens, and therefore the quantity of money in circulation was not diminished ; the iron money performed the same service at home as the silver formerly, and whatever silver they possessed besides that furnished to the state, could be used for foreign exchanges. So far then this iron coinage stood to them in the same relation as the paper money of modern days. But the state also paid an interest to those persons whose silver it had received, and gradually redeemed the iron for silver: thus these iron coins also served the purpose of a certificate of debt. It is manifest that the interest must have been small ; for they probably gave less than the common rate, as the creditors also possessed the current tokens : if the state paid 10 per cent., with the 4 talents which were formerly given to the commanders every year, it might have both paid the interest and redeemed the principal in about eight years. •*" Aristot. (Econ. ii. 2, 20, 25 (cf. | •"^'' Aristot. (Econ. ii. IG. Polysen. V. 11,5), 21, 16, 19. CH. XIX.] ALTERATIONS IN THE CURRENCY. 591 It hardly deserves to be mentioned that states as well as private individuals gave bonds of debt, which were sometimes deposited in the hands of private individuals"^^, particularly of bankers, and sometimes, if the money had been borrowed from sacred corporations, in temples, &c''^''. Chapter XIX. Alterations in the Currency, as a Financial Ea?pedient. A fraudulent method of assisting the finances, which was only effectual for the moment, and in the sequel produced the most pernicious consequences, was the coining of base kinds of money. Many Grecian states, even in the time of Solon, openly made use of silver money alloyed with lead or copper'*"^, which, although it was not productive of any disadvantage to the inland traffic of the country, was either wholly or nearly devoid of value in foreign exchanges. It happened, however, but seldom that the state was an intentional coiner of false money; a charge which nevertheless falls with justice upon Dionysius the Elder, who left no evil means untried of putting his tyran- nical projects into execution. In order to pay a sum of money which he had borrowed from the citizens for defraying the expenses of ship-building, he compelled the creditors to receive a coinage of tin, which, according to Pollux, who probably follows Aristotle in the constitution of the Syracusans, passed for 4 drachmas, and was only worth 1"^". The same person, on another occasion, being unable to repay a loan which was claimed of him, commanded his subjects upon pain of death to produce all their silver, which he coined and reissued at twice its former value, and then paid the debt at this standard*^ \ *«7 Corp. Inscript. No. 1569. ^''^ Ibid, No. 76. "69 Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 766, 10. Cf. Xenoph. de Vectig. 3. ''^o Aristot. CEcon. ii. 2, 20 ; Pollux, viii. 79. That Dionysius the Elder is here meant, is shown by the siege of the Regini, the date of which is Olymp. 98, 2 (b.c. 387). Cf. Diod. xiv. 111. "'^^ This is the meaning of the passage in the CEconomics. The two accounts 592 ALTERATIONS IN THE CURRENCY, [bK. IV. An action of similar dishonesty had been before committed at Athens, by Hippias the Pisistratid. He called in all the silver in circulation, which was taken at a fixed value ; and after- wards, a new device having been agreed upon, he reissued the silver at a higher value than that at which it had been paid in*'*. Republican Athens, on the other hand, anxiously main- tained the purity of her silver coin ; and although the fineness of the standard was latterly somewhat diminished, the state, which had made the forging of coins a capital offence'''^, never chose to derive any profit from the debasement of her silver coinage. It is, however, true that Athens, in the archonship of Antigenes (Olymp. 93, 2, B.C. 407), there being at that time a great difificulty in raising money for the extensive military preparations in progress, was reduced to the necessity of coining gold with strong alloy from the statues of Victory*^* ; and in the year which succeeded the issuing of this adulterated money, in the archonship of Callias (Olymp. 93, 3, B.C. 406), a coinage of copper was struck^^% which was soon afterwards recalled^ -^ This copper was doubtless intended to supersede the silver oboli, and must have been issued below its real value, as otherwise there could have been no reason for recalling it from circulation : Athens, however, had some copper coins which were always current, viz., the chalcus, having the value of an eighth obolus, and also the lepta, it being impossible to are totally different, although they have been confounded by the same writer. Salmasius (M. U. p. 247) con- eys Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 737- ■*76 Aristoph. Eccles. 8J0 sqq. The Commentators upon Aristophanes and founds them with one another, and I Eckhel (see book i. ch. 6, note 78) arbitrarily mutilates the words of I have confounded the gold coins alloyed Pollux. with copper and the copper coins ; ^"■^ This is the manner in which and if the words of Aristophanes are Aristot. CEcon. ii. 2, 4, should be un- ' correctly explained, it will be seen derstood. "73 Demosth. c. Lept. p. 508, 13, c. Timocrat. p. 765 extr. ^7^ See book i. c. 6. It is to this that that the poet speaks of the former in the Frogs, and of the latter in the Ecclesiazus9B : the distinction is also shown by the difference in the yeai'S, Demetrius alludes, Trept ipfirfv. § 281, { which the Scholiast states upon good and thence Quintilian I. O. ix. 2. 92, j authority. " Victoiiis utondum esse." 1 CH. XIX.] AS A FINANCIAL EXPEDIENT. 593 coin silver in such minute pieces. These copper coins were perhaps introduced by the statesman and elegiac poet Diony- sius surnamed the Brazen, who in Olymp. 84, 1 (b.c. 444), went as leader of the colony to Thurii*", and consequently can hardly be considered as the originator of these monetary regulations, which were made in the 93rd Olympiad. Lastly, passing over the copper-money of Athens, in the times of the emperors, I may mention the coinage in that metal issued by Timotheus, for the purpose of extricating himself from a pecuniary embarrassment ; this, however, must be considered in the same light as paper-money, and not as a false coin, since its value was secured by the engagements of the general to take it in the stead of silver, and to redeem whatever remained *^^. The employment of base kinds of money derives its origin either from fraud, a scarcity of the precious metals, or from the notion that the precious metals are a source of corruption, and that therefore their home circulation must be prohibited. From this latter cause, Plato in his second State imagines, according to the Doric model, a money circulating in the country, and devoid of value abroad {v6/jbi,afMa iiTL^copLov).^ deriving its cur- rency from the countenance of the state ; and together with this another coinage, not in circulation, but kept in the public coffers, of universal currency {kolvov 'EXkrjvLKov vofjucrfia), for the uses of persons travelling in foreign parts, and the carrying on of war"^®. This is not mere theory, but was actually put into practice in Sparta*'^^ Even in the time of the Trojan war, the precious metals were well known in the Peloponnese, and the Achaic Spartan Menelaus is particularly mentioned to have possessed both gold and silver ; but the former remained scarce for a long time''' ; whereas silver in the Grecian, as well as in all other •'vr Athen. xv. p. GG9 E. Cf. Plu- tarch. Nic. 4. For specimens of his poetry see Aristot, Rhet. iii. 2, Athen. XV. p. 668 E. p. 702 C. X. p. 443 D. xiii. p. 602 C. ■*78 See book ii. ch. 24. ^'« De Leg. v. p. 742 A. ^^^ In the following account I differ somewhat from JNlanso (Sparta, i. 1, p. 162): I leave to the reader to de- cide which of us is the most correct. ■'«' See book i. ch. 3. 594 ALTERATIONS IN THE CURRENCY, [bK. IV. nations, must have been the most general medium of exchange, as there were few places in which it could not be procured ; in the more early times indeed it was not coined, but circulated in bars of a certain weight. But the Dorians, a people inha- biting a mountainous district, and carrying on no trade, were doubtless scantily supplied with the precious metals ; and since it was a national principle, which existed both by usage and institution, and was afterwards confirmed by what is called the legislation of Lycurgus, to prevent as much as possible all intercourse with other races, they strictly prohibited, at a time long anterior to the coining of money, the use of silver and gold as a medium of exchange, and thus effectually prevented their introduction into the country. If this regulation had not been made in early times, the interdiction of silver and gold could not have been ascribed to Lycurgus ; no modem institution would have been attributed to so ancient a name. The Spar- tans therefore were driven to the use of some other metal as the common medium of exchange, and iron being abundantly obtained in the country, they made use of bars of that metal (o/9eXofc, o/SeXicTKoi), which were stamped with some mark in the iron furnaces of Laconia; while in other countries bars of copper*^'' or silver were current ; whence the obolus or spit, and the drachma or handful, received their names. When after- wards Pheidon abolished the use of metallic bars''^^ and intro- duced coined money, the Spartans also began to stamp their iron in large and rude pieces ; for which purpose they either used, as the author of the Eryxias asserts, lumps of this metal, which were useless for other purposes, such perhaps as are now used for making cannon-balls, or, according to other accounts, they softened the best iron, so as to render it unfit for working, by plunging it when hot in vinegar. But when Sparta began to aim at foreign dominion, it had need of a coinage that should be current abroad, for which pur- pose it imposed tributes upon the inhabitants of the islands, and demanded a contribution of a tenth from all the Greeks : a "•^^ Plutarch. Lysand. 17. Concern- I the passages quoted in book i. ch. 15. ing the words obolus and drachma see I ^^^ Cf. Etymol. in v. o^eXia-Kos. CH. XIX.] AS A FINANCIAL EXPEDIENT. 595 large quantity of the precious metals was also brought into the country by Lysander; and, as we learn from the first Alci- biades of Plato, the wealthy possessed much gold and silver ; as, when once imported, they were never suffered to leave the country. Nevertheless, at this very time the prohibition of all private use of the precious metals was re-enacted, and the pos- session of gold or silver made a capital crime, the government remaining by law the exclusive possessor, as in the ideal state of Plato ; a sufficient proof that this was an extremely ancient custom of the Spartans''^^ ; although it again fell into disuse in the times which immediately succeeded, it being found impossible to maintain so unnatural a prohibition after the advantages of gold had been once made known to the people. In this instance the iron money was founded upon ancient usage and moral views. The iron coinage of the Byzantians was of a totally different character, and was similar to the money of the Clazomenians, with this difference that it was not also a certificate of debt. Byzantium, notwithstanding the fer- tility of its territory and its favourable situation for commerce, was for the most part in unprosperous circumstances. The Persian, and afterwards the Peloponnesian war, as well as the wars of Philip, shattered its power and resources; it was engaged in continual warfare with the neighbouring barbarians, and was unable to keep them ofiP either by resistance or tri- butes ; and to crown the other evils of war, they suffered this additional torment, that after having by much trouble and expense obtained an abundant harvest, the enemies either destroyed or carried off the produce of their labour ; until in Olymp. 125, 2 (b.c. 279), they agreed to pay the Gauls a yearly tribute of 3000, 5000, and 10,000 pieces of gold, and at last the large sum of 80 talents, on condition that their lands should not be ravaged*^\ This annoyance compelled them to have ^^ The whole of this may be seen ' p. 350, Eryxias 24, cf. Salmas. Usur. by comparing the following passages, p. 320. Plutarch. Lysand. 17, Lacon. Apoph- ^«^ Polyb. iv. 45, 4G. Compare Liv. thegm. Lyciirg. 9, 30, Polyb. vi, 49, xxxviii. 16, ITerodian. iii. 2, and others Pollux vii, 105, ix. 79, Xenoph. Rep. concerning the fertility of the country Laced. 7, Porphyr. de Abstin. iii. and its favourable situation. 2 Q 2 596 ALTERATIONS IN THE CURRENCY [bK. IV. recourse to many extraordinary measures for procuring money, and finally, to the imposition of the transit duties, which in Olymp. 140, 1 (b.c. 220), involved Byzantium in the war with Rhodes. Among the means resorted to in early times for relieving the financial distresses of the Byzantine state, was the intro- duction of iron money for the home circulation, that the silver might be used for foreign trade and the purposes of war'*^^ It was current in the times of the Peloponnesian war, and bore the Doric name Sidareos, as the small copper coin of the Athe- nians was called Chalcus^^^ As it is stated that it was thin and worthless''^^ it appears to have been only a plate of iron stamped or pressed in upon one side. The Greeks were acquainted with no other kind of money but the metallic. There is no necessity for entering into a refutation of the writers*^^ who mention the leather-money of the Lacedeemonians, a fable which we must at once reject, without attempting to remove the testimonies of ancient writers by incorrect alterations'*^**. The same may be said of the leather-money in use among the Romans prior to the reign of Numa: Carthage however made use of a token of this descrip- tion, as we find that some unknown substance of the size of a stater, enveloped in leather and marked with the public seal, supplied the place of metaP\ *^^ See Heyne Byzant. p. 11, whose opinion is nearly the same. ^87 Aristoph. Nub. 250, Plat. Comic. ap. Scliol. Aristoph. ubi sup. Strattis ap. Poll. ix. 78. [See ^Meineke, Fr. Com.Gr.vol.ii. p.649,775.— Transl.] '*^^ AeTTTOV, eXdxiO'Tov rravTOiv Koi (jiavXoTaTov, Schol. Aristoph. ubi sup. Pollux ubi sup. (cf. vii. 105,) Hesych in V. (xibdpeoi. The word eXd^^icrTov does not mean smaUness of size, but of value, according to an Attic idiom already remarked by other writers. This iron coin also occurs in Aristid. Plat. Orat. ii. p. 241, vol. iii. ed. Cant. •^^^ See the passages quoted by Fis- cher ad Erj-x. ubi sup. ^^^ Which is the method adopted by Salmasius with a passage in Pliny, Usur. p. 4G4 sqq. ^^ ' Concerning which see Salmasius ut sup. p. 363 sqq. CH. XX.] OTHKR FINANCIAL EXPEDIENTS. 59/ Chapter XX. Other Financial Expedients employed by the Greek States, The sacred property was held in much respect by the Grecian repubUcsj and although some instances occur in which they seized the possessions of foreign temples^ as was done by the Phocians and also the Arcadians in 01ympia*^% yet in these cases offence was given not only to the Greeks in general, but even to many of their own fellow-citizens. The Athenians indeed borrowed money from the temples, and Pericles coun- selled them even to remove the golden ornaments of the statue of Minerva, pledging themselves at the same time to replace what they took^^^ : none however but the tyrants, such as Dio- nysius, Lachares, and others, who hesitated not to commit any kind of sacrilege, ever ventured to plunder the property of the temples. But although it may be true that the Greeks, until the period of their final decline, were upon the whole a religious people, yet the confiscation of sacred property is of Grecian origin. Tachus, upon the advice of Chabrias, acquainted the Egyptian priests, that on account of the impoverished situa- tion of the countr}^, it was necessary that some of their oflSces should be abolished. Upon which communication (every priest being unwilling that his own situation should be sup- pressed), they readily furnished him ^vith considerable sums of money; these he exacted not from particular individuals but from their whole number, and allowed all their ofiices to remain as before; he then limited their expenses to a tenth of the former amount, and required the other nine-tenths as a loan until the conclusion of the war. At the same time, by the advice also of Chabrias, he imposed a tax upon houses, a poll tax, a tax upon com, viz., of 2 oboli upon each artabe of corn sold, one to be paid by the seller, the other by the buyer, and an income tax of 10 per cent, upon the captains of vessels, the possessors of workshops, and all other persons Xeiioph. Hell. vii. 4, 33 sqq. '^' Thucyd. ii. 13. 598 OTHER FIXANCIAI. EXPEDIENTS [bk. IV. engaged in trade^^\ Also Cleomenes, the satrap of Alexander, threatened the Egyptians with diminishing the number of the priestSj and, as was the case with Tachus, obtained large contri- butions from them, each one wishing to retain his station*". Another favourite measure in pecuniary difficulties, and one well known to the Athenians, was the appropriation by the state of a monopoly of certain commodities, of which I have already spoken in the first book''^^. The measure of the tyrant Hippias had an appearance of justice, when in order to raise money he ordered those portions of the houses to be sold, which projected into and over the public street, upon the plea that the street was public property and ought not to be overbuilt : the possessors then repurchased their own property, by which he raised a considerable sum"*®^. The same method was adopted in after times by the Assembly, with the same object and consequence, upon the counsel of Iphicrates"*®^. Another unjust measure was introduced by the same Hippias, who for a moderate sum liberated any citizen from the trierarchy, choregia, and other liturgies, which then pressed heavily upon the other contributors*'®^ The Byzantines^"*' in some financial difficulty sold the unpro- ductive lands of the state (by which we are to understand uncultivated and wooded land) in perpetuity, and the productive lands for a term of years, so that in the latter case they in fact only received in advance the rent which would have been annu- ally owing : the same course was pursued with the proj^erty of sacred corporations and the phratrias [OiaawTiKa /cal irarpt- (OTiKo), particularly with that which was surrounded by the estates of private individuals, since the proprietors of these would naturally give a high price for lands thus situated : as a *9^ Aristot. (Econ. ii. 2, 25. *" Ibid. 33. *^^ See chap, 9. **7 Arist. (Econ. ii. 2, 4. *^8 Polyaean. iii. 9, 30. ^^^ Aristot. CEcon. ubi sup. -'"" See Aristot. (Econ. ii. 2, 3, re- /x€i/t; d-q^oaui are public lands which were not connected Avith temples, in which case they wonld be oaut. In everything else I have followed the text of Schneider, except that I place a stop after aXaroTTcoXicw, and omit de after rpiTov. There are however pro- bably other false readings in the pas- sage, so that the accoiuit given in the text cannot be relied upon as certain. CH. XX.] EMrLOYED BY THE GREEK STATES. 599 compensation for which a portion of the pubUc lands in the gymnasium, the market, and harbour, the places of sale, the sea-fishery, and the sale of salt, were allotted to these corpo- rations. It was also resolved to impose a tax upon jugglers, fortune-tellers, &c., amounting to a third part of their gains ; the money-changing business, which, if the iron coin was in existence, must have been of considerable importance, was farmed out to a single bank; and it was prohibited to buy money from or sell it to any other bank upon the penalty of for- feiting the amount. The rights of citizenship were sold also for money; for whereas the law required that a citizen should be of pure descent both on the father^s and the mother^s side, they were granted to those who were descended from citizens only on one side, upon the payment of 30 minas. Also several resi- dent aliens had lent money upon mortgage, and as the law stood they were unable to take possession of the lands thus pledged, upon which the state granted them the right of holding landed property, on condition that they paid to the state a third part of the principal. In a scarcity of corn they kept back the ships coming out of the Pontus, and when the merchants began at last to complain that they had been detained for the sole pur- pose of selling corn to the Byzantines, a compensation of 10 per cent, was allowed to them, which was paid by imposing upon sales a tax of equal amount"*^ Chapter XXI. Xenophon^s Proposals for Promoting the Welfare of Attica. The defects in the Athenian system of finance were not unper- ceived by the acute observers of antiquity; its most striking peculiarity was that the revenue was derived chiefly from foreign contributions : the managers of pubhc aflfairs were indeed aware of the injustice committed against the allies, but they conceived that it was rendered necessarv^ by the poverty of the Athenian people*"*. ^'^^ This is the meaning of the ac- 1 has completely misunderstood, count, which Salmasius M. U. p. 219, I ^"'^ Xenoph. de Vectig. init. 600 XENOPHON^S PROPOSALS FOR PROMOTING [bK. IV. It was with this view that Xenoj^hon wrote his Essay on the Revenues^ or the Sources of National Prosperity {Trepl Tropcov), about the close of his life, probably in Olymp. 106, 1 (b.c. 356), after his sentence of exile had been reversed at the instigation of Eubulus ; and it is even possible that he wTote it to serve the cause of Eubulus, as' it exactly coincides with the known opi- nions of that statesman, his desire of peace, and love for the theorica, as well as his attention to the welfare of the people, by which he obtained so great popularity^*^^ 5°3 That this short treatise was wi-it- ten for Eubulus was first remarked by Schneider, p. 151, vriih great probabi- lity, who has sufficiently disproved the date assigned to it by Weiske (Olymp. 89, 3), both in the discussion p. 139 sqq. and in the notes. Some observa- tions which I had made in writing with regard to the date of this treatise before the appearance of Schneider's edition mostly agree with the inquiries of this editor, bi;^ as there are some discrepancies between us I will shortly explain my notion. It is evident from 2, 7, and 0, I, that Xenophon had returned from banish- ment, nor should Schneider (ad 4, 43) have allowed himself to be misled by Weiske into the idea that this trea- tise was written at SciUus or Corinth, from the circumstance of Thoricus being placed to the north, and Ana- phlystus to the south, which might have been as well said in Athens as in the Peloponnese ; concerning this point however I may defer any detailed examination until another place. "We do not indeed know the time of his recal, nor how long he remained at Athens, for he is said to have died at Corinth; but it appears to me that Eubulus could not have had any influ - ence before Olymp, 102, or 103, or even later still The following events are mentioned in the course of the treatise, which took place after tlie 100th Olympiad : the voluntary election of Athens to the supreme command by sea (5, 6), the voluntary recognition of the Athenian ascendancy over Thebes on the part of the Thebans themselves (5, 7), after the latter had received benefits from Athens; both these events took place in Olymp. 100, | (see book iii. 17, con- cerning both; Schneider, p. 173, states it differently); Sparta having been sup- ported by Athens, allows the latter to maintain its ascendancy as it chooses (5, 7), y^z. in Olymp. 102, 4 (Xenoph. Hell. vii. 1. Diod. xv. 67, see Schnei- der, p. 174), when Athens had sup- ported the Spartans against the supe- rior force of Epaminondas. Athene assists the Arcadians under the Athe- nian general Lysistratus, who does not occur elsewhere (3, 7), an event which cannot have happened before the alli- ance concluded in Olymp. 103, 3 (cf. Xenoph. Hell. vii. 4, 2 sqq. Diod. xv. 77> Schneider, p. 150). Also the expe- dition under Hegesilaus, who com- manded at the battle of Man tinea (Diogenes Laert. in A"it. Xenoph. Schneider, p. 150), in Olymp. 104,2; for the expedition against Plutarch in Euboea, on which occasion Hegesilaus was condemned to death, is not here meant, nor did it take place as Schnei- der (p. 138, p. 150) supposes in Olymp. 105, 3, but in Olymp. 106, 4 (see book iv. ch. 13). The confusion prevalent in Greece (5, 8), he correctly places (p. 174) after the battle of Mantinea. Immediately before the comi)0.sition of this essay a war took place, and a CH. XXI.] THE WELFARE OF ATTICA. 601 He begins with considering whether it could not be possible for the Athenians to obtain sufficient subsistence from their peace was concluded, by means of which quiet was re-established by sea (4, 40; 5, 12, which latter passage has no reference to the duration of the war by land; it is only to be understood of the ill consequences of the past war) : therefore the peace which followed tlie battle of :Mantinea (Olynip. 104, 2) cannot be here intended. It would be better to understand that with Philip in Olymp. 105, 2 (Diod. xvi. 4); it appeal's to me however most probable that the peace which terminated the Social war in Olymp. 106, 1, is meant, as this was the war which had such a disastrous effect upon the finances of Athens (see book iii.ch. 19), and by this peace the security of the sea was re- stored; both facts agree particularly well with 5, 12. According to my idea, then, the treatise was written in this year; and at the same time Isocrates laboured to attain the same object as Xenophon in his oration nepl Elprjvijs, and also makes similar complaints of the dimi- nution of the revenue : and moreover the object of the whole treatise being to improve the situation of the Athe- nians without oppressing the allies, agrees exactly with this period of impo- verishment, and with the peace between the Athenians and their allies; and finally, since Schneider (ad Xenoph. Hell. p. 10) has proved that Xenophon Avas alive in Olymp. 105, 4, it is only necessary to lengthen his life by one year. On the other hand, Schulz (de Cyrop. Epilog, p. 27), and after him Schneider (p. 139 sq. 1/4 sq.), propose to refer this treatise to so late a date as Olymp. 106, 2, upon the idea that the Phocian war is mentioned in it : it may however, in my opinion, be shown that it was written before that war. The passage in question (5, 9) is as follows : — " If the Athenians, without being parties to any war, would, by sendmg ambassadors to the different states of Greece, use their influence to make the temple of Delphi independent, as before, they would have all the Greeks on their side against those who had endeavoured to seize the temple after ' the Phocians had quitted it {eKXtnov- I Tcov Tcov $co ^ [The sentence in the original is, eladyearBai wv eVSeeTy Ka\ eKTrefXTreiv wv drJiXov on TocrovTco av ttX(7ov koI elad- ^ iiiK^ovu^ov, i^ thdyKTjs f] tov vofiicr/Jia- yoiTO Koi i^dyoLTO Kai eKTreixnoLTO Koi . tos eTTopiadr) xpr^aLS. And again vii. TTooXoTro Koi [xto-du(f)opo'LTO Ktii reXecr- 6, to. nXeovd^ovra tcop ycyuofxevuiv e'/c- (fiopoiri. The last editor, Diudorf, pro- Tre/jLyj/aadai. vii. 12, toIs dnu rrjs dciXda- poses to expunge the words kcu i^d- (tijs iT€p.iTop.€vois. Thucyd. iv. 26, yoiTo, comparing i. 7> rrpoadyeTdi 8e I ecnrefineiv rd airla, iv. 30. (t7tov ecr- av delrai kuI dnuTrefxneTat a ^ovXerai. I Treixneiu. — Transl.] CH. XXI.] THE WELFARE OF ATTICA. G05 for the maintenance of fleets and armies, and had expended large sums without any sure prospect of benefit resulting to the state, and with a certainty of never recovering their money, would willingly contribute to this undertaking. He proposes to build public inns and warehouses, in addition to those already in existence, for the entertainment of captains of vessels and merchants, as well as son:ie conveniently situated market-houses; and to purchase some public trading-vessels, which, like other property belonging to the state, were to be let out for hire upon the production of sufficient security. The author supposes that the profit upon this speculation would amount to 3 oboH a day; so that the subscribers would obtain a very high per centage upon their shares: a subscriber of 10 minas would receive nearly 20 per cent. [vavriKov a-)(^ehov eTrLTrefiirrov), exactly 180 drachmas for 360 days; and of 5 minas more than the third part of the principal [eTrlrpiTov vavriKov). The larger number however would receive annually more than their original contributions; for example, subscribers of 1 mina nearly double that sum, and this in their native country, which appears to be of all others the safest and most desirable method of investment. Foreigners also might be expected to contri- bute, if in return for their contributions they were registered among the eternal benefactors of the Athenians, an honour of which some kings, and tyrants, and satraps, might wish to partake. In all this exposition there is nothing obscure, but nearly the whole is without any foundation in reality. Xenophon supposes unequal contributions, according to the diiferent amount of property, agreeable to the principles of a property tax, but an equal distribution of the receipts for the purpose of favouring and aiding the poor; the reason which induced him to fix upon the rate of 3 oboli, appears to have been that this sum was just sufficient for the most scanty subsistence ; the common daily wages were likewise 3 oboli, as were also the salaries, for example, the pay of the judges and the assembly; but the payment of the wages of the judges is no more in question than the wages of sailors; what Xenophon is speaking of is an income annually arising upon each share, either equal 606 XENOPHON^S PROPOSALS FOR PROMOTING [bK. IV. to or exceeding the interest of loans on bottomry^"'. Where however was the security that the undertaking would produce 3 oboli a day to each subscriber? This most essential point is entirely wanting to these airy speculations of the Athenian philosopher. The most important and explicit part of this short Essay is the chapter upon the silver mines ^''^ According to Xenophon, the Athenian mines were inexhaustible: "they have/' he says, '^ been worked from time immemorial, and yet to how small a portion of the hill in which the metal is found have the works already extended ! nor is the place which contains the silver narrowed by the further progress of the mining, but is evidently increased as more of the soil is exposed. Even at the time when the number of persons labourhig there was at the highest, there was enough, and more than enough, employment for all. And at the present time no proprietor of slaves in the mines reduces their number, but, on the contrary, keeps increasing it to the utmost of his power. The value of silver,^' he proceeds to say, " is not diminished by an increase in the quantity, for the uses to which it can be applied are manifold, and no one is satisfied with the amount which he actually possesses. Gold,'' he allows, " is equally useful with silver; this, however, I 5«7 Salmasius M. U. chnp. 1, falls into innumerable eiTors, by consider- ing the triobolon to be the pay of the dicasts, from which however he ex- cludes the Pentacosiomedimni and the Thetes (the latter of whom were the very persons who had the chief share in it) ; but, not to mention that to allow of this interpretation it must have been to rptoi^oXov, the whole ex- planation is so senseless, that it is un- intelligible how a rational being could have hit upon it. Of a part of this confused investigation, Heraldus, his victorious adversary, justly says (Ani- madv. in Salm. Observ. iii. 15, 17), " Somnium est hominis harum rerum, etiam quum vigilat, nihil scientis" He- raldus (ibid. ii. 20, 2), refutes the ab- surdities of Salmasius, but under- stands it just as absurdly himself to mean the pay of the seamen (^S 3), and considers vavriKov to mean salarium nauticum{% 4), whereas it is evidently to be taken, with Salmasius, for money lent upon sea security, which Schneider has also observed against Weiske. Who would agree to give a sum of money, exceeding indeed that contri- buted by others, in order to receive a share in a salaiy given for labour on board a vessel, without any distinction being made as to the different amount of tlie deposit, and this only three paltry oboli, which he might have had without contributing anything ! "^^ Chap. 4. CH. XXI.] THE WELFARE OF ATTICA. 607 know/^ he says, " that when it appears in large quantities, it becomes itself cheaper, and makes silver dearer. Now although the state sees that many private individuals grow rich by their mines, who by hiring out the slaves working in them obtain a net profit of an obolus a day for each slave, it does not imitate their example : it might, however, secure a permanent revenue, by purchasing public slaves, until there were three to each Athenian (that is, about 60,000) ; and by letting these, like all other public property, upon proper security. In this proceed- ing there would be no danger of loss ; for if the slaves were marked with the public seal, it would not be easy to steal them: nor would the state be injured by the competition of other slave-proprietors.^^ He then proposes first to purchase 1200; "from the profits arising from these the number might in five or six years be raised to 6000^"% which would produce an annual income of 60 talents ; of this sum, 20 talents might be applied to the purchase of fresh slaves, and 40 used for other expenses. When the number shall have been brought fo 10,000, the income will be 100 talents; but that it would be possible to procure and maintain a number far greater than this, is proved by what happened before the war of Decelea. It might also,'^ he then suggests, " be advisable to undertake new works, in which there would be some hazard of loss, from the various success experienced in searching for ore; as this uncertainty deterred many private individuals from purchasing new mines from the state.^^ In order, therefore, that the danger might not fall upon single persons, he proposes to give an equal number of slaves to the ten tribes; that each tribe should open new mines, and that they should bear the good or ill success in common ; and former experience did not justify the expectation that all the trials would be unsuccessful. He also observes, that it would be safer for private persons to form associations of this kind; an arrangement which was subse- quently adopted. Now it was impossible that all these proposals should attain their object. In the first place, it is inconceivable that, in ^^ See above book i. ch. 13. 608 xenophon's proposals for promoting [bk. IV. addition to the private slaves, 60,000 public slaves could have continued for any length of time to work the mines with profit, but either the state or individuals must soon have been losers. That Xenophon^s belief in the inexhaustibility of these mines was a mere delusion, has been proved by subsequent experi- ence ; not to mention that in bad seasons the dearness of corn, joined to the imperfection of the smelting processes known to the ancients, would have precluded any profitable employment of capital in this business : and in fact many proprietors did cease working, and the mining was at length discontinued^^ ^ Xenophon then properly remarks, that it would not be prudent to attempt all these schemes at the same time, both from the large amount of contributions requisite, and the necessary result of purchasing any considerable number of slaves, viz., that their quality would be bad and price high. Whereas, if they were tried in succession, the profit derived from one undertaking might be applied to the execution of another. "But,^' he proceeds to say, "if it should be supposed that on account of the property taxes raised in the preceding war, it would be impossible to obtain any contributions from private individuals, the expenses of the administration for the coming year might be defrayed from the smaller revenues, as had been done in the last war, and the surplus which would be created by peace, the encouragement shown to the resident aliens, and the improvements in trade, might be applied to these undertakings. Nor would the arrangements proposed be useless in case of war, for by reason of the increased population, the state would be enabled to augment the number of sailors and soldiers : the mines again, being already protected by fortresses, might be easily put in a state of greater security; and partly on account of their situation, partly from the difficulty which an enemy would find in obtaining provisions there, and his inability to profit by the ore, they would be but little exposed to attack. Lastly, the state would not only derive a greater revenue from the slaves, but with the increased •''"* Tlie proofs of all these assertions may be seen in my Dissertation upon the Mines of Laurium. CH. XXI.] THE WELFARE OF ATTICA. 609 numbers of those dwelling near the mines, a large income would be obtained from the market, from the public buildings, and several other sources ; and the land in their neighbourhood might acquire as great a value as that around the city; and not only this, but the citizens would be made more tractable, regular, and warlike, by the increase of the public prosperity, as they would receive daily wages for exercising in the gymnasia, for garrison duty, military service, &c." Among all his schemes and recommendations, the exhorta- tion to peace''' is the only one which is entirely unobjec- tionable; it is not, however, peculiar to him, for the same proposal was made by Isocrates at the same period, and is perpetually inculcated by the orators, who sometimes repeat it at very unseasonable moments. "The prosperity of Athens wilV^ in his opinion, " be thus raised above that of any other state; for,^^ he continues, "would not ship-captains and merchants flock thither ? where would those who are rich in the various products of the earth, together with all w^ho are able to gain their livelihood either by talents or money, handicrafts- men, and sophists, and philosophers, poets, and those who minister to the productions of poetry, with all who are desirous to hear or to see the spectacles and splendour of Athens, both sacred and profane, as well as persons w^hose object it is to buy and sell with dispatch — where would all these obtain their several ends so well as at Athens ? The ascendancy or empire over the Greeks would be more easily preserved by mildness and peace, than by wars and violence. In war not only are several branches of revenue deficient, but all the money paid into the treasury is consumed in defraying the expenses of it. And,^' he urges, " it may be seen that the revenue has always fallen off in time of war, and that the whole receipts were immediately consumed. And if any one were to ask me," he says, "whether, if another nation commits an injury against the state, I should dissuade any revenge of the wrong, my answer would be no: but I must remind you, that it would be far more easy to punish the offenders, if we have 5'' Chap. 5. fnO XENOPHOn's proposals. [bK. IV. committed no injury ourselves; for in that case they would have no ally/^ " If these proposals are put in practice'*' %^' he continues to say, " we shall obtain the good will of the Greeks, an increase of security, and a more lasting fame ; the people will be well supplied with food, the rich be relieved from the expenses of war; from the abundance and plenty that would exist, the festivals will be celebrated with greater splendour, the temples will be restored, the walls and docks repaired, and the priests, the senate, and j)ublic officers, and knights, receive their former dues. If these proposals should meet with the public approba- tion, I would counsel you,^^ he says, ^^to send messengers to Delphi and Dodona, and consult the gods as to the expediency of these plans : for if they are done with the favour of the divinity, it is to be expected that the measures of the state will always have a fortunate issue.^^ This pious conclusion recon- ciles the reader with his author, notwithstanding the many weak points in the work itself; at the same time, it is hardly possible to forgive him for not advising the Athenians to be more sparing in their festivals, instead of which he flatters them with the prospect of increasing the expense and magnificence. This wish, however, proceeds from the most sincere conviction and earnestness; Xenophon^s own disposition coincided with the inclinations of his patron, and the pernicious tendencies of the Athenian people. Chapter XXII. General Vieiv of the Financial System of Athens. If we now take a general survey of the financial system of Athens, which more or less resembled that established in all the other Grecian repubhcs, with the exception of Crete and Sparta, we shall perceive that in many parts it was both planned and executed with acuteness and judgment; and that even its imperfections were so blended with its excellences, that ''■' Chap. 6. CH. XXII.] FINANCIAL SYSTEM. 611 by their removal, liberty, the source of all public virtue, would have been endangered. Although the Greeks were neither poor nor indifferent to riches, the quantity of the precious metals in circulation was proportionally far less than in the European states of later times. Much therefore was effected with little money; and as property returned high profits, individuals could contribute largely to the state without infringing upon their capital. Moreover the financial system of the Athenians was in itself simple; their views seldom reached beyond the service of the current year, unless indeed the command of some extraordinary resources, such for example as the tributes, led to the adoption of an extended plan of operations. To peculation and the embezzlement of money they were frequently indifferent; and from ignorance of the limited extent of their resources, they incurred great expenses, and soon became involved in diffi- culties. The numbers of the popular assembly embarrassed their statesmen in the management of public affairs, and pre- vented the execution of prompt or decisive measures. A large portion of the public money was through piety devoted to the worship of the gods; much of it also was expended upon monu- ments which will form a lasting record of their elevated thoughts, their heroic deeds, as well as of their consummate taste for the arts. But though they executed the most splendid works which have ever been conceived by the mind of man, their resources could not be altogether appHed to such noble objects: the craving wants of the lower order of their citizens also required to be satisfied; who by salaries and donatives in time of peace had become accustomed to indolence, and to the idea that the state was bound to maintain them: and as by these means the lowest persons were placed sufficiently at their ease to attend to the administration of the state, the influence of the democracy was insensibly extended. Their statesmen were always endea- vouring to discover some method by which the mass of the people might be enriched and supported out of the public revenues, rather than by individual industry and prudence; as the commonweal was considered as a private possession to be 2 R 2 612 GENERAL VIEW OF [BK. IV. enjoyed in common, the proceeds of which were to be distributed among the members who composed the state. And yet it w^ould appear that donations and salaries are nowhere less necessary than for states in which slavery is established. The degradation of the greater part of the inhabitants enables those who are free to obtain their subsistence by the labour of the slaves ; and it is thus that they have sufficient leisure to attend to affairs of state; whereas in countries in which slavery does not exist, the citizens having to labour for their subsistence are less able to employ themselves in the business of government. Plato, therefore, in his sketch of a perfect state, proposed that the governing class should be maintained at the public cost. The pay of the soldiers, which was early introduced in Athens, is less objectionable; but the expenditure incurred on this, as well as on other accounts, far exceeded the internal resources of the state. Extravagance at home, the expense of the mili- tary operations, and the maladministration in their foreign pos- sessions, gave rise to the oppression of their allies, whose dependant and tributary condition drew down upon the tyrant state the hatred of Greece. In order to maintain her power which was derived from foreign resources, Athens heaped injus- tice on injustice, and endeavoured by oppression and terror to assert that dominion, which indeed no state in Greece had so just a claim to, and to which she had, as it were, been led and pressed onward by the natural course of events. As how- ever the galling restraints imposed upon the subject states could necessarily endure only for a time; and as a voluntary combination among the Greeks, such as that against the Per- sians, could never have been permanent, the Athenian state, and w^ith it the rest of Greece, must in the end have been overthrown, even if Philip of Macedon had not risen up against it. Of the different revenues of the state, the custom duties were the least oppressive, as having been imposed with suit- ableness and moderation. On the other hand, the immense fines, although they produced a large income to the state, were a constant inducement to unjust decisions. The power of con- fiscating property was in the hands of wild and thoughtless CH. XXII.J THE FINANCIAL SYSTEM. 613 demagogues^ a dreadful scourge upon the rich and great; par- ticularly if the proceeds were forthwith distributed among the people. The liturgies^ although of great utility, were injurious j because they were not arranged according to any fair propor- tion. Patriotism, religion, enthusiasm, and not less than these, ambition, stimulated individuals to make great sacrifices for the state. The three first however gradually became extinct; while the latter, being applied to base instead of to worthy ends, exer- cised only a pernicious influence. In the history of the Greeks, we do not wish to undervalue their greatness, or to detract from their noble qualities: we allow that much was better than in modern states, better than in the Roman empire when sunk in corruption ; better far than under the oppressive and degrading despotisms of the East: but much also was worse than in our times. It is only a partial or superficial view which discovers nothing but ideal perfection in antiquity. The eulogy of past times, and the unquahfied cen- sure of everything contemporary, are the results frequently of perverted judgment, or perhaps of a narrow and disdainful selfishness, which considers the heroes of antiquity to be the only associates worthy of its own imagined greatness. There are however parts of the Grecian history less brilliant than those which are commonly brought into view. Even in the noblest races of Greece, among which the Athenians must without doubt be reckoned, depravity and moral corruption were prevalent throughout the whole people. Although their free governments, and the small independent communities into which the different nations were divided, may have produced an intense and constant excitement, they were at the same time the causes of innumerable disturbances; and, if we except those exalted minds, which found sufficient support within themselves, we shall in vain search for that abundance of com- fort and charity which a purer religion has poured into the hearts of mankind. The Greeks, with all the perfection of their works of art and the freedom of their governments, were more unhappy than is usually believed; even in the times of their glory, they bore within themselves the seeds of that destruction which was sooner or later destined to befal them. The forma- 614 FINANCIAL SYSTEM. [bK. IV. tion of large states into monarchies, which has limited the sphere of individual action, and given a greater degree of stability to the principles of government, appears to be an essential advance in the condition of the human race ; provided that there be also present that energy of individual character, that free and daring spirit, that implacable hatred of oppres- sion and the arbitrary power of rulers, which so distinguished the Greeks. For without these w^e should in vain hope to escape that destruction in which the states of Greece were ultimately overwhelmed. A DISSERTATION ON THE SILVER MINES OF LAURION IN ATTICA\ § 1. Situation of the Laurian Mines, and their 7'elation to the neighbouring Towns, If we consider the advantages which Athens derived from the mines of Laurion, a prominent station should undoubtedly be assigned to them among the numerous gifts of nature' with which the country of Attica was favoured^. The means which they afforded for the profitable employment of capital served at the same time to enrich many private individuals and to maintain large numbers of slaves (who, when occasion required, might be used in manning the fleets^) ; and the state derived from them an income, which, as being productive of injury to no one, an ancient writer^ justly considers as the best source of public revenue. If we except the happy situation of the country, the freedom of the constitution, and the mental superiority of the inhabitants, no one circumstance perhaps contributed so much to the prosperity of the state as the possession of these mines. " From the Memoirs of the Berlin : x^oj/os-. Academy for the years 1814 and 1815, p. 85—140. ^ iEschylus (Pers. 235), mentioning the resources of the Greeks, says, upyvpov TTT^yrf ns avrois icrri, drjaavpos ■^ Cf. Xenoph. de Vectig. 1, 5. 3 Cf. Xenoph. nt sup. 4, 42. ■* The author of the Introduction to the second book of the (Economics falsely attributed to Aristotle. 616 SITUATION OF LAURIAN MINES^ AND The power of Athens depended on her fleets, her wealth upon foreign commerce. It was the produce of the silver mines which first enabled Themistocles to found the naval force of his country; and nothing so much promoted her trade as the purity of her silver coin, which, while many other states of Greece circulated a metal current only at home, was every where exchanged with profit\ This wise arrangement was doubtless in great measure occasioned by the possession of silver within their own territor)\ The mountain, or rather hill, in which the silver mines were situated, was called Laurion or Laureion, but never Lauron; the mines themselves Laureia or Lauria; and the district Lau- riotike^ Its height is inconsiderable; Attica is of less eleva- tion from Hymettus down to the coast, so that whenever the mountains of this country are spoken of, Brilessus, Lycabettus, Parnes, Corydallus, Hymettus, Anchesmus, and others are named^, but never Laurion, although the latter was no less remarkable than any of the others. Hobhouse^ describes it as a high and abrupt hill, covered with pine trees and abounding in marble; Stuart also recognised in Legrina and Lagriona near Sunium, the name Laurion, which has also evidently been * Xenoph. ut sup. i. 3, cf. Aristoph. Ran. 730—736, Polyb. xx. 15, i6. " Aavpiov, and \avpeiov, both either with or without opos, frequently occur, the former in Thucyd. ii. 55, where see the commentators, Pausanias i. 1, Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 361, Suidas in v. yXav| tTrrarai, Hesychius in v. yXavKes Aavpi(OTLKal, Schol, yEsch. Pers. 237, and Liban. xx. ; the latter in Herod, vii. 144, Andoc. de Myster. p. 19, 20, where it is falsely accented Aavpelov (a MS. has however in both places I instead of EI.) In Thucyd. vi. 91, the reading varies in the manuscripts. The first method of writing this word is confii-med by the derivative Aavpioi- TiKos, with a short Iota, in Aristoph. Av. 1106. Plutarch (Nic. 4,) calls the district AavpioiTiKrjy where Reiske in- correctly proposes to read AavpeayriKTJ. Aavpeia for the mines occurs in Hesy- chius, and consequently Aavpia was also in use, but that Aavpov was used for Aavpwu cannot be believed on the credit of the same grammarian (in v. Aavpov). ^ Strabo ix. p. 275, (ed. Casaub. 1587,) Pausan. i. 32, Plin. Nat. Hist. iv. 11, &c. ^ Travels in Albania, &c. vol. i. p. 417. It might be inferred from his account that the silver ore ran into marble ; this is however uncertain : the passage in Stuart afterwards re- ferred to is Ath. Ant. vol. iii. p. xiii. Compare the passage from the Un- edited Antiquities of Attica, quoted in note 16. THEIR RELATION TO NEIGHBOURING TOWNS. 6l7 preserved in the names Lauronoris, Mauronoris, Mauronorise [Aavpiov opo^). According to his statement, it is an uneven line of mountains full of exhausted mines and scorise, stretch- ing from Porto Raphti to Legrina: and there forming the Pro- montory called Mauronise: it appears that the highest part, as laid down in the maps, is near the south-west coast; for accord- ing to Pausanias in the commencement of his work, this moun- tain is seen by a person sailing from Sunium to the Piraeus, in the direction of the desert island of Patroclus: but the silver mines stretched from coast to coast in a line of about sixty stadia from Anaphlystus in the south-west, to Thoricus on the north-east sea^ To what distance they reached downwards to Sunium and upwards to Hymettus, is unknown. In the age of Xenophon, the extent of the mines was continually increased, as new spots abounding in ore were discovered^": but to none of the bordering countries, either towards the sea, or towards the main-land, did any veins of silver extend: Attica alone, says Xenophon, had received this gift of heaven' \ If WQ may judge from the dense population of the whole country, it seems evident that the particular district of the mines must have been very populous, and necessarily included several villages, which served for the habitation of the labourers: and by these the situation of the mines might perhaps be more accurately ascertained. Laurion itself was indeed neither a harbour, as is stated by Meletius in his geography, and by Lauremberg in an old map wnich has now become useless'^; nor a demus, as Corsini has correctly observed against Meursius ^ Xenopli. ut sup. 4, 44. In a letter I (Whaler, Travels, p. 424), is meant, of Francis Vernon, who had travelled which lies farther northwards near in Greece, translated by Spon from the ' Zoster, not far from the harbour of Philosophical Transactions (Travels, j Phalerum, and according to Wheler is vol. iv. p. 301), the wi'iter observes ; the Phaura of Strabo, as the situation that he had seen an island between | shows. It is however more probable Phalerum and Sunium, called Phlehes I that salt was found there than ore. {(pXe^es), where the Athenians once ^" Ibid. 4, 3. had mines. Lest it should be sup- " Ibid. 1, 5. posed that a place near Anaphlystus is '^ Melet. Geogr. p. 349, the old edi- intended, where the veins ran across tion, Lauremberg Grsecia Antiqua, p. to an island, I remark that La Phlega 23, in Gronovius' Thes. A. Gr. vol. iv. 618 SITUATION OF LAURIAN MINES, AND and Spon'^; and the grammarians '% who call it a place in Attica, probably mean something more than the mountain ; for it is very possible that there were public buildings erected in some particular spot, which, together with other houses and foundries, composed the town of Laurion. Anaphlystus was one of the chief demi; Thoricus was in early times one of the twelve independent towns, and after- wards became a demus, although by Hecatseus and other later writers it is called a town : in Mela^s time, however, it was only a name, for, according to the probable conjecture of Chandler, it sank at the same time with the mines. Leroy, in the year 1754, was driven by contrary winds into a port near a place which, according to his account, was still called Thoricus. He describes it as situated in a plain bounded with hills, into which to the south (according to our maps to the south-west) projects a mountain which he recognised as Laurion ^^ Chandler, on the other hand, considers the modern Cerateia (which Meletius calls a village {Kcofir]), and which, according to Hobhouse, con- tains about 250 houses) as Thoricus, without however having been upon the spot. Wheler, who suggested another notion, had visited Cerateia, a town which, fifty or sixty years previous to his arrival, before it had been destroyed by corsairs, had been a considerable place, and had possessed certain privileges; but from its situation, this cannot be Thoricus. Spon is entirely mistaken in considering the modern Porto Raphti as the ancient Thoricus. The statement of the modern English writers is undoubtedly true: viz. that the harbour now called Theriko, situated seven miles to the south-east of Cerateia, was the ancient Thoricus; as is now evident since the publication of ^^ Meursius de Pop. et Pag. Spon, ' Stephan. Byzant. in v. QopiKos, PHn. Travels, vol. iii. pai't ii. p. 153, Cor- I Hist. Nat. iv. 1 1, Mela ii. 3, iv. 7, sini Fast. Att. vol. i. p. 248. Even j Wheler, Travels, p. 448, Chandler, Sigonius, who always shows judgment. Travels, chap. 33, Leroy, Les plus although he has left many inquiries beaux Mouumens de la Grece, ed. 2, uncompleted, omitted Laurion in the vol. i. p. 3. Alost of the passages upon list of the demi. Thoricus have been collected by Meur- ^* Suidas and Photius. sins (de Pop. et Pag.); cf. Duker ad '* Strab. ix. p. 274, Hecataeus ap* Thucyd. viii. 95. THEIR RELATION TO NEIGHBOURING TOWNS. 619 the remaining part of Stuart^s work'^ The country near that place is mentioned as the particular district of the mines ^^. -^schines, the orator, also mentions an ipyacrrripcov or com- partment in the silver mines of Aulon, which place was so called from its forming a long and narrow valley resembling a channel' ^ A mine situated near Maroneia is mentioned by Demos- thenes^*: the identity of the name of this place with that of the Thracian Maroneia, a colony of the Chians, either arose acci- dentally, or from the name being carried over from Attica to Chios, and thence being introduced into Thrace; to which sup- position the hero Maron, who is celebrated in the Odyssey, and from whom the Thracian town is said to have received its name, does not furnish any well-founded objection. Mines or work- shops at Thrasyllus are also mentioned by both the above-cited orators. This place received its name from a monument of Thrasyllus (as Harpocration informs us), and must have been situated in the district of Maroneia^"; for in Demosthenes, the mine near Thrasyllus, as may be gathered from the context, is the same with the mine at Maroneia. Lastly, in several maps of Attica, the demus called Besa is placed in the district of the mines, nearly in the middle between Thoricus and Anaphlystus*', the position of the place being ^^ Spon, Travels, vol. iii. part ii. p. 135. Stuart ut sup. Hobhouse, Tra- vels, vol. i. p. 411, 420. The unedited Antiquities of Attica, comprising the Architectural Remains of Eleusis, Rhamnus, Sunium, and Thoricus, London, 1817, p. 57- ^7 Plin. xxxvii. 5, Schol. ^sch. ut sup. 1^ iEsch. c. Timarch. p. 121, Suidas in V. av\a>v€S, Lex. Seg. p. 206, AvXav Toiros TTjs WTTiKrjS KoXeTrai, eneidr) eVt- fjLr]Kr]S Koi arrevos as avXm eoiKcvai. ^» C. Pantaenet. p. 907, 17, and thence the argument of the same ora- tion, Harpocration, Suidas, Photius, Lex. Seg. p. 279. 2" iEschines ut sup. calls the district eVi Gpao-u^Xo), Demosthenes ut sup. p. 973, 29, eTTt QpaavWov ; Harpocration however in v. eVi QpaavXXcp reads QpaavXXco in the latter place, although from the interpretation eVi tS QpacrvX' Xov p.urifj,aTi the genitive might seem preferable. Meursius Lect. Att. v. 30, accuses Harpocration of confound- ing the bath of Thrasyllus with this monument; besides this pm-ely arbi- trary assumption, he confesses that lie has incorrectly referred this place to Amphitrope, to which he was misled by the false derivation of the words in -/Eschines now long since corrected. ^^ As is laid in the map by Philip Argelatus in the works of Sigonius, vol. V. and in Kitchen's map in Chan- dler's Travels. 620 SITUATION OF LAURIAN MINES, AND fixed on the authority of a passage of Xenophon. According to this writer, there were, on both coasts, fortifications at Tho- ricus and Anaphlystus : and if a third fort were placed upon the highest point of " Besa," the two first would be thus con- nected, and on the alarm of an hostile attack, every person from the mines would easily be able to take refuge in one of the walled places". The meaning of this writer is indeed too obscurely expressed to allow of our drawing any sure inference; the reading moreover is not sufficiently certain, and the term Besa is ambiguous: the latter word may either be the proper name of a place, or signify a low ground covered with bushes; it is however by no means improbable that the district received the name of Besa from this particular circumstance, and that this demus should be here sought for ; besides which the name Besa is, according to Stuart, still in existence. It may be observed, that by the iQrm fortifications we are not to under- stand long walls, but single castles, in which the labourers might take refuge; the connexion spoken of by Xenophon was caused by the contiguity of the three places, from which the intervening country might be commanded. The works at Thoricus and Anaphlystus are the fortifications at those places. ■^^ Xenoph. ibid. 4, 43 sqq. from which I will extract the following words : ecrrt iiev yap drjTTOv nepl ra fieraXKa ev rfj npos fxea-TjplBpiav daXdrTt] reT;^os' ev ^ Ava(p\vaT(o., ecrri 8e iv rfj TTpos apKTOV relxos iv OopiKW' une^eL 8e ravTOf ott' aXXT^Xcoi^ dp-Cpl to. e^rjKovra (TTadia. El ovv Koi ev pecra tovtcov yevoiTO eni rco v'^Xotutco ^r^acrr^i rpi- Tov epvpa^ (jvvrjKOL t (not as is com- monly read crvvrjKOLT) av ra epya els ev e^ cnravTOiv tuiv Teixo>v Kal e'l ri alaoa- voiTO TtohepiKOV, ^paxp av e'lt] eKaarco els TO da(PaXes u7ro;(a)pj}crai. Brjaarjs was first edited by Stepliauus ; if the borough is meant, ev Brjarj would be the most natural expression ; but if only a low hill covered with bushes, it would seem to require the article ttjs ^r)(Ta-r)s. A'^alesius (ad Harpocrat. in v. ^r)ar)Ls) is of opinion that the borough is meant. Strabo ix. p. 293, observes that the borough was written Brjcra and not Bi]oraa, which is confirmed by inscriptions ; but there can be no doubt that the appellative was originally wi-itten in tlie same manner, and that the ancient form was retained in the proper name, while in the otlier word it soon disappeared. Schneider, whose edition of this work of Xenophon did not appear until after the completion of this Essay, has received Brja-ijs into the text : Chandler and Hobhouse (ut sup. p. 420), also assume that Besa is here mentioned. [The author says in his collection of Greek Inscriptions, vol. i. p. 290, " De Besa nunc addenda est eximia Issei aiictoritas de Pyrrhi Ilered. p. 27, postquam Bekkerus ex libris restituit verum Bj^cra^e." Orat. Att. p. 34.— Transl.] THEIR RELATION TO NEIGHBOURING TOWNS. 621 which on account of their importance as military posts had been converted into castles. Thoricus had been placed in a state of defence by the Athenians in Olymp. 93, 1 (b.c. 408), perhaps with a view to the protection of the mines": that Anaphlystus was a fort (ret;^©?) is also observed by Scylax in his Peri- plus; and as Sunium had been fortified in Olymp. 91, 4 (b.c. 413)^*, these places were entirely defended from attacks by sea. Invasions by land, against which Xenophon^s new fort was to be erected, were attended with great difficulties; for, accord- ing to the remark of this military writer, the enemies^ troops would be forced to pass by the city; and if their numbers were small, they would be cut off by the cavalry and guards in the country; while, by coming in large force, they would both expose their own territory, and be unable to maintain their ground from want of provisions: and even if they were masters of the mines, they would derive no more benefit from the silver ore, than from mere stones. In the second year however of the Peloponnesian war Olymp. 87, f (b.c. 430), the Spartans and their allies advanced in the district of Paralos as far as Laurion*'; and although it is not mentioned that they obtained actual possession of the mines, yet the working of them would probably have been suspended, even if the enemy had not advanced so far. At a later period the fortifying and the conti- nued occupation of Decelea by the Spartans, which was main- tained by the advice of Alcibiades, deprived the state of the revenues from Laurion^^, as the regular working of the mines must probably have been thus impeded ; the slaves too eloped, and the connexion with the capital was interrupted by the long protracted warfare carried on within the country. 23 Xenoph. ITellen. i. 2, 2. I ^^ Ibid. ii. 55. ^* Thucyd. viii. 4. I ''^ Ibid. vi. 91. 622 PERIOD DURING WHICH § 2. Period during which the Mines were worked. That the silver mines of Laurion had been worked in remote antiquity, is certain from the testimony of Xenophon^^; no one indeed ever attempted even to say at what time the ore was first extracted. The working of mines had a very early origin both in the East and in Egypt : for as the precious metals generally lay near the surface of the soil, they would naturally attract the attention even of the mere savage wanderer. Man indeed appears to have been originally endowed with an instinct analogous to that possessed by the bee and the beaver; an instinct subservient to the ends of social union (to which man, as x\ristotle truly says, is determined by the command of nature), yet at the same time not incompatible with those higher endowments which are requisite for the establishment of civil society; with the advance of civilization however its use and existence gradually dis- appeared, and the original acuteness in the mental perceptions gave place to a more simple state of these functions; in the same manner that the instinct of animals and the quickness of their senses are diminished by taming. But, next in order to husbandry and the keeping of cattle, the most essential requisite for a social life is the possession of metals. Without therefore, incurring the charge of fanciful speculation, we may infer that, as mankind discovered the food suited to their wants by the instinct of nature and not by accident, in the same way also they were led to seek after metals and to perceive their uses. This supposition is equally removed from two opposite and improbable suppositions, either that the human race was in its earliest stages in a state of brutish savageness, or that it was possessed of a high degree of illumination and wisdom; between which extremes the truth is to be looked for. Whether the art of mining in general had so remote an origin in Greece is in itself another question. It is certain however that many mines in this country were first worked by De Vectig. 4 2. THE MINES WERE WORKED. 623 inhabitants of Asiatic nations, as for instance those of Thasos by the Phoenicians. The Athenian silver mines indeed appear to have been opened long after the emigration which probably took place from Egypt. Whatever Xenophon may say of the early period at which they were worked, the scarcity of silver in the time of Solon proves that no systematic or artificial process of mining could at that time have been established. But in the time of Themistocles, before Xerxes' expedition against Greece, when at the advice of that statesman a large fleet was fitted out from the revenues of the mines for the purpose of the ^ginetan war, they must have been worked with considerable activity. In the age of Socrates we find indeed that a large number of labourers were employed in the mines by private individuals ; but the public revenue derived from them was much lower than in earlier times'^; and consequently the amount of silver obtained was less considerable: notwithstanding which, Xeno- phon in his Essay upon the Revenues, entertains such exag- gerated notions of the excellence of these mines, that he appears to have believed that they were inexhaustible ; for he states it as an important point that of the district which contained the silver a small part only was worked out, when compared with that which remained, although the works had been going on from time immemorial ; that after innumerable labourers had been employed there, the mines always appeared the same as in the time of their ancestors ; and that everything indicated that the number of labourers in them could never be increased beyond the means of profitable employment. The number of the labourers however, according to his own statement, had already begun to diminish. The majority of the mine proprie- tors were at that time beginners^ ^; the working of the mines therefore appears to have nearly ceased before the last years of the life of Xenophon (during which the Essay in question was written), either from the frequency of the wars, or because the poverty of the ores had prevented the proprietors from obtaining a profitable return. 28 Xenoph. ISIemor. Socrat. iii. G, 12. | '^^ Xenoph. de Vectig. 4. 2, 3, 25, 28. G24 PERIOD DURING WHICH MIXES WERE WORKED. In the age of Philip which immediately succeeded, there were loud complaints of unsuccessful speculations in mining ; and subsequent experience showed that the silver mines could be so far exhausted as to leave no hope of an adequate profit. In the first century of the Christian era, Strabo^" remarks that these once celebrated mines were exhausted ; for, as the farther working of them did not yield a sufficient return, the poorer ore, which had been already removed, was smelted, together with the scoriae from which the metal had been imper- fectly separated in former times. Pausanias in the latter^ half of the second century after Christ makes mention of Laurion, with the melancholy addition that it had once been the seat of the Athenian silver mines. § 3. Ores and Minerals found in the Laurian Mines, The ore from which the silver v\as obtained is generally called silver earth {dpyvplris yrj or simply apyvplnsy^', but that by this we are not to understand soft earth, may be collected from an expression of Xenophon, who says that the enemy could make no more use of the ores from these mines than of stones. The word earth in Greek is of very general application, and may include ores even of solid stone : the Romans also applied the same term to silver ore^*. The quality of the ore in the mines of Laurion is nowhere expressly stated : it is possible however to throw some light upon the subject by a few incidental accounts. As the works of Laurion are always called silver-mines, and as neither lead, copper, or any other mineral is ever mentioned, it is evident that, in early times at least, they must have afforded ores extremely abundant in silver, more particularly as the ancients, from their imperfect knowledge of chemistry, could not make ^° ix. p. 275. Plutarch. deDef. Orac. v. fUToXka) is an inaccurate expres- c. 43. I sion, for earth and sand have not by ^' Thus Xenophon, compare Pollux any means the same import in tlie vii. 98, ^Apyvplris afipos in tlie gram- | lan^iage of tlie ancients. marians (as e. g. Lex. Seg. p. 280, in | ^^ Plin. xxxiii. 31. ORES AND MINERALS IX THE LAURIAN MINES. 625 use of ores in which the proportion of silver was inconsiderable. This is also proved by the fact of the ore being called silver earthy and not lead or copper earth. Mines of the precious metals are usually more productive nearer to the surface of the soil than at a greater depth, and the quantity of silver contained in many ores diminishes in proportion as they recede from the surface : therefore when the miners penetrated farther into the interior of the mountain, it is not impossible that they met with ores of inferior quality; which partly explains the diminution in the profit already alluded to. The ore of these mines appears moreover to have occurred for the most part in thick layers, since otherwise the whole mountain would not have been so far excavated that nothing was left but supports for the purpose of safety; whereas ores in which the silver composes the larger part of the substance usually occur in veins. Other less distinct traces, moreover, would seem to prove that a considerable part of the ore was lead ore containing a portion of silver. It is mentioned by Spon^% that old men residing in that district remembered a lead mine, which the inhabitants had suffered to fall into neglect, from fear that the Turks might think proper to work it, and by that means subject them to inconvenience. " Lead," he states, " is brought from the neighbouring places of a more perfect quality than the com- mon kind, as the goldsmiths in the process of purification find some silver in it." To this account, however, the statement of Wheler^"' is most strikingly opposed, who in a journey from Porto Raphti along the north-eastern coast of Attica to Sunium, within a short distance from the latter place, arrived at a small mountain, where, according to his statement, a large quantity of copper had been formerly obtained, and the Athenian gold- smiths, as was said, found silver in it: this was not, however, allowed to reach the ears of the Turks, lest the grand seignior should make the inhabitants slaves for the purpose of working ^ Travels, vol. ii. p. 2C5. i Wheler, as well as Chandler. Hob- ^^ Ut sup. Hobhouse (ut sup. p. 420), house likewise saw the heaps of cin- also speaks of copper in this dis- ders. trict, but evidently only copying from I 2 S 626 ORES AND MINERALS FOUND the mines. The ashes which he there remarked confirmed him in his belief of this statement: to which he adds the strange remark, that whether there once was in that place a city called Laurion he knows not: if, however, it did exist, it was assu- redly built upon the advice of Xenophon, who proposed the erection of a fortress in this place; that probably, however, it was nearer to the sea, where there is an harbour for the car- riers who go to Macronisi, the ancient Helena. Both travellers evidently speak of the same fact ; if both are right, we must suppose that there was a mixture of ores, in which copper and lead, as is frequently the case, were combined : the mention of emeralds at Thoricus, of which I shall afterwards speak, may indeed be taken as an indication of the existence of copper ore, although the hill of which Wheler speaks was further inland, about the place where Besa is placed. Hobhouse saw at Athens a specimen of the ore found a short time previously, but what it was he does not mention. Clarke, who, from his know- ledge of mineralogy, was best fitted to give a solution of the difficulty, could learn nothing of the silver mines^\ Spon^s statement, however, receives confirmation from an account in an ancient author. According to the Second Book of the CEconomics^^ (which, although not the production of the writer to whom it is attributed, is not for that reason undeserv- '' Travels, vol. ii. part ii. p. oTJ. The quotations from ancient writers made by Walpole in the note on that passage are of very little importance : he also states that the Athenians ob- tained copper from Laurion ; probably however from a misconception of So- phocl. CEd. Col. 57. ^^ IIvdoi<\ris\\dT]ya'ios* Adr]V(iLois avv- €^ov\eva€ TOP fioXv^dov tov ck tcov TvpLOiV TTapaXu^^dueiv napa twv ISicotcov Tr)v ttoXlv axTTrep evrcoXoui/ dldpa^fiov, fira rd^avra avTols Tipr)v e^adpdvfxov ovTO) ncoXelv. For rd^avra avTols should eitlier be read rd^arrti' atrois or Ta^avras avTovs. The correction which I have adopted was first proposed by Sylburgius ; but it is not necessary with the same commentator to write TOV Aavplov or Aaupe/ou, as the mines are called Aavpeia and consequently also Aavpia. Salmasius, de Usuris, cap. 9, p. oof), silently follows the true read- ing: Tvpfxidav, the conjecture of Ca- merarius, does not deserve any notice. Reitemeier, in his learned Treatise upon the Arts of Mining and Founding among the Ancients (vom Berghau und Hiittenweseu der Alten, Guttingen, 1 785), has too hastily considered the lead from Tyre as of Spanish origin. See p. 18. [Mr. Wordsworth, Athens and Attica, p. 208, conjectures e'/c Ta>v dpyvp'ioiv^ which ought rather to be dpyvpficov. — Transl.] IN THE LAURIAN MINES. 62/ ing of credit), Pythocles the Athenian counselled the state to buy up the lead from private individuals, at the usual price of 2 drachmas, and having obtained a monopoly, to fix the price at 6 drachmas. According to the common reading, this lead is supposed to come from Tyre; but would it be possible for any person in such a small country as Attica to propose a monopoly of an article of import, which was not necessarily consumed in any large quantities ? Again, if imported lead were meant, it would have been mentioned that the state was to buy it of the merchants, and not of private individuals. How much more obvious would it have been to obtain a monopoly of some domestic product of extensive consumption : if Athenian lead was consumed to any great amount in foreign countries, the state would have made a considerable profit, so long, at least, as the buyers did not find a market where they could purchase on more advantageous terms. If, moreover, it is remembered how easily the singular expression rbu Sk tcov Tvplwv may be altered into the more commodious one of tov Ik tcov Aavptcov, this pas- sage must be considered as a complete proof that the mines of Laurion supplied a considerable quantity of lead; which for evident reasons I will not endeavour to confirm by the fact that litharge is particularly mentioned as coming from the Athenian silver foundries. Besides lead, and perhaps copper, ores containing zinc were also found at Laurion, as will be shown presently. By some grammarians these mines are called gold mines, without any mention of silver^^; and the Scholiast of Aristo- phanes and Suidas explain the owls of Laurion as gold coins. I do not mean to deny that Athens issued gold coins, and the owl would probably have been the device upon them; but there can be no doubt that the staters or tetradrachms, as well as other silver coins which bore this device, were commonly called owls of Laurion. The Scholiast of Aristophanes'^ in another passage also mentions that both gold and silver were found at Laurion ; but the testimony of so uncertain a witness cannot 37 Hesycb. in v. Aaipeia, Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 1091, Suidas in v. y\ai> InraTai. '' Eq. 361. 2 S 2 628 ORES AND MINERALS FOUND have any weight against the silence of all good writers. Mele- tius also asserts (perhaps on the authority of these writers) that between Sunium and Cerateia, and therefore somewhere near Thoricus, there existed mines of gold and silver. An amusing story preserved in some grammarians relates that the Cecropidae, misled by a false report, once ascended the moun- tain Hymettus with an armed force, for the purpose of obtain- ing possession of the golden sand guarded by the warlike ants, and that after many troubles they returned home, without effect- ing their object^ ^ ; a tale of equal authority with the statements above noticed. If indeed some small portion of gold was mixed with the silver ore of Laurion, it was far too inconsiderable in quantity to be extracted profitably, with the imperfect know- ledge of the art of smelting possessed by the ancients. The emeralds, the cinnabar, and the sil of Attica, deserve also to be mentioned. Of twelve kinds of emerald, which is the number assumed by the ancients, three were particularly valued, and would at this time be considered genuine emeralds : the other nine were stones resembling emeralds, and, according to Pliny, were all found in copper mines; the best of these were the Cyprian, which, as well as those of Chalcedon, even Theophrastus calls spurious; a fortiori then the same exclusion may be applied to the Athenian, among the defects of which Pliny particularly instances their dead colour, and that their green tint was gradually bleached by the light of the sun. They were found in the silver mines of Thoricus ; if therefore Pliny is accurate in his account, as he had just before stated that all the nine spurious kinds were found in copper mines, it follows that at Thoricus copper ore was present in the silver mines*". Of cinnabar {Kcvvd^apt), with the exception of that brought from India, which belonged to the vegetable kingdom, there were, according to Theophrastus"', two species, the natural. ^^ Harpocration and Suidas in v. I *° Concerning the emeralds see Plin. Xpva-oxoflov, and the passage of Eu- xxxvii. 17, 18, Theophrast. de Lapid. buhis tlie comic poet there quoted. § 46, ed. Hill. [See Meineke, Fr. Com. Qr. vol. iii. I *' Ut sup. § 103, 104, avTo(f)ves and p. 215. — Traxsl.] I TO KGT^ epyaaiav. IN THE LAURIAN MIXES. 629 found in Spain, which was hard and stony; and the artificial, chiefly made above Ephesus. The material from which the latter was prepared was a shining sand of the colour of scarlet or cochineal {kokkos), which was comminuted and washed down to a fine powder. Callias the Athenian, who worked silver mines at his own expense, found some of this sand in his mines, which he ordered to be collected, thinking from its shining appearance that it contained gold. Finding himself deceived in this expectation, but still admiring the briUiancy of the sand, he hit upon the method of preparing cinnabar from this sub- stance, in Olymp. 93, 4 (b.c. 405)''^ Consequently, although this artificial cinnabar was not made of quicksilver and sulphur, it was nevertheless real cinnabar : which fact, as far as I am aware, has never been pointed out. For although Theophrastus distinguishes it from the natural, it cannot be inferred that he means the spurious kind, since immediately afterwards*^ he gives it to be understood that it was not some peculiar substance manufactured by an artificial process, but that the preparation of art endeavoured to imitate the work of nature. In the same place he treats of the preparation of quicksilver from cinnabar, without remarking that it was necessary for this purpose to have the natural kind; if, however, quicksilver could be obtained from cinnabar prepared artificially, it was in fact the very sub- stance which we call cinnabar. Pliny"* also reckons the prepa- ration discovered by Calhas as the genuine minium or cinnabar, the true test of which was, as he states, its scarlet colour, which distinguished it from the minium secundarium, an inferior pro- duction of the silver and lead foundries. But the most complete proof that the artificial cinnabar was derived from an ore of quicksilver is furnished by a comparison of Vitruvius with the two writers already mentioned. The cinnabar above Ephesus was prepared artificially according to the method discovered by Callias: Pliny, upon the authority of a passage of Theophrastus, states with greater accuracy that *-^ Theophrast. ut sup. Plin. xxxiii. j *'^ § 105. 37. Cf. Corsiiii Fast. Att. vol. iii. "* xxxiii. 37, 40. p. 202. 630 ORES AND MINERALS FOUND the Cilbian plain was the precise spot of its manufacture; now, according to Vitruvius**^, cinnabar was at this very place pre- pared, in the manner mentioned by Theophrastus, from a material which consisted in part of cinnabar dust, and partly of indurated quicksilver ore, with intermixed drops of quicksilver in a liquid state. According to Vitruvius, quicksilver flowed from the ore itself when exposed to the action of heat. The only distinction then between cinnabar and the sand from which the artificial cinnabar was prepared, was, that in the latter a foreign substance, as it were, was combined, which was sepa- rated by washing (in the same manner that in the inflammable cinnabar ore of Idria the cinnabar is intimately combined with inflammable schist) : whereas Theophrastus only calls that natural cinnabar, which was found in an unmixed state. It may be also mentioned, that the minium secundarium of Phny, which was far inferior to the artificial cinnabar of Callias, must have contained cinnabar; for a species of quicksilver, although of an inferior kind, was prepared from it, which, to distinguish it from the genuine argentum vivum, was called hydrargyi'us*^. Besides the quicksilver ore, which, agreeably to what has been just said, was found at Laurion, there occurred a substance called Sil, which was likewise used as a material for dyeing. The Romans obtained it from diff'erent places; among others, within their own territory, about twenty Roman miles from the city; but that which came from Attica was most esteemed''^ If a vein of it was discovered in the silver mines, it was followed in the same manner as one of precious metal; since it was much used for white-washing and also for painting, to which latter purpose it first was applied by Polygnotus and Micon. In the time of Vitruvius it could no longer be procured from Attica. Pliny, who wrote at a later date, speaks of it as an article still in use, either transcribing the statements of earlier writers, as Salmasius supposes, or perhaps because supplies had been again obtained. Salmasius''^ indeed asserts that sil was the same substance with cinnabar; an error into which he was led " vii. 8, 9. I "7 Vitruv. vii. 7, PHn. xxxiii. 6C, 57- '•*' See Plin. xxxiii. '62, 41, and there *^ Salmas. Exercit. Pliu.p. 1157 sqq. Hai-douiu. , I ed Par. IN THE LALRIAN MINES. 631 by combining the account of Callias having collected a sand, with the fact that so great value was attached to the veins of sil in the Athenian mines; and which, when once adopted, he endeavours to support by other still weaker arguments. The editor of Theophrastus irepl XlOcov assents to his opinion with- out examination'^ But were it not sufficient that Vitruvius and Phny treat of sil and cinnabar in totally different places, the statements with regard to the two substances are in them- selves irreconcileable : cinnabar was sold at Rome for 70 ses- terces a pound, and the Attic sil for only 2 denarii or 8 sesterces: the artificial cinnabar was prepared from solid ore or from sand, while sil is described as slime or mud {limus), that is to say, soft earth'". Vitruvius, whom Salmasius accuses of error, affords us the clearest explanation with regard to the nature of sil; for he states that its Greek name was M)(pa, i. e. ochre. Theophras- tus'^ distinctly calls w-^pa an earth, which he opposes to sand; and Dioscorides and Zosimus the chemist particularly mention the Athenian ochre'^. Sil and cinnabar were therefore totally different substances, and by the first (of which the distinguishing marks, as stated by ancient authors, are very obscure) can hardly be understood anything but an iron ochre, of a yellow colour, sometimes of a darker, sometimes of a brighter shade. I may also remark the great improbability of Salmasius^s charge against Pliny and Vitruvius, that they confounded sil with cin- nabar, the former having been found in the neighbourhood of Rome; and farther, that there is no necessity for tracing the Greek origin of the name sil, as Italy possessed the same sub- stance (though in less perfection) within her own territory. It may be also observed, that the Te(o(f)dviov, and the commentators. Dionys. Halic. in Yit. Dinarchi. The y€(ocf)dviov in the island of Saraos, of which Ephorus treated (Harpocr. in v. yeaxpdviov, Pollux vii. 199, cf. Marx. Ephor. p. 262 sqq.) differed from this. It might indeed appear from Pollux that Dinarclius had written upon the ye(ocf)duLov of Samos; but the words vnep (ov 6 Aeivupxos Xeyet, which are wanting in a manuscript, are evidently the production of a later hand; and the speech of Dinarclius against Polyeuctus referred to an offence committed by the latter in Attica, and not in Samos, although this island was at tliat time settled with Athenian cleruchi. I con- tent myself with merely pointing this out; the space does not admit of a more detailed examination. ^■^ Pollux vii. 10, Phot, in v. ^tXro)- pv)(^ia : TOTTos iv co piXros opixracTaf ovToas 'Afietylrias. Cf. Ilesych. in v. IxiXTcopuxLa, and Eustath. ad II. b 637. ^^ As a circumstance worth remark- ing, it may be mentioned, that of the Attic honey, which was much esteemed, that made in the neiglibourhood of the silver mines held the second rank after that of Uymettus, and bore the name of uKdnuiarov or aKanvov, Strabo ix. p. 27'>. Compare Plin. Nat. Hist. xi. 15. *^ Theophrast. de Lapid. ^^ 3, rrepX pev ovv Tiou peraWevopevciiv iv liXXois TfdfcoprjTiii : in this sentence the ex- pression peraXXevopeva should be re- marked, which was intentionally chosen. USED AT LAL'RION. 633 His successor, Straton of Lampsacus, treated of the machinery used in mining {Trepl twv /JLeraWtKcov /jajx^vrj/ndrcovy, by which we are to understand all the artificial contrivances. Atheneeus^^ also mentions a Metallicoti of an unknown author, named Philon; where it is evident from the context that among other subjects mention was made of the Egyptian mines, which had been described by Agatharchides and Diodorus. The information given by Reitemeier in his ingenious trea- tise on the "^Arts of Mining and Founding among the Ancients/^ concerning the system of labour in the Athenian mines, though superior to what he has said upon the other branches of the art, has by no means rendered a more circumstantial investiga- tion superfluous. It will therefore be necessary that the subjects connected with this question, and especially the system of founding, should be considered independently of that essay^^ The mines at Laurion were worked either by shafts {(ppeara^ putei) or adits (vttovo/jlol, cu?iei); and by neither of these two modes of working did they, in the time of Xenophon, arrive at the termination of the ore^°: for the chambering of the mines timber was probably imported by sea^', which according to Pliny was the case also in Spain®^. Hobhouse^^ mentions that one or two shafts have been discovered in a small shrubby plain as /xeVaXXoi/ properly signifies a mine, i ^'^ Diog. Laert. v. 59. This is the Alexander of Aphrodisias (see Menage true name of the book ; the various ad Diog. Laert.) also calls the treatise readings and Menage's attempt at irepl Tcou ^€TaXX€vofjL€v//'i;;^eiv yLyvofMevai. sqq. Ameilhon in the M 'moire quoted below, p. 494. 73 Pollux vii. 100, X. 149, with the commentators, and Hesychius in v. 6vXaKo(f)6pciy according to whom they were also called 7rT]pocf)6poi. Both 6v\aKos and rrrjpa generally mean a small bag, such as a travelling bag or a bag for carrying bread. '"^ Diod. xiii. 12, 13. Agatharchides '^ Concerning these see Reitemeier de mari rubro ap. Phot. Bibhothec. p. ut sup. p. 114 sqq. Bethe ut sup. p. 32 | 1342, Hippocrates de victus rat. 1, 4. 636 SMELTING OPERATIONS In Spain it was bruised in the same manner, and then, if Pliny- does not invert the proper order, first washed and afterwards calcined and pounded; even the quicksilver ore, from which cin- nabar was prepared, was similarly treated; that is, first burnt, in which operation a part of the quicksilver evaporated, and then pounded with iron pestles, ground, and washed^\ In Greece the labourers in the foundries made use of a sieve for washing the comminuted ore, and it is mentioned among the implements of the miners, by the appropriate name craKa^'^^. This method of treating ore was not only in use in ancient times; but it was the only one employed either during the middle ages or in more recent times, until the discovery of stamp-works-'. § 5. Smelting Operations at Laurion. Upon the art of smelting in the foundries of Laurion, nothing definite is known. That the Athenians made use of the bellows and of charcoal is not improbable, the latter indeed may be fairly inferred (notwithstanding the doubts expressed by Reite- meier) from the account of the charcoal sellers, or rather char- coal burners; from which business a large portion of the Acharnians in particular obtained their livelihood. The art of smelting among the ancients was so imperfect, that even in the time of Strabo, when it had received consider- able improvements, there was still no profit to be gained by extracting silver from lead ore in which it was present in small proportions'^; and the early Athenians had, in comparison with their successors (who were themselves not the most perfect masters of chemistry), so slight a knowledge of the manage- ^^ Pliu. xxxiii. 21. Quod effossum \ num. 3. Chassot de Florencourt upon est^ tunditur, lavatur, uritur, molitiir in j the Klines of the Ancients (Gottingen, farinam : the addition, ac pilis tundunt, 1785), p. 24 sqq. Reitemeier ut sup. p. appears to refer back to tuyuUtur, but 121 sqq. its position is such that the passage is j "^^ On this point see Beckmann ut perhaps coirupt. sup. vol. iv. part iii. p. 333, Chassot '^ Polhix vii. 97. X. 149. ■ de Florencourt, p. 37, 51, Reitemeier, '''' Upon this subject see Beckmann, i p. 133. History of Inventions, vol. v, part i. j AT LAURION. 63? ment of ore, that, according to the same writer, not only was that which had been thrown away as useless stone subsequently used; but the old scoriee were again employed for the purpose of extracting silver^^ According to Pliny^% the ancients could not smelt any silver without some mixture of lead [plumbum nigrum') or gray lead {galena, molybdcena) ; he appears, however, to mean only ores in which the silver was combined with some other metal to which it has a less powerful affinity than to lead. At Laurion it was not necessary, at least in many places, to add any lead, it being already present in the ores. Pliny states in general terms the manner in which argentiferous lead ores were treated^ ^; and there can be no doubt that this was the method adopted in Attica. According to his account the ore was first melted down to stannum, a composition of pure silver and lead: then this material was brought to the refining oven, where the silver was separated, and the lead appeared half glazed in the form of litharge, which as well as gray lead the ancients call galena and molybdeena: this last substance was afterwards cooled, and the lead {plumbum nigrum, fjLoXv^So?, to distinguish it from tin, plumbum album, or candidum, Kaaalrepo^) was pro- duced. Here the investigation into the technical part of this ques- tion would terminate, were it not necessary to inquire what is meant by the Athenian spuma argenti, by KejxP^^ ^^d Key- ')(p€a)v, and, lastly, by the substance called Lauriotis, from Laurion. The spuma argenti, which was employed in medicine, was chiefly a product of the silver foundries; and according to some authorities there were three kinds of it ; the best called chrysitis, the next arg^^itis, and the worst molybditis, which appear to have differed principally in the colour, although. 73 Strabo ix. p. 275, Ka\ 8f} kcu oi I ^^ xxxiv. 47. See Beckmann lit sup. epyaCofievoi t^s fj-eToXXeias dadevcos ' vol. iv. part 3, p. 332 — 335, Cliassot de VTraKovovaTjs ttjv nnXaiau cKjSoXdSa Koi . Floreneourt, p. 35 sqq. Upon the aKcopiav duaxoivevovrcs evpicTKov en i^ method of the ancients of striking the avTTii dnoKadaipofxevov dpyvpiov, rcov metal during the process of fusion, see dpxaicov dnelpfos KUfxivevovTcov. i Reitemeier, p. 79 sqq. 8» xxxiii. 31. ' 638 SMELTING OPERATIONS according to Pliny, the first was made from the ore itself, the second from silver {i.e. probably it was produced at the smelt- ing of silver) ; and the third from lead, as at Puteoli. " There is the same difference,^^ he observes^ *' between it and scorige, as between foam and froth. — The former is the impure portion (vitium) of the substance given off during the process of purifi- cation, the latter when it is already purified." The Athenian was considered the best. Dioscorides and other Greek writers call it lithargyrus^^ As some writers mentioned by Pliny called a species of it molybdeena, which is the term for litharge, and the Italians and French still call the same substance by this name {litargirio, litargio, lit urge), the common opinion is cer- tainly probable that spuma argenti is the same as litharge; which, as being a separation of the impure part of the ore in the second stage of refinement, and having an unmetallic appearance, might be called the vitium of the purified substance, in opposition to the slacks which ran off during tlie smelting of the ore, and were separated while the ores still contained a large proportion of unmetallic substance, until the metal consisting of silver and lead appeared, lliose who were less accurate in their language might at the same time consider litharge as slacks, and therefore lithargyrus as coming under that denomination''^ Spuma argenti was however also distinguished from molybdsena or htharge, for that litharge was called the best which looked like lithargyrus^*; but in order not to be misled by this state- ment, it must be borne in mind that by spuma argenti and lithargyrus we should understand a species of litharge particu- larly prepared for medicinal purposes, which differed not essen- tially, but only by a contrary treatment, from the common molybdsena ; and this explanation removes all difficulties. The expressions Key^P^^ ^^^ /ceyxp^cov are more obscure. The latter is a term used by a plaintiff in an oration of Demos- thenes^^ for a separate foundry in the Laurian silver-mines. ^* riin. xxxiii. 35, chiefly from ' ^^ See Salmas. Exerc. Plin. p. Dioscorid. v. 102, comp. Oribasius xii. i 1079, 1082. fol. 228 B. quoted by Hardouin, who I ^* Dioscorid. v. 100, cf. Plin. xxxiv. however does not entirely agi'ee with 53. the other writers. ^^ C. Pantaenet. p. 974, 15. AT LAURION. 6.39 without however any account as to its nature. The explana- tions of the grammarians are so indefinite and obscure that they appear to have had little knowledge of its import. Photius and the compiler of the Rhetorical Lexicon^® state that Ace7- XP^^J^ was a place at Athens, i.e. in Attica, where the apyvplrcs Kejxpo^ and the sand from the mines were purified. It might, therefore, mean the works upon which the comminuted ore was washed. In this case it would have been called Keyxpos or millet, from having been first bruised or washed down to the size of a grain of millet, in the same manner as it is said that in the Egyptian foundries the gold ore was ground down to the size of a vetch : but we are compelled by other statements to give up this idea. Pollux*^" observes that the slacks of iron were called aKcopla (which was the general name for all slacks), as the flower of gold was called dSafjuas and the impurity of silver Kep^vos; which is only a difi'erent form of K6yxpo9. The latter evidently cannot here mean pounded ore ; but must signify a refuse given off in the smelting of the silver ore, as scoria in the case of iron, and adamas in that of gold. The dBd/jLa<; is, according to the clear account of Plato ^% a substance unknown to us, of a black colour, and great brittleness, like copper and silver intimately combined with gold, only separable ^^ Lex. Seg. p. 271. Keyxp^oiv: TOTTOS ^Adrjinjaiv ovtco KoXovfievos, onov €Ka6aip€T0 fj dpyvplris Keyxpoi Kai yj/'dn- [los T) dno rav dpyvpiav dva(})epop.€vr}. Similarly Pliny in the first article. ^^ vii. 90. TavTTjs 8e (-yj)? (nBrjpiTi- dos) TO Kadapfia (TKinpiav wv6fj.a^ov, ^cnrep tov xP'^^'^^ "^^ (ivdos dddpavra Koi TOV Tcov dpyvpicov KoviopTov Kepxvov. KoviopTos is dKuOapala : see Salmasius Exerc. Plin. p. 1082. 88 Polit. p. 303 E, Tim. p. 59 B. In Pliny xxxvii. 15, some diamonds are called cenchri, where Salmasius sup- poses a confusion of the true diamond with this impurity given off in the fusion of gold. Hardouin is of a con- trary opinion, and although Pliny as well as his interpreter Salmasius fre- quently confound different subjects. yet diamonds may really have been called Kcyxpoi, from the small size of grains of millet, in the same manner that another stone in Plin. xxxvii. 13, is called cenchritis. I have hoped in vain to find an investigation upon the adamas arising in the fusion of gold in Ameilhon's Me'moire sur I'exploitation des mines d'or, in the iSIem. de I'Acad. des Inscriptions, vol. xlvi. p. 477 sqq. although in p. 565 sqq. he treats of the smelting and purification of this metal. I may also mention that this memoir might have been more fre- quently quoted than it has by me, as several points are well explained in it : but most of the subjects treated there are too remote from my pui-pose, or are already mentioned in other well- known books. 640 SMELTING OPERATIONS in the fire ; and called the flower of gold by Pollux, probably from its being an efflorescence arising during the fusion of this metal. The nature of the impurity which in the fusion of silver was called Keyx^po^;, cannot be determined with certainty, our knowledge of the smelting processes of the ancients being very imperfect; but the opinion of Salmasius^^ appears to me most probable, that Key^^pof; and spuma argenti or lithargyrus are identical. The different names do not render it necessary to consider the substances as materially unlike, as slight varia- tions determined by the different processes adopted might be differently signified : in what manner, however, the litharge w^as obtained which bore the name of Kejxp^'^y ^^'^ shall presently see. That Pollux should call Keyxpo9 an impurity of the metal, although, as being litharge, it was a substance that could be applied to various uses, cannot be a matter of surprise; for even the spuma argenti is called scoriae and refuse {vitium). If Pollux is correct in classing the adamas with the KeyxP^^y we have another reason for considering the latter to be litharge, lithargyrus being called the flower of silver, as adamas the flower of gold. Now^ Harpocration's obscure explanation of Kejxp^^^ may be reconciled with this supposition. For according to his statement, it means the purifying-place, where the Kejxpo^ from the metals was cooled, as Theophrastus mentioned®". The expression receives some light by comparing what is said by other writers of the flower of copper (xoXkov av6opa(TTns (V t(Taa-6ah in his own language ; which, however, as the sale was only a perpetual lease, is the natural word, and frequently occurs in the grammarians. 646 MODE OF GRANTING THE MINES. There remains now only one objection that can be urged; viz. that it was allowed to open new works without the payment of any purchase money; and that the money paid by Pantie- netus might have been for a mine already opened, which the state had obtained by confiscation, an occurrence by no means uncommon; and to confirm this supposition the argument of the speech against Panteenetus'"^ might be cited, in which it is stated that the purchase money was paid in silver from the mine, which implies that the mine was already pro- ducing metal. But if this grammarian were worthy of credit as to a fact about which he could not have possessed any better knowledge than ourselves, it does not by any means follow that a confiscated mine is intended; for it could scarcely have been compulsory upon a tenant to pay to the state the purchase money of a new mine, if, after having expended his trouble and capital, he was unsuccessful in finding any ore. It is far more probable that any person was allowed to dig for ore in those parts of the mountain which had not yet been alienated, and that he was not compelled to purchase the soil until he found productive ores, and w^as willing to work them. As the contradictory of this supposition would be absurd, it is manifest that the purchase money even of a newly opened mine might have been paid with silver from the mine itself. Pantse- netus however was possessed of other mines besides this one; and it is moreover unnecessary to assume that this silver came directly from the mines. Lastly, it is stated by Harpocration (who generally follows the authority of Aristotle) that the poletse had the duty of superintending all sales of public property, particularly those of customs and other duties, of mines, leases, and confiscated pro- perty"'^. In this passage the sale of the mines is clearly distinguished from that of leases and of private property accruing to the state, and the mines which were sold must necessarily have been newly opened. '"^ P. 964, 13. I iJna3a>(r€is kol to. drj^ievofieva. This is 103 iiarpocrat. in v. 7ra)X?;r«i. 8loi- transcribed by Siiidas, Photius, and Kova-i be TO. nnrpaa-Koixeva vno r^v Lex. Seg. p. 21)1. TTuXeoiS TTOiVTa, tcXt) k(u fieraXXa kcii MODE OF GRANTING THE MINES. 647 In this conveyance of public property to a perpetual tenant, the boundaries of the allotment purchased were accurately defined/ and a documentary instrument {Btaypacj)?]) was taken '*'\ For this purpose some knowledge of mine surveying was requi- site, which, from the want of the necessary instruments, must have been very imperfect^ "^ In addition to the purchase money, the purchaser paid the twenty-fourth part of the produce of the new mine; that is, of the gross, and not the nett produce, as the amount of the latter would have been too inconsiderable' "^ By these means all the disadvantages were avoided which might arise from letting the mines for a term of years. If a tenant exhausted the ore in a short time, the duty upon the metal obtained was augmented; and if he worked the rich ores alone, he injured himself. If the proprietor violated the laws and conditions under which the mine was made over to him, for example, if the annual duty was not paid, the state could resume the mine; if however he did not act contrary to the agreement, this species of property was equally secure with other landed estates. In short the circumstances of the tenure were the same as those, which, *°^ Harpocrat. Suid. and Zonaras in V. btaypa(prj. 7] SiarvTrcDcris rcov Trnrpacr- KOfievcov /xerdXXcoJ' Sr/Xoucra bia ypofx- yLUToav GTTu noias (ipx^l^ H-^XP'- '^'^^^^ TTiTrpdaKeTaL Treparos. Upon the boun- daries comp. Demosth. ut sup. p. 977? chase money and yearly duty were connected is stated by Barthelemy, Anachars. vol. v. cl'.ap. 59. Suidas omits the purchase money, according to the usual habit of the grammarians of stating the subject imperfectly ; what and above note 6G. [See Corp. In- i he says of newly opened works is con- script. Gr. No. 1G2. — Traxsi..] I uectcd with the fact which he wishes ^'"^ See Reitemeier, p. 112 sqq. i to explain, and it is self-evident that '"^ Suidas and Zonaras in v. dypd- the other px-opiietors paid the rent of (f)ov p.€TaXXov diKT) ol TO. dpyvpela fie- ! the twenty-fourth part. It cannot be raXXa epya^op-^voL ottov ftovKoLvro Kai- ; shov.n that there ever existed any vov epyov ap^ua6ai (Zonaras more cor- j mine vvhicii was originally freehold ractly a^aa-Bai) (puvepov inoiovvTo rols \ property, and not transferred by the eV eKeivoLs Terayixeuois vtto tov Stjixov ' state, and subject to the payment of no (i. e. tlie poleta?) Ka\ dneypafPovTo tov [ tax. It may be observed, that the tax reXci!/ evcKa r(o brjpo) elKoarrjv rerdp- from the smelthig furnaces (otto Kafii- Trjv TOV Koivov pieTuWov. Cf. Harpocr. vcov) of which Xenophon spealcs (de and Suid. in v. dirovopLTj, whose words I Vectig. 4, 49) is the rent of the twenty- will presently quote. That the pur- fourth. 64S MODE OF GRANTING THE MINES, according to the Roman law, regulated the possession of the Vectigalia in the Municipia^''^ We are justified in assuming that all the mines of Laurion were obtained in the manner just stated; of a distinction between those which were held on this tenure and others which were freehold property, I have been able to find no trace. All the large proprietors of mines who are mentioned in ancient authors, such as Nicias, Callias the brother-in-law of Cimon, and the other Callias who discovered the method of preparing cinnabar, together with Diphilus, Timarchus, and before him his father Pantsenetus, &c. had only perpetual leases ; the state- ment therefore that the mines before the time of Themistocles were the absolute property of families, rests only upon the mis- apprehension of Meursius'^^ The state was at all times the exclusive and original owner; nor did it ever use this property in any other manner than by leasing it in perpetuity. There nowhere exists any proof that mines were ever let by the state for a term of years; nor could there have been any stronger motive for working them at the public cost than for the collec- tion of the customs and other taxes: nothing indeed but a gross ignorance of the public policy of Athens could have allowed such a notion to be entertained^ °^; and the only fact brought in support of the assertion is, that a revenue was derived by the community from these mines in the age of Themistocles, as if this did not arise from the purchase money and the yearly rents: even Xenophon did not go so far as to recommend that the mines should be worked at the public cost; he is satisfied with proposing''" that the community might, in imitation of private individuals, procure public slaves, and let them to mine proprietors, in connexion probably with such mines as were not '"^ See Niebuhr, Rom. Hist. vol. ii. p. 376 sqq. '"^ F. A. cap. 7j from Yitruvius vii. 7, where familice means slaves, nor is the time before Themistocles distinctly alluded to (see note 138). Meursius has been followed by several writers, among others by Chandler, Travels, chap. 30. ^"^ As Reitemeier iit sup. p. 70, and Manso, Sparta, vol. iii. p. 495, suppose, Meiners, vom Luxus der Athener, p. 57, correctly remarks that the state of Athens never carried on mining at its own cost. "" De Vectig. 4. MODE OF GRANTING THE MINES. 649 as yet alienated; the object being to derive a revenue from the letting of slaves in addition to the rents paid in silver: it can indeed be asserted with safety that this object was never con- templated. In short the state did not in any manner interfere with mining, except that it enforced its own rights and laws; to these points alone its superintendence applied. The poletse sold the mines, subject to the payment of the yearly rents. In the observance of the laws all the members of the community had an interest, and were empowered to institute public suits, in the event of their violation. The account given by a modern writer of "a director of the mines ^^ appointed by the public, is, as far as I am aware, wholly devoid of foundation. It is probable that the gold mines in Thrace, opposite to Thasos, from the time that Athens obtained possession of them, were under similar regulations. Whether the former proprietors retained their property in them, or whether new possessors were introduced by the Athenians either by a free grant or by sale, after the manner of the cleruchiae, it is certain that the proprietors paid a rent in metal, which practice had probably existed under the former independent government: all new mines were purchased from the people of Athens. But the gold mines in Thasos and the mines of other subject countries were undoubtedly retained by the tributary state ; while Athens exacted from them, under the form of tribute, whatever sum it pleased, without interfering with the original right of possession. This however is not the object of our present inquiries*. § 8. Amount of the Proceeds of the Mines accruing to the State^ and the manner in which they were disposed of The purchase money of mines aUenated by the state was paid by the buyer directly into the pubhc treasury'^'; but with the annual rent there is some doubt whether this was the case. All the regular duties (even those of which the collection was easy and attended with little expense, and the amount of which * See above, b. iii. ch. 3.— Transl. ^" Demosth. c. Puutaeuet. p. 973. 650 PROCEEDS OF THE MINES, could be judged with tolerable accuracy, as, for example, the protection money and the rents of the public lands) were sold to individuals or companies as farmers-general: are we then to suppose that an exception was made in the case of the twenty- fourth of the silver, the amount of which must necessarily have been very different in different years, and where, without an accurate inspection of the quantity raised, the tenant was able to commit great frauds ? It seems therefore probable to me that this duty was sold to a farmer-general by the poletse; but, although there is little objection to this hypothesis, no distinct authority can be found in favour of it. It is mentioned in Demosthenes that Eubulus, the well- known manager of the Theorica, had been accused by Mcerocles of unjustly exacting 20 drachmas from "those persons who had purchased the mines' ^^^^ Now there can be no question that the chief farmers of the rents are not here meant by " the purchasers of the mines,'' We must, therefore, refer these words to those who had obtained possession of the mines themselves, and from the use of the definite article ''the mines'' it must be supposed that Demosthenes is speaking of some well-known sale of a considerable number of mines, which had taken place a short time before : for it would have been a very aflfected phrase, and liable to misconception, to denote all the mine proprietors both old and new, by the circumlocution, '' those who had purchased the mines,'^ particularly as they are usually called the workers of the mines {ol epya^ofievoc iv rols e/)7ot9, or iv rols fjuerdWoLs): consequently Mcerocles must be considered as having been employed to collect purchase monies, in which capacity he obtained, under some false pretence, 20 drachmas from each purchaser. When the sausage seller in the Knights of Aristophanes^'' threatens Cleon that he will buy mines, in order, as the Scholiast observes, to obtain favour w^th the people by enrich- ing the state, he must mean the actual possession of the mines themselves, this being the only transaction by which the state "■^ Tlapa Toiv TCI fieraWa etovTjfxevcov. I "' Ecj. 3<»1, dXKa a^f^i^as fdrjSo' Demosth. de fals. leg. p. 435, 5. | ku)s wvijno^iai fieToKXa. AND MANNER OF DISPOSAL. 651 would have profited from the intervention of any particular individual ; for it would be manifestly indifferent to whom the duties were let ; and moreover if the letting of the duty were signified, some more precise expression must necessarily have been employed. Lastly, it is stated by Ulpian that Meidias had rented the silver mines from the state'**; although the vagueness of the expression would lead one to imagine that he means the chief farmer of the rents, we are compelled to relinquish this notion upon perceiving that the commentator wishes to explain why Meidias imported wood to the mines, for which a chief farmer of the rents could have had no inducement. Was Meidias then a tenant, or proprietor of mines ? The use of the article proves nothing against this supposition in a writer of such mean authority. Yet why need a moment's attention be paid to the statements of this Pseudo-Ulpian ? Is there any Scholiast that rivals the ignorance and confusion displayed in this chaos of notes ? Because Meidias imported timber to the mines, perhaps only to sell it there, or during the time that he was bound to serve the state with his trireme, to indemnify himself for the expenses of the trierarchy by employing his ship in some profitable manner, Ulpian immediately infers, from the words of Demosthenes, that Meidias rented mines. This method of commenting frequently occurs in this writer, and has not always been sufficiently attended to. In the Athenian revenue the income accruing from the mines was a regular receipt' '^; it arose from the purchase monies and the reserved rent which was paid in silver, and was exclusive of what was received from the market and the public buildings"®; and consequently its amount depended upon ''* Mefi'icrdcoTO yap to. fieraWa napa TTjS TToXeo)?, a rjv Tov dpyvpLOv,p. 685 C, ed. Wolf. Mi'o-^coo-t? for the granting a lease of the mines cannot appear an unnatural expression, as the Greek language had no separate term for this idea. See Photius in v. ix€(TOKpLve7s, Harpocr. and Said, in v. dnovoixfj, and above notes 6fi and 101. All those instances, however, in which ^.taOoi- aaaOaL is used of the mines, occur in later writers, viz., the grammarians and Dionysius. The words for it in the ancient authors are ayveiadai and TrplacrBaL. ^'* Cf. Aristoph. Vesp. (io? sqq. "« Xenoph. de Vectig. 4, 49. 632 PROCEEDS OF THE MINES, the greater or less number of mines sold by the state, upon the quaUty of the ores, and the greater or less activity with which the working was carried on : by which circumstances the tenant would naturally be guided in the amount of his offer. In the time of Socrates (as has been before remarked) the receipts from this source had already begun to decrease ; we have also statements of their amount in the age of Themistocles, but obscurely and inaccurately expressed. The money accruing from the mines was originally distri- buted among all the citizens in the same manner as the Theoricon in later times. Every person whose name was registered in the book of the Lexiarchs was entitled to receive his portion ^^^ When, however, at the recommendation of Themistocles, the Athenians, instead of thus wasting the public revenue, resolved to apply this money to ship building, in the w^ar against the ^ginetans, each person was (as Herodotus states) to have received 10 drachmas for his share' '^ If we reckon with this historian that there were 30,000 citizens in Athens, the whole sum must have amounted to 50 talents ; but it wiU be better to assume 20,000 as the average number of the adult Athenians; and accordingly there were about 33^ talents for the distribution. And that the distribution was made annually might have been presumed from the principles of the Athenian administration, without the testimony of Cornelius Nepos"^ We are not, therefore, to suppose that the savings of several years are meant, nor merely a surplus ; but that all the public money arising from the mines, as it was not required for any other object, was divided among the members of the community '"\ Supposing now that among these revenues no purchase money of mines in actual possession is included, and that the revenues of a whole year are meant, the total of the produce would have annually amounted to more than 800 ^'^ Demosth. c. Leochar. p. 1091. j of absurd fancies has been broached. ^'^ vii. 144. Cf. Herald. Animadv. in Salmas. Ob- "® Themistocl. 2. serv. ad I. A. et R. vi. 3, 9. Other **" I make this remark on account I passages of later writers which refer of a passage of Aristides in the second to this point of history I pass over, as lUaton. Oration, on which a sufficiency they contain nothing new. AND MANNER OF DISPOSAL. ess talents. I say more than 800, as the profit of the chief farmef is not allowed for in the calculation ; but according to Poly- senus'*', whose account is more explicit, the Athenians wished to divide, as usual, 100 talents arising from the mines ; when Themistocles undertook to wean them from this custom, and persuaded them to give a talent apiece to the 100 most wealthy citizens, to be employed by each in the equipment of a vessel ; if the vessel was approved of, the talent was not reclaimed^ and in the contrary case it was restored to the state, and that thus the Athenians obtained 100 well-built and fast-sailing vessels. Now is this account to be wholly rejected as the mere embel- lishment of later writers ? It might indeed appear preferable to discredit it_, when we consider that if the state received a revenue of 100 talents from the mines (exclusively of the occasional receipt of purchase monies), it would imply an annual produce of 2400 talents, a sum which is incredible; though it is certain that many mines in ancient times, for instance, those of Spain and Thasos, produced a very large amount of metal. But in that case could Herodotus have assumed that the Athenians built 200 ships with SB or 50 talents ? or, taking the lowest state- ment, would this sum have been sufficient for building even 100 triremes ? And what was done in the following years with the monies received from the mines, as it is not mentioned that they were afterwards distributed'^*? Herodotus probably thought that the 200 ships were built from the revenues not of one year, but of a term of years. We must also suppose that the 100 talents mentioned by Polysenus were the revenues of several years, which after the adoption of the practice suggested by Themistocles, were no longer distributed, and were laid by that they might be from time to time assigned to each of 100 trierarchs. This mode of viewing the subject reconciles both narrations, and is moreover, when considered by itself, the most probable ; it also shows that the accounts of some writers who mention '^' Strateg. i. 30, 5. ^^^ Themistocl. 4. Nepos is least of all to be listened to, as he speaks of a war with Corcyra instead of that with iEgina. 654 PERSONS ENTITLED TO ACQUIRE MINES, 100, and of Herodotus who states that 200 ships were built with the revenues from the mines, may be both true, if Themis- tocles' principle had been followed for a considerable period ; for if a longer series of years were taken, twice the number of ships would have been built that is stated by those who referred only to half the number of years. Diodorus'", in Olymp. 75, 4 (B.C. 477)5 speaks of a law of Themistocles, which enacted that 20 new triremes should be built annually; this, however, is probably the same fact; and the account, which in other respects may be correct, has been transferred by this careless writer to later times. § 9. Persons entitled to acquire Mines. Value of Single Shares, Although the mines were not freehold property, the tenure on which they were held was sufficiently secure. It is there- fore probable that the leases of the mines could only be trans- ferred to such as were entitled to the possession of landed property, and consequently only to citizens, isoteles, and proxeni; for the isoteles had a right to the possession of land^"**, since, with the exception of political rights, they were upon the same footing as the citizens ; whereas the foreigners in the more limited sense [^evoi) and the resident aliens {fierotKOi), neither in Athens nor in any other part of Greece, were entitled to hold landed property. Xenophon proposes that the state should grant to individual resident aliens, who might appear worthy of it, the right of building houses and holding them as property '^^; from which it is evident that by law they were excluded from this privilege ; and indeed the right of owning land was generally granted together with the rights of citizenship, of isopolitia and proxenia, by a decree of the people^*^ Hence no resident alien could with safety lend money upon landed property, as he was disqualified from taking 12^ xi. 43. '^ Lysias c. Eratosth. p. 39o, ac- cording to whom Lysias and Polemar- chiis, both isoteles, possessed three houses. '" De Vectig. 2, ad fin. '^^ See tlie inscriptions cited in b, i. note 665. PERSONS ENTITLED TO ACQI IRE MINES. 655 possession of it without he became a citizen'" % unless indeed it happened that the community gave a special permission : thus for example, the government of Byzantium, to reUeve itself from one of its many pecuniary difficulties, gave the resident ahens the privilege of holding the lands mortgaged to them, on condition that they payed into the public treasury the third part of the money claimed '^^. Now that isoteles as well as citizens were possessed of mines, we know from Xenophon'^^: the requisite privilege of isotelia must thus have been granted by the public to such of the foreigners or resident ahens as rented mines from the state, for the furtherance indeed of its own interest, as it was highly beneficial to the revenue that many mines should be purchased and worked, and consequently that the access to them should be facilitated as much as possible; but without being an isoteles, no resident alien or foreigner could hold a lease of a mine, though he might rent the duties for a term of years ^^". With respect to the number of mine proprietors, there is reason to believe that it was not inconsiderable ; in the speech against Phaenippus they are mentioned together with the husbandmen as a separate class of producers. Sometimes individuals had one or a few mining shares, as, for instance, Timarchus and Pantsenetus and others ; sometimes several, as Nicias, Diphilus, and Callias the brother-in-law of Cimon, whose wealth was chiefly derived from the mines. The values of single shares or work-shops {ipyaarrjpia) were different. Pantsenetus purchased one from the state for 90minas^^^; the same person had borrowed 105 minas upon another share, together with 30 slaves, that is, 45 minas upon the slaves of Nicobulus, and a talent upon the mine of Euergus, ^*7 Demosth. pro Phonn. p. 946, 4, ' ra ^ovXofieva epyd^faBai eurols fierdX- \ois. ^'Epya^eadai ev toIs fieraWois is the common expression for the mine proprietoi-s. I do not quote the pas- sage 4, 22, as only tenants for a term of years may be there meant. '30 Plutarch. Alcib. 5. i"" Demosth. c Pantsen. p. 973, 5. 6pa>p OTi fiT)7rcf)e\ou, Kayco tov 'drjfxevOevTOS peraXXov. '•*^ Cf. Demosth. c. Pantaenet. p. 977,21 ; 969, 11. ■ '36 4, 32. ^^'^ As may be infen-ed from Dem. c. Pantaen. p. 969, 1 1, when the gram- marians wish to explain the word each of several sharers in the profit received. If the latter explanation were connect, we must understand a working in common of the same mine. Harpocration, and Suidas who trans- cribes him, in v. aTrovofXT] : rj dnofioipaf coy pepos Ti TOiV TTfpiyLyvopevcov e/c tcov peToXkoiP Xap^avoiKTTjs r^s TrdXecoy rj a)s diaipovpevoov eiy nXelovs piaOcorovs (read p,ia6coTas, tenants) 1v eKaaros Xaftu TL p.€pos. Afivapxos iv ra irpbs Tovs AvKovpyov naldas noXXaKu . [ The reading p-ia-diaras has been received by Bekker into the text of his edition dnovofiT), they are in doubt whether it | from two MSS. — Traxsl.] LABOUR OF SLAVES IN THE MINES. 657 Upon the boundaries of the mines purchased from the state, the proprietors were required to leave supports, as has been already stated. § 10. Labour of Slaves in the Mines, In mining, as in everything where labour was necessary, the actual work was performed by slaves^ ^*. It cannot be proved that in Greece free citizens ever laboured in mines or foundries under the compulsion of tyrants, as has been asserted '^^ The Romans condemned the oflfenders who had been enslaved by public ordinance, to work in the mines, in the same manner that criminals of this description are now sent to the mines of Siberia: this method of punishment, however, cannot ha\'e existed at Athens, as the community did not carry on any mining at the public expense ; nor did it let mines for a term of years together with the labourers, which was only done by private individuals. The master, however, could probably punish his slaves by forcing them to labour in the mines, as well as in the mills ; and in general none but inferior slaves were employed in them, such as barbarians and criminals. Their condition was not indeed so miserable as that of the slaves in the Egyptian mines, where the condemned labourers worked without intermission until they were so exhausted as to fall lifeless; but notwithstanding that in Attica the spirit of freedom had a mild and beneficial influence even upon the treatment of slaves, yet myriads of these wretched mortals are said to have languished in chains in the unwholesome atmo- sphere of the mines^^^ For this degraded state of their fellow creatures the Athe- nians felt no greater compassion than the other nations of antiquity. In vain we seek in the social relations of the Greeks '^8 These are the familicB in Vitruv. is said to have been possessed of an vii. 7, where see Schneider. 1^9 The instance, which Reiteraeier (p. 73) adduces is not Grecian, but re- fers to a Persian satrap named Pythius or Pytlies of Celaense in Phrygia, who enormous treasure in gold. See Herod, vii. 27 sqq. and the commentators. '*" Athen. vii. p. 272 E, Plutarch Comp. Nic. et Crass, init. [See above, p. 38, note b. — Transl.] 2 U 658 LABOUR OF SLAVES for traces of the humanity which their arts and their philosophy would indicate ; and in the same manner that their treatment of the female sex was^ with few exceptions, unworthy and degrading, so by being habituated to slaves from early youth, they had lost all natural feelings of sympathy towards them. No philosopher of antiquity, not even Socrates, raises an objection against the institution of slavery. Plato, in his perfect State, only desires that no Grecians should be made slaves. Aristotle founds the existing usage upon apparently scientific principles. But who would not be willing to pardon the ancients for their hard-heartedness in this point, which is at variance neither with their morality, their religion, nor their international law, if, after Christianity has extended the influ- ence of milder feelings and dispositions, after slavery has been denounced by all moral, religious, and international laws, the nations of Europe felt no shame in again establishing the same institution, and still bargain and stipulate for it in treaties of peace ? As was the case in Italy and Sicily, and has been also in modern times, the insurrection of these hordes of slaves was in Greece neither unfrequent nor unaccompanied with danger. In a fragment of Posidonius, the continuer of the history of Polybius, it is related that the mine slaves in Attica murdered their guards, took forcible possession of the fortifications of Sunium, and from this point ravaged the country for a con- siderable time; an occurrence, which, if Atheneeus expresses himself correctly, must be referred to the time of the first Sicilian servile war, about the year of the city 620 (b.c. 134), at which time the Romans were already in possession of that island ^*^ It is, however, more probable that it belongs to the end of the 91st Olympiad, about which time, during the war of Decelea, more than 20,000 slaves, of whom the greater portion were manual labourers, eloped from the Athenians^**. Yet at that time Sunium could hardly have been a tenable position, as Thucydides would not have failed to mention the capture of it '*' Athen. iit sup. and Scliweighseuser's note. '^2 Thncyd. vii. 27- IN TH& MINES. 659 by the slaves. It was first fortified in Olymp. 91, 4 (b.c. 413), for the protection of the vessels employed in importing corn, and probably after it had been recaptured from the slaves, whose ravages could scarcely have lasted beyond a summer. It should be also observed, that of the slaves who worked in the mines, some belonged to the lessees, and for some a rent (d7rocj)opa) was paid to the proprietor'", the maintenance being provided by the person who hired them. The price of slaves varied, according to their bodily and mental qualities, from half a mina to 5 and 10 minas: a common mining-slave however did not cost at Athens, as Barthelemy asserts, more than from 3 to 6 minas, but in the age of Xenophon and Demosthenes not more than 125 to 150 drachmas^^\ When it is stated that Nicias the son of Niceratus gave a talent for an overseer of his mines'", we are to understand a person in whom he could repose great confidence, and to whom he might entrust the superintendence of the whole business, so as to be free from the necessity of employing a tenant, in short, a person rarely to be met with; from this therefore nothing can be inferred with regard to the usual price. Since then slaves were neither dear to purchase nor expen- sive to maintain, the working of mines was facilitated by the institution of slavery; but as, for the most part, compulsion was the only incentive to labour, and little favour was ever shown to the slaves, the art of mining was necessarily retarded, while the small benefit it received from the exertions of free inspectors or managers, could have been of little avail; and thus the higher character which mining bears in modern times was then altogether wanting. By the hiring of slaves the profit was dis- tributed into various channels, and by this means persons who otherwise would have been unable to advance capital sufficient for so expensive an undertaking, were enabled to engage in this business. ^"3 Andocid, de Myst. p. 19. ^^■^ This may be obtained by compu- tation from Xenoph. de Vectig. 4, 23, and by an obvious inference fiom De - mosth. c. Pantsen. p. 976. The latter passage has been quoted before. Con- cerning the different prices of slaves, see b. i. ch. 13. '^* Xenoph. Socr. Mem. ii. 5, 2. 2 U 2 660 LABOUR OF SLAVES Many persons had a considerable number of slaves in the mines. Nicias the celebrated general (and not the younger Nicias, as has been erroneously supposed) had 1000 slaves there; Hipponicus the third, the son of Callias the torchbearer, 600; Philemonides, 300; and others according to their circum- stances' ^^ These wealthy and distinguished persons let their mines to contractors, who were either poor citizens, isoteles, freedmen, or resident aliens ^''^^ or perhaps not unfrequently slaves belonging to the proprietors themselves, upon the con- dition that the tenant should maintain the slaves, and pay an obolus a day for each, free from all deduction, and should return the full number which he had received. Thus Nicias received from Sosias the Thracian one mina and two-thirds a day, Hippo- nicus one mina, Philemonides half a mina. According to Xeno- phon many slaves in the mines were in his time let upon the same conditions'*^. It does not appear probable that a rent of so considerable an amount should have been paid for the slaves alone. Xeno- phon, in stating the annual profit of 6000 mining-slaves, sup- poses 360 days of labour, distributing the intercalary month through the several years, and only deducting five holidays. If however we reckon 350 days, and take 140 drachmas as the average price of a oommon mining-slave, each slave would have produced a return of nearly 50 per cent. (47ii) of his value; which, when compared with the far inferior profit derived from more valuable slaves skilled in some mechanical art, is out of all proportion, though these latter were also supplied by their pro- prietors w^ith the raw materia^''^ And although the masters were without doubt paid for the goods thus furnished, yet the procuring them required an outlay of capital, the profit on which was also to be replaced. Are we to suppose that a worker of mines like Sosias the Thracian would not have been more willing to borrow a sum of money for the purpose of buy- '** Xenoph. de Vectig. 4, 14, and thence Athen. vi. p. 272 E. '■'^ Cf. Xenoph. ut sup. 4, 22. i« Ut Slip. 4, 16. ''^ Demosth. c. Aphob. i. p. 816, ^sch. c. Timarch. p. 118, which pas- sages are examined more at length in b.i. ch. 13 (above p. 6.0). IN THE MINES. 661 ing slaves, than to pay away their whole value in the space of two years in the shape of rent ? If he was able to hire slaves by giving security, he would have been able to find sureties for a sum of money. The profit upon slaves must indeed have been much higher than upon monied capital, as the proprietor lost unless both capital and interest were replaced before their death; and the usual rate of interest being 12 per cent., slaves must have produced more than this percentage; but how wide is the difference between 14 or 15 per cent, and nearly 50? Is it not then more probable that Nicias and others, who let slaves in the mines upon these terms, received an obolus a head not for the slaves alone, but for the mines also in which they worked? An instance of a lease of a mine jointly with the slaves occurs in the speech against Pantsenetus; thirty slaves, together with a workshop, were let for the interest of 105 minas; but the transaction was in fact only fictitious, as the money was in reality lent upon the slaves alone, as will be presently shown: but any fictitious transaction of this sort must have been founded on a real custom. Are we not also told that Nicias was possessed of several mines? Plutarch indeed remarks'^'' that he had wasted his pro- perty in this hazardous business; but it is not possible to refer his statement to the letting of slaves, as in that trade no hazard could have existed, the person who hired them being always bound to return the same number that he received, and to pro- vide sureties for the fulfilment of this obligation. To what pur- pose again did Nicias purchase an inspector of the mines at the price of a talent, if he did not work them at his own expense? He is even said to have maintained a diviner, and to have sacri- ficed daily for the success of his mines, and procured numerous gangs of slaves, with the sole object of employing them for his own profit. The management of them however would naturally have been troublesome to the anxious disposition of Nicias, occupied as he was with both civil and military concerns, and he therefore divested himself of this care by letting both his mines and slaves; a supposition which is at least more probable "° Nic. 4 and Comp. Nic. et Ciuss. in init. 662 PIIOFITS DERIVED FROM and simple than that to which we are driven if it is rejected; viz. that Nicias kept a hundred slaves for hire in addition to those who worked in his own mines. According to the former hypothesis, some part of the rent, which amounted to nearly 10 talents a year, must be considered as proceeding from the mines. Xenophon, when he proposes that the state should derive similar advantages from the letting of slaves, probably implies that it should be connected with the letting of such mines as were still unalienated, in which it is evident that the lessee who obtained the metal also paid the rent in silver, which Nicias and the other slave-proprietors would doubtless have demanded from their tenants. § 11. Profits derived from the Working of the Mines. So long as the rich ores were not exhausted, the working was extremely profitable to the possessors, especially as the prices of provisions were very low in comparison with that of silver. Although after the death of Niceratus, who inherited from his father Nicias, less property is said to have been found than was expected, his father was considered as one of the most wealthy citizens : the property of Diphilus, another mine pro- prietor, who indeed encroached illegally upon the supports of the mines, amounted, at the time that it was confiscated, to 160 talents'''; an amount of property which for Athens and the age of Lycurgus is very considerable; and when the possessions of Diphilus were in his own hands, they were no doubt still larger, for confiscated property seldom came into the public cofi*ers without suffering some diminution, or being wastefully sold under its proper price. Callias (a person of mean extraction, and not of the celebrated family of Phsenippus), who out of love for the sister and wife of Cimon paid Miltiades' fine of 151 Vit. Dec. Orat. in Plutarch, vol. ; the most approved statements. The vi. p. 252. Of the property of Diphi- | words in the text, rj as rives fxvav, do Ills each citizen received 50 drachmas, ' not deserve any consideration, wliether which supposes a number of 19,200 j they are interpolated or genuine. citizens, thus completely agreeing with I WORKING THE MINES. 663 50 talents, had also derived his wealth from the mines'"; and the Callias who discovered the method of preparing cinnabar^ was perhaps his grandson, having been, as is manifest from this fact, personally engaged in the working of mines, and conse- quently cannot have been the extravagant Callias, the son of Hipponicus, nor was he at all connected with this noble family, as Schneider appears to suppose. We must not, on the other hand, be surprised, if, in subse- quent times, especially when the quality of the ores had been impoverished, many proprietors of mines suffered severe losses, particularly when it is remembered that the working of mines was rendered difficult by the want of gunpowder, that the machinery was imperfect and scanty, and that the management of the foundries was so defective that much metal was lost in smelting. At the time when Xenophon wrote his Treatise upon the Revenue, the greater number of the mine proprietors were beginners, who were unable, from want of capital, to open new mines, like the former possessors, though this practice was still allowed by the legal conditions^"; the proprietors were never- theless at that time increasing their number of slaves^**. Not long afterwards, however, in the time of Demetrius Phalereus, there was no want of willingness to devote capital and trouble to the working of the mines; they mined with so much eager- ness, says Demetrius, that they thought they would fetch up Pluto himself; but they generally failed to obtain what they sought for, and what they already had they lost^"; at last there- fore they entirely gave up all farther excavation, and only made use of the scoriae and the rejected stones. Besides the necessary importation of timber, for which the ports of Thoricus and Anaphlystus and the two harbours of 152 Plut. Cim. 4, Nepos Cim. 1. For Schneider's opinion see his note upon Xenoph. de Vectig. 4, 15. 1*3 Xenoph. ut sup. 4, 28. 154 Ibid. 4, 4. 155 See Demetrius, and from him Posidonius ap. Strab, iii. p. 101 , Athen. vi. p. 233 D, cf. Diod. v. 37. The expression of Demetrius contains an enigma, like the Homeric riddle. See the commentators upon the author just mentioned, particularly Casaubon upon Strabo ; but as the enigma can- not be solved, I have only been able to give the approximate sense of the 664 PROFITS DERIVED FROM WORKING THE MINES. Sunium were employed, the expenses of mining were enhanced in bad seasons by the high prices of corn. Upon most regions which abound in ore nature has laid the curse of sterility**®; and thus Athens^ as being the market of Greece, was in its flourishing times supplied with corn by importation; but when it was l)lockaded by sea, which frequently took place after the loss of its ascendancy, or if prices were raised by a general failure in the crops, the mine proprietors were the severest sufferers, as they had to maintain large establishments of slaves. The medimnus of corn sold at Athens in the time of Solon for a drachma; in the time of Socrates and Aristophanes the common price was from 2 to 3, and in that of Demosthenes from 5 to 6 drachmas; but in later times prices advanced so greatly that barley sold for 18 drachmas'": at this juncture even those mine proprietors were distressed for money, who before had contrived to carry on their business with profit, and they are said to have received assistance from the state; but we are not informed in what manner* *^ We hear however of mines being confiscated about this time'^®; the cause of which doubtless was, that the possessors were unable to fulfil their obligations to the state; while, as the author of the speech against Phee- nippus says, the agricultural classes were making undue profits. § 12. Some Legal Regulations respecting the Mines. Lastly, we may consider some legal regulations respecting the possession of mines. As the ownership of the mines was vested in the people, no compartment of a mine could be worked without information being given to the public officers; and if this was not done, the party offending was subject to a public action for not having registered his mine {aypdcpov fieiaXkov BUtj)^^'^; the action ' '" The ancients cite the instances I "' Orat. c. Phcenipp. p. 1039, 18, p. of Thasos (see Archilochus quoted by 1044, ad fin. p. 1045, init. p. 1048, ad the interpreters of Herod. N-i. 46), and fin. See b. i. eh. 15. Hispania Felix: in which few places | '*« Ibid. p. 1048, 27. made an exception. Pliu. xxxiii. 21, j '*^ Ibid. p. 1039, 20 sqq. Strabo iii. p. 146. . I '*" Suidas and Zonaras in v. oypa^ou LEGAL REGULATIONS. 665 however could be also commenced by referring the matter to the public assembly (tt/jo/SoX?;)'"'. Any person buying a share from the state upon the legal conditions was bound to pay the purchase money at the appointed time; if he exceeded his term, he was subject to the common proceedings against public debtors, and therefore to infamy, to imprisonment, and to a fine of double the amount''^; and if the debt thus doubled was not paid, to forfeiture of property, the debt being also inherited by the children until the payment of the fine. If a mine pro- prietor did not pay the rent in silver, the farmer-general was of course empowered to institute a public suit against him. There must however have been this difference between the methods of proceeding against a mine proprietor and a public debtor, that in the former case the community only laid claim to the mine for which the twenty-fourth was in arrear, and not to the whole property of the defaulter; while the obligation to pay the purchase money fell upon the person of the buyer, and by that means upon his whole property; there can therefore be no doubt that if the rent fell in arrear, the defaulter was not liable to the penalty of imprisonment. The speech against Phaenippus furnishes a satisfactory example of the confiscation of a mine, in which several persons had a share, without the other pro- perty of the proprietors being forfeited to the state'"; for the person in whose name this speech was composed, possessed other property besides that which was forfeited, which he offers to exchange with Pheenippus; and what is more, he had other mines^^*, which were not forfeited to the state when the former mine was confiscated. It was only in the case of peculiarly ^UTaS\ov hiKT] : Ei Tty ovv edoKci \dBpa epyd^eaOoL fieraWov, rbv firi drroypa- yjrdfievov (^r]v rw (BovXofieva ypd(f)ea6ai ^^' See Taylor, Preface to Demosth. against Meidias, who states this from a Cambridge manuscript, which contains additions to Hai-pocration. [The ma- nuscript has been published by Mr. Dobree at the end of his edition of Photius; and the whole article here alluded to is in p. 676, as follows: Upo^oKr] : (f)av€pov /xev rivos \av6dvov- Tos di p.r]w(TLS' KeKTjXios (KaLKiXios) de (Prjcriu (Ivai fju Kara touv drjixocna fieraX- Xa VTTopvTTOvroiv dnocfiepovai be Ka\ KudoXov tS)v ret KOivd kXctttov- T(oV KoXe^adai 6e ovtcos koL tcis efiiro- pUas p,Tjvu(r€is- — Traxsl.1 ^6^ Demosth. in Pantsen. p. 973. ^"3 P. 1039, 22. ^^* See p. 1044. 666 LEGAL REGULATIONS aggravating circumstances that the state could inflict severer punishment upon persons who failed to pay their rent; for, from the nature of suits of this description^ the assignment of the penalty rested with the judges. In all cases connected with mines, if it appeared that the state had been injured, the mode of proceeding was by a public action, and generally a phasis, which was the form when the injury received had reference to the harbours, to embezzlement, or detention of public property, to custom duties and other taxes, or to sycophancy, and the defrauding of orphans, who were under the immediate protection of the government'^\ An oflfence which was especially liable to this method of prosecu- tion was the undermining of or encroachment upon the sup- ports^^% which considerably endangered the security of the mines, and also displaced the boundaries. Now the law had not appointed any definite punishment for a large portion of the pubhc offenders, which was particularly the case in all offences prosecuted by phasis; but the accuser fixed the penalty in the memorial which he presented, and the defendant made a counter-assessment {avTirt/jbrjcris), on which the court exercised its discretion, without being bound by the amount of penalty fixed upon by the litigant parties; the punishment assigned might however be either death, fine, infamy, or banishment; e.g., Diphilus was punished with death, and his property con- fiscated, for some oflfence connected with the mines. The phasis, according to Pollux, was brought before the archon, by which we are to understand the archon Eponymus. This archon however was not the president of the court [rfye/jbcov BcKacrTrj- plov) in mining cases: we must therefore either assume that if a phasis was instituted, it was first brought before the archon Eponymus, who then referred it to the tribunal in which the supreme jurisdiction was lodged; or we must limit the assertion of Pollux to the phasis in cases of orphans^ ^'property, which ^"5 Pollux viii. 47, Epitome of Har- ; 315. pocration quoted by the commentators j '®° Lex. Seg. p. 315, ^a.(Tis : fxTjwa-is upon Pollux, Etymol. Photius, and j Trpos rovs (ipxovTas Kara rSiV viropv-rrov- Suidas, in v. (jidcis, Lex, Seg. p. 313, ! rmv to peToWov. Cf. Phot, ut sup. R-ESPECTING THE MIXES. 667 were certainly introduced by the archon Eponymus'". All mining cases^ whether proceeded in by phasis or by any other method, were introduced by the thesmothet^e**^ The court appointed for such causes is called by a grammarian the mining court'^^. The speech against Pantsenetus is a paragraphe against a mining action; from this it is evident that a suit like that insti- tuted by Pantsenetus as a mining case belonged to the monthly causes {efi/jLrjvoL StVat)'^% that is to say, it was necessary that judgment should be given within a month; the object being no doubt that the mine proprietor might not be too long detained from his business, a preference which was allowed to the mining cases as well as to the proceedings in commercial causes {ifiiropLKoX hlKai), and to litigation concerning dowries and between eranistse (ipaviKal Blkui)^^^: in commercial cases how- ever, and probably in all others, this regulation was not intro- duced till after the date of Xenophon's Essay on the Revenue, in which it was proposed that a more rapid progress should be allowed to commercial suits: in the time of Philip the monthly causes are mentioned as if they had not been previously in existence, and were then but lately introduced^ ^^ Among the SUaL fieraWcKal were included all suits which related to the mines, and particularly to the mining companies, and whatever else was mentioned in the mining law (fieraX^ \lko<; vofMosY''^, Concerning this law we have no satisfactory account; there are only four heads of which we have any information, namely, of encroachment, of expulsion from the business, of arson, and of armed attack; the two latter were without doubt always the subjects of a public action, and the first might certainly take this form of proceeding, if public property was encroached upon; but it is by no means true that • 167 Pollux viii. 89, &:c. i ^68 Demosth. c. Pantsen. p. 976, 18, Pollux viii/ 88. 169 MeTaXkiKov^^iKao-TTjpiov, in the argnment to the speech against Pantte- netus, p. 965, 24. 170 Demosth. c. Pantsen. p. 966, 17- 171 Pollux viii. 63, 101, Harpoc. and Said, in v. efjLfXTjvoi dUai, Lex. Seg. p. 237. '7* Xenoph. de Vectig. 3, Orat. pro Haloneso, p. 79, 18 sqq. 17^ The only passage on the subject of the /xeraXXtKat dUai is in Demosth. c. Pautaen. p. 976, 977. 66S LEGAL REGULATIONS all mining causes were brought on as public actions. If De- mosthenes expresses himself correctly, the law was divided into these four parts alone '^■'; but cases which referred to the mining companies belonged also to the mining suits'^*, and as these four heads contain nothing of the kind, we are compelled to suppose that the enactments concerning encroachment and expulsion from labour mainly referred to partners in the same mine divided into different workshops. It is certain from the speech against Panteenetus that private suits between mine proprietors and other private individuals, which referred not to mining, but to any general question of law, with which a mine was incidentally connected, were not of the number of mining cases; as, for example, if a law suit arose for a sum of money lent upon a mine; it is evident indeed that such would neces- sarily be the case. Moreover the actions for not registering a mine, and non-payment of the entrance money and the rent of the twenty-fourth, did not belong to the mining causes, nor were they mentioned in the mining law: the first doubtless fell under the head of embezzlement of public property; the second was determined by the laws respecting the pubhc debtors; the third was decided according to the laws relating to the farming of the revenue {po/jlol reKwviKol), and accordingly the phasis could in such a case be instituted. The clause in the mining law which prohibited the pro- prietor from working outside his own boundary, or carrying an adit into another compartment' ^% does not require any farther '''* Ibid. p. 976, 27,-977, 9. '-'"> Ibid. p. 977,20. ^^^ The words in the text are eVt- KaTarefiveLV tcov fierpoiv evTos, p. 977, 10. It has been thought preferable to write €KTbs, which certainly makes the sense clearer, but is still an improbable correction. Evtos appears, like the ciira of the Romans, to mean both in- side and outside, according as the spec- tator adopts his station, as Herodotus (iii. 116) says evrbs divepyovTai : they exclude without in reference to us, but within in reference to the countries which exclude. Thus emKaTarefiveiv euros TCOV fierpcov means to cut outside your own boundaries, but inside the boundaries of those whose property is invaded. Another expression for trans- gressing the boundaries occurs in p. 977, in the words rols erepov (/iie'raX- \ov?) (rvvTpr)(Tacnv els tcitwv ttXtjctIov. Whether the words els ra raiv TvKrjalov should be struck out is difficult to de- cide. [See Wordsworth, Athens and Attica, ch. 2f{, on the OopUioi ^ 5io- pxjTTiDv of Autiphanes. — Transl.J RESPECTING THE MIXES. 669 explanation, of which however the other three stand in need; of these one clause relates to persons driving out a mining pro- prietor from his business (i^elXkovaLv eK rrj? ipyaalas). Ex- pulsion (i^ovXTj) is the term in the Athenian law for obtaining possession of another person^s property, when wrongfully taken from the legal possessor; and probably it was only used in reference to immoveables^". The action brought by the injured party in such a case as this was called the Slkt) i^ovXrjs; the same form could also be adopted if a man was interrupted in the enjoyment of what he had bought, i.e. taken, from the state, or was obstructed in the prosecution of his business^ ^^ Again, if any person was declared by judicial decision to be the rightful possessor, by which he obtained permission to seize the pro- perty of his antagonist, and was obstructed in the seizure by the resistance of the actual possessor, this was considered an act of expulsion just as much as the non-payment of a debt by a private individual to his creditor at the appointed term : in both cases the Slkt] i^ovXij^ equally obtained' '^ But even without the authority of a judicial decision, the creditor had a right of seizure over the mortgaged property, whether moveable or immoveable, as soon as the term of payment had expired ; and if any resistance was made to him in the exercise of this right, the BIkt} e^ovXT)^ might also be instituted, the mortgaged property being considered as his own, as soon as the time had '77 According to Hudtwalcker (von den Diateten, p. 135) who goes upon the authority of Suidas,on moveable property as well. But the action for the forcible abstraction of moveable property was the Si'kt; ^Laitov. It is therefore pro- bable that the diKrj €^ovX7]s only affected moveables when it was an actio rei ju- dicatce, and when the mortgagee was obstructed in the exercise of the right of seizure upon moveable property. See book iii. ch. 12. 178 Pollux viii. 59, 17 be r»)y e^ovXrjs 8lkt] yiyverai, orav Tis rbv e/c brjixocrlov Trpidfjievov p; ea KapnovaOac a enplaTo. Kai an epya- (ocTLv 6 v6p.os Suidas in e^ovXrjs 8ikt) cnas bk ei tis e'lpyoLTO, I biKaCea-dai npus top Hpyovra e^ovXrjs. '79 The exercise of the right of sei- zure upon immoveables and ships is generally called ep^areveiv : but in the case of slaves or other moveable pro- perty this expression could not be employed. Of the right of seizure by a judicial verdict, and of the dUr) e^ov- \r]s for not paying a fine {actio rei ju- dicata), see Hudtwalcker, von den Diateten, p. 134 sqq.; and with refe- rence to the decisions of the diaetetae and arbitrators, pp. 152, 183. 670 LEGAL REGULATIONS expired in which his claims should have been satisfied'^". In like manner a hUj] i^ovXrj^ could be brought on^ if one party- asserted that he had purchased anything and laid claim to it on that ground, while another party claimed it as mortgagee'^'; where this method of proceeding would naturally be allowed to the creditor as illegally deprived of his mortgage, if the purchaser did not recognise his title. Expulsion from a mine might, therefore, be considered either as a seizure or retention of property, or as obstruction in the use of property purchased from the state, and as an impediment in the prosecution of the business. As, however, the mining law contained separate provisions upon this point, expulsion from a mine must have been forbidden under severer sanctions than from other property, or there must have been particular privileges granted to the mine proprietors against persons who by the general law would have been authorized to take possession of their mines. It appears to me probable, that a creditor, who lent money upon mortgage on a mine, could not, as in the case of other mortgaged property, make ^^ That the creditor had the right of taking possession of the security, after the expiration of the term of payment, without a judicial decision, as Sahnasius (de M. U. cap. 13) assumes, can hardly be denied. This is clearly shown by an instance in Demosth. c. Apatur. p. 894, 5, erv^e 5e ovroal 6(p€iXa>v €7rt rfj vrjl t^ avrov reTTapd- Kovra fivas, Koi ol xRW^f^i- naTfjTreiyov avTov aTraiTovvTes, kol eve^drevov els TTjv vavv elXr)(p6T€S rfj V7reprjfiepia,where there is no question of any previous judicial decision. The passage of the Etymologist in v. ip.^arevcrat. is not decisive; but Suidas in v. e^ovkijs plainly distinguishes the diKT] e^ovXrjs which was founded upon a judicial verdict, from the suit which the cre- ditor instituted on being obstructed in the exercise of the right of seizure: c6i/cd^ero Se Kui e^ovXrjs Koi 6 XPW'^'V^ KaT^X^LV eTTlX^lpOiV KTT]p.a TOV XP^^O" TOVVTOi KOL KCoXvOfieVOS VTTO TLVOS. In the agreement of bottomry in Demosth. c. Lacrit. p. 926, the nght of seizing the goods without a judicial verdict is granted in a separate clause. Seizure for debt without a judicial decision occurs in the Clouds of Aristophanes, vs. 34. *^^ Pollux viii. 95, kol fifjv, el 6 fieu ct)S eayvrjfxevos dfi^iafi-qTa. Krrjp.aTos, 6 be cos VTVoOrjKrjv excoVj e^ovXrjs r) diKT]. I do not perceive what is the obscm-ity which Hudtwalcker (von den Diateten, p. 143) finds in these words. It may be observed that the same sense is contained in the words of Suidas just quoted, only that Pollux expresses himself more generally, KwXvofxevos imo Tivos. This t\s is in our case the dfiov fxeraXXov dUrj, 664 Agyrrhius, 220, 223, 224, 228, 236, 316 sqq. AlyiKopeis, 494 AiVetay dUrj, 352, 364, 372, 374 Alexander's plunder and revenues in Asia, 11, 12 Alcibiades, treasurer on the Acropolis, 198 ; his assessment of the tributes, 401 ; his profligacy, 293; his property, 484 Alcmaeon, 7 ; his wealth, 476 Allies, dependent and independent, 403 'AXnyiov dUt], 193 "AXc^tra, 94, 96, 286 Altars, building of, 202, 385 Ammonis, 240 Amorgus, stuffs of, 105 * AfxcjiOTepoTrKovs, 133 Anaphlystus, a fortress, 202, 617, 619 ^ Ava7r6ypa(f)a, 337 ^Avaavvra^is, 511 Andocides, oration of, irepl Elprjvrjs not spurious, 176; Andocides interpreted, 196 sq. ; explained and emended, 315 sqq. ^AvdpanoBiapos, 409 'Ai'SpoX7;\//'ta, dvbpoXrjyjnov, 585 Androtion, 530 sq. 'Aj/Tiyoi/is, a sacred trireme, 240 ^AvTiypa(pr), 358 'Ai/rtypa^ely for the public money, 185 sq. 188; for distributions of corn, 89 'AvTidoa-is, 580 sq. 674 Antiochus the Great, 12 Antipater, regulation made by liim concerning the rights of citizenship, 486, 535 Antiphon's orations concerning the tribute of Samothrace and of Lindus, 413 sq.; Antiphon emended, 502; interpreted, 406 *A7ray(oyr}, 352, 380 Aphidna, a fortress, 202 Apodectae, 1 59 sq. 'A7roypa(j)ai^ 510 'ATTo^opa, 72, 659 ; d7ro(f)opa of the al- lies to the Lacedaemonians, 396 'ATToppTjTa, contraband articles, 53 'ATTOo-roXety, 543 'A7rdra|t$-, 414 'AnoTiiJiTjpa, 143 'Ap;tJ7, 158, 239 'ApXlT€KTCOV, 220 Architheoria, 214, 452 'ApxcovT]s,m5, 316,336 Archons, Athenian, mode of their no- mination and qualifications requisite, 508 sqq. Archons or governors of the Athe- nians in the subject states, 406, 407 Area of Attica, 30, 31 Areopagus, 154, 189, 495 'Apyd8eis, 494 'Apyias diKT], 475 'ApyvpoXoyetv, 586 "Apyvpos and dpyvpiov, difference be- tween, 23 Aristides, 165, 176; his assessment of the tributes, 396 Aristophanes, property of, 458 Aristophanes the poet, Eq. I74, 1300, p. 388, Vesp. 657, 298 ; Ecclesiazu- sae illustrated, 493, 520 Aristotle,the (Economics incon-ectly at- tributed to, 3,299, 587; emended, 300 Arms, prices of, 107 Arrhephoria, 452 Artabe, 93 Artemisium, battle of, 256 "Apros, 96, 97 r>80 INDEX. 'Ao-f/Sfi'ay ypcKfyf), 380, 38-2 Assault, action for, 357 Asses, price of, 7-4 ^AcTTvvofioi, 204 Ast)Ta, mines of, 8 'A(7vyypaov, 128 ' AreXeia, 85 sqq. ; rov fiCTOiKLOv, 330 ; from liturgies, 450 ; from the pro- perty tax, 472 ; from the trierarchy, 544 sqq.; of the resident aliens, 538 ; of the isoteles, 541 ' AreXavrjTa, 337 Athenians in Delos, 430 AthlothetiB, 215, 216 "Arifiia, 381, 390 sq. Avreperai, 279 Automedon's decree for the Tenedians, 420 AvTOVonoi, 403 B. Bankers, 126 sqq. Baths, price of, 1 19 Beggary, unknown at Athens in its best times, 486 Besa, 619, 620 Biaioiv diKT], 378 Birds, prices of, 102 B\a^r)s diKT], 371 Bond slaves, 70, 475, 494 Books, trade in, 47 BoSivai, 216 Bottomry, 131 sqq. BovXcvaecos ypafprj, 349, 390 Bowmen, 208 sq. 264 sq. Bread, 96, 97 Building, works of, undertaken by the state, 201 sq. Burials, expense of, 114, 214 Byssus, 104 Byzantium, decree of, 452 ; its finan- cial difficulties and measures, 596 sq. 598 sq. C. X. Callias, family of, and its wealth, 482 Callias, son of Calliades, 484 Callias, the mine proprietor, 484 ; dis- covered a method of making cinna- bar, 629 Callistratus, the son of Callicrates, 228, 318, 419, 488 Campaigns, duration of, 287 Carthage, >dews of Athens against it, 291 Cassander, his arrangement respecting the rights of citizenship, 487 Cavalry of the Athenians, 43, 274, 288; pay of, 251; ratio to the infantry, 263; provision money of the cavalry, 251 Centesima {jisura), 125, 130, 534 Chalcideansreceivedshipsfrom Athens, 256 Chalcis, a state of cleruchi, 426 Chabrias, his profligate life, 293 Chares, his profligacy, 292 X.ecp68oTov, 128 X€Lp6ypa difference be- tween, 23 Cimon, his liberality, 115, 486 ; his mili- tary force, 259; takes Thasos, 312; compare 313 ; his fines, 385 Cinnabar, 628 sq.; method of preparing discovered by Callias, 629 Cistophori, 20 Citizens, number of at Athens, 32 sqq. Citizenship, rights of fixed by Antipa- ter and Cassander, 486 ; sold at By- zantium, 599 Clarotge, 425, 475 Classes, three, 505 sq. Clazomenians, iron money of the, 590 Cleomenes, satrap of Egypt, 84 Cleon, 43; his policy, 394; his pro- perty, 485 Clerks, 185 Cleruchi, 424 ; Athenian citizens, 429 Cleruchiae, 115, 217, 424 sqq. Clothing, 104 Colacretse, 173 sq. 360 Colchis, gold washings at, 8 Commercial court, 49 Commercial weights, 144 Confiscation of property, 392 ; not productive, 395 Conon, his property, 22 Constantine the Great, 1 1 Contributions, 585 Copper coins of .the Athenians, 15, 29, 30, 592 Copper money issued by Timotheus, 294, 593 Copper ores at Laurion, 628 Corinthians sold triremes to the Athe- nians, 109 Corn, prices of, 93 sq. Corn, regulations with regard to, 81 sqq. Corn, engrossing of, 82 sqq. Corn land in Attica, 80 NDEX 681 Courts of justice, 23 T i Craterus, collector of decrees, 198 ' Crenides, mines of, 8 Crossus, offerings of, 40 ; stater of, 22 Crowns, weight of golden, 25 ; bestowal of them, 246, 247 Custom duties, 313 sqq.; farmers of, | 336 ; frauds committed by the far- ; mers of, 316 sq.; by land, 319 ! Cyrus the Younger, amount of pay ; given by, 273 Cythera, tribute of, 401 Cyzicenic stater, 10, 1 1 Cyzicus, battle of, 269 D. A. Damaretion, 24 Darics, 21 Aa(TfJLo\oye7v, 586 Datum, mines of, 8 ; Callistratus foun- der of, 228 Debt, national, 142 Debtors, public, 385 sqq. Deigma, 58 AcKaTT), 300, 304 sq. AeKUTevTTjpioVj 325, 326, 336 AcKUTTjXoyia, 326, 336 AeKaTTjXoyoi, 327, 336 AeKarevTaij 327 Ae/p.ov(S, 305 'E7Tiypa(p?is, 156, 157, 533 'EnLKapTria, 300 'E7riKe(^dXatoi/, 300 ^EttlkXtjpoi, 357 sq. ^ETTifxax'to., 403 'ETnixeXrjTrjS ttjs KOiprjs Trpoa-odov^ 164 ; entpe'krjTa). tov epnopiov, 48, 81 ; eTnp-eXTjTai Ta>v Aiovvaicov, 215; of the sacred olive trees, 305 ^ETnarjixaiveaduL ras evBvvas, 193 'ETTtcTKOTrot, 156, 238 'ETTio-rarai of the temples, 161; rav brjpLOCTioiv €py(ov, vbdrcov, 203 'ETTi'^erot eoprai, 211 'ETnTpiTjpdpxrjp-a, 543 'E7rtrpo7r>)s Sikt;, 353 sq. Epobelia, 132, 364 sq. 'Ettcoi/iov, 323 Equestrian nations of Greece, 258 "Bpavos, 245 'Epe'rai, 280 ^EpyaarTTjptov, 655 'Y.pyo\dfioi, 204 'E(r;(ariai, 63 Euboea imder the Athenian dominion, 411, 427 Eubcean wars, 549, 567 Eiibulus of Anaphlystus, 150, 180, 225 Euripides the Yoxmger, tax proposed by, 493, 506, 520 EvOvva, 196 EvBvvoi, 189 sq. 'E^aipeVecas 8ikt;, .378 Exchange, 514, 580 sqq. 674 'E^€Tav, 533, 562 ; Tjy€p.6ves tcov crvp.iJLopLoi)v, 494, 532, 562 ; of the resident aliens, 538 ^vfip.np[apxoi, 532 ^vyx^ipw''^) on the part of the plain- tiff, 372, 382 2vvdiKoi, 178 2vv€dpiov of the Athenian allies, 418 2vj/j)yopot, 193, 237 ^vyypa(pT], 128; vavriKJ], 133 Sunivun, a fortress, 202, 658 "SiVvoiKiaiy 65, 141 ^vurd^eis, 419, 423 Suj/reXeTy, allies who paid their tribute jointly, 414 ; in the symmorise of the trierarchy, 560, 561 Sureties, 49 Suttlers, 285 Syntelias, 560 sq. Syntrierarchy, 548 sqq. T. e. Taxe'iai rpiTjpeis, 279 Talent, divisions and value of, 15; Attic talent before the time of Solon, 16, 145; ^Eginetan, 16; Egj-ptian, Alexandrian, 18 ; Babylonian, 19 ; Euboic, 19 ; S}Tacusan or Sicilian, 17 ; Ptolemaic, 18 ; of Thyatira, 25 ; talent of gold, 25 ; commercial talent, 30, 144, 145 Tap.Las TTjs Koivrjs Trpoaodov, 164, 165 ; r^y dioiKTjcrecos, 168 ; tcov TpiTjponoicov, 171 ; Tafxiai TCOV reip^oTTOicoi/, 171; Tap,l.as Tov drjpov, 172 ; (XTpaTioiTtKcov, 180. See Treasurer. Tamynae, battle of, 525 Tdpixos, 103 Taxable capital, 492, 503 Taxes, advance of, 533 sqq. Taxes before the time of Solon, 494 ; taxes of the classes, 495 sqq. ; extra- ordinary, 501 sq.; of the resident aliens, 541 ; on persons and on the soil only imposed by tyrants, 301 Taxes, register of, 510 sqq. TetxoTTOioi, 170, 203 TeXeoi/res-, 494 TeXcovai, 155, 335 TfXcoviKoi vopioi, 337 TeXcovdpxrjS, 336 Te'Xoy, 297, 302, 471; reXoy rcXeTj/, 50 1 ; reXr/. 297, 298 ; reXj? of Solon, 495 T€p.evos, object of, 303 Terp(i)/3oXov ^ios, 273 Thasos, mines of, 7 ; produce of them, 311 Theatre, cost of, 210, 213; entrance- money to, 219 sqq. QeaTpa>in]s, OeaTponcoXrjs, 220 Themistocles, his law with respect to the building of ships, 249, 652 sqq. ; his courtezans, 292 ; his property, 485 Theopompus, 225, 293 Theori, 214 sq. Theoria, Delian, 214 Theoricon, managers of, 170 sq.; gene- ral account of it, 216 sqq.; its rela- tion to the funds for war, 170, 181 ; distribution of, 219 sq. QeppoVf 104 Thetes, yj/iXol, 500 ; made hoplitse, 257, 500 ; served in the ships, 262, 500 ; original meaning of the word, 494 ; meaning after the time of Solon, 496 QLaercoTiKa in Byzantium confiscated, 598 Thoricus, a fortress, 202 ; its situation, 618; the modern Therico, 618 Thousand drachmas, fine of, 379 Thracian mines, 312 Thrasyllus, 619 Thucydides the historian, his mines in Thrace, 312 Thucydides, decree of for the ^Enians, 420 Qveiv dno picrdoopdTcov, 211 Timber for shipbuilding, want of, in Attica, 250 Tip^fiaTa, 298, 345, 362, 367, 370 sqq.; of Solon, 495, 503 ; meaning of the word Tipi]p,a as connected with taxes, 503 Tip.r]pa, taxable capital, 492 Timocrates, his law respecting the public debtors, 339 sq. Timotheus, the son of Conon, 293 sq.; 415 sq. Tissaphemes, what rate of pav given by, 276 688 NDEX. Tithes, different kinds of, 326, 327 sq.; to the goddess, 160, 328 Tithes of the Athenians at Byzantium, 325, 415 ToKoyXvCpos, 127 Tokos tyyeios, eyyvos, 129; vavTKos, 132 To^apxos, 208 To^drat, 208; To^orm ^eviKol, dariKol, 2'J5; see Bowmen. Trade, freedom of, 51 sqq. Trading vessels, 48 Tpta/caSey, 32 Treasiu-e, public, of Athens, 10, 160 sq. ; 441 sqq. Treasurers of the tribes and boroughs, 160; of the sacred monies, 160, 168, 196; treasurer of the administra- tion, 168; of the generals, 181 ; of the triremes and trierarchs, 182; see Ta/xi'ay. TpiaKoaiofxedifjLvoi, 497 Tributes of the allies, 298, 396 sqq.; of the states of cleruchi, 432 Tributary states of Athens, 409 sqq. Tiierarchy, 541 sqq.; 547, 578; ex- penses of it, 577; trierarchy for mock sea-fights, 452 ; frauds of the trierarchs, 292 Tpirjpapxos, not Tptr]pdp)(T]s, the ancient form, 571 Tpip.oipia, 274 Tpico^oXoi/, 229, 234, 605; slave duty, 331 Triremes, kinds of, 279 ; sacred, I7I, 240 ; number of the Attic, 259 sqq.; 265 sq. ; nimibers of the crews, 280 Trumpeters, 9 1 Twentieth, imposed by the Pisistra- tidae, 327 ; in the allied states, 325 U. Ulpian, scholiast of Demosthenes, 450, 526, 527, 651 Valuation in the archonship of Nau- sinicus, 487, 493 sqq. Vectigal prcBiorium, 285 W. Wages of labour, 116 sqq. Weights and measures at Athens, 49, 144 Wine, cheapness of, 98 Wood in Attica, 100 Sevias ypa(j)r}, 90, 349 SevLKo. reXeTr, 332 Xenophou nepl rropcov, 4, 37, 136, 600 sq. ; date of its composition, 600 sq.; on the authenticity of his Essay on the Athenian state, 44, 321; Qi^co- nomics explained, 579 Z^TTjTaly 158 Z^vyiaiov, 496 Z?vy irai, 496 Zfvyoy, 496 Zvyirat, 281 London:— Harrison anu Co., i'niNTKKS, St. Martto's Lank. U^ ^'; ^^a>'2ij> ^'>-^ S>X> ^' :2I>. :>> :D.L> '^ ^^ » > >) ■>. i:;^^ i^ >>o ^ > >:> ^ :i^ >. l''^ (:/.^^-f>;S^ ^jo -0> > ESHIpo^Z^^^^ ?5^^ 'i> 3\. > ^:) f^S-iff^ji _i3*>II!!>L»' Ol> 'j[> >> ^) -^'L-^ ^~>> " ^>:^''^:>-> ^^)y^>o ■ ^'L^t^^_ jL:P^J>j!y,j > > » <5niiTucni'«X®'^"y <>' California 4of ^Vll^rn'^'^ REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 405 H-lgard Avenue, Los Angeles. CA 90024-1388 Return this material to the library trom which it was borrnwoH : 2Qoe ^002 ^^■ '-^ _^8> : ^ > > IS .j^' o"^ DJ)Z^ ^3) u ?>^ — J) >> A 000 177 832 ^^ - ;^ p >L:^i>^ ^1 ^^mmMmmm^mmwiimmmmi