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THE FRENCH INFLUENCE IN 
 ENGLISH LITERATURE 
 
 FROM THE ACCESSION OF ELIZABETH 
 TO THE RESTORATION 
 
 BY 
 ALFEED HOKATIO UPHAM 
 
 Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Require- 
 ments FOR THE Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 
 IN the Faculty of Philosophy, Columbia 
 University 
 
 NEW YORK 
 1908 
 
 ( 
 
 OF THE 
 
0,&. 
 
 Copyright, 1908, 
 Bt the COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PEESS. 
 
 Set up and electro typed. Published July, 1908. 
 
 NorbJooB i^regs 
 
 J. 8. Cushing Co. — Berwick & Smith Co. 
 
 Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. 
 
PKEFACE /v^/%//0 
 
 This essay was undertaken as an initial 
 attempt at the task of investigating, verifying, 
 grouping, and interpreting the influences of 
 French life and letters upon the literature of 
 England, beginning with the so-called Eliza- 
 bethan period and extending through the years 
 prior to the Stuart Restoration. This is in no 
 sense a new field of study, nor is there any 
 disposition to regard this work as final. Much 
 actual material has been found available, the 
 results of various independent lines of in- 
 vestigation. Also available were numerous 
 scattered suggestions of relationship and in* 
 debtedness, awaiting development and verifica- 
 tion. Such data, drawn upon liberally and 
 considered carefully in the progress of this 
 study, can be conveniently acknowledged in 
 detail only in foot-notes and bibliography. To 
 these the reader is respectfully referred, with 
 the understanding that to one and all of the 
 painstaking pathbreakers there represented the 
 author is abundantly grateful. 
 
vi PREFACE 
 
 The plan and dominating purpose of this 
 essay, with its recognition of social and literary- 
 kinships under Tudor and Stuart rule, are 
 sufficiently indicated in the Introduction and 
 the chapter-headings. As noted later, it is a 
 plan that made itself as the investigation de- 
 veloped; and whatever its deficiencies, in the 
 treatment of incidental indebtedness on the 
 one side and in the massing of influences by 
 chronological steps on the other, it seems to 
 offer a natural and fairly adequate scheme for 
 this particular set of literary relations. Ob- 
 viously, considerable material of value for such 
 a study has not found its way into the pages 
 that follow. Criticism and addition are par- 
 ticularly invited in this respect. Interpretation 
 and generalization, likewise, have not been 
 carried so far as they might have been, had 
 this been other than an initial venture. The 
 interest has been rather in the security of the 
 foundations laid than in the extent of the super- 
 structure. 
 
 Most of the material utilized in these chapters 
 has been drawn from the collections of the 
 Columbia University Library, supplemented in 
 particular by the Library of Harvard Univer- 
 sity and the Public Library at Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
PREFACE vii 
 
 To the officials of all these the author would 
 express his obligation. The subject of the 
 essay was suggested, and every step in its 
 subsequent development has been carefully 
 watched, by Professor Jefferson Butler Fletcher 
 and Professor Joel Elias Spingarn, of the De- 
 partment of Comparative Literature in Columbia 
 University. Their kind and continual assist- 
 ance has been a vital factor in the growth and 
 completion of this work, making the acknowl- 
 edgment of indebtedness to them no empty 
 form, but an expression of the deepest sense of 
 gratitude. Professor Edgar Ewing Brandon, 
 of the Department of Romanic Languages, 
 Miami University, has kindly read the vari- 
 ous chapters in proof, and offered valuable 
 
 suggestions. 
 
 A. H. U. 
 Oxford, Ohio, 1908. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER PAGB 
 
 I. Introduction 1 
 
 11. The Areopagus Group . . . .25 
 
 m. The Elizabethan Sonnet . . . "Si 7f 
 
 IV. Du Bartas 145 
 
 V. Rabelais 219 
 
 VI. Montaigne 265 
 
 VII. Seventeenth Century Precieuses and 
 
 Platonists 308 
 
 VIII. Romance, Drama, and Heroic Poem . 365 
 
 IX. Minor Literary Forms .... 403 
 
 X. Conclusion 448 
 
 Bibliography ........ 457 
 
 Appendices : 
 
 A. Translation 471 
 
 B. Dii Bartas Parallels 506 
 
 C. Montaigne Parallels 524 
 
 Index 555 
 
 IX 
 
OF THE \ 
 
 THE FRENCH INFLUENCE IN 
 ENGLISH LITERATURE 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 Introduction 
 
 It is a commonplace in the study of English 
 literature that the fourteenth century and the 
 period immediately following the Stuart Resto- 
 ration are peculiarly marked by extended in- 
 fluence from the literature of France. Equally 
 commonplace is the dictum that the literature 
 which in the wider sense we call Elizabethan is 
 dominated rather by an Italian inspiration, 
 operating largely by direct impulse, but in part, 
 this time, through the medium of the French. 
 The manner in which France rendered her ser- 
 vice as an agent in this Elizabethan transac- 
 tion, the amount of original reaction and fresh 
 impulse she imparted to what passed through 
 her hands, the literary results in England for 
 which she may be held individually responsible, 
 are certainly deserving of serious attention. 
 Especially is this the case, in view of the great 
 
 B 1 
 
2 INTRODUCTION 
 
 mass of material bearing on such questions and 
 in most instances easy of access. The period 
 drawn upon for this study, though nominally 
 extending from the accession of Elizabeth to 
 the time of the Restoration, offers nothing of 
 particular significance earlier than the partner- 
 ship of literary interests and activities among 
 Sidney and his friends, in the years 1579-1580. 
 From that point the development of literature 
 and the play of influence were rapid and signifi- 
 cant enough. 
 
 The period as a whole was one marked by 
 almost constant political relations between Eng- 
 land and France, and for a considerable portion 
 of it the great mass of English people watched 
 with keenest interest every movement of their 
 neighbors across the Channel, and devoured 
 every scrap of information regarding French 
 affairs. Elizabeth, from the moment of her 
 accession, was confronted by the claims of 
 Mary Stuart, wife of the dauphin of France, 
 backed by the Catholic adherents in both 
 realms. By the time the death of Francis left 
 Mary a widow and sent her posting back to 
 English soil, Elizabeth had committed herself 
 to the policy of the French Huguenots and 
 refused to take part in the Council of Trent. 
 The religious struggle in France, held back for 
 a time, at length broke forth in full vigor, with 
 the beginning of Spanish depredations in the 
 Netherlands; and every development promised 
 to be pregnant with significance to the English 
 people. Gradually Protestantism became sy- 
 
INTRODUCTION 3 
 
 nonymous with loyalty to the English throne, 
 priests from Douay and Jesuit missionaries 
 became objects of persecution, and all England 
 hung eagerly upon the varying fortunes of the 
 French Huguenots. Men and money from Eng- 
 land aided Henry of Navarre in his extended 
 struggle against the forces of Catholicism, to 
 which faith he finally yielded to secure his 
 throne. 
 
 After a short interim active relations with 
 France began again, with negotiations for the 
 marriage of Prince Charles of England with 
 Henrietta Maria, daughter of Henry IV. The 
 marriage once consummated, there followed a 
 long train of domestic difficulties, encouraged 
 by the prejudice of the queen's French advisers, 
 and relieved at times by diplomatic visits from 
 such men as Bassompierre. In 1627 England 
 sent an ill-advised and disastrous expedition to 
 the defense of the Protestant town of New 
 Rochelle. This was distinctly at variance with 
 the general policy of Charles, however, which 
 turned emphatically toward Catholicism, and 
 was thus friendly to the French crown. Finally, 
 it was France that received the widowed queen 
 of Charles I. and the bevy of faithful courtiers 
 who attended her in exile. 
 
 While this history was unfolding, various 
 men of importance from each country visited 
 the other, frequently on business of state, 
 and sometimes prolonged their stay and 
 broadened their acquaintance. The extended 
 residence of the Scotch Humanist Buchanan 
 
4 INTRODUCTION 
 
 in France, as student and as teacher, pre- 
 ceded Elizabeth's accession by only a few 
 years. Such Scotchmen as William Barclay 
 and James Crichton accompanied Mary Stuart 
 into France. The young Sidney was present 
 at the French court, a friend of Henry of Na- 
 varre and an acquaintance of Ronsard; he was 
 an eye-witness of the Saint Bartholomew Mas- 
 sacre, and began abroad his line of friendship 
 and intercourse with the French Protestants. 
 Sir Thomas Smith had a long experience in 
 France as ambassador of Elizabeth. Ben Jon- 
 son accompanied his young ward, the son of 
 Sir Walter Raleigh. The Earl of Essex led the 
 English troops sent by Elizabeth to the assist- 
 ance of Henry TV. Bacon visited France in the 
 suite of the diplomat Amyas Paulet. Hundreds 
 of Catholic refugees were driven across the 
 Channel as the Protestantism of England was 
 intensified. As time went on, the continental 
 tour — especially to France — became more of 
 a necessity in the training of England's yoimg 
 nobility. Then came the regicide in 1649, and 
 nobility of all ages .flocked to French shores.^ 
 At least two Englishmen of note gave literary 
 form to their views regarding France, — James 
 Howell, in his Letters and his Instructions for 
 
 ^ Details of English- French intercourse are collected 
 by J. J. Jusserand, Shakespeare in France under the 
 Ancien Regime, London, 1899; E. J. B. Rathery, "Des 
 Relations sociales et intellectuelles entre la France 
 et I'Angleterre," in Revue contemporaine, xx-xxiii; 
 and Jos. Texte, /. J. Rousseau et le cosmopolitisme 
 litter aire, Paris, 1895. 
 
INTRODUCTION 5 
 
 forreine travell, and Lord Herbert of Cherbury, 
 in his autobiography. 
 
 The names of those Frenchmen who visited 
 England throughout the period form even a 
 more imposing array; although, with a few 
 exceptions, they seem to have made little more 
 impression upon England than the English did 
 upon them. Ronsard spent about three years 
 in Scotland and England. Du Bartas, on a 
 diplomatic visit to Scotland, so won the heart 
 of James VI. that the royal host was loath to 
 permit his return. Jacques Grevin appeared 
 twice at the court of Ehzabeth, as did also 
 Brantome, who found little enough in his sojourn 
 worth recalling. At the beginning of the seven- 
 teenth century Montchrestien visited England 
 while in exile, and after him came Boisrobert, 
 Voiture, Saint-Amant, Theophile de Viau, and 
 Saint-Evremond. And yet, years after the 
 Restoration, the language and literature of 
 England were looked upon by France as crude 
 and in many respects barbarous. 
 
 The period affords several notable examples 
 of correspondence carried on between leading 
 spirits of the two countries, — not the least 
 being that of Queen Elizabeth with Henry IV. 
 Scholars especially engaged in this practice. 
 Sidney corresponded freely with Hubert Lan- 
 guet, Henri Estienne, Hotman, Pibrac, and 
 Duplessis-Mornay. William Camden exchanged 
 letters with Hotman, De Thou, Peiresc, and 
 the brothers Sainte-Marthe. The correspond- 
 ence of De Thou and Peiresc included numerous 
 
6 INTRODUCTION 
 
 other Englishmen, among them Cotton, Wot- 
 ton, Barclay, and Selden. 
 
 In the reign of Elizabeth, as well as that of 
 the Stuarts, ample evidence attests the wide 
 knowledge of the French language, particularly 
 among the educated classes of England, and like- 
 wise the familiarity of these people with French 
 literature. Only a few years before Elizabeth's 
 coronation, Nisander Nucius had testified : ''Les 
 Anglois se servent presque tous du langage 
 frangois." ^ During her reign Pasquier is au- 
 thority for the statement that in all Germany, 
 England, and Scotland there was no noble 
 household that did not include a teacher of 
 French.^ Edward Blount, in his introduction 
 to an edition of Lyly's comedies, 1632, described, 
 the vogue of Lyly's style at the court of Eliza- 
 beth by saying: "All our Ladies were then his 
 Schollers; and that Beautie in Court which 
 could not Parley Euphueisme was as little 
 regarded as she which now there speaks not 
 French." 
 
 The drama itself, especially after the coming 
 of Henrietta Maria, contains numerous refer- 
 ences to the knowledge of French as a necessary 
 courtly accomplishment. In Middleton's More 
 Dissemblers besides Women, the fourth scene of 
 the first act, appears the statement: "You've 
 many daughters so well brought up, they speak 
 French naturally at fifteen, and they are turned 
 to the Spanish and Italian half a year later." 
 
 ^In his Travels, 1545. (Camden Soc. Publ., 1841, 
 p. 13.) ^ Quoted by Jos. Texte, op. cit., p. 18. 
 
INTRODUCTION 7 
 
 In Davenant's The Wits, the Elder Pallatine says 
 in the second act, regarding wealthy ladies: 
 ''If rich, you come to court, there learn to be at 
 charge to teach your paraquetoes French." In 
 The Lady Mother, by Glapthorne, the dictum is 
 brief but absolute: ''He's not a gent that can- 
 not parlee." 
 
 Confirmatory evidence appears also in the 
 information still remaining in regard to certain 
 libraries of this period. The books accessible 
 to the Princess Elizabeth herself and to Lady 
 Jane Grey included a goodly proportion of 
 French literature. Elizabeth the queen, it may 
 be remembered, prepared a translation of the 
 Miroir de Vdme pecheresse by Margaret of Na- 
 varre. Naturally enough there appear to have 
 been many French books in the library of Mary 
 Stuart; and the young James VI. of Scotland 
 grew up in an academic atmosphere in which 
 the literature of France had an important part. 
 Its effect on him will be seen in his own attempts 
 with the pen, and in the encouragement he gave 
 to various translators and imitators. Of great- 
 est significance is the record still preserved of the 
 books contained in 1611 in the library of William 
 Drummond of Hawthornden, as well as his lists 
 of reading done in the years 1607-1614.^ In the 
 library list there are 120 books in French, as 
 against 61 Italian, 8 Spanish, 50 English, and 
 164 Latin. His reading certainly covered a 
 wide range of material either originally French or 
 
 * In Archceologia Scotica, iv. 73 sq. 
 
8 INTRODUCTION 
 
 known to him in French versions. In 1608, for 
 example, he read : '^ Troisieme tome des His- 
 toires Tragiques, Comedies de la Rive, L'Enfer 
 d' Amour, Prince d' Orange, Exposition sur 
 PApocalips, La Conformite du Langage Frang. 
 avec le Grec, Les Ris de Democrite, Travaux 
 sans Travaile, Erastus — en Frangois, Les Anti- 
 quites de France, Dernier tome of De Serres, 
 Le Seigneur Des Accords, Epistres de Pasquier, 
 Histoire des Albigeois, La Curiosite de Du 
 Plessi, La Fuile du Peche, La Gazzette Frangois," 
 together with six volumes of the Amadis de 
 Gaul, apparently in the French form. Only 
 six other items are noted for the year, two of 
 them Latin works written by Frenchmen. In 
 1609 his reading included : " Bartas, 13 Tome 
 d' Amadis de Gaule, La Franciade de Ronsard, 
 Rablais, Dictionnaire de Nicot, Roland Furieux 
 — in Frenche, Azolains de Bembe — in Frenche, 
 Amours de Ronsard, Monophile d'Estienne 
 Pasquier, Les Poemes de Passerat, Hymnes de 
 Ronsard, Les Odes de Ronsard, Elegies et 
 Eglogues de Ronsard, Deux Tragedies de Jodelle, 
 Recherches de Pasquier." Drummond was of 
 course a thorough linguist and an omnivorous 
 reader, who was comparatively fresh from a 
 sojourn in France; but even at that his ac- 
 quaintance with French books may be taken 
 as fairly indicative of conditions prevailing in 
 the educated circles of Scotland and England. 
 That the English people were anxious to pro- 
 vide themselves with a knowledge of the French 
 tongue, is clearly evidenced by the unfailing 
 
INTRODUCTION 9 
 
 demand in that day for French grammars and 
 dictionaries. The celebrated teacher of French, 
 Claude Holyband (Saint-Lien), found a ready 
 sale for edition after edition of his text-books, — 
 The French Littleton, first issued in 1566, The 
 French Schoole-Maister, beginning with 1573, and 
 A Dictionarie French and English, 1593. The 
 French Alphabet, by De la Mothe de Vayer, had 
 a popularity that called forth numerous editions. 
 Holyband's dictionary was superseded in 1611 
 by that of Cotgrave, which in turn went through 
 several editions. That of 1650, directed by 
 James Howell, was accompanied by an essay 
 of his on the French language, which drew 
 freely, without admitting obligation, upon the 
 Recherches of Pasquier.^ Howell addressed him- 
 self ^'to the nobility and gentry of Great 
 Britain that are desirous to speak French for 
 their pleasure and ornament, as also to all 
 merchant adventurers as well English as . . . 
 Dutch ... to whom the said language is neces- 
 sary for commerce and forren correspondence." ^ 
 
 ^ Cf. Jusserand, Shakespeare in France, pp. 21-22. 
 
 2 The following list will afford some idea of the English 
 demand for text-books dealing with the French language. 
 Dates in brackets indicate time of entry in the Sta- 
 tioners' Register : — 
 
 1566. Claude Holyband, The French Littleton. Other 
 eds., 1578, 1581, 1593, 1597, 1609, 1630, etc. 
 (1567) A Dyxcionary ffrynshe and englessche. 
 (1567) Italian, ffrynsshe, englesshe and laten. 
 (1570) A bokeof Copyes englesshe ffrenshe and Italyon. 
 1573. Claude Holyband, The French Schoole-Maister. 
 Other eds., 1582, 1612, 1615, 1619, 1636, 1641, 
 1649. 
 1575. A plaine pathway to the French tongue. 
 
10 INTRODUCTION 
 
 In France at this time it was the merchant 
 adventurers alone who felt any desire whatever 
 
 (1578) George Bishop, Jr., Dictionaire coUoques ou 
 
 dialogues en quattre langues. 
 1578. James Bellot, The French Grammar. 
 1580. John Baret, Quadruple Dictionarie or Alvearie, 
 containing . . . English, Latin, Greeke, and 
 French. 
 1 580. Claude Holyband , The Treasurie of the French tong. 
 1583. Claude Holyband, The Flourie Field of Foure 
 
 languages. 
 (1584) A Dictionarie in Frenche and Englishe. 
 (1591) Mat. Corderius, Dialogues (French and English). 
 1593. Claude Holyband, A Dictionarie French and 
 
 English. 
 1595. G. de la Mothe de Vayer, The French Alphabet. 
 
 Other eds., 1633, 1639, 1647. 
 1605. Peter Erondel, The French Garden. . . . Being 
 an instruction for the attayning unto the knowl- 
 edge of the French tongue. 
 1611. Randle Cotgrave, A Dictionarie of the French 
 and English Tongues. Other eds., 1632, 1650. 
 (1615) The French A. B.C. 
 
 (1615) A Book of Copies in English French and Italian. 
 (1615) The Declineing of Ffrench Verbs. 
 (1617) Jean Barbier, Janua Linguarum Quadrilinguis. 
 (1623) A short method for the declyning of Ffrench Verbs. 
 1623. John Wodroephe. The Marrowe of the French 
 
 Tongue. Aiiother ed., 1652. 
 (1625) Robt. Sherwood, The French Tutour. Another 
 
 ed., 1634. 
 1633-4 Wye Saltonst all, CZaws ad Por^aw . . . Wherein 
 you may readily find the Latin and French for 
 any English Word. Oxon. 
 1634. Charles Maupas, A French Grammar and Syntaxe. 
 
 (1635) Paul Cougneau, A sure guide to the French tongue. 
 
 (1636) The English, Latyn, French, and Dutch Schoole- 
 
 master. 
 
 1636. Gabriel Du Gres, Grammaticce Gallicce Com- 
 pendium. Cantab. 
 
 1639. Gabriel Du Gres, Dialogi Gallico-Anglico-Latini. 
 Oxon. Other eds., 1652, 1660. 
 
 1639. New Dialogues or Colloquies, and a Little Dic- 
 tionary of eight Languages. 
 
INTRODUCTION 11 
 
 to acquire the English tongue; and the only 
 handbooks of English known across the Channel 
 were small compendiums of phrases and dia- 
 logues necessary for commercial intercourse. 
 
 Of course there were great masses of the Eng- 
 lish people who never learned French. But 
 ample provision was certainly made for them in 
 a great abundance of translations into English, 
 printed and circulated throughout the period.^ 
 Almost every type of literature, or of printed 
 matter in general, produced in France for a 
 century prior to the Restoration, found its way 
 into an English version, and often the transfor- 
 mation was accomplished with great rapidity. 
 As already noted, much of the time was marked 
 by bitter conflict between the French Hugue- 
 nots and the Catholic League, accompanied by 
 continued military operations in the Low Coun- 
 tries. In all of this the Protestants of England 
 felt the most vital interest. The result was that 
 for many years there was a constant stream of 
 news-letters, royal edicts, treaties, controversial 
 pamphlets, and the like, being turned from their 
 original French form into English and sold in 
 great numbers to the populace of London. In 
 fact, one might actually trace French history, 
 in accurate detail, from the catalogue of English 
 translations. 
 
 The greatest documents of the Protestant faith 
 
 1641. Claude Holyband, A Treatise for Declining of 
 
 Verbs. 
 1656. Thos. Blount, Glossographia. 
 ^ Cf . appendix A. 
 
12 INTRODUCTION 
 
 — sermons, commentaries, and argumentative 
 treatises — were in great demand in English ver- 
 sions, and the most famihar piece of hterature in 
 England for a time was Joshua Sylvester's transla- 
 tion of the French epic of Protestantism, the Se- 
 maines of Du Bartas. In the first three decades 
 of Elizabeth's reign more than twenty separate 
 translations from John Calvin were offered to 
 the English public. During the years that fol- 
 lowed, an almost equal popularity was extended 
 to the writings of Pierre Viret, Theodore de 
 Beze, John de I'Espine, Odet de la Noue, 
 Duplessis-Mornay, and Pierre du Moulin. It 
 remains to be noted how far the religious im- 
 pulse from this literature affected the creative 
 product of England. 
 
 In the field of secular literature, most of the 
 French material of excellence and significance 
 was turned into English form without much 
 delay. Thus plays by Gamier, written 1574 
 and 1578, were in English by 1592 and 1594; 
 Montaigne's Essais, completed in 1588, were on 
 the Stationers^ Register by 1595; Estienne's 
 Apologie pour Herodote waited from 1566 to 1599 
 for an English rendering, and the Quatrains of 
 Pibrac (1574) were in English by 1605. The 
 Heptameron and the work of Rabelais waited 
 still longer for translation, the first from 1559 
 to 1597, and the second from 1552 until at least 
 1594, and much more probably until 1663. In 
 the seventeenth century translations appeared 
 more promptly. The Astree and Barclay's 
 Argenis were both in English four years after 
 
INTRODUCTION 13 
 
 their first appearance. The Cid experienced 
 almost no delay at all. Such romances as 
 La Calprenede's Cassandra and Cleopdtre, and 
 Scudery's Artamene began to appear in Eng- 
 lish garb about as soon as they were completed 
 in French. The first collection of Balzac's 
 Letters was published in French in 1624, in Eng- 
 lish in 1638. Sorel's Francion waited from 
 1622 to 1655; his Berger Extravagant, irom. 1627 
 to 1654. Les Lettres Provinciales of Pascal, 
 however, were completed in French and pub- 
 lished in English the same year. 
 
 It is significant to note that during this time 
 many important literary products, originally 
 in other foreign languages, came into English 
 through the medium of French versions, which 
 served as the basis for translators. In this 
 group appear North's rendering of Plutarch, 
 based on the French of Amyot, and the English 
 Amadis de Gaul, drawn from the French of 
 Herberay des Essarts. The Iliad, the Politics 
 of Aristotle, and the works of Seneca appear to 
 have had a similar experience. The Celestina, 
 Guevara's Golden Epistles, and Boiardo's Or^ 
 lando Innamorato all claim an immediate French 
 source for their English version, as do also a 
 series of Spanish romances made English by 
 Anthony Munday. 
 
 The list of translations also includes a body 
 of miscellaneous material — some distinctly 
 French, some as definitely alien — all testifying 
 to the freedom with which England was then 
 turning to France for books of every sort. 
 
14 INTRODUCTION 
 
 There are handbooks of manners and accom- 
 plishments, travel tales, manuals of correspond- 
 ence, medical treatises, books on gardening, 
 and numerous scientific documents, filling out a 
 catalogue that forms a worthy commentary on 
 Anglo-French relations. 
 
 There is apparently no end to references in 
 the literature of the time commenting on the 
 English fondness for imitation of the French, 
 particularly in such externals as fashions of 
 clothing, bearing, manners, and the like, — the 
 peculiar delights of the returned traveler. 
 The drama naturally displays such material in 
 greatest abundance, but it appears also in non- 
 dramatic literature throughout almost the entire 
 period. Some specimens may be cited. 
 
 Sylvester's translation of Du Bartas promptly 
 adapted, shortly after 1600, a caustic reference 
 to French peculiarities that had appeared in 
 the Second Day of the Premihre Semaine : — 
 
 ''Much like the French (or like ourselves, their Apes) 
 Who with strange habit so disguise their shapes : 
 Who loving Novels, full of affectation, 
 Receive the Manners of each other Nation ; 
 And scarcely shift they shirts so oft, as change 
 Fantastick Fashions of their garments strange." ^ 
 
 Bishop Hall's Vergidemiarum contains two 
 satires explicitly directed at the Frenchified 
 Englishman ; ^ and Sir Thomas Overbury's 
 Characters, published a little later, notes the 
 
 ^ Sylvester, Works, ed. 1641, p. 11. 
 ' Satires 1 and 7, book iii. 
 
INTRODUCTION 15 
 
 French and Italian trappings of ^'An Affectate 
 Traveller." A specific instance of the importa- 
 tion of French customs into English society 
 appears in a complaint concerning Lord Hay, 
 just returned from service as ambassador to 
 France.^ Some interesting detail is added in 
 the Calendar of State Papers belonging to the 
 period.^ In an epigram, ''On English Moun- 
 sieur," attributed to Ben Jonson, a sound rating 
 is administered to the pretentious imitator who 
 has not even traveled. 
 
 ^' Would you beleeve, when you this mounsieur see 
 That his whole body should speake French, not he? 
 That so much skarfe of France and hat, and fether, 
 And shooe, and tye, and garter should come hether, 
 And land on one, whose face durst never be 
 Toward the sea, farther than halfe-way tree ? 
 That he, untravell'd should be French so much. 
 As French-men in his company should seem Dutch ? 
 Or had his father, when he did him get, 
 The French disease, with which he labours yet ? 
 Or hung some mounsieur 's picture on the wall, 
 By which his damme conceiv'd him clothes and all? 
 Or is it some French statue ? No : 't doth move, 
 And stoope, and cringe. O then, it needs must prove 
 The new French-taylors motion, monthly made. 
 Daily to turne in Paul's, and helpe the trade.'' ^ 
 
 This epigram had foundation enough to keep 
 it popular for some time. It appears again, in 
 condensed form and without acknowledgment, 
 
 * Nichols, Progresses of James I., iii. 184, 246. 
 2 Cal. of State Papers, Foreign and Domestic, xii. pt. 2, 
 DOS. 685, 686, 711. 
 
 ' Chalmers, English Poets, v. 506. 
 
16 INTRODUCTION 
 
 as Epigram 562 in Wits Recreations, 1640, where 
 it has the title "On an EngHsh Ape." This 
 same pubhcation contained another specimen 
 even more virulent : — 
 
 On the French English Ape 
 
 "Mark him once more, and tell me if you can 
 Look, and not laugh, on yonder Gentleman. 
 Could I but work a transformation strange 
 On him whose pride doth swell and rankle so, 
 I would his carrion to a thistle change. 
 Which asses feed on, and which rusticks mow." * 
 
 To the same period belongs a satire '^ On a 
 Frenchified traveller," by Lord Herbert of Cher- 
 bury. It is more to be expected, however, that 
 satire with this same point should appear after 
 the Restoration, as in Samuel Butler's poem, 
 ''On our Ridiculous Imitation of the French." 
 
 As previously suggested, the drama is the 
 logical source of information regarding the in- 
 fluence of France in the life and customs of the 
 English people. Such information is of course 
 liable to the charge of bias and exaggeration; 
 it certainly makes free with the element of 
 ridicule. But there is so much of it, weaving 
 France so definitely and emphatically into the 
 fabric of English dramatic literature, that it 
 must be given serious place in this discussion. 
 
 There is a very considerable borrowing made 
 by numerous English plays from the field of 
 actual French literature.^ More extensive and 
 
 * Cf . Facetiae, ii. 455. ^ Cf. chaps, ii and viii. 
 
INTRODUCTION 17 
 
 important, however, is the emplo3^ment of 
 French history, often contemporary, as a basis 
 for Enghsh dramatic products.^ Shakespeare 
 utiHzes such history incidental!}^, when it is 
 involved with the English history he is repre- 
 senting. Early dramatic records mention a 
 play. The Tragedy of the Guise, which is later 
 listed as the Massacre of France. Webster 
 speaks of a play by the former name among his 
 own works. ^ There is also record of a three- 
 part play by Dekker and Drayton, The Civil 
 Wars in France, and another, with several 
 authors, under the name. The Unfortunate Gen- 
 eral — The French History.^ Marlowe's Massa- 
 cre at Paris is familiar enough, as are also Chap- 
 man's four tragedies concerning Bussy d'Ambois 
 and Charles, Duke of Biron. There is evidence 
 that in 1617 an English play dealing with the 
 death of the Marshal d'Ancre was kept from 
 the stage by the Privy Council.^ Later came 
 such plays as Chapman and Shirley's Tragedy 
 of Philip Chahot, Admiral of France, and Hem- 
 inge's Fatal Contrast. In many dramas where 
 the facts of history are in no way involved in 
 the plot, there appear incidental references, in 
 a familiar way, to historical matters. For ex- 
 ample, Bellamont, in Dekker's Northward Hoe, 
 
 ^ F. E. Schelling, Elizabethan Drama 1558-164S, de- 
 votes a chapter to this drama on French history, treat- 
 ing it as a distinct species. 
 
 ^ Cf . dedication to The Devil's Law Case. 
 
 ^ Henslowe's Diary is the source of these details. 
 
 * Cf . Colher. History of English Dramatic Poetry, 
 i. 408; also Ward, English Dramatic Literature, iii. 234. 
 
 c 
 
18 INTRODUCTION 
 
 tells the captain he is preparing a tragedy to 
 be presented by gallants in the French court 
 at the marriage festivities of the Duke of 
 Orleans and those of Chatilion, Admiral of 
 France. 
 
 There is almost no end to the plays where 
 French scenes or French characters are intro- 
 duced, sometimes without a trace of national 
 peculiarity or local color, in other cases purely 
 for the effect obtained by such peculiarities. 
 The fact that Shakespeare's AlFs Well that 
 Ends Well, for instance, has its scenes laid in 
 France and deals with French characters gives 
 no tone of French individuality to any portion 
 of the play. The same thing is true of such 
 dramas as Beaumont and Fletcher's The Elder 
 Brother, Fletcher's The Noble Gentleman, and 
 Massinger's The Unnatural Combat. Chapman's 
 An Humorous Day^s Mirth, on the other hand, 
 not only locates its scenes in Paris, but portrays 
 there the gay licentious life conventionally 
 associated in many English minds with French- 
 men. Single French characters in the drama 
 are usually caricatures, introduced for a comic 
 effect. The traveled fop Laverdure, in Mars- 
 ton's What You Will, is a good specimen of 
 this sort. At other times, indeed, the chief 
 purpose of these characters seems to be to win 
 a laugh from the groundlings by their broken 
 English. This is often the case with men of 
 certain callings, such as tailors, dancing-masters, 
 or doctors, conventionally represented as French- 
 men. 
 
INTRODUCTION 19 
 
 The London populace was always ready to 
 detect and despise affectation in those who 
 boasted of superiority. It was also possessed 
 of a deep-rooted bourgeois hostility to foreigners 
 and to foreign customs, especially when these 
 latter were assumed unnaturally. It is not 
 surprising then that dramatic literature in old 
 England teems with biting references to Frenchi- 
 fied Englishmen who have traveled or pretend 
 to have done so ; and to those various personal 
 peculiarities which were conventionally cited 
 and recognized as Gallic. A considerable com- 
 pany of these travelers with French airs could 
 be mustered, including Beaumont and Fletcher's 
 Monsieur Thomas, Puntarvolo, in Every Man 
 out of his Humour, Thorello, in Davenant's 
 The Fair Favorite, and young Matchil, in 
 Brome's The New Academy. Lovel, in Jonson's 
 The New Inn, like Shakespeare's Jacques, 
 appears to have sucked melancholy out of his 
 French journeying. 
 
 The traits and peculiarities characterized as 
 French in the later Elizabethan drama afford 
 a very substantial idea of what this overcritical 
 theater-going public professed to find in their 
 Gallic neighbors. Bravery, of a kind, they 
 did concede, but it was the bravery of the 
 moment, which accompanied hot blood and a 
 fiery temper. The ''French brawl" is a thing 
 often mentioned. This heated blood and eager 
 haste of the Frenchmen was supposed to make 
 them particularly ardent in love, and to lead 
 them easily into lustful indulgences. This 
 
20 INTRODUCTION 
 
 notion gained emphasis from the fact that 
 venereal disease, so frequently the object of 
 comment in the dramas, was regularly referred 
 to France for its origin. Treachery and decep- 
 tion were constantly attributed to Frenchmen. 
 Thus Gazetto, in Dekker's Match me in London, 
 explaining the use he makes of languages, de- 
 clares, ^'If I betray, I'm French." In Ford's 
 Lovers Sacrifice, Fernando goes into the matter 
 at greater length : — 
 
 "The French are passing courtly, ripe of wit, 
 Kind, but extreme dissemblers ; you shall have 
 A Frenchman ducking lower than your knee, 
 At th' instant mocking even your very shoe-ties.'* ^ 
 
 Drinking and profanity were represented as 
 dear to the French heart. ''The French affects 
 the Orleans grape," as Hey wood puts it.^ In 
 one of the familiar lists of national character- 
 istics, Ophioneus declares in Chapman's Tragedy 
 of Ccesar and Pompey, "Thou shalt . . . drink 
 with the Dutchman, swear with the Frenchman, 
 cheat with the Englishman, brag with the Scot, 
 and turn all this to religion." ^ 
 
 The detailed formalities of courtly politeness 
 had come to France and in great part to Eng- 
 land out of Italy. The fact remains that the 
 dramatists persisted in associating many of these 
 with France, and ascribing them to French 
 gallants. French shrugs, cringes, crouches, and 
 courtesies are always confronting the reader of 
 
 * Act i, scene 1. ^ Song in A Challenge for Beauty. 
 ^ Act iii, scene 1. 
 
INTRODUCTION 21 
 
 plays. From courtly wooing to courtly quar- 
 reling, the Frenchman's manners are every- 
 where regarded as the standard of polite inter- 
 course, while his dancing is above reproach. In 
 Jonson's Cynthia^s Revels, when Mercury in dis- 
 guise contends in a duel of courtly compliment, 
 he poses as a Frenchman and is characterized 
 as ''this Monsieur, or French-behav'd gentle- 
 man here." In Shirley's The Witty Fair One, 
 the tutor delivers another international listing, 
 thus: '^Ai^e not Italian heads, Spanish shoul- 
 ders, Dutch bellies, and French legs, the only 
 notions of your reformed English gentlemen?" ^ 
 On one point there was complete agreement, 
 — the importance of France as a source of 
 fashions in clothing. The frequent appearance 
 of the French tailor has been already noted. 
 The extent to which Englishmen were supposed 
 to imitate the French garb is well expressed in 
 Eastward Hoe. In the first scene of the fourth 
 act, Petronel and Seagull think they have been 
 cast on the coast of France, when they are really 
 on the bank of the Thames. Petronel ex- 
 claims : — 
 
 "See, here comes a couple of French gentlemen: 
 I knew we were in France : dost thou think our English- 
 men are so Frenchified, that a man knows not whether 
 he be in France or in England, when he sees 'hem?'' 
 
 There is an endless array of references to vari- 
 ous garments as "French" — French doublets, 
 French girdles, French ruffs, and especially 
 
 ^ Act ii, scene 1. 
 
22 INTRODUCTION 
 
 French hoods. French velvet, also, was a term 
 much in use. 
 
 Mention has been made of the general recog- 
 nition, in drama and other forms of English 
 literature, of the knowledge of the French 
 language as essential to an accomplished Eng- 
 lishman. Much of the French tongue, either in 
 extended conversations or in scattered phrases, 
 appears throughout the plays of the time. Most 
 of this is in connection with French scenes and 
 characters such as those already discussed. But 
 even apart from these, French phrases repeatedly 
 occur at unexpected points and for very trivial 
 reasons. There are also numerous miscellaneous 
 references to France and the French, — their 
 habits of eating, their products, their coin. The 
 task of cataloguing all such references in the 
 literature of the period would be almost in- 
 terminable. 
 
 For an era of English literature in which the 
 hegemony is really Italian, the French influences 
 operative in an external way about this Eliza- 
 bethan period are varied and of great abun- 
 dance. Not all of them, it is true, can be thought 
 of as favorable to literary production or in any 
 way affecting it. Obvious enough, however, 
 are such facts as these. England throughout 
 this period was frankly conscious of the exist- 
 ence of her French neighbors, and thoroughly 
 awake to what they thought and wrote and did. 
 The ideals and habits, and even the mannerisms, 
 of France were conventionally familiar to the 
 London populace, and were often imitated — 
 
INTRODUCTION 23 
 
 all too often, if we accept testimony from the 
 dramas — by those who enjoyed or thought 
 to enjoy social distinction. The products of 
 French literature found their way, with a fair 
 degree of rapidity, to English shores ; and while 
 the educated classes read them in the original, 
 translators busied themselves with English ver- 
 sions for the general public. In such circum- 
 stances, whatever of her own France had to 
 impart had ample opportunity to exercise its 
 influence upon English letters. 
 
 The following chapters are concerned with 
 the lines of influence that apparently resulted 
 from such contact. The method of approach 
 may often appear to be of an objective, almost 
 mechanical, character; too often, indeed, it 
 lapses into a manipulation of parallels in thought 
 and phrasing. But the aim throughout has 
 been to construct as substantial a material 
 foundation as possible, at the expense of mini- 
 mizing, so far as this study goes, the abstract 
 generahzations which logically should rest upon 
 such a basis. 
 
 In the literary ideals and experiments of 
 Sidney and his friends — the ''Areopagus'' 
 group — there were various factors operative 
 which palpably suggest French influence. Two 
 important types of literature much practiced 
 by the later representatives of this circle — the 
 sonnet and the long religious poem — had been 
 particularly popular with the French of a few 
 years before. Extended comparison reveals 
 many indications of actual indebtedness, espe- 
 
24 INTRODUCTION 
 
 cially to the work of Du Bartas. By this time 
 the speculative utterances of Montaigne had 
 found their way into England, affecting the 
 external form of the Elizabethan essay, as well 
 as providing a storehouse of opinions and 
 learned citations for all who cared to use them. 
 The appeal of Rabelais, as it came to be felt 
 in England, was largely to the Bohemians of 
 literature, and his influence was principally 
 stylistic. 
 
 A fresh wave of French impulse came with the 
 accession and marriage of Charles L, when 
 French preciosite and French Platonizing, de- 
 spite national protest, gained a considerable 
 hold upon English court society. Mere foibles 
 of the elect these ideals may have been, but they 
 carried with them immense influence for litera- 
 ture, and made possible the transfer of French 
 literary fashions with an ease unknown since 
 the fourteenth century. The spirit of the 
 seventeenth-century romance entered English 
 literature. It colored drama and poetic narra- 
 tive and called forth imitations in its own type. 
 The coterie system of society, while it made no 
 great impression upon England, attained power 
 enough to influence the introduction of vers de 
 societe and literary correspondence. Even the 
 tendency to burlesque, then prevalent enough 
 in France, reached English shores before the 
 return of the Stuart family threw open the por- 
 tals to the full impulse of French standards of 
 taste and execution. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 The Areopagus Group 
 
 To the student of Elizabethan literature there 
 comes, before a great while, the realization that 
 a considerable portion of the literary output of 
 the last two decades of the sixteenth and first 
 decade of the seventeenth centuries was pro- 
 duced by a small group of literary friends and 
 co-workers, and was colored, as a matter of 
 course, by the ideals that dominated there. At 
 the beginning, the friends thus associated ap-, 
 pear to have been Gabriel Harvey, Philip Sjd-| 
 ney, Edmund Spenser, Edward^Dyer, and prob-j 
 ably Fulke Greville. A little later Samuel 
 Daniel and Abraham Fraunce were admitted. 
 Then came the romantic death of Sidney; and 
 his sister, the Countess of Pembroke, who felt 
 the obligation of completing his literary under- 
 takings, seems also to have recognized a re- 
 sponsibility to these associates of his, to whom 
 she was already no stranger. Soon she became 
 even better known as a patroness of literature 
 than as a literary artist, and encouraged those 
 who remained of the earlier circle, as well as 
 some whom she herself received, to carry out 
 those ideas which had taken shape during her 
 brother's lifetime. Prominent among the men 
 
 26 
 
 '/ 
 
26 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 who enjoyed Lady Pembroke's patronage were 
 also Nicholas Breton, John Davies of Here- 
 ford, and probably Sir William Alexander, Earl 
 of Stirling. 
 
 The earliest intimation concerning this union 
 of choice spirits is afforded by the series of letters 
 exchanged, 1579-1580, between Gabriel Harvey, 
 then at Trinity Hall, Cambridge, and his '' lov- 
 ing friend," Edmund Spenser, who wrote from 
 Leicester House, London, where he was in the 
 employ of Sidney's uncle. ^ Among other things, 
 these letters represent Sidney, Dyer, and Spen- 
 ser as fellow-members of a society, the Are- 
 opagus, from which Harvey was at least not 
 excluded. In a letter dated October 5 (1.6?), 
 1579, Spenser says : — 
 
 "As for the twoo worthy gentlemen Master Sidney 
 and Master Dyer, they have me, I thanke them, in 
 some use of familiarity ; of whom and to whome what 
 speache passeth for youre credite and estimation 
 I leave your selfe to conceive, having alwayes so well 
 conceived of my unfained affection and zeale towardes 
 you. And nowe they have proclaimed in their dpetwTraya* 
 a general surceasing and silence of balde Rymers, and 
 also of the verie best to ; in steade whereof, they have, 
 by authoritie of their whole Senate, prescribed certaine 
 Lawes and rules of Quantities of English sillables for 
 English Verse ; having had thereof already great prac- 
 tice and drawen me to their fashion. ... I am of 
 late more in love wyth my English versifying than 
 with Ryming; whych I should have done long since 
 if I would then have followed your councell." 
 
 ^ The Harvey-Spenser Letters appear in vol. i. of 
 Harvey's Works, ed. Grosart (Huth Library), London, 
 1884. Some also appear in Harvey's Letter Book, ed. 
 E. J. L. Scott (Camden Soc. Publ.), 1884. 
 
# 
 
 ^•^ ITHE AREOPAGUS GROUP 27 
 
 Before dispatching this letter, Spenser re- 
 ceived one from Harvey, enclosing a specimen 
 of classic metre in English. Acknowledging 
 this, he says, ''I perceive you otherwhiles con- 
 tinue your old exercise of Versifying in Eng- 
 lish, whych glorie I had now thought shoulde 
 have bene onely ours heere at London and the 
 court." ^ 
 
 Harvey's reply, dated October 23, 1579, in- 
 cludes the statement : — 
 
 ''Your new-founded apcLovn-ayov I honoure more, 
 than you will or can suppose : and make greater 
 accompte of the twoo worthy gentlemenne, than of 
 the two hundreth Dionisii Areopagitce, or the verye 
 notablest senatours that ever Athens dydde affourde 
 of that number." ^ 
 
 In April, 1580, Harvey declares : — 
 
 "I cannot choose, but thanke and honour the good 
 Aungell, whether it were Gabriell or some other that 
 put so good a notion into the heads of those two 
 excellent Gentlemen M. Sidney and M. Dyer, the two 
 very Diamonds of Hir Majesties Courte for many 
 speciall and rare qualities : as to helpe forwarde our 
 new famous enterprise for the Exchanging of Bar- 
 barous and Balductum Rymes with Artificial Verses.''^ 
 
 All that Spenser states and all that Harvey 
 believes about the Areopagus, as far as these 
 letters go, is that it is an association of Sidney, 
 Dyer, and Spenser, to experiment with classic 
 
 ^ Harvey, Wks., ed. cit., i. 7 sq. 
 Uhid., 1. 20. 
 ^Ihid., i. 75. 
 
#• 
 
 28 THE AREOPAGUS GROU 
 
 metres in English verse, a thing which Harvey 
 has long advocated, but which now gets its 
 impulse from another.* But there is ample 
 ground for speculation as to whether these were 
 the actual limits of the Areopagus ; or — to put 
 it more broadly — whether the little coterie 
 of critical thinkers and creative artists there 
 brought together, whatever the specified pur- 
 pose of their nominal organization, did not 
 rather feel called upon to formulate for Eng- 
 land a general system of critical theory and try 
 the farthest literary possibilities of their ver- 
 nacular. There is no question that their rela- 
 tionship was more vital than these letters have 
 implied, and was strengthened with the passing 
 years. Likewise there may be shown a unity 
 of purpose, expressed and exemplified by each 
 in his peculiar way, and giving form to the 
 activity of the circle far into its later history. 
 The friendship of the noble Sidney and the 
 dependent Spenser is a commonplace of literary 
 study. The Harvey-Spenser letters not only 
 show that Spenser was then quartered in the 
 household of Sidney's uncle, and expecting to 
 
 ^ Infra, p. 72. Harvey's idea of the limits of this 
 circle may be drawn from the postscript to his '' Earth- 
 quake" letter, written just before the one last quoted. 
 "This Letter," he says, "may only be shewed to the two 
 odde Gentlemen you wot of. Marry I would have those 
 two to see it, as sone as you may conveniently. 
 Non Multis dormio : non multis scribo ; non cwpio placere 
 
 multis. 
 Alii alios numeros laudant, prceferunt, venerantur; 
 Ego fere apud nos, fere apud vos Trinitatem." 
 
 Wks., ed. cit., i. 74. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 29 
 
 be sent abroad on business for him.^ They 
 fairly teem with references to the friendly in- 
 tercourse of Spenser with both Sidney and 
 Dyer. The Shepheardes Calendar, published in 
 1579, was dedicated to Sidney, ''the noble and 
 vertuous Gentleman, most w^orthy of all titles 
 both of learning and chevalrie." Spenser's 
 Stemmata Dudleiana, often mentioned in his 
 letters, was of course to celebrate the glories of 
 his patron Leicester's family, and incidentally 
 to contain many compliments to Sidney. More 
 lavish still was the commendation as time went 
 on. Sidney was presumably the brave courtier 
 in Mother Hubbard's Tale, and figured con- 
 spicuously in the allegory of the Faerie Queene. 
 The Astrophel and the Ruines of Time were writ- 
 ten to mourn his untimely fate and celebrate his 
 virtues. Further evidence of Spenser's regard 
 appears in the tributes he paid to Sidney's 
 bereaved sister. Besides introducing her in 
 his Colin Clout- and Astrophel,^ he attached to 
 the Faerie Queene a sonnet in her honor, and 
 dedicated the Ruines of Time to her, "as to one 
 whome it most speciallie concemeth, and to 
 whome I acknowledge myselfe bounden by 
 manie singular favours and great graces." In 
 both sonnet and prose dedication Spenser recalls 
 
 ^ Harvey, Wks., ed. cit., i. 17. A still earlier connec- 
 tion of Spenser with Sidney and I.eicester is suggested by 
 P. M. Buck, in Mod. Lang. Notes, March, 1906, p. 80. 
 
 '' 11. 486 sq. 
 
 ^ Cf . the "doleful lay" composed by Sidney's sister 
 "Clorinda," "the gentlest shepherdess that lives this 
 day." 
 
30 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 the service rendered him by Sidney as patron 
 of his youthful muse. 
 
 Edward Dyer and Fulke Greville certainly 
 shared in this intimacy, though the latter is not 
 mentioned in the Harvey-Spenser letters, and 
 seems to have been the particular friend of the 
 Sidneys. When Spenser, in 1580, published 
 Harvey's ''Verlayes" without that worthy's 
 knowledge, he dedicated the work to the ^' right 
 worshipful gentleman and famous courtier. Mas- 
 ter Edward Dyer, in a manner our only English 
 poet." ^ Greville was the devoted companion 
 and admirer of Sidney from boyhood, and com- 
 piled a panegyric biography of him. Indeed, 
 among the virtues recorded on Greville's tomb- 
 stone was the fact that he was ''Frend to Sir 
 Philip Sidney." As will be seen, he acknowl- 
 edged the prompting of Sidney in his literary 
 undertakings.^ Among Sidney's works appears 
 a poem ''Upon his meeting with his two worthy 
 Friends and fellow-Poets, Sir Edward Dier and 
 Master Fulke Greville"; and by his will his 
 books were to be divided between these same 
 two gentlemen. 
 
 Harvey, being somewhat older than Sidney 
 and Spenser and lacking their creative fervor, 
 seems rather to have had an advisory capacity, 
 as a representative of the English Humanistic 
 tradition. His intimacy was none the less 
 genuine. The correspondence shows Spenser 
 constantly asking and receiving advice from 
 
 ^ Quoted in Spenser's Works, ed. Grosart, i. 71. 
 2 Infra, p. 83. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 31 
 
 Harvey regarding literary ventures. Fortu- 
 nately he did not always follow it. Prefixed to 
 the Shepheardes Calendar was a letter to Harvey 
 by the editor, E. K. It begins: ^'To the most 
 excellent and learned, both Orator and Poet, 
 master Gabriel Harvey, his verie speciall and 
 singular good friend E. K. commendeth the good 
 lyking of this his good labour, and the patronage 
 of the new Poet." ^ In fact E. K. attributes to 
 Harvey the role of Hobbinoll in the Calendar. 
 His gloss to the September eclogue states: 
 ''Now I thinke no man doubt eth but by Colin 
 is ever meant the Authors selfe, whose especiall 
 good friend Hobbinoll saith hee is, or more 
 rightly Maister Gabriell Harvey: of whose 
 especiall commendation, as wel in Poetrie as 
 Rethorike and other choice learning, we have 
 lately had a sufficient triall in clivers his 
 woorkes. " After Spenser had settled in Ireland, 
 the fulsome compliment of his earlier corre- 
 spondence found a soberer echo in a sonnet 
 addressed to Harvey. It is dated from Dublin, 
 July 18, 1586. 
 
 (I 
 
 Harvey, the happy above happiest men 
 
 I read : that sitting like a Looker-on 
 
 Of this worldes Stage, doest note with critique pen 
 
 The sharpe dislikes of each condition : 
 
 And as one carelesse of suspition, 
 
 Ne fawnest for the favour of the great : 
 
 Ne fearest foolish reprehension 
 
 Of faulty men, which daunger to thee threat. 
 
 But freely doest, of what thee list, entreat, 
 
 ^ Spenser, Wks., ed. Grosart, 11. 19. 
 
32 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 Like a great lord of peerelesse liberty : 
 Lifting the good up to high Honours seat, 
 And the Evill damning evermore to dy : 
 For Life, and Death is in thy doomefuU writing : 
 So thy renowne lives ever by endighting." ^ 
 
 Harvey, like Spenser, seems to have been in 
 youth a dependent of Lord Leicester and may 
 have been sent abroad in his service.^ The 
 fourth book, Gratulationis Valdinensis (1578), 
 full of extravagant comphment to Sidney and 
 to Leicester, was addressed to ^'the most noble 
 and most cultivated youth. Sir Philip Sidney, 
 to me on many accounts by far the dearest (of 
 all young men)." Harvey was so prone to 
 extravagance in praise or blame, that one can- 
 not take in all seriousness the numerous ornate 
 compliments for Lady Pembroke scattered 
 through his writings ; ^ especially since many of 
 these hinge upon a tract she is supposed to 
 have written in Harvey's defense during his 
 controversy with Nash.* The tract has never 
 been found, but there is ample reason to sup- 
 pose that the Countess continued her brother's 
 friendship for the Humanist. It may well be 
 
 1 Harvey, Wks., ed. cit., i. 253-254. 
 
 2 Cf. Bk. i, Gratulationis Valdinensis; Wks., ed. cit., 
 i. p. XXXV sq. 
 
 3Cf. Harvey, Wks., ed. cit., i. 295-6, 276; ii. 16. 
 263-4, 319, 320-7, 329. These references are cited by 
 AUce H. Luce, The Countess of Pembroke's Antonie, 
 Weimar, 1897. 
 
 * " Pleased it hath a gentlewoman rare. 
 
 With Phoenix quill in diamont hand of Art, 
 To muzzle the redoubtable Bull-bare 
 And Play the galiard Championesses part." 
 — Harvey, Wks., ed. cit., i. 295. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 33 
 
 noted further that there is one place in Harvey's 
 ^^ Foure Letters/^ 1592, where he groups the 
 ^'deere Lovers of the Muses and professed Sonnes 
 of the same/' as, '^Edmond Spenser, Richard 
 Stanihurst, Abraham Fraunce, Thomas Watson, 
 Samuell Daniell, Thomas Nash, and the rest." 
 It will be interesting later to recall that he 
 thanks these men ''for their studious endevours, 
 commendably employed in enriching and polish- 
 ing their native tongue, never so furnished, or 
 embellished as of late."^ 
 
 The devotion which Daniel and Fraunce — 
 both named above by Harvey — displayed 
 toward this earlier coterie, and the encourage- 
 ment they received there, are abundantly in- 
 dicated. Daniel must have been a particular 
 favorite of the Countess of Pembroke, to whom 
 he dedicated, in succession, his Delia sonnets, 
 in 1592,2 Cleopatra in 1594, and the 1609 edi- 
 tion of his Civil Wars, The dedication of the 
 Defence of Ryme, in 1607, is addressed to Lady 
 Pembroke's son, Philip Herbert, but acknowl- 
 edges obligation to her and her household. 
 These dedications indicate a degree of personal 
 relationship considerably beyond ordinary pat- 
 ronage, and contain so much of significance for 
 the later steps in this study that they will be 
 quoted in some detail farther on.^ Spenser's 
 
 1 Wks., ed. cit., i. 218. 
 
 ^ Twenty-seven of these sonnets had previously been 
 published in the first edition of Sidney's Astrophel and 
 Stella, 1591. On Daniel and Lady Pembroke, cf . p. 114 sg. 
 
 3 Infra, pp. 61, 115. 
 
34 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 Colin Clout, published in 1595, was probably 
 written four years earlier/ It contains a com- 
 mendatory comment on Daniel, which seems to 
 have a peculiar importance in connection with 
 the classic tragedies fostered by Lady Pembroke.^ 
 The comment reads : — 
 
 " Yet doth his trembling Muse but lowly flie, 
 As daring not too rashly mount to hight, 
 And doth her tender plumes as yet but trie 
 In love's soft laies and looser thoughts delight. 
 Then rouse thy feathers quickly, Daniell, 
 And to what course thou please thyself advance. 
 But most me seemes thy accent will excell 
 In tragicke plaints and passionate mischance.'' 
 
 Daniel was also a warm friend of Fulke Greville, 
 with whom he engaged in correspondence, and 
 to whom he dedicated his poetic defense of 
 national learning and literature, Musophilus. 
 
 Abraham Fraunce had, according to Oldys, 
 proceeded to Cambridge under the patronage, 
 and even at the expense, of Sir Philip Sidney; 
 and there are various indications that a cordial 
 welcome was extended him by Sidney's literary 
 circle. Certain lyrics of his also appeared in the 
 first edition of Astrophel and Stella, while his 
 Arcadian Rhetorike, published in 1588, reveals 
 devotion to Sidney in its very title. Incident- 
 ally it quotes from the unpublished manuscript 
 of Spenser's Faerie Queene. The manuscript of 
 Fraunce's Lawyers Logic reveals that it was to 
 be entitled The Shepherd'' s Logic, and dedicated 
 
 ^ The dedicatory letter is dated December 27, 1591. 
 ^ Infra, p. 80. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 35 
 
 to Sir Edward Dyer. It was printed in 1588, 
 with a dedication to Sidney's brother-in-law, the 
 Earl of Pembroke. There are two places in 
 Spenser's works that seem to give recognition 
 to Fraunce's poetic efforts. One is in Colin 
 Clout, a probable reference to Fraunce's trans- 
 lation from Virgil of Corydon's lament for 
 Alexis : — 
 
 ''There is Corydon, though meanly waged, 
 Yet hablest wit of most I know this day." * 
 
 In the Faerie Queene we hear of — 
 
 "Amyntas wretched fate, 
 To whom sweet poets verse hath given endless date/'^ 
 
 apparently a reference to the Latin eclogues of 
 Thomas Watson and their English version by 
 Fraunce. Again among Fraunce's works appear 
 various products dedicated to the Countess of 
 Pembroke, two of them with her name in the 
 title. These are The Arcadian Rhetorike, 1588,' 
 The Countess of Pembroke's Emanuell, 1591,"* 
 The Countess of Pembroke' s Ivychurch, 1591, and 
 its third part, Amyntas Dale, 1592. 
 
 At the time when this circle of literary men 
 first appeared, England was on the threshold 
 of a splendid period of creative activity, in 
 which the members of the circle were to play a 
 
 1 11. 382-383. 2 iii vi stanza 45. 
 
 •'' The only copy extant is in the Bodleian Library. 
 * Reprinted in Grosart's Miscellanies, Fuller Worthies 
 Library, iii. 
 
36 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 significant part. With their breadth of vision, 
 keenness of perception, and eagerness of spirit, 
 these men could not even have met each other 
 from time to time and chatted over their ambi- 
 tions and attempts, without evolving a body of 
 critical doctrine and a group of literary ideals. 
 That they were actually working toward a com- 
 mon end, and felt the inspiration of united 
 effort, seems highly probable ; and that end was a 
 far more vital one than the measuring of syllabic 
 quantities. 
 
 The first note of this larger purpose appears 
 in 1579, in the introduction to the October 
 eclogue of the Shepheardes Calendar. The om- 
 niscient commentator, E. K., says of poetry : — 
 
 " Specially having bene in all ages and even amongst 
 the most barbarous, alwayes of singular accoumpt 
 and honor, and being indede so worthy and com- 
 mendable an arte, or rather no arte, but a divine gift 
 and heavenly instinct not to bee gotten by laboure 
 and learning, but adorned with both; and poured 
 into the witte by a certain 'Ev^ovcr6ao-/>tds and celestiall 
 inspiration, as the Author hereof els where at large 
 discourseth in his booke called The English Poete, 
 which booke being lately come to my hands, Imynde 
 also by Gods grace, upon further advisement, to 
 publish.'' 
 
 A year or so later we have further notice of 
 Spenser's ideas in particular. In 1580 he had 
 taken advantage of friendship, by publishing, 
 without knowledge of the author, a small collec- 
 tion of Harvey's writings, including some 
 rhymed ''Verlays." The title-page bears the 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 37 
 
 date August 1, 1580, and, as previously noted, 
 the dedication is to Sir Edward Dyer. Harvey 
 seems to have been only half displeased, to 
 judge by the communication found in his Letter 
 Book} Here he proposes an atonement in the 
 form of ^'CII hairs" from Spenser's beard, which 
 the latter must obligate himself to pay at stated 
 intervals. Then follows significant material in 
 the form of : — 
 
 ''The Condicion of this Obligation 
 
 (which haply my joinge Italianate Seignior and French 
 Monsieur will objecte). 
 
 ''What thoughe Italy, Spayne, and Fraunce, rav- 
 isshed with a certayne glorious and ambitious desier 
 (your galantshipp would peradventure terme it zeale 
 and devotion) to sett oute and advaunce ther owne 
 languages above the very Greake and Lattin, if it 
 were possible, and standinge altogither uppon termes 
 of honour and exquisite formes of speaches, karriinge 
 a certayne brave, magnificent grace and maiestye 
 with them, do so highly and honorabely esteeme of 
 their countrye poets reposing on greate parte of their 
 sovraigne glory and reputation abroade in the worlde 
 in the famous writings of their nobblist wittes ? What 
 though you and a thousand such nurrishe a stronge 
 imagination amongst yourselves that Alexander, 
 Scipio, Caesar and most of ower honorablist and 
 worthyest captaynes had never bene that they were 
 but for pore blinde Homer? What though it hath 
 universally bene the practisse of the floorishingist 
 States and most politique commonwelthes from whence 
 we borrowe our substantiallist and most material! 
 
 ^ Ed. cit., p. 65 sg. 
 
38 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 praeceptes and examples of wise and considerate 
 governement, to make the very most of ther vulgare 
 tunges, and togither with ther seignioryes and do- 
 minions by all means possible to amplifye and enlarge 
 them, devisinge all ordinarye and extraordinarye 
 helpes, both for the polisshinge and refininge them at 
 home, and alsoe for the spreddinge and dispersinge 
 of them abroade? What though II Magnifico Segnior 
 Immerito Benivolo ^ hath notid this amongst his 
 politique discourses and matters of state and governe- 
 mente that the most couragious and valorous minds 
 have evermore bene where was most furniture of 
 eloquence and greatest stoare of notable orators and 
 famous poets." ^ 
 
 These two references alone bring out the fact 
 that Spenser, with the knowledge of his friends, 
 was at that time taking a vital interest in the 
 mass of critical theory then attracting so much 
 interest on the Continent and even among the 
 Humanists at home ; that he even had material 
 together ready for the publication of a book, 
 The English Poet, acquainting England with the 
 dignity and responsibility of the poet's calling; 
 that the real impulse prompting to such study 
 and to all types of poetic experiment was a 
 national or patriotic one, the desire to develop 
 and enrich the English vernacular that it might 
 assume its proper place before men. 
 
 Within a very few years Sidney composed his 
 
 ^ Both Immerito and Benivolo are frequently used 
 for Spenser in the Harvey-Spenser correspondence. 
 
 2 In E. K.'s letter to Harvey, prefixed to the Calendar, 
 had appeared the statement, "Our mother tongue of 
 itself is full enough for prose and stately enough for 
 verse." 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 39 
 
 Defense of Poesy, which reveals the fact that he 
 too had been thinking and studying along these 
 same lines. The whole question of the position 
 and function of poetry is taken up at some 
 length, but Sidney too finds various opportuni- 
 ties to deal with conditions in England and 
 reiterate the importance of the vernacular, of 
 which he declares, ''For the uttering sweetly 
 and properly the conceits of the mind, which 
 is the end of speech, that hath it equally with 
 any other tongue in the world." ^ 
 
 The same ideal finds expression in the passage 
 already quoted from Harvey's Foure Letters, 
 thanking the poets who have employed their 
 studious endeavors ''in enriching and polish- 
 ing their native tongue." Various contempo- 
 raries, particularly Samuel Daniel, made much of 
 the service of Sidney, in advancing English 
 learning and letters and driving the beast of 
 Barbarism from the land. In the dedication 
 of Cleopatra, 1594, appears this stanza : — 
 
 "Now where so many Pennes (like Speares) are charg'd, 
 To chase away this tyrant of the North ; 
 Grosse Barbarisme, whose powre grown far inlarg'd 
 Was lately by thy valiant brothers worth 
 First found, encountred, and provoked forth : 
 Whose onset made the rest audacious, 
 Whereby they likewise have so well discharged 
 Upon that hideous Beast incroaching thus." 
 
 * An Apologie for Poetrie, ed. Arber, London, 1868, 
 p. 70. Various critics, beginning with Dr. Grosart, 
 have suggested that The English Poet influenced Sidney's 
 treatise and was perhaps largely embodied in it. 
 
40 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 Two years before, the same idea had entered 
 into the dedication of the Delia to Lady Pem- 
 broke, — '^ whome the fortune of our time hath 
 made the happie and iudiciall Patronesse of the 
 Muses (a glory hereditary to your house) to 
 preserve them from those hidious Beestes, 
 ObUvion and Barbarisme." Daniel's own devo- 
 tion to the cause of English enlightenment and 
 his pride in literary achievement find extended 
 expression in the Musophilus, 1602, a dialogue 
 in verse between Musophilus and Philocosmus, 
 who argue as their names suggest. The dis- 
 cussion is along general lines, however, with 
 practically no local references/ As late as 1607 
 appeared Daniel's Defence of Ryme, indicating 
 that his interest in such matters was still alive .^ 
 The fact that these various men were busily 
 putting in practice these ideals is too obvious to 
 require comment. 
 
 In the later history of this literary circle, 
 though the ideas promulgated by its originators 
 continued to dominate thought and effort, new 
 conditions necessarily arose to change direction 
 
 ^ The general plan of this may have been suggested 
 by Henri Estienne's Dialogues du nouveau langage. 
 
 2 Fraimce's Arcadian Rhetorike, in spite of its narrower 
 purpose, might provide interesting evidence along these 
 same lines. The title seems to indicate a broad, modern 
 point of view: "The Arcadian Rhetorike, or the Pre- 
 cepts of Rhetorike made plaine by examples Greeke, 
 Latin, English, Italian, French, Spanish, out of Homer's 
 Ilias and Odissea, Virgil's iEglogs, Georgikes and ^Eneis, 
 Songs and Sonets, Torquato Tassoes Goffredo, Aminta, 
 Torrismondo, Salist his Judith and both his semaines, 
 Boscan and Garcilassoes sonets and -^glogs. . . ." 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 41 
 
 and shift emphasis in these propaganda. Thus, 
 by 1607, Daniel felt perfect freedom in writing 
 a treatise against classic metres in English and 
 dedicating it to Lady Pembroke's son, with the 
 statement that he had ''received the first notion 
 for the formal ordering of these compositions at 
 Wilton." In the same way the element of 
 Protestant devotion, present from the beginning, 
 appeared to play a more important part with the 
 later men.^ In fact the person of Lady Pem- 
 broke herself, in her Protean role of scholar, 
 creative artist, religious enthusiast, benevolent 
 patroness, and mistress of an excellently ordered 
 household, seems to have inspired and colored 
 the literary efforts of those whom she grouped 
 about her. 
 
 Prominent among the late members of the 
 group appears Nicholas Breton,^ who dedicated 
 to Lady Pembroke no less than five of his 
 works : The Pilgrimage to Paradise ioned with 
 the Countess of Pembroke's Love, 1592; Auspi- 
 cante Jehova, Maries Exercise, 1597; WiVs 
 Trenchmour, 1597; The Ravisht Soule and 
 Blessed Weeper, 1601; and the Countess of 
 Pembroke's Passion (undated). Breton's alle- 
 giance to the early group of writers is marked 
 in his works, the Pilgrimage to Paradise, for in- 
 stance, being an allegory after the manner of 
 the Faerie Queene. He also composed epitaphs 
 for both Sidney and Spenser. 
 
 John Davies of Hereford, whose works, like 
 
 * Infra, chap. iv. 
 
 2 Cf. Breton, Works, ed. Grosart, London, 1877. 
 
42 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 Breton's, took a decidedly religious tone, frankly 
 acknowledges his obligation to Lady Pembroke 
 and her family.^ He praises her in two sonnets, 
 and in the epistle dedicatory to his Muses 
 Sacrifice, in 1612. In Worthy Persons he de- 
 clares to her : — 
 
 ''I am hee 
 
 That (maugre Fate) was, is, and still will be 
 The triton of your praise." 
 
 When the poetic version of the Psalms by 
 Sidney and his sister was first printed in 1823, 
 it had this statement on the title-page: ^'Now 
 first printed from A Copy of the Original Manu- 
 script Transcribed by John Davies of Hereford, 
 In the Reign of James the First." 
 
 Sir William Alexander's relation to this circle 
 is not so clear. Even if no direct connection is 
 evident, he certainly worked along similar lines 
 with its representatives, and knew and appre- 
 ciated their efforts. He had been tutor and 
 literary adviser to King James while that mon- 
 arch was still in Scotland, and soon followed him 
 to England, where he was promptly installed 
 as one of the gentlemen of the king's chamber. 
 His training and tastes were similar to those of 
 Lady Pembroke's literary following, and an early 
 acquaintance would have been the only natural 
 result. That Samuel Daniel, at least, quickly 
 recognized Alexander's importance and knew 
 his literary plans, is apparent from some lines 
 
 ^ "I am not so much mine own as yours." — Wks., 
 ed. Grosart, i. 97. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 43 
 
 in the dedication of Philotas (1605) ^ ''to the 
 Prince" : — 
 
 "And though you have a Swannet of your own 
 Within the bankes of Douen ^ meditates 
 Sweet notes to you, and unto your renowne 
 The glory of his Musicke dedicates, 
 And in a lofty tone is yet to sound 
 The deepe reports of sullen tragedies ; . . . " 
 
 Alexander was a devoted admirer of Sidney's 
 Arcadia, to which, hi 1613, he added a "com- 
 pletion" of the Third Book. In his Anac- 
 risis, composed about twenty years later and 
 addressed to his friend WiUiam Drummond, he 
 still praises the Arcadia, and says of his own 
 addition to it, "it were enough to be excellent 
 by being second to Sidney, since who ever could 
 be that, behoved to be before others." ^ 
 
 The consideration that has called forth this 
 extended preliminary statement is at length in 
 order, — the part played by France, or rather 
 by French literary theorists, in providing im- 
 pulse for the propaganda of this English circle, 
 as well as actual models upon which creative 
 efforts might be built. Italy, of course, was the 
 real source of this sort of doctrine, and France 
 hi her turn often colored it so little with her 
 own peculiarities of thought, that, without 
 positive evidence of direct indebtedness, little 
 
 ^ ^ Daniel, Wks., ed. Grosart, iii. 101. 
 
 ^ Douen was a river near Alexander's home in Scot- 
 land, and is often mentioned in his poems. 
 
 ^ Wm. Drummond, Works, Folio ed., Edin., 1711, 
 p. 161. 
 
44 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 can be said in many cases for French influence. 
 There are certain phases of the Enghsh move- 
 ment, however, that appear to be distinctly 
 French and justify investigation. Prior to this, 
 it will be well to note the relations of individuals 
 in this English group to France, to French people, 
 and to French literature. 
 
 Spenser, though probably deprived of the ad- 
 vantages of a grand tour, appears to have been 
 none the less familiar with French literature, 
 especially the writings of Du Bellay. It is true 
 that his renderings from the French are as a rule 
 free and often inaccurate, but he worked as an 
 adapter rather than a translator. It is probable 
 that even in youth he began this adapting of 
 French poetry. In 1569 appeared the English 
 version of Van der Noodt's Theatre for World- 
 lings, containing two poetic pieces, The Visions 
 of Petrarch and The Visions of Bellay, repre- 
 sented as derived respectively from Brabantish 
 and Dutch versions of the originals. The second 
 follows so literally Du Bellay's own verses, and 
 the first is so closely modeled on a French 
 translation of Petrarch by Marot, that one might 
 well be skeptical regarding these Brabantish 
 and Dutch intermediaries. Moreover, in Spen- 
 ser's Complaints, published in 1591 and never 
 questioned by him, almost these same English 
 poems appear as the eighth and ninth parts. 
 There has been much controversy pro and con,^ 
 
 ^ Cf. articles by Emil Koeppel in Eng. Stud., xv. 
 53 sq., and xxvii. 100 sq. ; and by J. B. Fletcher in Mod. 
 Lang. Notes, October, 1898. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 45 
 
 but the probability remains that young Spenser 
 contributed adaptations from the French to Van 
 der Noodt's Theatre. Three other divisions of 
 Spenser's Complaints are indebted to Du Bellay. 
 The Ruins of Rome by Bellay acknowledges thus 
 its own obligation ; ^ and the Ruins of Time 
 shows many resemblances to Du Bellay's Songe, 
 of which the Visions of the World's Vanity is 
 only a reflex.^ Such indebtedness gives vital 
 sincerity to a tribute like the following, in 
 U Envoy to the Ruins of Rome: — 
 
 " Bellay, first garland of free Poesie 
 That France brought forth, though fruitfuU of brave 
 
 wits, 
 Well worthie thou of immortalitie. 
 That long hast traveled, by thy learned writs, 
 Olde Rome out of her ashes to revive, 
 And give a second hfe to dead decayes ! 
 Needes must he all eternitie survive, 
 That can to other give eternall dayes : 
 Thy dayes therefore are endles, and thy prayse 
 Excelling all, that ever went before." ^ 
 
 Another palpable French borrowing of Spen- 
 ser's is found in the November and December 
 eclogues of the Shepheardes Calendar, both of 
 these being drawn from Marot. This may also 
 be taken as a further dependence on Du Bellay, 
 who, in his Deffence et Illustration de la Langue 
 Frangoyse, giving a list of models for pastoral, 
 cites Theocritus, Virgil, and Sannazaro, and then 
 
 * Cf. Faerie Queene, i. v. 49: "The Antique ruins of 
 the Romanes fall." 
 
 2 Cf. Koeppel, in Eng. Stud., xv. 80. 
 ^ Spenser, Wks., ed. Grosart, iii. 170. 
 
46 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 commends ^'cete Ecclogue sur la naissance du 
 filz de Monseigneur le Dauphin, a mon gre im 
 des meilleurs petiz ouvraiges que fist onques 
 Marot." ^ E. K., in his Epistle prefixed to the 
 Calendar, enlarges on Du Bellay's list of eclogue 
 writers, giving French form to their names, and 
 concludes it: ''and divers other excellent both 
 Italian and French Poetes, whose foting this 
 Author every where followeth." ^ An interest- 
 ing connection will also be found arising between 
 the Faerie Queene and the Semaines of Du 
 Bartas.^ 
 
 Sidney's relations with France were manifold. 
 They began in 1572, with a sojourn at the court 
 of Charles IX. of France, where his attractive 
 qualities soon won for him, foreigner that he 
 was, the good will of all the French nobility, 
 and a special mark of royal favor in an appoint- 
 ment as gentleman of the king's chamber. Here 
 began a warm friendship with Henry of Navarre, 
 which Greville considered worthy of special no- 
 tice.^ Here too he must at least have made the 
 acquaintance of Ronsard, who was attached to 
 the court, had an apartment at the Louvre, and 
 probably was writing his sonnets for Helene.^ 
 This acquaintance must have been recalled often 
 
 ^ Du Bellay, (Euvres, ed. Marty-Laveaux, i. 40. 
 
 2 Spenser, Wks., ed. Grosart, ii. 30. Noted by J. B. 
 Fletcher, "Areopagus and Pleiade," in Jour, of Germ. 
 PhiloL, ii. 447 sq. ^ Infra, p. 169 sg. 
 
 ■* Fulke Greville, Life of Sir Philip Sidney, in Works, 
 ed. Grosart, 1870, iv. 35. 
 
 ^ J. J. Jusserand, in Nineteenth Century, April, 1898, 
 p. 602. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 47 
 
 to Sidney's mind, for Ronsard appears to have 
 been a close friend of the Earl of Leicester — 
 the uncle of Sidney and the patron of Harvey 
 and Spenser, — celebrating him in verse as 
 'Tomement des Anglois." ^ Eonsard's verses 
 were alike the solace of Mary Stuart in prison 
 and the delight of Elizabeth on her throne.^ 
 He is lavish in his hearsay praises of the English 
 queen,^ and her admiration for him is noted 
 thus by his biographer Binet : — 
 
 "II fut tant admire par la Rojnie d'Angleterre, 
 qui lisoit ordinairement ses ecrits, qu'elle les voulut 
 comme comparer a un diamont d'excellente valeur 
 qu'elle luy envoya." * 
 
 Sidney's stay at Paris was concluded and his 
 later convictions affected by the Massacre of 
 Saint Bartholomew's Day ; but escaping to Frank- 
 fort, he fell in with another Frenchman, Hubert 
 Languet, who, in spite of greater age and ex- 
 perience, entered with him into relations of the 
 closest comradeship. Languet's devoted Prot- 
 estantism came not amiss after the horrors of 
 Bartholomew, and paved the way for a series 
 of friendships with French Protestants, which 
 stand out clearly in Sidney's career. Languet, 
 
 ^ Ronsard, (Euvres, ed. Bibl. Elzev., 1860, iv. 382. 
 
 ^ Binet, Vie de Pierre Ronsard, in Archives curieuses 
 de Vhistoire de France, prem. serie, x. 390. 
 
 3 Ronsard, (Euvres, ed. Marty-Laveaux, ill. 242 sq. 
 
 * Fletcher, op. cit., p. 432, suggests that Sidney may 
 have noted that Elizabeth was envious of the luster which 
 Ronsard at Paris and Tasso at Ferrara shed on their 
 sovereigns. 
 
48 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 through his correspondence/ was almost the 
 guiding factor in Sidney's Italian experiences, 
 which followed soon after their meeting. The 
 letters between them savor strongly of the 
 early type of Humanism, with solemn discus- 
 sions of well-rounded education, of improvement 
 of style by Ciceronian study — not too servile, — 
 and above all^ of the Circe-enchantments of 
 Italy. 
 
 Among the other French friends and corre- 
 spondents of Sidney may be noted Languet's 
 Protestant co-worker in political theory, Fran- 
 cois Hotman ; ^ the poet Pibrac,^ referred to 
 several times in Languet's letters; Henri 
 Estienne,^ Protestant scholar, translator, and 
 champion too of the inherent possibilities of his 
 native language, — who was an admirer of 
 Sidney, gave him a copy of a moral treatise 
 written in Greek by Estienne himself, and in 
 1581 dedicated to him an edition of Herodian 
 together with a Latin version by Poliziano; 
 Banosius, ardent follower of Ramus's Platon- 
 ism, — who in 1575 promised Sidney the first 
 copy of his edition of Ramus's commentaries, 
 because he recognized the young Englishman's 
 
 ^ Cf. Huherti Langueti Epistolce Politicce et Historicce 
 ad Philippum Sydnwum, Francofurti, 1633; also the Eng- 
 lish translation of the Correspondence by S. A. Pears, 
 London, 1845. 
 
 2 E. J. B. Rathery, "Des Relations sociales et in- 
 tellectuelles entre la France et TAngleterre," in Rev. 
 contemp., 1855, prem. s^rie, xxi. 54. The Quatrains of 
 Pibrac were translated into English by Sylvester by 1605. 
 
 3 Zoiich, Memoirs of Philip Sidney, ed. York, 1809, 
 p. 117. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 49 
 
 fondness for the theme and his ability to pro- 
 mulgate it at home.^ Another enthusiastic 
 French Protestant, Duplessis-Mornay, came to 
 England in 1577; and, having been for eight 
 years a warm friend of Languet, was promptly 
 received into the company of Sidney as well as 
 of the court .^ Sidney stood as the god-father 
 of Duplessis-Momay's daughter, born in Eng- 
 land in 1578; and later undertook the Enghsh 
 translation of his treatise, De la verite de la 
 religion chrestienne. Finally, we note Sidney 
 as a friend and correspondent of Du Bartas, as 
 well as a translator of his poetry, the translation 
 being licensed in 1588. 
 
 After he returned from his Italian tour, Sid- 
 ney's service to the court was full of activity. 
 Official trips abroad were interspersed with the 
 entertainment of foreign ambassadors at home. 
 When an embassy from France, for instance, 
 appeared at court in 1581 to negotiate a mar- 
 riage between Elizabeth and the Duke of Anjou, 
 Philip Sidney and Fulke Greville w^ere the lead- 
 ers in the jousting; and on their return via the 
 Netherlands, Sidney was among those chosen to 
 attend them as far as Antwerp.^ According to 
 
 ^ H. R. Fox Bourne, Philip Sidney (Heroes of the 
 Nations), p. 190. Sidney's relations with Languet, 
 Estienne, and Banosius are noted by Harvey in his 
 address to Sidney, bk. iv. Gratulationis Valdinensis : — 
 
 "What trophies of thy genius Stephanus showed: 
 Still more Languetus; most of all Banosius." 
 
 ' Memoires de Madame de Mornay, ed. Paris, 1868, i. 
 118, 120. 
 
 ' Zouch, Memoirs of Philip Sidney, ed. cit., p. 178 sq. 
 
50 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 Greville, Sidney's last composition, in the very 
 face of death, was a French poem, La cuisse 
 rompue} 
 
 Evidence of French influence in Sidney's 
 creative work is not very positive. His sonnets 
 are comparatively independent of slavish bor- 
 rowing. The Arcadia, however, gives evidence 
 of considerable indebtedness, both in substance 
 and in form, to the French version of the Amadis 
 de Gaul, begun by Herberay des Essarts, espe- 
 cially to the eleventh book.^ There is perhaps a 
 possibility of direct French influence in such a 
 character as the pedant. Master Rombus, in The 
 Lady of May, but Rombus represents a very 
 common continental type, especially in Italian 
 comedy, and affords no substantial evidence.^ 
 
 As Lady Pembroke's interests were closely 
 allied with her brother's, she may properly be 
 supposed to have esteemed his French acquaint- 
 
 * Life of Sidney, ed. cit., p. 138. 
 
 2 This relation, already slightly noted by Dunlop and 
 Grasse, was developed in 1893, by William Vaughn 
 Moody, in a Sohier Prize Essay (unpub.) at Harvard 
 University. It has since been noted independently 
 by K. Brunhiiber, Sir Philip Sidney's Arcadia und ihre 
 Nachldufer, Niirnberg, 1903. 
 
 ^ The Italian Conimedia delV Arte was being played 
 in Paris about the time Sidney was there; and for that 
 matter Italian actors were playing in London in 1578. 
 Certain French waiters, especially Grevin and Larivey, 
 who adapted Italian comedies about this time, furnish 
 in their work numerous characters and situations which 
 may really have influenced Elizabethan dramatists; 
 but in nearly every case this same material was as easily 
 accessible to the Englishmen who used it, in the Corn- 
 media deir Arte, the regular Italian comedy, or even in 
 the classics. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 51 
 
 ances and have shared his regard for their writ- 
 ings. In the case of Duplessis-Mornay, for 
 example, she translated his Discours de la vie et 
 de la mort, apparently as a companion piece to 
 the version of La verite de la religion chres- 
 tienne begun by Sir Philip. Among the other 
 members of the group, we are at least sure 
 that both Dyer and Greville were scholarly 
 and accomplished courtiers, the former having 
 traveled abroad, the latter being kept at home, 
 we are told, because of Queen Elizabeth's ad- 
 miration for his accomplishments. Daniel will 
 be seen to display French influence in his writ- 
 ings. Both Daniel and Harvey paid tribute to 
 the poetry of Du Bartas; and Breton, Davies, 
 and Alexander were indebted to it.^ As may 
 be seen from the complete title of the Arcadian 
 Rhetorike, Fraunce was well acquainted with 
 these poems and drew numerous citations from 
 them.^ 
 
 About thirty years previous to the first united 
 efforts of this Areopagus group in England, there 
 had arisen in France an association of poets and 
 literary theorists, calling themselves La Pleiade, 
 and having such an identity of purpose and so 
 similar a history that the parallel with our Eng- 
 lish circle offers attractive possibilities.^ The 
 leading spirits in the group had been nourished 
 by the Humanistic teachings of the French 
 scholar Dorat, and the movement fostered was 
 
 * Cf . chap. iv. ^ Supra, p. 40, note. 
 
 ^ This parallel is developed at length by J. B. Fletcher, 
 " Areopagus and Pleiade," in Jour, of Germ. Philol., vol. ii. 
 
52 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 only the regular step made in every nation to 
 which Humanism extended, — the realization 
 that one's own vernacular is great in possibility 
 and should be made great in achievement. 
 The program of the circle, as fost expressed 
 in Du Bellay's Deffence et Illustration de la 
 Langue Frangoyse, in 1549, as well as in later 
 critical discussions by its members, justifies the 
 statement that the fundamental purpose of the 
 Pleiade organization was the patriotic one of 
 establishing the inherent excellence of the French 
 language, considering the best means for en- 
 riching and developing it, and then experiment- 
 ing, in various creative efforts, in order to obtain 
 actual results from this exploited medium of 
 expression. The general method of enrichment 
 was to be along the line of digestive imitation 
 already made familiar by the Humanists. 
 
 As might have been expected, these discus- 
 sions soon gathered to themselves most of the 
 conventional themes and notions which then 
 formed the body of critical controversy in 
 Europe : moreover, as time went on, various 
 new turns and interpretations were given to 
 Pleiade theories, by external conditions, by the 
 personal views of later controversialists, by the 
 character and fate of literary attempts among 
 the members. By 1579, indeed, Baif had em- 
 phasized and tested classic versifying to an 
 extent scarcely dreamed of by his fellows three 
 decades earlier; Estienne had arisen from his 
 Greek Humanism to exalt the French language 
 and insist upon its protection from Italian 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 53 
 
 taint; Du Bartas, seizing some of the tenets 
 of Pleiade theory, had carried them to extremes 
 in the interests of Protestant poetry ; the classic 
 type of drama had gained a wide vogue through 
 the assistance of the ItaHans; and the verse 
 forms of Italy, exploited first by Pleiade leaders, 
 had taken further shape in the hands of 
 Desportes. Various new treatises on literary 
 criticism had appeared in these thirty years, 
 including several commentaries on Ai'istotle's 
 Poetics; and even in England the Humanists 
 had progressed to the threshold of vernacular 
 exploitation/ Obviously Sidney and his friends, 
 with their scholarly attainments and wide ex- 
 perience, had constant opportunity to come in 
 contact with this whole development. An 
 elaborate parallel between their activities and 
 those of the Pleiade, then, would of necessity 
 contain many details in no way indicative of 
 immediate influence, however real such influence 
 may have been in general. The better plan, as 
 already suggested, is to select those phases in 
 which there are peculiar reasons why England 
 should have been affected by French example. 
 
 The first consideration is the existence of the 
 Areopagus circle itself. The Areopagus proper 
 may indeed have been no more than Harvey 
 understood it to be, an association or academy 
 to experiment with classic metres in the ver- 
 nacular. The Accademia delta Nuova Poesia 
 had existed for this purpose forty years earlier, 
 
 ^ Cf. on this whole matter J. E. Spingarn, Literary 
 Criticism in the Renaissance, New York, 1899. 
 
54 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 in Italy. Baif's Academie de Poesie et de 
 Musiqiw, chartered by the French king only 
 two years before Sidney's first visit to France, 
 must certainly have had considerable influence 
 on this English group. But it has been care- 
 fully noted that in the real thought and effort 
 in which this English circle cooperated there was 
 the wider purpose which was fundamental with 
 the Pleiade. 
 
 England did not have to go to the Pleiade 
 for this patriotic conception of the vernacular, 
 nor for the plan of digestive imitation by which 
 the native tongue was to receive enrichment. 
 Controversy on the question had begun with 
 Dante, and been carried on in the sixteenth 
 century by Bembo, Castiglione, Varchi, Muzio, 
 Tolomei, and others, to be finally summed up 
 for Italy in an oration by Salviati in 1564.^ 
 French Humanists had broken the path for the 
 Pleiade, and Estienne had supplemented Pleiade 
 effort. English Humanism, with which Sid- 
 ney's group was intimately connected, had ad- 
 vanced just to the dividing line, or a bit beyond. 
 John Sturm, Ascham's friend and counselor, 
 seeking only the perfection of prose Latinity 
 among students, and deploring the time lost by 
 children in learning a vernacular tongue, had 
 advocated a liberal system for the imitation of 
 models of style. He confessed admiration for 
 modern Italian poetry, and, in lieu of good 
 Latin, advocated the cultivation of the ver- 
 
 1 Cf. Spingarn, op. cit., pp. 161-162. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 55 
 
 nacular as a source of refinement.^ His ideas 
 found their way into England through such men 
 as Ascham and Cheke. His more Hberal trea- 
 tise, De nobilitate literata, was translated in 1570. 
 Sir John Cheke, still thinking of the ideal of 
 excellence in Latin prose, advocated a plan of 
 digestive imitation similar to Sturm's, illustrat- 
 ing it by Cicero's imitation of Demosthenes. 
 His example thus considered imitation in a 
 language that was different from that of the 
 moclel.^ Roger Ascham drew his doctrine of 
 imitation directly from Sturm and Cheke, and 
 restated the example of Cicero and Demosthenes 
 for those, presumably, w^ho would learn perfec- 
 tion in Latin prose style. Ascham w^as ready 
 enough to accept material from the Italian 
 Humanists, but was outspoken in condemna- 
 tion of the Circe-enchantments of Italian roman- 
 tic literature. 
 
 We are privileged to see Harvey almost in 
 process of transformation in regard to vernacular 
 usage. In his earlier studies he was a devout 
 and somewhat bigoted worshiper of Ciceronian 
 ''eloquentia." During a vacation from the 
 university in 1577, according to his own testi- 
 mony, he had been won away from this narrow 
 position, and had come to look for the whole 
 man in a writer as the source of style; and, 
 though still exalting Cicero, to attend first to 
 
 ^ Cf. Charles Schmidt, La vie et les travaux de Jean 
 Sturm, Strasbourg, 1855. 
 
 ^ Cf . John Strype, Life of Sir John Cheke, London, 
 1705. 
 
56 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 the life and power of the man and not the mere 
 surface pohsh of his language. "Let every 
 man," he says significantly, "learn to be, not 
 a Roman, but a Frenchman, German, Briton, 
 or Italian." ^ Indeed by this time modern 
 literatm^e and modern customs from the con- 
 tinent, previously condemned by Ascham, were 
 making considerable inroads into England, as 
 Harvey complains in various places.^ 
 
 Sidney had long been familiar with the Human- 
 ist point of view, at least since the beginning of 
 his acquaintance with Languet. As late as 1579, 
 in writing to his younger brother Robert, then 
 abroad, he was as outspoken as Ascham or 
 Harvey in condemning the life and customs of 
 Italy, though there is nothing said of her lit- 
 erature. To Robert also he expressed tersely 
 enough his views on Ciceronianism : "So you 
 can speak and write Latin, not barbarously, I 
 never require great study in Ciceronianism, the 
 
 ^ Cf . Henry Morley, "Spenser's Hobbinoll," in Fort- 
 nightly Review, v. (n. s.), 279. 
 
 2 E.g. in his hexameter poem concerning such fashions, 
 Letter Book, p. 97, with the hne, "O tymes, O manners, 
 O French, O Itahsh Inglande." There is a similar 
 strain in his "Earthquake" letter to Spenser: "Tully 
 and Demosthenes nothing so much studyed, as they 
 were wonte: Livie and Salust possiblye rather more, 
 than lesse: Lucian never so much: Aristotle muche 
 named, but little read: Xenophon and Plato, reckned 
 amongest Discoursers, and conceited Superficiall f ellowes : 
 . . . Matchiavell a great man: Castilio of no small 
 reputation: Petrarch and Boccace in every mans 
 mouth: . . . The French and Italian when so highly 
 regarded of SchoUers? The Latine and Greeke, when 
 so lightly?" Works, ed. Orosart, i. 69. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 57 
 
 chief abuse of Oxford, qui dum verba sectantur, 
 res ipsas negligunty ^ Spenser, as a boy at 
 Merchant Taylors' School, must have come m 
 contact with Dr. Mulcaster, then head-master. 
 Mulcaster was a liberal Humanist, who by 1582, 
 when he published his First part of the Ele- 
 mentarie, was willing to express a defense of the 
 English vernacular as enthusiastic as any of 
 those yet encountered.^ 
 
 There seems to be something wanting in 
 English Humanism, and for that matter in all 
 Humanism, to account entirely for the con- 
 certed activity of Sidney's circle. Humanism 
 offered the speculations of schoolmen seeking 
 excellence in oratorical prose, often with no 
 regard for poetry; and approached vernacular 
 enrichment usually with regret that a perfect 
 Latinity could not be had. Indeed for a proto- 
 type of the Areopagus group in its larger sense 
 only one circle of men appears available. The 
 Pleiade were poetic enthusiasts united to carr}^ 
 into actual practice the ideas they had received 
 from Humanism. The work they had under- 
 taken must have been familiar to Sidney's 
 group, just as the results of their undertakings, 
 however divergent from original intentions, 
 were familiar. In 1575, Ronsard's Ahrege de 
 VArt Poetique frangois was utilized by Gascoigne 
 as a model for his Certayne Notes of Instruction 
 
 ^ These letters are printed in Sidney's Miscellaneous 
 Works, ed. W. Gray, Oxford, 1829, p. 278 sq. 
 
 2 Cf . I. Disraeli, Amenities of Literature, New York, 
 1847, ii. 27; also Henry Morley,' English Writers, ix. 187. 
 
58 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 concerning the Making of Verse; ^ the very year 
 of the Harvey-Spenser letters, Estienne's Precel- 
 lence du langage frangois was recalUng in men's 
 mind the service of the Pleiade leaders. The 
 large results of their imited activities were 
 vividly enough remembered to make them a 
 natural model for eager young English poets 
 with similar ambitions. 
 
 Before proceeding to investigate further 
 French influence in the activities of the Are- 
 opagus group, an interesting parallel deserves 
 attention, involving the possibility that the 
 versatile career of the Countess of Pembroke 
 was modeled considerably on that of Margaret 
 of Navarre, the ''amiable mother of the Renais- 
 sance" in France. Margaret was one of those 
 brilliant, attractive, and thoroughly capable 
 Renaissance women, so familiar in Italian 
 society. She was of the religious type, how- 
 ever, represented among the Italians by Vit- 
 toria Colonna, with whom indeed Margaret 
 exchanged letters. She was equipped with a 
 good education, a large intellectual endowment, 
 and a full capacity for enjoying life, giving her 
 power in social relations, in literary effort, and 
 to some extent in political affairs. She had for 
 many years her coterie of poets, and after 1540 
 encouraged them in the study and expression 
 of the Platonic philosophy.^ Her patronage 
 was thoroughly disinterested, prompted largely 
 
 ^ This is noted by Spingarn, op. cit., p. 256. 
 2 Cf . Abel Lefjanc, " Le Platonisme et la litt^rature 
 en France," in Rev. d'histoire litt. de la France, 1896. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 59 
 
 by an open-hearted benevolence. Her house- 
 hold was the asylum for harassed preachers and 
 free-thinkers, as well as the meeting-place of 
 poets; and both classes joined in celebrating 
 her gentleness and sweet sympathy even more 
 than her sparkle of wit and beauty of person. 
 Brantome puts it in this way, "Elle estoit tres 
 bonne, douce, gratieuse, charitable, grand' 
 aumosniere et ne desdaignant personne." ^ Mar- 
 garet was also devoutly religious. From early 
 life she accepted many of the Protestant teach- 
 ings and evidenced a decided leaning toward 
 those who professed the faith. She never 
 formally broke away from Catholicism, and the 
 rigid dogmatism of Calvin was in general equally 
 distasteful to her. The more liberal early teach- 
 ings of the Reformation appealed rather to her 
 mind, deeply tinged as it was by mysticism. This 
 is the mood of her numerous religious poems, the 
 spirit that found pleasure in welcoming all those 
 who suffered for truth's sake. Even her Platon- 
 ism was taken up reverently and fused with 
 this religious mysticism,^ so that its literature, 
 under her inspiration, is rather theoretical than 
 highly adulatory. 
 
 ^ Brantome, (Euvres, ed. Bibl. Elzev., Paris, 1890, 
 X. 292. Cf. on this whole characterization A. Tilley, Lit- 
 erature of the French Renaissance, i. 96 sq. 
 
 2 This fusion of Platonism and Christianity had of 
 course come to Margaret out of Italy, probably from 
 the teaching of Ficino. A. Lefranc, "Marguerite de 
 Navarre et le Platonisme de la Renaissance," in Bihl. 
 de VEcole des Charles, Iviii. 259 sq., calls attention to the 
 influence of Nicholas de Cuse, really a forerunner of Ficino 
 in this regard. 
 
60 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 There was every reason that Sidney's sister 
 should have been famihar with the character of 
 Margaret and the significance of her patronage 
 of French letters; every reason too that she 
 should have admired and imitated such a per- 
 sonality. England had been deeply interested 
 in the struggles of the French Protestants, and 
 throughout these the family of Margaret had 
 been much in evidence. Sidney's warm friend- 
 ship with Henry of Navarre, Margaret's grand- 
 son, has already been noted as extending from 
 1572. Sixteen tales from Margaret's Heptame- 
 ron had been incorporated in Painter's Palace 
 of Pleasure, first published in 1566. The com- 
 plete work, after circulating for forty years, 
 retained interest enough to justify an English 
 version in 1597 and another in 1600. Her 
 Miroir de Vame pecheresse had been turned into 
 English as early as 1544 by the young Princess 
 Elizabeth, and thus bore among English people 
 the mark of royal favor. 
 
 The parallel of Lady Pembroke to Margaret 
 of Navarre may be rapidly developed, chiefly 
 by quotation from a host of tributes and dedi- 
 cations.^ During her brother's life she had been 
 intimately concerned in most of his literary 
 labors. At his death she worked over and 
 augmented his Arcadia and gave it to the pub- 
 lic in authorized form; completed the verse 
 translations of the Psalms which they had begun 
 together ; translated from the French Duplessis- 
 
 ^ Cf . Alice H. Luce, The Countess of Pembroke's 
 
 Antonie. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 61 
 
 Mornay's Discours de la vie et de la mort, as a 
 companion piece to her brother's half-finished 
 rendering of the Verite de la religion chres- 
 tienne, which was completed by Arthur Golding ; 
 and turned into English Garnier's classic tragedy 
 of Antoine. Testimony to her ability as a 
 writer is abimdant, but these quotations appear 
 most authoritative: — 
 
 ''Urania, sister unto Astrofell, 
 In whose brave mynd, as in a golden coffer, 
 All heavenly gifts and riches locked are, 
 More rich than perles of Ynde, or gold of Opher, 
 And in her sex more wonderfuU and rare." 
 
 — Spenser, Colin Clout, 11. 488 sq. 
 
 '' Learned Mary, the honorable Countesse of Pembrook 
 ... is very liberall unto Poets ; besides shee is a most 
 delicate Poet, of whome I may say, as Antipater Sido- 
 nius writeth of Sappho : — 
 
 Dulcia Mnemosyne demirans carmina Sapphus, 
 Qucesivit decima Pieris unde foretJ' 
 
 — Meres, Palladis Tamia, in Arber's English 
 Garner, ii. 101. 
 
 Her extensive patronage of literary men was 
 characterized by clearness of vision and breadth 
 of purpose, as Daniel indicates in the dedication 
 of his classic tragedy Cleopatra : — 
 
 " Loe heere the labour which she did impose, 
 Whose influence did predominate my Muse : 
 The starre of wonder my desires first chose 
 To guide their travels in the course I use : 
 She, whose cleare brightnesse had the powre t' infuse 
 Strength to my thoughts, from whence these motions 
 
 came, 
 Call'd up my spirits from out their low repose, 
 
62 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 To sing of State, and tragicke notes to frame, 
 
 I, who (contented with an humble song,) 
 
 Made musique to my selfe that pleased me best, 
 
 And onely told of Delia and her wrong, 
 
 And prais'd her eyes, and plaind mine owne unrest : 
 
 (A text from whence my Muse had not digrest) 
 
 Madam, had not thy well grac'd Antony; 
 
 (Who all alone, having remained long,) 
 
 Required his Cleopatras company." ^ 
 
 Nicholas Breton, in the dedication of Wit^s 
 Trenchmour, 1597, preserves a graphic picture 
 of the refined household over which she presided, 
 suggesting also her benevolence. 
 
 "It was my greatest happiness that of this world 
 I ever founde, to light into the court-hke home of 
 a right worthy honorable lady. . . . Her house 
 being in a manner a kind of little Court, her Lorde 
 in place of no meane command, her person no less 
 than worthily and honourablie attended, as well with 
 Gentlewomen of excellent spirits, as divers Gentlemen 
 of fine cariage : . . . a house richly garnished, honor 
 kindly entertained, vertue highly esteemed, service 
 well rewarded, and the poor blessedly relieved. . . . 
 Ever since ... if I have come among men, it hath 
 been like a Faire of rude people, compared to the 
 sweet company of that house; if in the company of 
 women, like a meeting of Gossips, in respect of the 
 gracious spirits of the sweete creatures of that little 
 paradise.'' ^ 
 
 This description certainly approaches the con- 
 ditions that characterized the households of 
 the great ladies of the Renaissance. That 
 Breton himself was aware of the resemblance, 
 
 ^ Daniel, Wks., ed. Grosart, London, 1885, iii. 23. 
 2 Breton, Wks., ed. Grosart, London, 1877, ii. 18. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 63 
 
 appears from his dedication of the Pilgrimage 
 to Paradise, five years earher : — 
 
 . . . "who hath redde of the Duchesse of Urbina, 
 may sale, the Itahans wrote wel : but who knowes 
 the Countesse of Pembroke, I think hath cause to 
 write better : and if she had many followers, have 
 not you mo servants ? and if they were so mindfull of 
 their favours, shall we be forgetfull of our dueties? 
 no, I am assured, that some are not ignorant of your 
 worth, which will not be idle in your service. . . .^' ^ 
 
 Some of the phraseology in this last quotation 
 seems to suggest the Platonic cult, which must 
 have been familiar to Lady Pembroke and her 
 household, if only through Sidney's regard for 
 it. His writing is frequently colored by Platonic 
 doctrine. As early as 1575 Banosius recognized 
 his devotion to it; and as late as 1584-1585, 
 Giordano Bruno, a vigorous exponent of Platon- 
 ism, was dedicating books to him.^ The Delia 
 sonnets of Daniel, dedicated to Lady Pembroke, 
 are full of Platonic spirit, and it is sigificant 
 that the title is probably borrowed from Maurice 
 Sceve's Delie, ohjet de la plus haute vertu, sl col- 
 lection of dizains prepared under patronage of 
 Margaret of Navarre and celebrating the highest 
 type of Platonism. 
 
 ^ It is an open question how seriously Daniel looked 
 to Lady Pembroke as the real Delia of his sonnet se- 
 quence. The 29th Sonnet, "To M. P.," with its sug- 
 gestion of poverty or humble rank as a barrier to love, 
 seems particularly significant. Cf. chap. iii. 
 
 2 Cf . I. Frith, Life of Giordano Bruno, London, 1887, 
 chap. V. On the Platonism in Astrophel and Stella 
 cf . J. B. Fletcher, " Did ' Astrophell ' love ' Stella 'V in 
 Mod. Philol. Y. 253 (1907). 
 
64 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 The blending of Platonism and Christianity 
 already noticed in her continental prototypes 
 was present in Lady Pembroke. But just as 
 Margaret, under French influences, had devel- 
 oped her reformed faith beyond that of Vittoria 
 Colonna, and made it more the directive force 
 of her existence; so Lady Pembroke, under 
 favorable environment in England, was a devout 
 Protestant, firm in convictions which Platonism 
 could beautify but not change. The religious 
 character of her own works would be proof 
 enough of this ; the Protestantism of her circle 
 adds weight to the thought ; and a computation 
 of the actual amount of religious literature 
 dedicated to her honor in and out of her circle 
 leaves no doubt whatever. These things do 
 not, of course, establish the fact of Lady Pem- 
 broke's emulation of Margaret of Navarre. 
 Every point noted, except perhaps the last, 
 could be paralleled as well in Vittoria Colonna. 
 But the interest of English Protestants in gen- 
 eral and the Sidneys in particular in the re- 
 ligious contentions of France, makes it unlikely 
 that the Lady Mary at this time would have gone 
 farther for a model than to this French patroness 
 of liberal Protestantism and national letters. 
 
 There now remain to be considered those par- 
 ticular lines of activity in the circle of the Sid- 
 neys which for one reason or another seem in- 
 debted to French influence. For instance there 
 are some methods of language enrichment which 
 give such indication, particularly the revival 
 of archaisms and the use of compound words. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 65 
 
 In the earlier documents of the Pleiade, archaic 
 French was a resource urged much more em- 
 phatically by Ronsard than by Du Bellay. The 
 actual poetry of the Pleiade, however, was all 
 in the direction of Italian imitation; and the 
 possible employment of archaism was practically 
 forgotten until the spirited campaign of Estienne 
 in its defense and against Italianizing. Es- 
 tienne's insistence on the inherent excellence of 
 his native tongue became public as early as 
 1565, in his treatise, De la conformite du langage 
 frangois- avec le grec, and was vigorously sup- 
 ported in his Dialogues du nouveau langage^ 
 and La precellence du langage frangois, appearing 
 in 1578 and 1579, just when the Shepheardes 
 Calendar w^as taking final form. The anti- 
 Italian tone of Estienne's doctrine, while in 
 strict harmony with the position of one group of 
 the Humanists,^ certainly had little effect on the 
 poetry of the English circle, who imitated the 
 Italians as the Pleiade had done.^ The use of 
 archaism, however, found one vigorous ad- 
 
 ^ The probable dependence of Daniel's Musophilus 
 upon this work has been noted, supra, p. 40, note. 
 
 ^ Sir John Cheke, for instance, "would allow of no 
 words but such as were true English, or of Saxon origi- 
 nal." (Life, by John Strype, p. 213.) 
 
 3 Marty-La veaux. La Langue de la Pleiade, i. 44, 
 notes that Ronsard, as he grew old, talked of repudiating 
 the pompous new classical terms adopted by his imitators, 
 and insisting only on archaic and dialect borrowings. 
 Yet he had so fa/ conformed to popular opinion (in the 
 face of Pleiade teaching) as to withdraw most of his 
 archaic and dialect expressions from his work and leave 
 the Greek and Latin coinages in. 
 
66 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 herent, — Edmund Spenser. His fondness for 
 archaic diction, not only in the Calendar, where 
 there was reasonable justification for it, but also 
 throughout the whole structure of the Faerie 
 Queene, is familiar enough. In E. K.'s letter 
 to Harvey, accompanying the Calendar, there is 
 an elaborate statement of the value of such 
 language, quite in the spirit of Estienne's con- 
 temporary writings. 
 
 "In my opinion it is one especiall praise, of many, 
 which are due to this poet, that he hath labored to 
 restore, as to their rightfull heritage, such good and 
 naturall English wordes as have beene long time out 
 of use, and almost cleane disherited. Which is the 
 only cause, that our mother tongue, which truly of 
 it self is both full inough for prose, and stately inough 
 for verse, hath long time been counted most bare and 
 barren of both. Which default when as some en- 
 devoured to salve and recure, they patched up the 
 holes with peeces and rags of other languages, borrow- 
 ing here of the French, there of the Italian, every 
 where of the Latin, not weighing how ill those tongues 
 accord with themselves, but much worse with ours : 
 So now they have made our English tong a gallimaufray 
 or hodgepodge of all other speeches." ^ 
 
 Sidney in the Defense of Poesy tersely dis- 
 poses of the matter unfavorably,^ but there is 
 good reason to believe that Spenser and his 
 editor were prompted from France. 
 
 ^ Spenser, Wks. ed. Grosart, ii. 25. 
 
 2 ''That same framing of his [the Calendar's] style to 
 an old rustic language I dare not allow, since neither 
 Theocritus in Greek, Virgil in Latin, nor Sannazzaro 
 in Italian did affect it." (Apologie for Poetrie, ed. Arber, 
 p. 62.) 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 67 
 
 Regarding the use of compound words, the 
 only statement from Du Bellay is capable of a 
 more general interpretation: ^'Je veux bien 
 avertir celuy qui entreprendra un grand oeuvre, 
 qu'il ne craigne point d'inventer, adopter, et 
 composer a I'immitation des Grecz quelques motz 
 francoys, comme Ciceron se vante d'avoir fait 
 en sa langue." ^ Ronsard, however, in the 
 Ahrege de Vart poetiqiie, 1565, is explicit enough : 
 '*Tu composeras hardiment des mots a I'imita- 
 tion des Grecs et des Latins, pourveu qu'ils 
 soient gracieux et plaisans a I'aureille." ^ The 
 most devoted adherent of this practice will be 
 found to be Du Bartas, whose Protestant poetry 
 was well known to the Areopagus following. 
 Whether they took immediate impulse from Du 
 Bartas or looked back of him to Pleiade dictum, 
 Spenser, and more especially Sidney, used com- 
 poimds freely in their works, while Sidney 
 definitely recommended them in the Defense of 
 Poesy. The English, he says, ''is particularly 
 happy in compositions of two or three words 
 together, near the Greek, far beyond the Latin, 
 — which is one of the greatest beauties can be 
 in a language." ^ The fact that Sidney's use 
 of compounds, especially in the Arcadia, was 
 recognized as due to French influence, is shown 
 by the following, from Hall's Vergidemiarum : — 
 
 ''He knows the grace of that new elegance 
 Which sweet Philisides fetch 'd of late from France, 
 
 ^ Defence et Illustration de la langue frangoysej bk, u. 
 chap. 6. 
 
 2 Ronsard, CEuvres, ed. Bibl. Elz6v., vii. 335. 
 2 Apologie for Poetrie, ed. Arber, p. 71. 
 
68 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 That well beseem 'd his high-stil'd Arcady, 
 Though others marre it with much liberty, 
 In epithets to join two wordes in one 
 Forsooth for adjectives can't stand alone; 
 As a great poet could of Bacchus say 
 That he was Semele-femori-gena/' ^ 
 
 Through the combined influence of Sidney and 
 Spenser and of the poetry of Du Bartas, both in 
 the original and in Sylvester's translation, this 
 excessive use of compounds spread rapidly 
 through English literature, a French importa- 
 tion of weighty, if not salutary, influence.^ 
 
 In the introduction of classic metres, so promi- 
 nent a feature in the Areopagus program, appears 
 another activity urged upon the reformers from 
 many directions. Naturally this method of 
 versifying was a popular one with the later 
 Humanists. Among the English, Ascham and 
 Harvey were particularly urgent regarding it. 
 On the continent it had enjoyed an extensive 
 history, originating ui Italy and spreading to all 
 countries under Italian influence. The Italian 
 Accademia delta Nuova Poesia has already been 
 mentioned, from which came Tolomei's book of 
 precept and experiment, Versi e Regole de la 
 Nuova Poesia Toscana, published at Rome in 
 1539. Various treatises and hexameter poems 
 appeared in Italy and France in the sixteenth 
 century, among which the earlier utterances of 
 the Pleiade offered nothing of novelty.^ Of 
 
 * Bk. vi. satire 1. 
 
 2 Of. the discussion in chap. iv. 
 
 3 G. Carducci collects the Italian poems in classical 
 metres, as well as Tolomei's rules, in his La Poesia barbara 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 69 
 
 necessity, these discussions and creative at- 
 tempts soon called attention to an important 
 matter, the difficulty of adapting a modem 
 language, with its illogical spelling, to the 
 classic system of quantitative verse. The relief 
 was simple, — to reform the orthography and 
 make it phonetic. Ramus, who was a believer 
 in quantitative verse in French, advocated this, 
 together with the simplified spellmg that would 
 make it practicable, in his Grammar, in 1562. 
 The English scholar, Sir Thomas Smith, had 
 made the acquaintance of Ramus at Paris some 
 twenty years before this, and after returning 
 to England, had joined with his friend John 
 Cheke to promulgate a phonetic system of Eng- 
 lish orthography.^ 
 
 In France, Jean-Antoine de Baif, a member of 
 the Pleiade circle, busied himself in putting 
 these theories into practical execution. Draw- 
 ing probably upon the plan of the Accademia 
 delta Nuova Poesia,^ as well as upon the phonetic 
 spelling system of Ramus, he helped to organize, 
 in 1570, the Acadernie de Poesie et de Musique,^ 
 and published, four years later, his Etrenes de 
 Poezie Fransoeze an Vers Mezures, in which his 
 
 nei secoli xv e xvi, Bologna, 1881. Cf. also G. Mignini, 
 Saggio di grammatica storica: i versi italiani in metrica 
 latina, Perugia, 1886. French experiments are treated 
 by Egger, HeUenisme en France, Paris, 1869, i. 290 sq., 
 and Darmesteter and Hatzfeld, Seizieme siecle en France, 
 p. 113 sg. 
 
 ^ Cf. John Strype, Life of Sir Thomas Smith; ibid., 
 Life of Sir John Cheke. ^ gaif visited Italy in 1563. 
 
 ^ Cf. E. Fr6my, L' Academic des derniers Valois, Paris, 
 1887. 
 
70 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 spelling reform is patent even in the title. The 
 character and aim of this Academie is perhaps 
 best indicated by an extract from the '^ Letters 
 Patent " of the king, regarding the formal re- 
 quest of Baif and the musician De Courville : — 
 
 "... contenant que depuis trois ans en ga ils au- 
 roient auec grande estude & labeur assiduel vnanime- 
 ment trauaille pour raduancement du langage Frangois, 
 a remettre sus, tant la fagon de la Poesie, que la 
 mesure & reglement de la Musique anciennement 
 vsitee par les Grecs & Romains, ... & que des cette 
 heure pour le peu qu'ils y ont employe, ils auroient 
 desia paracheue quelques essays de Vers mesurez 
 mis en Musique, mesuree selon les loix a peu pres des 
 Maitres de la Musique du bon & ancien age. Et 
 qu'apres I'entreprise loiiable, menee iusques a tel 
 point, ils n'ayent pu penser ny trouuer meilleur moyen 
 de mettre en lumiere IVsage des Essays heureusement 
 reiissis, . . . que dressans a la maniere des Anciens, 
 vne Academie ou Compagnie composee, tant de Com- 
 positeurs, de Chantres & loiieurs d'Instrumens de la 
 Musique, que des honnestes Auditeurs d'icelle, que 
 non seulement seroit vne Eschole pour seruir de 
 Pepiniere, d'ou se tireront vn iour Poetes & Musiciens, 
 par bon Art, instruits & dressez pour nous donner 
 plaisir, mais entierement profiteroient au public . . ."^ 
 
 A survey of the ^'Statuts" governing this 
 assembly ^ emphasizes the fact, already apparent 
 here, that this was a somewhat formal and 
 elaborate affair, in which music had a very 
 prominent part, but that, after all, practice in 
 classic metres was really carried on with serious 
 intent. This organization was in its full vigor 
 
 ^ Baif, CEuvres, ed. Marty- La veaux, 1. p. lii sq. 
 ' Printed in Baif, (Euvres, ed. cit., i. p. Iv sg. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 71 
 
 when Sidney visited France in 1572. It de- 
 clined at the death of Charles IX., but in all 
 probability came to Sidney's attention again 
 soon after 1576, when it was revived with a 
 larger scope, as the Academie du Palais, and 
 Sidney's friend Pibrac became its leader.^ 
 
 When Sidney and his friends were tm'ned to 
 the study of classic metres, probably under the 
 immediate impulse of the Humanists about 
 them, this French academy must have been in 
 their minds as representing a well-ordered 
 method of getting at results. True, they simpli- 
 fied operations to suit their needs, but it is worth 
 noting that when Sidney discusses the whole 
 question in the Defense of Poesy, the relation of 
 classic verse to music finds a place in his non- 
 committal statement : — 
 
 ''Whether of these ^ be the more excellent would 
 bear many speeches; the ancient no doubt more 
 fit for music, both words and tune observing quantity ; 
 and more fit Uvely to express divers passions, by the 
 low or lofty sound of the well-weighed syllable. The 
 latter likewise with his rime striketh a certain music 
 to the ear; and, in fine, since it doth delight, though 
 by another way, it obtaineth the same purpose ; there 
 being in either, sweetness, and wanting in neither, 
 majesty. Truly the English, before any other vulgar 
 language I know, is fit for both sorts." ^ 
 
 * Du Bellay {Defence, pt. i. eh. 9) alludes briefly to the 
 possibility of classic metres in French ; Pasquier (Recher- 
 ches dela France, bk. vii. ch. 11) defends them; Chamard 
 (ed. of Deffence, 1904, p. 115) mentions Jodelle, Denisot, 
 Buttet, Rapin, D' Aubigne, even Ronsard, among those 
 interested in them. 
 
 ^ I.e. ancient or modern methods of versifying. 
 
 ' Apologie for Poetrie, ed. Arber, p. 70. 
 
72 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 According to the Harvey-Spenser letters, the 
 actual system of versifying first taken up by 
 Sidney was not that of Baif, but was the more 
 difficult plan projected by the Englishman Drant/ 
 demanding a strict observance of the Latin rules 
 for syllabic quantity without modifying the 
 orthography to facilitate this. Harvey argues 
 against this scheme in favor of a system in which 
 accepted English accents shall be retained. He 
 also insists upon the necessity for a reform in 
 spelling : ''In the meane, take this for a general 
 Caveat, and say I have revealed one great 
 mysterie unto you: I am of Opinion, there is 
 no one more regular and justifiable direction, 
 eyther for the assured, and infallible Certaintie 
 of our English Artificiall Prosodye particularly, 
 or generally to bring our Language into Arte, 
 and to frame a Grammer or Rhetorike thereof: 
 than first of all universally to agree upon one 
 and the same Ortographie, in all pointes con- 
 formable and proportionate to our Common 
 Natural Prosodye." ^ The system of spelling he 
 prefers is that of Sir Thomas Smith. 
 
 Already, in the Defense of Poesy, Sidney was 
 unwilling to commit himself regarding English 
 
 ^ Yet Harvey likes to think that he is perhaps re- 
 sponsible for the whole undertaking. Cf. the quotation 
 on p. 27 supra, " I cannot choose, but thanke and honour 
 the good Aungell, whether it were Gabriell or some other 
 that put so good a notion into the heads of these two 
 excellent Gentlemen . . ." Spenser, in the Latin poem 
 to Harvey attached to his letter of October, 1579, speaks 
 of Harvey as his "Angel Gabriel." 
 
 2 Harvey, Wks., ed. Grosart, i. 76-77. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 73 
 
 quantitative verse. He and Spenser soon real- 
 ized the futility of such methods for them. 
 Richard Stanyhurst's translation from the 
 ^neid, in 1582, produced independently of the 
 Areopagus group, displayed vagaries enough to 
 condemn the whole project. Several rhetorical 
 treatises, however, continued to support the idea 
 somewhat generally, imtil finally Samuel Daniel, 
 in his Defence of Ryme, 1602, offered this state- 
 ment, apparently with the authority of Lady 
 Pembroke: ''The Latin numbers, notwith- 
 standing their excellency, seemed not sufficient 
 to satisfy the ear of the world." ^ In the mean- 
 time, however, Abraham Fraimce, following 
 blindly the lead of early Areopagus activities, 
 had prepared and dedicated to Lady Pembroke 
 three elaborate compositions in hexameters, 
 the Countess of Pembroke's Emantiell, 1591 ; the 
 Countess of Pembroke's Ivychurch, 1591; and 
 Amyntas Dale, 1592. The first of these was 
 accompanied by hexameter versions of some of 
 the Psalms.^ 
 
 In the marked Protestantism of the litera- 
 ture produced by the Areopagus group there is 
 probably considerable French influence. It is 
 true that from its inception the circle itself was 
 so emphatically Protestant that anything pro- 
 duced there might receive a religious coloring. 
 But during the formative period in the lives of 
 
 ^ Daniel, Wks., ed. cit., iv. 39. 
 
 ^ Baif made two different attempts to render the 
 Psalms into hexameter verse. Cf. CEuvres, ed. cit., 
 vol. i. Introduction; also v. 365. 
 
74 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 Sidney and Spenser, France was a battle-ground 
 of Protestantism, and England then grew accus- 
 tomed to watch every development in the strug- 
 gle and look to the great Protestant leaders 
 there for inspiration.^ Sidney's list of friends 
 among the prominent French Protestants has 
 been mentioned. The Pleiade itself was Catho- 
 lic in faith, and distinctly pagan in its literature. 
 Soon, however, there was in France a marked 
 reaction against this paganism, led by men who 
 in other respects were friends of the Pleiade. As 
 early as 1550, Theodore de Beze, in the preface 
 to his Sacrifice d' Abraham,^ regrets that ^'tant 
 de bons esprits en France s'amusent a flatter 
 leurs idoles, c'est a dire leurs seigneurs ou leurs 
 dames;" and he adds, ^'a la verite il leur seroit 
 mieux seant de chanter un cantique a Dieu que 
 de petrarquiser im sonnet et faire I'amoureux 
 transi." ^ Estienne, too, added the charge of 
 paganism to his general objection against 
 Italianization. Du Bartas definitely sounded 
 the call of the ^'Heavenly Muse," summoning all 
 good poets to turn their verse to the celebration 
 of holy things, he himself setting an elaborate 
 example. His Judith and Uranie were pub- 
 lished in 1573, and his Premiere Semaine in 1578, 
 just before the formation of the Areopagus. 
 The large influence his poetry exercised in Eng- 
 
 ^ Cf . the religious material in the list of translations, 
 appendix A. 
 
 2 This was translated into English by Arthur Golding 
 in 1577. 
 
 3 Noted in Louis Clement, Henri Estienne et son 
 CBuvrefrangaise, Paris, 1899, p. 162. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 75 
 
 land has been suggested, and is developed fully 
 in a separate chapter. By the time this Prot- 
 estant influence was actively operative in France 
 and England, however, it was supplemented by 
 another impulse tow^ard religious literature, the 
 product of the Catholic Reaction, fh^st manifest 
 in Italy. In the religious spirit of Spenser's 
 work both these forces, Protestant and Catholic, 
 are involved. Sidney, too, must have felt them 
 both, although his direct impulse came from 
 Du Bartas and French Protestantism.^ In the 
 later group, centered about Lady Pembroke, 
 this religious tone is everywhere present, domi- 
 nated by the convictions of the lady herself 
 and the influence of Du Bartas. Fraunce, 
 Breton, and John Davies of Hereford were easily 
 the leaders in this sort of composition, as a 
 glance at the titles previously quoted from them 
 will indicate. 
 
 In the Defense of Poesy, Sidney, under influ- 
 ence from the current continental criticism of 
 his time, expressed himself at length regarding 
 the present and future of English drama. The 
 popular productions of his day he found bad, 
 because of their disregard of the unities, their 
 blending of tragic and comic, their lack of 
 stately dignity. Seneca was named as a stand- 
 ard, with some qualified praise for the English 
 tragedy Gorhoduc, and favorable mention of 
 Buchanan's tragedies in Latin .^ Out of this 
 
 ^ Cf. his statement in the Defense, regarding the need 
 of religious spirit in lyric poetry, infra, p. 108. 
 2 Apologie for Poetrie, ed. Arber, p. 63 sq. 
 
76 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 critical attitude of Sidney's probably arose the 
 considerable vogue of classic tragedy among 
 the later members of his circle. The actual 
 impulse came from Lady Pembroke herself, 
 whose Antonie, written in 1590 and published 
 two years later, was soon followed by similar 
 compositions by Daniel, Kyd, Fulke Greville, 
 and Sir William Alexander. There is certainly 
 some French influence in this movement; 
 enough at least to claim careful investigation. 
 
 There were various influences in the England 
 of that day to encourage any individual or 
 coterie of scholarly attainments to experiment 
 in classic tragedy. Sidney's opinions in the 
 Defense were merely an echo of the accepted 
 critical theories of Italy and France, which were 
 then permeating English thought. The Senecan 
 tragedies themselves were then familiar to Eng- 
 lishmen, both in the original and in translation, 
 the Ten Tragedies of Seneca, which appeared in 
 translation in 1581, being in most instances 
 reprints of earlier separate versions, some of 
 them dating back to 1559 and 1560.^ The 
 academic Latin play in imitation of Seneca was 
 then also familiar, as is shown by Sidney's 
 reference to the Latin tragedies composed by 
 the Scotchman Buchanan in France. As late 
 as 1581, Sidney and Leicester were present at 
 the performance of Gager's Latin tragedy 
 
 ^ Troas had been printed in 1559, and Thyestes in 
 1560. Hippolyius was licensed as early as 1556-1557. 
 Cf. Cunliffe, Influence of Seneca on Elizabethan Tragedy, 
 London, 1893, p. 3. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 77 
 
 Meleager, at Oxford. This play was printed in 
 1592.^ Numerous other products of this sort 
 were appearing from time to time, both in Eng- 
 land and on the continent. Vernacular trage- 
 dies in the Senecan vein were even more com- 
 mon, especially in Italy and France; and these, 
 paralleling the efforts of Lady Pembroke and 
 her circle, would seem more logically to be the 
 immediate impulse of the English vogue. 
 
 This a priori opinion is confirmed in part by 
 investigations made by Dr. John Ashby Lester 
 some years ago. These involved a comparative 
 study of the tragedies of Seneca; the early 
 English specimens of classic tragedy — namely 
 Gorhoduc, Tancred and Gismunda, and The Mis- 
 fortunes of Arthur; a group of French classical 
 tragedies including Jodelle's Cleopdtre, Brunin's 
 La Soltane, Grevin's Cesar, and Gamier 's Porcie, 
 Hippolyte, Cornelie, La Troade, and Antigone; 
 and finally, the available specimens of classic 
 tragedy produced by Lady Pembroke and her 
 friends.^ In general he found that the early 
 classical tragedies in English differ materially 
 from the Senecan usage at certain points, where 
 the later English group is one with the French 
 series in closely following the Senecan model. 
 Thus the early English group shows the employ- 
 ment of seventeen and even twenty-two char- 
 
 * Cf . Fleay, Biog. Chronicle of the English Dramaj 
 London, 1891, i. 236. 
 
 2 The results are embodied in his dissertation, Con- 
 nections between the Drama of France and Great Britain 
 particularly in the Elizabethan Period, Harvard Uni- 
 versity, 1900 (unpublished). 
 
78 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 acters in a play/ while all the others, with the 
 exception of Fulke Greville's poem tragedies/ 
 follow Seneca in never exceeding ten. While 
 the chorus in Seneca averages almost one-fourth 
 of the play, that of the early English group never 
 exceeds one-sixteenth of the whole, though the 
 French and the later English plays again closely 
 follow Seneca.^ The same cleavage occurs in the 
 matter of verse form in the choruses ; the first 
 English group, like the early English translations 
 from Seneca, exhibiting the simplest kind of 
 verse with regular rhyme scheme, while the 
 French and later English plays follow Seneca 
 himself in the use of lyric metres,* and display 
 intricate rhyme schemes, developing in com- 
 plexity from Jodelle to Alexander. On the 
 other hand, the later English group follows the 
 French series in a definite departure from the 
 custom found in Seneca and the early English 
 specimens, of using the chorus merely as an 
 *' ideal spectator" moralizing upon the action. 
 It shares rather in the development of the play, 
 though sometimes to a very limited extent.^ 
 
 In this manner, independent of other con- 
 siderations, are derived the conclusions that the 
 
 ^ Tancred and Gismunda is an exception on this 
 count, there being only eight characters; Philotas is 
 an exception on the other side, employing sixteen. 
 
 ^ Alaham has eighteen scenes and Mustapha fifteen. 
 
 ^ Philotas is again an exception, the chorus being 
 only one-sixteenth of the whole. 
 
 ^ Exception is again found in the dramas of Fulke 
 Greville. 
 
 ^ The choruses in Buchanan's Latin tragedies are 
 little more than moralizing spectators. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 79 
 
 late English classic drama is more than a mere 
 continuation of the earlier attempts, unin- 
 fluenced from without ; that, owing to its paral- 
 leling the French in definite departures from 
 both the original and the translated Seneca, it 
 can hardly have received its new impulse from 
 the original source ; and accordingly that it was 
 influenced by continental vernacular imitations 
 of Seneca, wuth the antecedent probability in 
 favor of the French. It remains to be seen how 
 far detailed fact will substantiate these con- 
 clusions. 
 
 The Countess of Pembroke's Antonie, written 
 in 1590, and printed in 1592, was avowedly 
 ''done into English from the French of Gamier," 
 perhaps the most popular and effective of that 
 group of French playwrights who responded 
 to the call of the Pleiade. The translation is an 
 extremely careful one, following the 1585 edi- j 
 tion of Garnier's Antoine. It renders his Alex- 
 andrine couplets by blank verse, and strives to 
 reproduce the lyric variety of his choruses.^ It 
 is evident that Lady Pembroke intended this 
 translation as the beginning of a concerted 
 effort. Daniel's dedicatory stanzas to Cleo- 
 patra, with their direct testimony of Lady 
 Pembroke's agency in his w^ork, have been 
 quoted; as has Spenser's injunction to Daniel 
 in Colin Clout, that he try his wings in dealing 
 with tragic plaints and passionate mischance. 
 Considering the date at which Colin Clout was 
 probably composed, it is certainly a plausible 
 
 ^ Luce, op. cit., p. 41, 
 
80 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 supposition that Spenser, on his visit to England, 
 had renewed his acquaintance with Lady Pem- 
 broke, just as she was finishing Antonie and urg- 
 ing Daniel to follow her example ; and that the 
 advice in Colin Clout is merely Spenser's public 
 approval of the plan of the Countess. 
 
 Daniel's Cleopatra first appeared in 1594, 
 and takes up the story where Lady Pembroke's 
 Antonie drops it. There had been numerous 
 classical plays on the subject, most prominent 
 being Giraldi Cinthio's in 1541, and Jodelle's, 
 in 1552; but no immediate source for Daniel's 
 drama has been found. It conforms closely to 
 the manner of Antonie and its French prototypes, 
 and may well have drawn its material from 
 North's Plutarch} Its popularity with readers 
 is shown by the numerous editions required, 
 appearing in 1594, 1599, 1601, 1605, 1607, 1609, 
 1611(2), and 1623. It also appears in two dis- 
 tinct versions, the editions of 1607, 1609, and 
 1611 displaying a complete working-over with 
 much additional material.^ This new material, 
 at least in part, is almost certainly based on 
 Garnier's Antoine or on Lady Pembroke's trans- 
 lation.^ 
 
 In his dedication, Daniel promised ''other 
 musique in this higher straine"; but when he 
 turned to drama again in 1605, the vogue had 
 decreased,^ and, in spite of his protests, his own 
 
 ^ Lester, op. cit., p. 134. 
 
 2 Daniel, Works, ed. Grosart, iii. 31. 
 
 ^ Lester, op. cit., p. 142. 
 
 ■* Epistle dedicatory, Works, ed. Grosart, iii. 102. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 81 
 
 allegiance appears to have weakened somewhat. 
 The material of Philotas is not French, and no 
 source for the play has come to light. The usual 
 Senecan form and spirit are maintained, how- 
 ever, with some variations. There are sixteen 
 characters in the play, and no monologue is 
 introduced. The choruses occupy only about 
 one-sixteenth of the extent of the play, and 
 except for that of the second act, are in heroic 
 verse. 
 
 About this time Thomas Kyd contributed 
 to the Senecan vogue a translation of Garnier's 
 Cornelie, under the title, Pompey the Great, his 
 faire Corneliaes Tragedie, This appeared in 
 1594. There is a theory, based on an extremely 
 questionable identification of Kyd with an "up- 
 start noverint" criticized in Greene's Menaphon, 
 which would place the composition of Kyd's 
 tragedy before 1589; but it hardly deserves 
 consideration here.^ The translation is dedi- 
 cated to the Countess of Sussex, the aunt of 
 Lady Pembroke. Kyd complains of the "bitter 
 times and privie broken passions" he has en- 
 dured in writing it, and promises that his "pass- 
 ing of a Winters weeke with desolate Cornelia" 
 shall be followed by a "Sommers better travell 
 with the Tragedy of Portia." The natural in- 
 ference is that Kyd, at a low ebb of fortune, 
 knew of the successful translation by Lady 
 Pembroke and her desire to encourage the 
 vogue, and used this means of gaining her 
 
 ^ Cf. Thos. Kyd, Cornelia, ed. Gassner, p. iv. 
 o 
 
82 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 patronage, by voluntary contribution to her pet 
 project. The attempt was a failure, however. 
 The supposed second edition of Cornelia has 
 been shown to have been only a reissue of un- 
 sold copies, with changed title-page ; ^ and the 
 promised translation of Garnier's Porcie, so far 
 as we know, never came to light. It is not fair 
 to account for this failure by a decline of in- 
 terest in these classic tragedies, for the numer- 
 ous editions of Daniel's play show that this 
 decline came much later. It would seem more 
 probable that the audience for which Lady 
 Pembroke and Daniel were writing resented 
 this attempt of Kyd to break into the circle, 
 while his usual public had no taste for such 
 efforts. The statement in William Gierke's 
 Polimanteia, 1595, appears to bear this out: 
 ''Gornelia's Tragedy, however not respected, 
 was excellently well done." ^ 
 
 The tragedies of Fulke Greville, upon closer 
 investigation of their date, fit much more ac- 
 curately into the general movement than is 
 ordinarily supposed. Greville's own testimony, 
 in his Life of Sidney, fixes the time of writing 
 considerably earlier than 1608-1609, the date 
 commonly assigned because quarto editions are 
 known to have existed then.^ He states specifi- 
 cally that the treatises which were to be his 
 choruses were written in his youth;* and that, 
 
 * Cf. Thos. Kyd, Cornelia, ed. Gassner, p. iv. 
 ^ Ibid., p. iv. 
 
 ^ Cf. Luce, op. cit., p. 49. 
 
 * Life of Sidney, ed. Grosart, p. 151. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 83 
 
 in emulation of Sidney's method, he was accus- 
 tomed to steal minutes of time from his daily 
 services and ''employ them in this kind of 
 writings" — referring to the tragedies.^ More 
 explicit still are his statements regarding the 
 destroyed tragedy of Antony and Cleopatra: 
 ^'Lastly, concerning the tragedies themselves, 
 they were in their fii^st creation three : whereof 
 Antonie and Cleopatra, according to their ir-. 
 regular passions in forsaking empire to follow 
 sensuality, were sacrificed in the fire. The 
 executioner, the author himselfe. Not that he 
 conceived it to be a contemptible younger 
 brother to the rest; but lest while he seemed 
 to looke over-much upward, hee might stumble 
 into the astronomer's pit." ^ Thus we are in- 
 formed that the "executed" play was the latest 
 of the three. Immediately he goes on to ex- 
 plain that the drama appeared dangerous to 
 him and to his friends, "many members in that 
 creature . . . having some childish wantonnesse 
 in them, apt enough to be construed or strained 
 to a personating of vices in the present govern- 
 ors and government." 
 
 After noting the poetic fondness for sudden 
 metamorphoses in human affairs, he continues : 
 "And again in the practice of the world, seeing 
 the like instance not poetically but really 
 fashioned in the Earle of Essex, then falling; 
 and even till then worthily beloved, both of 
 Queen and people; this sudden descent of 
 
 * Life of Sidney, ed. cit., p. 150. * Ibid., p. 155. 
 
84 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 a greatnesse, together with the quality of the 
 actors in every scene, stir'd up the Author's 
 second thoughts, to bee careful — in his owne 
 case — of leaving faire weather behind him." 
 Obviously this latest of the three tragedies was 
 destroyed about the time of the fall of the Earl 
 of Essex, 1601. If the three productions were 
 composed in stolen minutes, the inception of 
 the plan would thus be thrown well forward to 
 a time soon after Daniel's first success. The 
 immediate sources of these plays are not known. 
 From the author's own explanation, the pur- 
 pose of his writing was preeminently didactic. 
 Material such as that embodied in his Treatises 
 on Monarchy and Religion,^ was to be presented 
 to the public; and to make this more vital it 
 was to form the choruses of tragedies — the 
 tragic action being only a means to this sup- 
 posedly higher end.^ Though the temperament 
 of the author may have hastened the process, 
 this is only a natural working out of the Senecan 
 vogue brought so prominently to Greville's at- 
 tention. The choruses of the French writers 
 and their English followers, while participat- 
 ing more or less in the action, lost no oppor- 
 tunity to moralize on the situations. Senten- 
 tious wisdom confronted the reader or hearer at 
 every turn. Greville, apparently with the ac- 
 quiescence of his cot^rie,^ merely changed the 
 
 ^ Works, ed. Grosart, vol. i. 
 2 Life of Sidney, pp. 150, 220. 
 
 ^ Ibid., p. 155: "by the opinion of these few eyes, 
 which saw it." 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 85 
 
 method of approach and wrote the play to fit 
 the preaching. In their general structure, 
 Alaham and Mustapha make good their rela- 
 tionship to the group under consideration. 
 They appear to run to a greater number of 
 scenes, but stage presentation was never in the 
 author's mind.^ That the choruses are not 
 lyric is to be expected from the importance 
 they had for him as representing his longer di- 
 dactic treatises. One wonders if Greville is 
 thinking of Lady Pembroke and her influential 
 position when he apologizes for some of his 
 female characters: "I presumed, or rather it 
 escaped me, to make my images beyond the 
 ordinary stature of excesse, wherein again that 
 women are predominant, is not for malice or ill 
 talent to their sexe. . . ." ^ At any rate, the 
 long and intimate relation of Fulke Greville to 
 the Sidneys and their friends, and the close 
 resemblance of these plays to the rest of the 
 group, are points enough, in the absence of con- 
 tradictory evidence, to indicate that he con- 
 formed to the French influence dominating Lady 
 Pembroke's circle.^ 
 
 The Tragicomedie of the Vertuoiis Octavia, by 
 Samuel Brandon, appeared in 1598, dedicated 
 to Lady Lucia Audlay. It has the form and 
 spirit of the later Senecan drama and concerns 
 itself with the omnipresent Antony, this time 
 
 » Life of Sidney, p. 223. 
 2 Ibid., p. 220. 
 
 ' Bounin's La Soltane is concerned with the execution 
 of Mustapha. 
 
86 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 in the earlier period of his life. There seems 
 to be no evidence of any direct influence of 
 Lady Pembroke and her circle. 
 
 The last group of plays offers at least some 
 interesting possibilities. Their author, William 
 Alexander, appears to have begun the series 
 under an independent line of continental in- 
 fluence, while still a resident of Scotland. King 
 James, with whom Alexander was closely asso- 
 ciated in literary matters, had studied in youth 
 under Buchanan, the author of classical trage- 
 dies in Latin, and had his tastes turned in that 
 direction. He had always had access to a 
 large assortment of French literature,^ and drew 
 upon it freely in his own attempts.^ His per- 
 sonal regard for Du Bartas and interest in the 
 Frenchman's work reacted of course upon his 
 courtiers.^ As has been noted, Alexander fol- 
 lowed James to England, and as a gentleman 
 of Prince Henry's chamber had every oppor- 
 tunity for contact with Lady Pembroke and 
 her literary friends. 
 
 In 1604 Alexander's Darius was published 
 in London, together with Croesus, under the 
 title Monarchicke Tragedies. The Alexandrean 
 
 ^ Cf . The Library of James VI. of Scotland, ed. G. F. 
 Warner, Edin., 1893. 
 
 2 In the preface of his Reulis and Cautelis, in 1595, 
 James says : " I have lykewayis ommittit dyvers iigures, 
 quhilkis are necessare to be usit in verse, for two causis. 
 The ane is, because they are usit in all languages, and 
 thairfore are spoken of be Du Bellay, and sindrie utheris, 
 quha hes written in this airt." — ed. Arber, p. 54. 
 
 ^ Cf. chap. iv. for the relation of both James and 
 Alexander to Du Bartas. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 87 
 
 Tragedy appeared alone in 1605, and Julius 
 Ccesar, accompanied by the three earUer plays, 
 was published in 1607, the title Monarchicke 
 Tragedies being employed for this volume also. 
 Dr. Lester has gone source-hunting for these 
 dramas, with only moderate success. The 
 Daire of Jacques de la Taille, printed posthu- 
 mously by his brother Jean in 1572, bears some 
 general resemblance to Darius, but only enough 
 to run both plays back to a probable common 
 source in Quintus Curtius, though Alexander 
 may well have been familiar with the French 
 play. For Croesus and the Alexandrean Tragedy 
 no sources have been found. Jacques de la 
 Taille did indeed write an Alexander, published 
 in 1573, but it is only the ghost of Alexander 
 that gives the name to the English play. By a 
 series of parallels, however, Dr. Lester is able 
 to establish a strong probability that the Julius 
 Ccesar was modeled on the well-known Cesar 
 of Jacques Grevin and enlarged. The additions 
 indicate some indebtedness to Kyd's Cornelia. 
 In all four plays there are the stylistic peculiari- 
 ties that have characterized both the French 
 and the English groups. The didactic element is 
 especially strong throughout, to an extent that 
 at once suggests Greville's dramas, and along 
 the same lines of thought that he emphasized.^ 
 In view of this there arises the probability of a 
 new significance in the title Monarchicke Trage- 
 dies, used first by Alexander in 1604 and again 
 
 ^ Note the same line of thought embodied in Alex- 
 ander's Parcenesis, printed 1604. 
 
88 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 in 1607. For Greville the didactic material of 
 his choruses had to do with the temptations 
 and mistakes of monarchs, and was indeed em- 
 bodied, probably before 1603, in a separate long 
 poem entitled Treatises of Monarchy. There is 
 every reason that Alexander and the members 
 of Lady Pembroke's circle, with their unusual 
 coincidence of tastes and training, should have 
 become well acquainted almost immediately 
 upon the Scotchman's arrival. From any mem- 
 ber of the coterie Alexander might have learned 
 of G'reville's didactic attempts, still timorously 
 avoiding publication. The outspoken nature 
 that would dare a Parcenesis, emboldened by a 
 feeling of security in the new king's good will, 
 would immediately have been encouraged to 
 further publication by this kinship of ideas 
 with a man so much respected as Fulke Greville. 
 The term "Monarchicke Tragedies" would be a 
 natural result. That the importance of Alex- 
 ander was quickly recognized and his further 
 plans known to Samuel Daniel, is shown by the 
 dedication of Philotas, in 1605, ''to the Prince." ^ 
 With Alexander the creative efforts of this 
 little English Senecan school ceased. The 
 Countess of Pembroke and her following ap- 
 parently had done their best to carry out, in 
 one genre at least, the ideals of the reform 
 movement started as far back as 1580. That 
 this dramatic venture remains a mere excres- 
 cence on the history of English literature is due 
 
 * Supra, p. 43. 
 
THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 89 
 
 to no lack of zeal or cooperation on their part. 
 For a time it did assume considerable promi- 
 nence among certain classes, and it would be 
 impossible to say how large a part it played in 
 bringing regularity into English dramatic struc- 
 ture. As regards its relations to the correspond- 
 ing line of French drama subsequent to the 
 Pleiade, the case has been put as fairly as 
 possible. In some instances there has been 
 avowed translation; in others there has been 
 an accumulation of parallels pointing with great 
 probability to immediate influence. The prod- 
 uct of both movements shows a remarkable 
 identity in all the essentials of its thought and 
 structure. The possibility of direct impulse 
 from Seneca has not entered seriously into the 
 discussion, nor have the Latin tragedies of 
 scholars been considered as an immediate in- 
 fluence. Another uncertainty in the question 
 arises from the fact that Italy, throughout the 
 sixteenth century, was doing this same kind of 
 dramatic work, and to a great extent influenced 
 the form and spirit of the French tragedy. The 
 strength of the claim for French influence in 
 this English dramatic vogue, however, lies 
 primarily in the accumulation of evidence con- 
 firming the loyal cooperation of these play- 
 wrights with the Countess of Pembroke, whose 
 model was avowedly French; as well as in the 
 indications already presented, that in various 
 matters of practical reform this English group 
 had from its inception been accustomed to look 
 to the example of France. Two questions await 
 
90 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 
 
 more detailed consideration, before the im- 
 portance of this hterary circle ceases: one, the 
 extent to which English writers, turning like 
 the disciples of the Pleiade from classic ideals 
 to the exploitation of Italian sonnets, drew di- 
 rectly upon France for their inspiration; the 
 other, the influence in England of the poetry 
 of Du Bartas, in its original form and in the 
 localized translation of Sylvester. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 The Elizabethan Sonnet 
 
 In the list of new genres prescribed for 
 French poets in the manifesto of the Pleiade, 
 in 1549, prominent mention was made of the 
 sonnet, a "non moins docte que plaisante in- 
 vention itahenne," which was to be modeled ij 
 upon '' Petrarque et quelques modernes Italiens." ; ' 
 This was not the first introduction of the sonnet 
 to French soil, nor did Du Bellay represent it 
 as such. In his second preface to the Olive, ^ a 
 year later, he ascribes to Melin de Saint-Gelais 
 the distinction of importing this form, and 
 later criticism is inclined to confirm this.^ 
 Clement Marot, however, was certainly not far | 
 behind Saint-Gelais in the undertaking; and 
 
 * (Euvres, ed. Marty-Laveaux, i. 72. 
 
 2 The question is summed up by Tilley, Literature I 
 of the French Renaissance, i. 152-153. He notes that » 
 of the nineteen sonnets of Saint-Gelais which have been 
 pubUshed, nine were not written before 1544, one was 
 written in 1540, one certainly later than 1533, and 
 another not earlier than 1531. The remaining eight 
 cannot be dated. Two sonnets by Marot were printed 
 in the 1538 edition of his works, and one of these, by a 
 reference it contains, shows that it was written not later 
 than May 1, 1532. Saint-Gelais is known to have spent 
 some time in Italy, and may well have had sonnets in 
 manuscript circulation before Marot wrote any. 
 
 91 
 
92 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 several other French poets, including Sceve, 
 Peletier, and Margaret of Navarre herself, had 
 anticipated the Pleiade reform in this regard.^ 
 
 Pleiade sonneteering was no less enthusiastic 
 and extensive by reason of this anticipation. 
 With common impulse the members applied 
 themselves promptly and diligently to an 
 imitation, more or less digestive, of the still 
 accumulating mass of Italian models. Before 
 this impulse had worked itself out at the end 
 of the century, the output of sonnets in France 
 was large indeed. Ronsard's various ^^ Amours '' 
 and sonnets number more than nine hundred; 
 Du Bellay's Olive and Regrets amount to over 
 three hundred; while among the later men 
 Desportes stands out with another three hun- 
 dred to his credit. The sonnet, alien and imi- 
 tative as it was, became immensely popular. 
 As in Italy, there was feminine influence to en- 
 courage it, and the cult of Platonism had 
 already blended with it beyond the Alps. It 
 kept all the^ 'well-worn conventionalities of 
 thought, and trafficked with the familiar tricks 
 of style. It sold itself to flattery for material 
 
 ^ Maurice Scfeve approached the sonnet very closely 
 in his series of four hundred and forty-nine Platonic 
 dizains, under the title Delie, oh jet de la "plus haute vertu, 
 in 1544. Two sonnets by him appeared in the Mar- 
 guerites de la Marguerite, 1547, which also contained a 
 sonnet by Margaret herself. Sceve was strongly influ- 
 enced by the conceits of Serafino dell' Aquila and his 
 immediate predecessors. Peletier, in 1547, published a 
 volume of poems containing twelve sonnets translated 
 from Petrarch. A later volume, published in 1555, con- 
 tained ninety-six sonnets. 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 93 
 
 gain, degraded itself to the celebration of un- 
 worthy passions, reacted at times even into 
 moral and religious fervor; in short, it repro- 
 duced; with the modifications due to environ- 
 ment, the history of its somewhat earlier de- 
 velopment at home. 
 
 Before even an attempt is made at the still 
 more complicated problem of French and 
 Italian influence upon the English sonnet, it 
 is desirable to summarize, at least, these modi- 
 fications on French soil, in order to establish — 
 apart from the conventionalized material — as 
 unified a conception as possible of that far 
 from homogeneous product, the sonnet in 
 France. These characteristics do not lend 
 themselves readily to systematic arrangement, 
 as they extend from matters of mechanical 
 detail to such general considerations of spirit 
 and imaginative vigor as rest only on the im- 
 pression drawn from wide reading. Neither 
 are they characteristics which Italy had not 
 already anticipated in her sonneteering; but 
 are rather those qualities or tendencies pre- 
 viously manifest at certain points in the Italian 
 development, and seized upon and magnified by 
 certain of the French poets until they assumed 
 a new importance, even helping to give char- 
 acter to the product. 
 
 Thus, in the Petrarchistic revival led by 
 Bembo, there was among certain poets a tire- 
 less effort after the dignity and polish of rhe- 
 torical elegance, paralleling the prose ideals of 
 the earlier Ciceronians. This rhetorical stand- 
 
94 TtlE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 f ard, especially pleasing to the French genius, 
 was in excellent harmony with fundamental 
 I doctrines of the Pleiade. Ronsard, the com- 
 placent champion of a polished and elevated 
 style, first turned instinctively to the models 
 where this characteristic appeared, and then 
 developed it to an extent that has individualized 
 his work. To a less degree this rhetorical 
 polish is visible in the work of his associates. 
 Closely allied to this quality, especially in Ron- 
 sard again, appears a vigor and vividness of 
 imagination, which at times completely revital- 
 izes some borrowed bit of conventional descrip- 
 tion, and throughout whole series of Amours 
 imparts a convincing sense of reality of feel- 
 ing and intensity of passion. Desportes also 
 possesses this power, when he is not tram- 
 meled by the abundant conceits of his preferred 
 models. 
 
 Both these men, as well as certain of the 
 lesser artists, allowed their lyric efforts to be 
 affected by such matters of environment as 
 their own material needs and the degraded 
 t practices of a corrupt court. Sonnets of lavish 
 flattery to possible patrons were common enough 
 in Italy; where indeed social conditions were 
 such that a Tullia d'Ai'agona could pose as a 
 leader in the Petrarchan cult. In France, how- 
 j ever, the accepted masters of the sonnet vogue 
 I devoted no small amount of their talents to 
 t such necessities, flattering an undeserving no- 
 bility, assisting with their verse the numerous 
 amours of royalty, and even celebrating the 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 95 
 
 creatures of still lower passions. Ronsard's 
 first book of Hymnes, 1555, was so full of sys- 
 tematic soliciting of patronage that Pasquier 
 remonstrated with him regarding it.^ Amadis 
 Jamyn wrote sonnets to assist Charles IX. in a 
 love suit, and did honor in verse to the mignons 
 of Henry III. Desportes was of particular 
 assistance to Henry while that monarch, then 
 the Duke of Anjou, was seeking the favors of 
 Renee de Rieux, "la belle Chateauneuf," and 
 contributed sonnet after sonnet to the under- 
 taking. Henry retained the poet in his service 
 after his coronation; so that Desportes, like 
 Jamyn and Ronsard, was called upon to do 
 honor to the mignons, and managed to profit 
 by their favor. It is not surprising that such 
 activities as these reacted somewhat upon the 
 whole literary product of the poets concerned, 
 and operated in harmony with their frequent 
 changes in the personnel of favorites to give 
 their work a somewhat hard and selfish tone of 
 worldliness. 
 
 This effect is perhaps heightened by another 
 French characteristic, for which Italy had pre- 
 pared the way. The Pleiade movement, as has 
 been seen, made much of the Greek and Latin 
 models which vernacular poets were to imitate. 
 In actual practice, the lyric poets appear to 
 have been only fairly true to this ideal, inter- 
 spersing many imitations of Greek and espe- 
 cially of Latin poets among their works, but 
 drawing their inspiration and often their ma- 
 
 * Cf . Ronsard, (Euvres, ed. Marty-La veaux, i, p. xxxviii. 
 
96 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 terial for these directly from the Italian.* The 
 French poets did receive much immediate 
 direction from Greek and Latin, however. The 
 popularity of Anacreon, or of the works attrib- 
 uted to him, is attested by the enthusiastic 
 reception accorded to the edition of these poems 
 bv Henri Estienne in 1554, and to the transla- 
 tion of them by Remy Belleau in 1556, as 
 well as by the numerous indications of their 
 influence in the poetry of that period. Among 
 the Latins, Catullus, Tibullus, and Ovid were 
 freely drawn upon. Not only did the form and 
 spirit of these poets appear prominently in 
 French odes, madrigals, elegies, and the like 
 during the sixteenth century; but the sonnets 
 also of French poets were considerably affected 
 by this spirit, with its frank joy in sensuous 
 delight, its tenderness and playfulness, its in- 
 sistence on the ^'Carpe diem" motive. Except 
 for the fact of French familiarity with the 
 Greek and Latin authors, all this might well 
 have been drawn from Italian sources; for 
 Cariteo and Ariosto had both gone for inspira- 
 tion to similar sources, and Serafino, avowedly 
 sensual, had preached ''Carpe diem" to a long 
 succession of mistresses. Perhaps it is safer to 
 say that the French poets, enlarging upon 
 Italian example, had gone freely to the Greek 
 and Latin for models. 
 The religious reaction, manifest in the later 
 
 \ ^ E.g. the influence upon Du Bellay and Ronsard of 
 Alamanni's Opere Toscane. Cf. H. Hauvette, Luigi 
 Alamanni, sa vie et son oeuvre, Paris, 1903. 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 97 
 
 history of the French sonnet, was also a further 
 development, under new conditions, of an 
 Italian prototype. The renewed religious ac- 
 tivity of Italy, as displayed in the Council of 
 Trent, while it turned creative artists to reli- 
 gious thoughts, also produced a fashion of spir- 
 itualizing the secular literature already popu- 
 lar.^ This process was applied to the Deca meron , 
 to the Orlando Furioso, and, naturally enough, 
 to the work of Petrarch. In 1536 appeared the 
 Petrarca Spirituale of Malipieri; and long 
 before its popularity had waned,^ Salvatorino 
 had completed, in 1547, his Tesauro di Sacra 
 Scrittura, developed from the Rime of Petrarch. 
 When this tendency to employ the sonnet for \ 
 religious purposes reached France, it found itself 
 in new company; for the zealous Protestant 
 spirit there was willing enough to utilize an 
 outgrowth of the Catholic Reaction, when 
 such outgrowth was so thoroughly in harmony' 
 with Protestant desires. Thus there appeared, 
 in the decline of the Pleiade movement, the 
 spectacle of the Catholic courtier Desportes 
 reveling in the extravagant conceits of his 
 Amours in seasons of good fortune, and turning 
 during illness or depression to sonnets of reli- 
 gious devotion, into which he did not alw^ays 
 avoid introducing his characteristic tricks of 
 
 ^ Cf. A. Graf, Attraverso il cinquecento , p. 77 sq., and 
 Dejob, L'Influence du Concile de Trente sur la litterature 
 et les beaux-arts, Paris, 1884. 
 
 2 There were ten editions of the Petrarca Spirituale 
 by the end of the century. 
 
 H 
 
98 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 style ; while contemporary with him the Hugue- 
 not Du Bartas was sounding the call of Urania 
 to those who would employ verse in God's 
 service, and minor poets, like Jacques de Billy, 
 were busying themselves with ''spiritual son- 
 nets" of sincere devotion. After a considera- 
 tion of the religious activities of those who 
 dominated the sonnet literature in England at 
 the end of the century, it becomes apparent 
 enough which of these impulses was to domi- 
 nate there. 
 
 Some points remain to be noted regarding 
 the developments given in France to the form 
 of the sonnet. Following the later Italians, 
 \ French poets had a particular fondness for 
 \ emphasis at the conclusion of the quatorzain, 
 ' together with the presence of epigram. Ron- 
 sard, especially, showed a fondness also for a 
 certain rhyme scheme in the sestette.^ The 
 [ hendecasyllabic metre of Italy was not so easy 
 !, for the French vocabulary, so that the ten- 
 i^ syllable verse prevailed in the sonnets of France. 
 Baif, however, included six sonnets in Alex- 
 andrines in his Amours de Meline, in 1552, and 
 Ronsard began employing this type of verse at 
 almost the same time. Ronsard, indeed, be- 
 came the champion of the Alexandrine in 
 France,^ employing it in most of the Amours 
 de Marie and Sonnets pour Helene, as well as 
 
 ^ Cf. note, infra, p. 111. 
 
 2 In his Preface to the Franciade, Ronsard speaks of 
 Alexandrines, "lesquels vers j'ay remis le premier en 
 honeur." — CEuvres, ed. Marty-La veaux, iii. 516. 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 99 
 
 in many hymns. Baif continued to use the 
 verse, and Du Bellay adopted it for his ^ Regrets. ^' 
 The French poets, while by no means innova- 
 tors, gave final conventionality to the fashion 
 of designating by fanciful names the mistresses 
 they addressed, and allowing these names to 
 serve as titles for their sonnet collections. 
 Thus Ronsard's sonnets appeared as Amours de 
 Cassandre, Amours de Marie, and Sonnets pour 
 Helene; BsiiVs as Amours de Meline and Amours 
 de Francine; and Desportes's as Amours de 
 Diane and Amours de Cleonice; while Sceve 
 celebrated '' Delie " and Claude de Ponteux, 
 *' Vldee^ The element of originality in this 
 practice, though slight, is perhaps the stronger 
 because so much of the Italian sonnet material 
 came into French hands in the shape of miscellan- 
 eous collections, drawn from the work of large 
 numbers of poets, of varying talents and ideals.^ 
 After all, however, the French sonnet of the 
 sixteenth century is largely a product imitated 
 from the Italians; so largely, indeed, that the 
 able scholars of several countries are still con- 
 cerning themselves with the problem of its in- 
 debtedness, and are continually bringing to 
 light new lines of relationship.^ If this matter 
 
 ^ Cf . J. Vianey, "Les sources italiennes de TOlive," 
 in Annates Internationales d'histoire comparee, 1901, for a 
 discussion of Du Bellay's indebtedness to the Rime diverse 
 di molti eccellenti autori, published 1545-1550. 
 
 2 Among important books and articles of recent 
 date bearing upon this subject, the following may be 
 noted : — 
 
 M. Fieri, Le Petrarquisme au XVI' siecle; Petrarque et 
 Ronsard, Marseilles, 1896. 
 
100 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 is somewhat entangled, a far more intricate 
 complication is presented in the development 
 
 > of the English sonnet. In any particular Eng- 
 lish collection, there may be borrowings direct 
 
 I from Petrarch or from any one of his numerous 
 groups of Italian imitators, most of whom were 
 well known to the English poets. There may 
 be indebtedness to French sonneteers who have 
 
 i modeled more or less closely upon Petrarch or 
 his imitators. As the vogue progresses, there 
 may even be dependence on the work of other 
 Englishmen. At any point a thought or quota- 
 tion from the classics may have played its part 
 in creating or transforming a group of lines. 
 Above all, there is the question of individual 
 
 * M. H. Vaganay, Le Sonnet en Italie et en France au 
 seizieme Steele Essai de bibliographie comparee, 
 Lyon, 1902-1903. 
 
 ^ Max Jasinski, Histoire du sonnet en France, 1903. (Re- 
 viewed by Rene Doumic in Revue des deux mondes, 
 March 15, 1904.) 
 Henri Chamard, Joaehim Du Bellay, Lille, 1900. (Re- 
 viewed by J. Vianey in Revue d'hist. litt., viii. 151 
 sq.) 
 
 E. S. Ingraham, The Sources of Les Amours de J. A. de 
 
 Baif, Univ. of Penn. dissertation, 1905. 
 J. Vianey, '' Les sources italiennes de TOlive," in Annates 
 Internationales d'histoire comparee, 1901 ; " L'Arioste 
 et la Pleiade," in Bulletin italien, 1901 ; " L'influence 
 italienne chez les precurseurs de la Pleiade," in 
 Bull, ital, 1903; "Un Modele de Desportes non 
 signale encore: Pamphilo Sasso," in Revue d'hist. 
 litt. , 1903 ; " La part de I'imitation dans les Regrets," 
 in Bull, ital, 1904. 
 
 F. Flamini, Studi di Storia letteraria, Livorno, 1895 
 
 (p. 346 sq., and appendix, p. 433 sq., "I Plagi di 
 P. Desportes"); " Di alcune imitazioni italiane nei 
 poeti francesi del Cinquecento/' in Atti del Congresso 
 Internazionale, Rome, 1903. 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 101 
 
 creative genius, which from a field of wide 
 reading gathers, blends, adapts, and amplifies, 
 until often there is left only a trace of some 
 conventional thought or figure, so that identi- 
 fication of source is impossible. A bungling 
 workman like Soothern, or a careless and irre- 
 sponsible one like Lodge, will translate almost 
 slavishly from his originals. A creative mind, 
 like that of Sidney or Shakespeare, appropriates 
 freely from all sources, and yet the result has 
 the distinctive vitality of an original produc- 
 tion. Two conclusions follow from these con- "T 
 siderations. A slight resemblance in thought 
 or even in expression between an English sonnet 
 and some particular French or Italian product 
 does not necessarily argue indebtedness at this 
 point until the whole field of possible sources 
 has been considered, and perhaps not then. 
 On the other hand, for the best men of the 
 group, when once a congenial acquaintance is 
 established with a set of possible models, it is 
 reasonably safe to suppose an indebtedness, 
 along broader and more general lines, larger 
 than any detailed collection of parallels would 
 represent. On this account, particular in- 
 stances of close resemblance will be used freely 
 in this chapter, but with no disposition to 
 exaggerate their real importance.^ 
 
 ^ The most valuable collection of this sort of data is 
 found in Sidney Lee's Introduction to the Elizabethan 
 Sonnets, in the New English Garner. Further details 
 appear in two articles by L. E. Kastner, in the Athenceum 
 for October 22 and 29, 1904; in a dissertation by Max 
 Maiberger, Studien Uber den Einjluss Frankreichs an der 
 
102 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 Emphasis should be given to the thought 
 that, in deahng with Itahan sources in particu- 
 lar, even the most obscure poets may have to 
 be reckoned with as immediate models, the 
 reason being that England, like France, had 
 access to numerous miscellaneous collections of 
 these poems all during the period of her own 
 activity. For this reason alone there is noth- 
 ing surprising in the fact that at one time, 
 when Gabriel Harvey seeks to pay a compliment 
 to George Gascoigne, he does so by compar- 
 ing him with the apparently obscure Italian, 
 Ercole Strozza : — 
 
 "Gascoignus solus, seipsum cum Hercule 
 Strozza comparat, homine Italo 
 Eodemque viro generoso ac poeta nobili." ^ 
 
 All investigation, moreover, tends to confirm 
 a very considerable detailed knowledge of 
 
 Elizabethan Litter atur ; Die Lyrik in d. 2. Halfte des XVI. 
 Jahrhunderts, Mtinchen, 1903. Special studies include: 
 E. Koeppel's treatment of Sidney's sonnets in his 
 " Studien zur Geschichte des engl. Petrarchismus im 16. 
 Jahrh.," in Roman. Forschungen, v. 65 sq.; Joseph 
 Guggenheim er, Quellen-studien zu Samuel Daniels Delia, 
 1898; O. Hoffman, "Studien zu Alex. Montgomery," 
 Englische Studien, lOL. 24 sq.; and W. C. Ward's notes 
 to his edition of William Drummond's poems. P. 
 Borghesi, Petrarch and his Influence on English Litera- 
 ture, 1905, is too puerile a work to deserve serious atten- 
 tion. Italian works of value are: Carlo Segre, Studi 
 Petrarcheschi, Florence, 1903 (contains article on Wyatt 
 and Surrey); I. Zocco, Petrarchismo e Petrarchisti in 
 Inghilterra, Palermo, 1906. 
 
 ^ Harvey, Letter Book, ed. cit., p. 55. Noted by Lee, 
 Introd. to Elizabethan Sonnets, ed. cit., 1. p. xxxviii. 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 103 
 
 Italian literature among the educated people 
 of Elizabethan England. 
 
 The sonnet first came to England direct 
 from Italy, fully as early as it was introduced 
 into France. Wyatt and Surrey, influenced 
 particularly by the sonnet writing of Serafino 
 and his group at the close of the quattrocento;'' 
 had domesticated the form in somewhat crude 
 fashion,^ Surrey emphasizing the concluding 
 epigram toward which his models were tending, 
 and strengthening it by a rhyme scheme evolved 
 perhaps from the Italian strambotti, and marked 
 by a final couplet. This final couplet was 
 destined to become a distinctive feature of the 
 Elizabethan sonnet. After the sonnets of 
 Wyatt and Surrey were printed, in 1557, in 
 TotteVs Miscellany, the genre, while by no means 
 lost sight of, experienced no real development 
 in England until it was taken up by members 
 of the Areopagus circle especially, as a part of 
 the general exploitation of the vernacular as 
 a medium for poetic expression. In connection 
 with that movement French influence began 
 to be manifest. Before 1580 Spenser alone 
 had, if appearances may be trusted, rendered 
 French sonnets into English verse, and thus 
 brought them into the literature, in the Theatre 
 for Worldlings, already discussed.^ 
 
 During the interval between TotteVs Mis- 
 
 ^ It should be remembered that Chaucer had worked / 
 over the 88th sonnet of Petrarch as the " Song of Troilus/' ' 
 in Troilus and Cressida, bk. i. 11. 400-420. 
 
 ' Supra, p. 44. 
 
 i.> 
 
104 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 cellany and the real vogue of English sonnet 
 writing, England was kept in touch with French 
 literature by acquaintance with at least one 
 poet, Clement Marot. Barnabe Googe shows 
 indebtedness to him in his Eclogues, in 1563. 
 Spenser, or whoever the contributor was, 
 appears to have gone to him for the ^'Visions 
 of Petrarch" in the Theatre for Worldlings, 
 The Shepheardes Calendar drew upon him for 
 at least two eclogues. Besides, there are 
 several references in the literature of the 
 period that suggest a large measure of in- 
 fluence. 
 
 In some introductory verses to Gascoigne's 
 Posies, 1575, the author has occasion to speak 
 of the immoral tendencies of certain well-known 
 literary works. In the midst of his remarks 
 he declares: ''And let not Marot 's Alyx passe 
 without impeache of crime." ^ The Mirror 
 for Magistrates appeared in 1578, with a surpris- 
 ingly sweeping statement. In the Introduction 
 to the '' Complaint of Sigebert," the conven- 
 tional invective against rhyme takes this form : 
 ''. . . it [the use of rhiyme] also made a great 
 inequalitee to be betwixt Phaer and Virgill, 
 betwixt Turbervile and Tibullus, betwixt Gold- 
 ing and Ovid, betwixt George Gascon and 
 Seneca; for all these coming neare unto Marot, 
 whom they did imitate, did put a great distance 
 betwixt them and the Latines, wyth whom they 
 might have binne equall." ^ Humphrey Gif- 
 
 ^ Ed. Hazlitt, 1869, i. 31. 
 
 ' Ed. Joseph Haslewood, i. 426. 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 105 
 
 ford's Posie of Gilliflowers, 1589, bears more 
 substantial testimony to the knowledge of 
 Marot. Among its miscellaneous contents ap- 
 pears an English poem with the title: ''One 
 that had a frowarde husbande makes com- 
 playnt to her mother. Written in French by 
 Clement Marott." ' 
 
 At the threshold of the sonnet vogue in Eng- 
 land there appears a work of unusual signifi- 
 cance, because it portrays so distinctly the 
 range of material ready at the hand of an Eng- 
 lish sonnet-maker of good education, and the 
 methods really underlying much of this sort 
 of composition, according as the writer was 
 more or less imaginative. The work in ques- 
 tion is the Hecatompathia or Passionate Century 
 of Love, by Thomas Watson, published in 1582.^ 
 It consists of a hundred poems (three in Latin), 
 few of them in sonnet form, most of them 
 having eighteen lines. But we know that they 
 are modeled on sonnets, most of them Italian, 
 with an occasional one in French ; for some one, 
 presumably the poet, has carefully indicated 
 in notes the sources drawn upon for many of 
 these poems, and even the detail of the method 
 used in adapting these sources. As estimated 
 
 ^ Ed. Grosart, p. 117. This work contains two other 
 acknowledged translations from the French, one a 
 short poem on p. 137, the other a prose "Supplication 
 presented by John Meschinot Esquire unto the Duke of 
 Brittane his Lorde and Master," p. 49. 
 
 2 Watson's "Booke of Passionate Sonnetes " was 
 circulating in manuscript as early as 1580. Cf. Lee, 
 Life of Shakespeare, p. 428. 
 
106 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 from such authentic statements, ^^ eight sonnets 
 are renderings from Petrarch, twelve are from 
 Serafino dell' Aquila; four each from Ercole 
 Strozza (of Ferrara) and from Ronsard; three 
 from the Italian poet Agnolo Firenzuola; two 
 each from the French poet Etienne Forcadel, the 
 Italian Girolamo Parabosco, and iEneas Silvius ; 
 while many are based on passages from such 
 authors as (among the Greeks) Sophocles, 
 Theocritus, Apollonius of Rhodes; or (among 
 the Latins) Vergil, Tibullus, Ovid, Horace, 
 Propertius, Seneca, Pliny, Lucan, Martial, 
 and Valerius Flaccus; or (among the modern 
 Italians) Angelo Poliziano and Baptista Man- 
 tuanus; or (among other modern Frenchmen) 
 Gervasius Sepinus of Saumur." ^ 
 
 All this does not imply that Watson was a 
 particularly learned man. He merely has kept 
 track pedantically of as many of his sources 
 as possible, and has been at great pains to tell 
 us all about them. Early in his career he had 
 busied himself with translating the sonnets 
 of Petrarch into Latin, and three years later 
 he rendered Tasso's Aminta into Latin hex- 
 ameters. Of two commendatory poems pre- 
 fixed to his works, one — an English quatorzain 
 — proclaims him freely as a second Petrarch ; ^ 
 the other, a Latin '^ode, " has him carry on 
 the world-old tradition of poetry and represent 
 
 ^ Quoted from Lee, Introd. to Eliz. Sonnets, i. 
 p. xxxix, note. In reading Watson, one finds many 
 more traces of Petrarch than he has indicated. 
 
 ^ Arber, English Reprints, vii. 33. 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 107 
 
 for England what Ronsard does for France.* 
 Whatever immediate impulse came to Watson 
 from France, however, he was entirely inde- 
 pendent of the Areopagus circle. The references 
 to him found in their works, though full of 
 commendation, all date ten years later than his 
 sonnet collection. As late as 1587, indeed, 
 Abraham Fraunce, Areopagus camp-follower, 
 appropriated Watson's Latin version of Aminta, 
 turned it into English, and published it without 
 acknowledgment, a thing he would hardly have 
 ventured upon if Watson had been of the inner 
 circle.^ 
 
 Among the poets of the Areopagus group, 
 Sidney easily took the lead in the enthusiastic 
 attempt to nationalize the sonnet. Not only 
 do his efforts excel in power of conception and 
 skill of phrasing; he alone of the group has 
 given any expression of the ideas held by him- 
 self and his fellows regarding this literary form. 
 The expression, however, is disappointing in 
 its brevity. Early in the Defense of Poesy, 
 when Sidney refers to the ^'special denomina- 
 tions" of poetry, he abides by the old division 
 into three genres, so that the term ^' lyric" is 
 used to embrace both sonnet and ode.^ Later 
 
 ^ Ibid., pp. 34-35. There is a letter from John Lyly 
 prefixed to Watson's Passionate Century. This would 
 suggest Watson's connection with Lyly and his Italian- 
 ate circle. 
 
 2 Another collection of poems by Watson, The Teares 
 of Fancy, or Love Disdained, was published posthumously 
 in 1593. Italian influence is prominent in it. 
 
 3 Apologie for Poetrie, ed. Arber, English Reprints, 
 London, 1868, p. 45. 
 
108 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 on, however, when he takes up the defects in 
 the Enghsh poetry of his day, his statements 
 are far more exphcit: — 
 
 "Other sorts of poetry almost have we none, but 
 that lyrical kind of songs and sonnets, which, Lord 
 if he gave us so good minds, how well it might be < 
 employed, and with how heavenly fruits both private 
 and public, singing the praises of the immortal beauty, 
 the immortal goodness of that God who giveth us 
 hands to write, and wits to conceive ! . . . But 
 truly, many of such writings as come under the banner 
 of unresistable love, if I were a mistress would never 
 persuade me they were in love; so coldly they apply 
 fiery speeches, as men that had rather read lovers' 
 writings, and so caught up certain swelling phrases 
 . . . than that in truth they feel those passions, 
 which easily, as I think, may be bewrayed by the same 
 forcibleness, or energia (as the Greeks call it) of the 
 writer." ^ 
 
 From this paragraph the indication is clear 
 that, at the time the Defense was written, the 
 sonnet was a recognized subject for experiment 
 among English poets. It must be remembered, 
 however, that in this period the term " sonnet " 
 was applied freely to brief love lyrics, with 
 various verse forms. Sidney's critical advice 
 at this point is of material significance, an- 
 ticipating two characteristic lines of sonnet 
 development for England. The first half of 
 the paragraph, with a touch of Sidney's Pla- 
 tonism in it, urges English poets to turn their 
 thoughts to the religious themes already adopted 
 into the literature of Catholic Italy, and inter- 
 
 ^ Apologie for Poetrie, ed. cit., p. 67. 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 109 
 
 esting Protestants and a few Catholics in France. 
 The latter part is a plea for convincing reality 
 in sonnet composition, the revitalizing of an 
 already overworked form. 
 
 In Sidney's own sonnet sequence, the Astro- \ 
 phel and Stella, he has managed to secure a 
 great deal of the sincerity of tone for which he 
 pleaded. He has infused much originality 
 into his verses. This, of course, is rarely an 
 originality of theme, situation, or metaphor. 
 Such things are practically out of the question. 
 Even when he proclaims boldly, in his seventy- 
 fourth Sonnet, — 
 
 "And this I swear by blackest brooke of hell, 
 I am no pickpurse of another's wit," — 
 
 he is merely handing down the tradition of 
 Italian anti-Petrarchists of a few decades earlier, 
 who professed to write sonnets in the manner 
 of Petrarch without plagiarizing him.^ Sidney's 
 method of procedure with these conventional 
 details was eclectic in the better sense. In 
 fact it must have been almost unconsciously so, 
 thus separating him from the painstaking worker 
 in mosaics on the one hand, and the easy-going 
 translator on the other, and rendering him the 
 despair of all source-hunters. The freshness 
 and vigor of imagination, to be found at times 
 in Desportes and more generally in Ronsard, 
 was Sidney's characteristic quality, and with it 
 he effected the transformations that give to 
 
 ^ Cf. on this matter the letters of Niccolo Franco, 
 quoted by Artm"o Graf, Attraverso il Cinquecento, p. 48 sg. 
 
110 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 Astrophel and Stella the appearance of a thing 
 apart, — the spontaneous utterance of a deeply 
 emotional lover. With this quality he com- 
 bined an independence of spirit as well as of 
 method that strikes one frequently through- 
 out the series. Like Ronsard, he was little 
 affected by the extravagances of Italian con- 
 cettismo, but cultivated the polished simplicity 
 of Petrarch and the school of Bembo.^ The 
 Platonic doctrines, also, play an important 
 part in his verses. 
 
 Like Ronsard and his fellows again, Sidney 
 was considerably drawn to the models furnished 
 by Greek and Latin lyrists. There is little in- 
 fluence of these in Astrophel and Stella, except 
 perhaps in the little group of sonnets concerned 
 with Stella's kiss.^ The Arcadia, however, 
 has much poetry~of this sort scattered through 
 it, including even some of Sidney's early ex- 
 ercises in classic metres. It must be kept in 
 mind that regard for Greek models was an 
 important part of Pleiade theory, and that 
 Siclney's friend, Henri Estienne, was a devoted 
 champion of the Greek. 
 
 Sidney reveals his independence even in the 
 structure of his sonnets. He keeps the double 
 quatrain consistently, but departs from the 
 English couplet at least a score of times, and 
 frequently diversifies the rhymes in the pre- 
 
 ^ Many of the motives and figures of Petrarch's 
 poetry may be discovered in Sidney. Cf. Koeppel's 
 article, Roman. Forschungen, v. 65 sq. 
 
 2 Nos. 79, 80, 81. 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 111 
 
 ceding four lines, so that he obtains the effect, 
 of a double tercet.^ The Alexandrine verse, ; 
 which Ronsard'and^Baif had used considerably 
 in France, is employed by Sidney in various 
 of his sonnets and in two of the songs that 
 accompany the series. There is perhaps little 
 in all this to establish French influence in 
 Sidney's lyrics ; but in view of his actual ac- ■ 
 quaintance with Ronsard, and his general 
 familiarity with French models, there is strong 
 probability that the Pleiade poets were some- 
 what effective in turning his efforts in the 
 direction noted. 
 
 The Astrophel and Stella sonnets, while not 
 printed until 1591, were of course written some- 
 time before 1586, and experienced a considerable 
 period of manuscript circulation. To about 
 the same time with them, then, belongs John 
 Soothern's verse collection Pandora, in 1584. i 
 Of all crude, blind specimens of servile imitation 
 in sonnet history, this is perhaps the worst. 
 Soothern merely acknowledges a general obli- 
 gation to Ronsard, and then includes in his 
 doggerel translation the very eulogies of his 
 model on Henry 11. of France, transferring 
 their application to his own patron. When 
 Ronsard boasts of his sources, the English poet 
 calmly makes this boast his own. In an age 
 when plagiarism was not a grievous fault, 
 
 ^ In eight sonnets Sidney uses the rhyme scheme 
 abba abba ccd eed, the favorite structure of 
 Ronsard. Cf. J. Schipper, Neuenglische Metrik, ii. 2, 
 849. 
 
112 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 except in the charges of one's enemies, Put- 
 tenham has found Soothern's method of pro- 
 cedm'e too flagrant to escape censure. In the 
 Arte of English Poesie he declares : — 
 
 "Another of reasonable good facilitie in transla- 
 tion finding certain of the hymnes of Pyndarus and 
 of Anacreon's odes, and other Lirickes among the 
 Greekes very well translated by Rounsard the French 
 Poet, and applied to the honour of a great prince in 
 France, comes our minion and translates the same 
 out of French into English, and applieth them to 
 the honour of a great noble man in England . . . but 
 doth so impudently robbe the French Poet both of 
 his prayse and also of his French termes, that I cannot 
 so much pitie him as be angry with him for his iniurious 
 dealing — our said maker not being ashamed to use 
 these French wordes freddon, egar, superbous, filand- 
 ing, celest, calabrois, thebanois, and a number of others, 
 for English words. . . . And in the end (which is 
 worst of all) makes his vaunt that never English 
 finger but his hath toucht Pindar's string, which was 
 nevertheless word by word as Rounsard had said 
 before by like braggery." ^ 
 
 It should be noted that Puttenham speaks 
 only of Ronsard's renderings from the Greek, 
 giving particular emphasis to his odes. 
 
 There was no further publication of English 
 sonnets in collections until after 1591. In the 
 interim poets generally were growing more 
 familiar with continental models, but their 
 creative efforts were confined to single speci- 
 
 ^ Ed. Arber, English Reprints, London, 1869, vii. 
 259 sq. Collier (Bibl. Cat., ed. 1865, ii. 367) has shown 
 conclusively that the passage is a reference to Soothern's 
 v/ork. 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 113 
 
 mens of the type, not venturing upon the con- 
 nected series. Immediately after Sidney's se- 
 quence was in print, the great wave of EngHsh 
 sonneteering began its movement, and then it 
 was that the influence of France was most 
 manifest. In part, no doubt, this was clue to 
 the fact that men were less careful just at this 
 time to add their own creative power to what 
 they appropriated, and so conceal the traces of 
 their borrowing. But it indicates as well that 
 these particular men had studied the sonnet ^, 
 series carefully in the forms produced by the 
 French poets and were influenced accordingly.^ 
 Daniel, Constable, and Lodge, the three men 
 whose work was first made public, were by no 
 means ignorant of Italian poetry in its various 
 forms. Daniel appended two translations from / 
 the Italian to his sonnet series,^ and Lodge ' 
 was constantly adapting Italian poetry with I 
 or without acknowledgment. But the work 
 of each of them presents sonnets which parallel 
 so closely certain sonnets in the French that 
 some degree of dependence is unquestionable. 
 In the case of Daniel and Constable there is 
 also the question of sequence title; for the 
 French custom of grouping sonnets under the 
 fanciful name of the mistress now became 
 
 ^ Cf. p. 124, the statement of Lodge in 1596 that 
 Desportes's writings, in English form, are common 
 property. 
 
 ^ One of these is a Uteral rendering (unacknowledged) 
 of the Golden Age chorus in Tasso's Aminta; the other, 
 "The Description of Beauty," is described as translated 
 out of Marino. 
 
114 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 operative. Daniers Delia very probably takes 
 its name from Maurice Sc eve's series of dizains, 
 Delie, ohjet de la plus haute vertu, with its 
 Platonic obscurity/ while Constable's Diana 
 at once suggests Desportes's Amours de Diane, 
 which in some cases he undoubtedly used as a 
 model. 
 
 The high position held by Daniel in the regard 
 of Lady Pembroke, his close relations with 
 other members of the Sidney-Spenser circle, 
 and his interest in their numerous literary 
 ventures, particularly the classic drama on 
 French models, have been discussed at length 
 in the preceding chapter. As noted there, 
 twenty-eight of Daniel's sonnets were published 
 in 1591, with the first edition of Astrophel and 
 Stella. The year following, he embodied these 
 in his complete collection, Delia, dedicated to 
 Lady Pembroke. In view of the apparently 
 close friendship between poet and patroness, 
 and the aspirations which the countess seems 
 to have had toward actual coterie leadership, 
 there is considerable ground for the belief that 
 the Delia of these sonnets was in reality Lady 
 Pembroke herself. The melancholy and some- 
 what obsequious tone throughout the series 
 would belong naturally to such a situation, 
 and the Platonic element appearing occasionally 
 would have been very pleasing to the sister of 
 Sidney. Attempts to read such significance 
 
 * J. Guggenheimer, Quellenstudien zu Samuel Daniels 
 Delia, Berlin, 1898, would derive the name from the 
 heroine of Tibullus's first book of Elegies. 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 115 
 
 into Daniel's own statements are of course 
 dangerous. The prose dedication of the son- 
 nets is free from any suggestion of the kind. 
 A dedicatory sonnet, which accompanied the 
 edition of 1594, while it addresses Lady Pem- 
 broke as '^patroness," contains some lines at 
 least uncertain enough in their meaning to 
 deserve quoting : — 
 
 "Wonder of these, glory of other times, 
 O thou whom Envy ev'n is forst t' admyre : 
 Great Patroness of these my humble Rhymes, 
 Which thou from out thy greatnes doost inspire 
 Sith onely thou hast deigned to rayse them higher. 
 Vouchsafe now to accept them as thine owne. 
 Begotten by thy hand and my desire, 
 Wherein my zeale and thy great might is showne." 
 
 Among the sonnets themselves there is one 
 addressed '^To M. P.," in which it does not 
 seem improbable that Daniel addressed Mary, 
 Countess of Pembroke, herself. The lines be- 
 wail the fate of the writer, who 
 
 "Like as the spotlesse Ermelin distrest, 
 Circumpast'd round with filth and lothsome mud," 
 
 finds his spirit prevented by poverty from 
 seeking the happiness it craves. There is 
 at least good reason to believe that Daniel's 
 friends recognized Lady Pembroke under the 
 title of the sonnets; for the dedication of 
 Thomas Watson's Amintce Gaudia to the Coun- 
 tess, in 1592, addressed her: — 
 
 "Laurigera stirpe prognata Delia." 
 
116 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 Daniel draws with great freedom upon the 
 conventional sonnet motives of the continent, 
 displaying an artistic skill in adaptation, and 
 instilling an element of personal emotion that 
 place him near the rank of Sidney. There are 
 certain of his sonnets, however, that are lit- 
 tle better than line-for-line versions of corre- 
 sponding sonnets by Desportes; and strangely 
 enough these develop some of the most familiar 
 motives in the whole field of the sonnet, such 
 conventionalized subjects as The Lady's Mirror, 
 The Flight of Time, and an Address to Sleep. 
 The ^^ mirror" sonnet will illustrate the situa- 
 tion. The first specimen of this sort was a 
 sonnet by Petrarch, in the first part of his Rime, 
 and read as follows : — 
 
 "II mio avversario, in cui veder solete 
 
 Gli occhi vostri, ch' Amore e '1 Ciel onora; 
 Con le non sue bellezze v' innamora, 
 Piu che 'n guisa mortal, soavi et liete. 
 
 Per consiglio di lui, Donna, m' avete 
 Scacciato del mio dolce albergo f ora ; 
 Misero esilio ! avvegnach' io non fora 
 D' abitar degno, ora voi sola siete. 
 
 Ma s' io v' era con saldi chiovi fisso, 
 
 Non devea specchio farvi per mio danno, 
 A voi stessa piacendo, aspra e superba. 
 
 Certo, se vi rimembra di Narcisso, 
 
 Questo e quel corso ad un termino vanno : 
 Benche di si bel fior sia indegna V erba." 
 
 At the close of the fifteenth century, the idea 
 of the lady's mirror formed the basis of a series 
 of strambotti, developed by Serafino dell' 
 Aquila with all his favorite tricks of style; 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 117 
 
 and after circulating among the various poets, 
 the theme was finally utilized by Desportes 
 in the following sonnet: — 
 
 "Pourquoy si folement croyez-vous a un verre, 
 
 Voulant voir les beautez que vous avez des cieux ? 
 Mirez-vous dessus moy pour les connoistre mieux, 
 Et voyez de quels traits vostre bel ceil m'enferre. 
 
 Un vieux chesne ou un pin, renversez contre terre, 
 Monstrent combien le vent est grand et f urieux : 
 Aussi vous connoistrez le pouvoir de vos yeux, 
 Voyant par quels efforts vous me faites la guerre. 
 
 Ma mort de vos beautez vous doit bien asseurer, 
 Joint que vous ne pouvez sans peril vous mirer : 
 Narcisse devint fleur d 'avoir veu sa figure. 
 
 Craignez doncques, madame, un semblable danger, 
 Non de devenir fleur, mais de vous voir changer, 
 Par vostre ceil de Meduse, en quelque roche dure."^ 
 
 This is the sonnet which Daniel renders so 
 literally, getting the result that follows : — 
 
 "Why doost thou Delia credit so thy glasse, 
 
 Gazing thy beauty deign 'd thee by the skies : 
 And doest not rather looke on him (alas) 
 Whose state best shewes the force of murdering 
 eies? 
 
 The broken tops of lofty trees declare 
 The fury of a mercy-wanting storme ; 
 And of what force thy wounding graces are. 
 Upon my selfe thou best mayst finde the forme. 
 
 Then leave thy glasse, and gaze thy selfe on me. 
 That mirror shewes what power is in thy face: 
 To view your forme too much, may danger bee, 
 Narcissus chang'd t'a flower in such a case. 
 
 And you are changed, but not t'a Hiacint ; 
 
 I feare your eye hath turnd your heart to flint." ^ 
 
 ^Amours d'Hippolyte, 18; Desportes, CEuvres, ed. 
 Michiels, Paris, 1858, p. 122. 
 
 2 Delia, 37; Daniel, Works, ed. Grosart, i. 61. 
 
118 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 Just as literal a method was employed by 
 Daniel in appropriating Desportes's sonnet on 
 The Flight of Time ; ^ and the familiar 
 
 "Care-charmer sleep, son of the sable night " 
 
 is only a little less slavish in its dependence 
 on the French poet.^ Two other sonnets of 
 Daniel are freer renderings from Desportes.^ 
 There is no reason to infer from these examples 
 either discipleship or customary method. The 
 sonnets Daniel has made use of are not char- 
 acteristic of the manner of Desportes, and this 
 manner is little manifest throughout the Delia, 
 The reasonable conclusion is that Daniel knew 
 Desportes's work, that he had no particular 
 sympathy with its style, but that he felt perfect 
 freedom in drawing from it, for convenience, 
 the detailed inspiration of a few of his sonnets. 
 While there is no particular reason to as- 
 sociate Daniel's sonnets with those of Du 
 Bellay, there is some indication that, drawn 
 by his friendship with Spenser, Daniel went to 
 this particular French poet for the impulse of 
 two of his sonnets. Du Bellay had spent some 
 years of his life in Italy, and out of his sojourn 
 there had grown two sonnet collections, Les 
 Antiquitez de Rome and the Regrets. The first 
 of these, celebrating the transitory nature of 
 human affairs, furnished the inspiration for 
 
 ^ Delia, 38; Amours de Cleonice, 62. 
 "^ Delia, 54; Amours d'Hippolyte, 75. 
 ^ Delia, 9; Amours de Diane, i. 29; and Delia, 15; 
 Amours de Diane, i. 8. 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 119 
 
 several divisions of Spenser's Complaints, pub- 
 lished in 1591. The second was the poet's 
 lament for the delights of his native land, from 
 which he was for the time separated. Reflect- 
 ing the first of these is the forty-fifth sonnet 
 of Daniel's collection, referring apparently to 
 an experience of the author in Rome. 
 
 ''Delia, these eyes that so admireth thine, 
 
 Have seene those walls which proud ambition rear'd 
 To check the world, how they intomb'd have lien 
 Within themselves, and on them ploughs have ear'd. 
 
 Yet never found that barbarous hand attaind 
 The spoyle of fame deserv'd by vertuous men : 
 Whose glorious actions luckily had gaind 
 Th' eternall Annals of a happy pen. 
 
 And therefore grieve not if thy beauties die, 
 Though time do spoyle thee of the fairest vaile 
 That ever yet covered mortality, 
 And must instarre the Needle, and the Raile, 
 
 That Grace which doth more then in Woman thee, 
 
 Lives in my lines, and must eternall bee." 
 
 The fiftieth sonnet of the series, represented 
 as '^made in Italy," corresponds to the seri- 
 ous spirit of the Regrets. Both these sonnets 
 might have found inspiration enough among 
 the Itahans,^ and the relation does not involve 
 much. In fact, for Daniel, French influence in 
 the sonnets can be regarded as only an inci- 
 dental matter after all. It is probable that 
 he was much more vitally indebted to the 
 Italian poets. There is interesting external 
 
 ^ Pamphilo Sasso, for example, wrote on the theme of 
 separation from his lady. Cf. J. Vianey, in Bull. ItaL, 
 iv. 35. 
 
120 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 evidence of this in the second part of the Return 
 from Parnassus, where Judicio ^' censures 'V 
 Daniel thus: — 
 
 "Sweete hony dropping Daniell doth wage 
 Warre with the proudest big ItaHan, 
 That melts his heart in sugred sonneting. 
 Onely let him more sparingly make use 
 Of others wit, and use his owne the more : 
 That well may scorn base imitation." 
 
 Apparently it was Edmund Spenser, in 
 particular, who was impressed by Du Bellay's 
 U Antiquitez de Rome. This involves attributing 
 to Spenser the Complaints published as his in 
 1591, and not questioned at that time. Of the 
 nine divisions in this collection, four are more 
 or less indebted to the Antiquitez : (1) The Ruins 
 of Time; (5) The Ruins of Rome by Bellay; 
 (7) Visions of the World's Vanity; (8) The 
 Visions of Bellay. The ''Ruins of Rome '^ 
 and "Visions of Bellay" are fairly literal 
 adaptations, the latter being based on the last 
 fifteen sonnets in Du Bellay's collection, which 
 he had entitled the '' Songe ou Vision sur Rome." 
 The other divisions mentioned reproduce the 
 spirit of Du Bellay's verse and show various 
 resemblances in detail. Both the Antiquitez 
 and Spenser's renderings approach the spirit 
 of the love-lyric only in so far as the decay 
 of worldly things often afforded the love-poets 
 a setting for a Platonic revery on the immortal- 
 ity of beauty, a conventional prayer that their 
 verses might confer undying fame, or perhaps 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 121 
 
 an Epicurean revel in the 'Tarpe diem" motive. 
 Spenser was drawn seriously and naturally to 
 this poetry of ruins, prompted by a conception 
 of Platonism similar to that which the Italian 
 Ficino had taught. The tone of melancholy it 
 involves is often present in his work and was 
 bequeathed to his disciples. For how much 
 of it he is indebted to Du Bellay it would be 
 hard to tell. The fact remains that the Anti- 
 quitez afforded him a model which tempted 
 him for a time at least away from Fairyland. 
 
 In the work of Thomas Lodge, direct indebt- \ 
 edness to French sonnet writers, particularly 
 Desportes and Ronsard, reached its height. 
 Drawing with perfect freedom upon all the 
 poetry available. Lodge probably found these 
 French lyrics easy of access and well fitted to 
 his purpose, and appropriated them, as usual, 
 without compunction. This borrowing from \ 
 the French began at least as early as 1589, and 
 perhaps considerably earlier.^ It appears in 
 as many as five poems scattered through ScilWs 
 Metamorphosis, in that year; in five more in 
 
 ^ F. E. Schelling, Elizabethan Lyrics, p. 212, says in a 
 note to the poem, " The earth, late choked with showers," 
 from Lodge's Scilla's Metamorphosis, 1589: ''The first 
 line of 'Glaucus and Scilla,' the chief poem of the volume 
 . . . fixes the date — of that poem at least — as prior 
 to Lodge's departure from Cambridge, 1577: — 
 
 ' Walking alone — all lonely full of grief — 
 Within a thicket near the Isis' flood . . .' " 
 
 Schelling notes further that in his dedication Lodge 
 promises his friend better poetical fare "next term." 
 
122 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 the Rosalynde, the year following; and once 
 in the History of Robert, Second Duke of Nor- 
 mandy, in 1591. With such experience, it is 
 little wonder that Lodge felt equal to a sonnet 
 sequence, his Phillis, which appeared in 1593. 
 This is a small series of only forty sonnets, 
 but no less than eleven of these are clearly 
 appropriated, — three from Desportes and the 
 remainder from Ronsarcl.^ It should also be 
 
 ^ It may be well to summarize these various borrow- 
 ings by Lodge, with the names of the critics who have 
 noted the resemblances : — 
 
 I. In Scilla's Metamorphosis (1589). 
 
 1. In praise of the countrey life (ed. Hunterian 
 
 Club, p. 34). From Desportes, Opening 
 Chanson of Berg cries. Noted by Kastner. 
 
 2. "I will become a Hermit now" (p. 43). From 
 
 Desportes, Diane, ii. 8. Noted by Kastner. 
 
 3. " Wearie am I to wearie Gods and men" (p. 44). 
 
 From Desportes, Complainte at end of Berge- 
 ries. Noted by Kastner. 
 
 4. "If that I seek the shades I suddenly do see" 
 
 (p. 44). From Desportes, Diane, ii. 3. 
 Noted by Lee, Maiberger, and A. H. Bullen 
 (Lyrics from Eliz. Romances, pp. 166-7). 
 
 5. "The earth late choked with flowers" (p. 46). 
 
 From Desportes, Diane, ii. " Complainte " 
 preceding sonnet 29. Noted by numerous 
 critics. 
 II. In Rosalynde (1590). 
 
 1. Montanus's French song (p. 101) (see above). 
 
 Noted by Lee. 
 
 2. "Turn I my looks unto the skies" (p. 74). 
 
 From Desportes, Diane, ii. 3. Noted by Lee, 
 Maiberger, and Bullen {op. cit., pp. 166-7). 
 
 3. Saladyne's sonnet (p. 109). From Desportes, 
 
 Diane, i. 41. Noted by Kastner. 
 
 4. Phoebe's Sonetto (p. 117). From Desportes, 
 
 Diane, i. 68. Noted by Kastner. 
 
 5. "First shall the heavens want starry light" 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 123 
 
 borne in mind that Lodge contributed an eight- 
 line poem in French to Greene's Spanish Mas- 
 querado, 1589, and pubHshed in his own Life 
 and Death of William Longheard, 1593, a twenty- 
 hne poem, an ^^ imitation of a sonnet in an 
 ancient French poet." ^ 
 
 (p. 38). From Desportes, Diane, i. 68. 
 
 Noted by Bullen (op. cit., pp. x-xi.). 
 TIL In History of Robert, Second Duke of Normandy 
 
 (1591). 
 1. (Cf. son. 38, Phillis) (p. 25). From Desportes, 
 
 Diane, i. 34. Noted by Maiberger. 
 IV. In Phillis (1593). 
 
 1. Sonnet 36. From Desportes, Diane, ii. 3. 
 
 Noted by Lee, Maiberger, and Bullen (op. 
 cit., pp. 166-7). 
 
 2. Sonnet 37. From Desportes, Diane, i. 49. 
 
 Noted by Lee and Kastner. 
 
 3. Sonnet 38. From Desportes, Diane, i. 34. 
 
 Noted by Kastner. 
 
 4. Sonnet 9. From Ronsard, Amours, i. 94. 
 
 Noted by Lee and Kastner. 
 
 5. Sonnet 22. In part from Ronsard, Amours, 
 
 i. 183. Kastner. 
 
 6. Sonnet 30. From Ronsard, Amours, i. 131. 
 
 Noted by Lee and Kastner. 
 
 7. Sonnet 31. From Ronsard, Amours, i. 119. 
 
 Lee. 
 
 8. Sonnet 32. From Ronsard, Amours, i. 22. 
 
 Lee, Kastner, and Maiberger. 
 
 9. Sonnet 33. From Ronsard, Amours, i. 32. 
 
 Lee and Kastner. 
 
 10. Sonnet 34. From Ronsard, Amours, i. 20. 
 
 Lee and Kastner. 
 
 11. Sonnet 35. From Ronsard, Amours, i. 12. 
 
 Lee, Kastner, and Maiberger. 
 
 ^ Ed. Hunterian Club, 1883, ii. 19 sq. Mention 
 
 should be made in this connection of two poems with 
 
 French refrains, appearing in Greene's romances. One 
 
 is a complaint of Venus to Adonis, in Never Too Late 
 
124 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 By 1590, as it appears, Lodge's obligations to 
 Ronsard were widely enough known to give 
 point to an elaborately conceived jest at his 
 expense. In that year appeared Tarleton^s 
 News out of Purgatory, probably by Thomas 
 Nash. The author represents the shade of 
 Ronsard reading from manuscript some of his 
 own verses. These the author quotes in full; 
 '^ because," he says, '^his [Ronsard's] stile 
 is not common, nor have I heard our English 
 poets write in that vaine." But the verses 
 in question turn out to be a ridiculous parody 
 on the ^'sonnet" of Montanus, in Lodge's 
 Rosalynde just published, and the point is 
 obvious. As regards Lodge's attitude toward 
 Desportes, he has himself supplied some inter- 
 esting information in a much-quoted passage 
 in A Margarite of America (1596) : " ... Few 
 men are able to second the sweete conceites 
 of Philip du Fortes whose poeticall writings 
 being alreadie for the most part englished and 
 ordinarilie in everie man's hands. . . ." ^ This, 
 it will be seen, is testimony tending to establish 
 a general acquaintance with Desportes, even 
 extending, by way of translations, to those 
 unable to read French. No English transla- 
 tions of Desportes and no further suggestions 
 of them have come down to us. Michael 
 Drayton, though, is probably making a general 
 
 (1590), the other is Mullidor's Madrigal in Francesco's 
 Fortunes (1590). Both poems are printed in BuUen's 
 Lyrics from Elizabethan Rojnances, pp. 24 and 32. 
 1 Ed. J. O. Halliwell, London, 1859, p. 116. 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 125 
 
 statement rather than merely aiming a thrust 
 at Lodge, when he declares of himself in the 
 introductory sonnet to the edition of Idea, 
 published in 1594 : — 
 
 ..." I wrong not other men, 
 Nor traffique further than thys happy clyme, 
 Nor filch from Fortes, nor from Petrarch's pen, 
 A fault too common in thys latter tyme.'' ^ 
 
 The use Lodge makes of his borrowed sonnet 
 material is so various that it is difficult to gen- 
 eralize on the actual influence which his French 
 models had upon him. In fact, one doubts 
 if they had any influence except to facilitate 
 his literary efforts by providing plenty of ma- 
 terial ready at hand. The very fact that he 
 drew with equal freedom from Desportes and 
 
 ^Some further corroboration of English knowledge of 
 Desportes about this time is available. In the Phoenix 
 Nest, a miscellany published in 1593, there are two lyrics 
 from Desportes. The first stanza of the poem be- 
 ginning, " O Night, O jealous Night, repugnant to my 
 measures (Bullen, op. cit., pp. x and 68), is from the 
 opening of a sonnet in the Diverses Amours, " O Nuit, 
 jalouse Nuit, contre moi conjur^e," etc. The poem 
 beginning, " Those eyes that set my fancy on a fire," 
 represents Diane, i. 11. It was reprinted in Barley's 
 New Book of Tabliture, in 1596. Another popular sonnet 
 of Desportes was Diane, i. 32 (Bullen, o-p. cit., p. 222), 
 which appeared as the fifteenth sonnet in Spenser's 
 Amoretti, 1595, and also inspired a sonnet in the collec- 
 tion Emaricdulfe ," by E. C, in the same year, and a poem 
 in Wilbye's Madrigals as late as 1598. Grosart, in his 
 edition of Breton's works, i. p. Ixvi, notes that a sonnet 
 by Breton " Of his Mistress' Love," in Arbor of Amorous 
 Devices, also Griffin's Fidessa, sonnet 57, are both from 
 Desportes's " Un jour, I'aveugle Amour, Diane et ma 
 maistresse " (Diane, i. 15) . 
 
126 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 Ronsard indicates a rather easy adaptability 
 ill his tastes. It appears, however, that he 
 really preferred the more elaborate conceits of 
 Desportes, for most of his borrowings from that 
 author are characteristic products, while from 
 Ronsard he takes rather those less like the 
 norm and more in the manner of Desportes. 
 
 While his versions follow the originals very 
 closely. Lodge was by nature the poet of the 
 madrigal rather than of the sonnet, and usually 
 managed to introduce something of the tone 
 he preferred. Often he changed the verse 
 structure entirely, as in the case of the third 
 sonnet of the second part of Desportes's Amours 
 de Diane. This he introduced in his prose work, 
 once as a sonnet, once in another type of verse, 
 and finally reconstructed as the thirty-sixth son- 
 net of his Phillis. Desportes's version reads : — 
 
 "Si je me siez h Tombre, aussi soudainement 
 Amour, laissant son arc, s'assied et se repose ; 
 Si je pense a des vers, je le voy qui compose; 
 Si je plains mes douleurs, il se plaint hautement. 
 Si je me plais au mal, il accroist mon tourment; 
 Si je respan des pleurs, son visage il arrose ; 
 Si je monstre ma playe, en ma poitrine enclose, 
 II defait son bandeau, Tessuyant doucement. 
 Si je vais par les bois, aux bois il m'accompagne. 
 Si je me suis cruel, dans mon sang il se bagne, 
 Si je vais a la guerre, il devient mon soldart, 
 Si je passe la nuict, il conduit ma nacelle; 
 Bref, jamais Timportun de moy ne se depart, 
 Pour rendre mon desir et ma peine eternelle." 
 
 This is introduced by Lodge in his Rosalynde, 
 with a verse-structure entirely free from com- 
 plications. 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 127 
 
 " Turne I my lookes unto the Skies, 
 Love with his arrowes wounds mine eies : 
 If so I gaze upon the ground, 
 Love then in everie flower is found. 
 Search I the shade to flie my paine, 
 He meetes me in the shade againe : 
 Wend I to walke in secrete grove. 
 Even there I meete with sacred Love. 
 If so I bayne me in the spring. 
 Even on the brinke I heare him sing : 
 If so I meditate alone, 
 He will be partner of my moane. 
 If so I mourn, he weepes with mee, 
 And where I am, there will he bee. ..." 
 
 The sonnet which he finally introduced into 
 Phillis reads as follows : — 
 
 " If so I seek the shades, I presently do see 
 The god of love forsakes his bow and sit me by ; 
 If that I think to write, his Muses pliant be. 
 If so I plain my grief, the wanton boy will cry. 
 If I lament his pride, he doth increase my pain ; 
 If tears my cheeks attaint, his cheeks are moist with 
 
 moan; 
 If I disclose the wounds the which my heart hath 
 
 slain. 
 He takes his fascia off, and wipes them dry anon. 
 If so I walk the woods, the v/oocls are his delight; 
 If I myself torment, he bathes him in my blood ; 
 He will my soldier be if once I wend to fight. 
 If seas delight, he steers my bark amidst the flood. 
 In brief, the cruel god doth never from me go. 
 But makes my lasting love eternal with my woe.' 
 
 }> 
 
 Thoroughly in keeping with Lodge's liking 
 for the conceits of Desportes is his tendency, 
 especially in dealing with Ronsard, to embellish 
 the French author's descriptions with new 
 
128 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 flowers of his own devising. The one hundred 
 and thirty-first sonnet from the first book of 
 Ronsard's Amours reads thus : — 
 
 " Je parangonne a ta jeune beaute, 
 
 Qui toujours dure, en son printemps nouvelle, 
 
 Ce mois d'avril qui ses fleurs renouvelle, 
 
 En sa plus gaye et verte nouveaute. 
 Loin devant toy s'enfuit la cruaute, 
 
 Devant luy fuit la saison plus cruelle ; 
 
 n est tout beau, ta face est toute belle ; 
 
 Ferme est son cours, ferme est ta loyaute. 
 1\ peint les bois, les forests et les plaines, 
 
 Tu peins mes vers d'un bel email de fleurs; 
 
 Des laboureurs il arrose les peines, 
 D'un vain espoir tu laves mes douleurs; 
 
 Du ciel sur I'herbe il fait tomber les pleurs, 
 
 Tu fais sortir de mes yeux deux fontaines." 
 
 In Lodge's hand it becomes as follows, in the 
 thirtieth sonnet of his Phillis: — 
 
 " I do compare unto thy youthly clear, 
 
 Which always bides within thy flow 'ring prime, 
 The month of April, that bedews our clime 
 With pleasant flowers, when as his showers ap- 
 pear. 
 
 Before thy face shall fly false cruelty. 
 Before his face the doly season fleets ; 
 Mild been his looks, thine eyes are full of sweets; 
 Firm is his course, firm is thy loyalty. 
 
 He paints the fields through liquid crystal showers, 
 Thou paint 'st my verse with Pallas' learned flowers ; 
 With Zephirus' sweet breath he fills the plains. 
 And thou my heart with weeping sighs dost wring ; 
 
 His brows are dewed with morning's crystal spring, 
 
 Thoumak'st my eyes with tears bemoan my pains." 
 
 On the whole, Lodge's style is bright and 
 vivacious, combining vigor, sweetness, and a 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 129 
 
 sense of reality. His decorations and meta- 
 phors, even when elaborate, do not seem heavy. 
 He appears to have much in common with 
 Desportes, and even in his care-free borrowing 
 from convenient sources probably received 
 further impetus from the French poet in the 
 direction where natural tastes were already 
 drawing him. If nothing else, he illustrates 
 the intimate acquaintance of English poets 
 with Ronsard and Desportes at this period. 
 
 The sonnets of Henry Constable and Barnabe 
 Barnes are best considered together, for both 
 men, in a similar way, are rich in suggestion 
 of the later developments in this vogue in the 
 various countries. Just as in Italy and France 
 the final extravagances and figurative excesses 
 of sonnet composition were attended by the 
 serious employment of the form, with many 
 of its conventions, in the service of religious 
 themes, so it happened in England. Both 
 lines of development were present, and some- 
 times, as with Desportes in France, in the work 
 of the same men. This is the combination 
 represented by Constable and Barnes. There 
 is the usual difficulty in determining how far 
 they were affected by French influence and 
 with what results. Constable was certainly 
 exposed considerably to such influence, for 
 not long after obtaining a degree from Cam- 
 bridge in 1580, he became a Roman CathoHc 
 and went to Paris to live, remaining there until 
 the accession of James. His sonnets, both 
 amorous and religious, were written there 
 
 K 
 
130 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 and circulated in England by his friends, under 
 whose direction the Diana was published in 
 1592. Another edition, two years later, con- 
 tained a sonnet by Richard Smith the pub- 
 lisher, which has characterized the Diana 
 sonnets for all time. It is addressed to two 
 ladies : — 
 
 "You twofold charities, celestial lights, 
 Bow your sun-rising eyes, planets of joy, 
 Upon these orphan poems ; in whose rights 
 Conceit first claimed his birthright to enjoy." 
 
 Whatever meaning Mr. Smith may have in- 
 tended for the word, '^conceit" is certainly 
 a distinguishing feature of the Diana. There 
 is also considerable variation in metre and 
 rhyme, the final couplet being several times 
 avoided. The suspicion is, however, that, al- 
 though Constable was probably familiar enough 
 with the Italians, much of this quality he ob- 
 tained direct from Desportes. The title of 
 the series is apparently drawn from the Amours 
 de Diane. Two sonnets at least are almost 
 literal renderings from Desportes, one of these 
 being the familiar motive handed down from 
 Petrarch : — 
 
 "Unhappy day, unhappy month and season . . ." ^ 
 
 The other parallel is even closer, as will be seen 
 by comparison.^ The original is the twenty- 
 sixth in the first book of Desportes's Diane. 
 
 ^ Diana, sonnet 8, decade 6, from Desportes, Amours 
 de Diane, i. 47. 
 
 2 These resemblances are both noted in Lee, op. cit. 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 131 
 
 ''Mon Dieu ! mon Dieu I que j'aime ma deesse 
 
 Et de son chef les tresors precieux ! 
 
 Mon Dieu ! mon Dieu ! que j 'aime ses beaux yeux, 
 
 Dont Tun m'est doux, Tautre plein de rudesse ! 
 Mon Dieu ! mon Dieu ! que j 'aime la sagesse 
 
 De ses discours, qui raviroient les Dieux, 
 
 Et la douceur de son ris gracieux, 
 
 Et de son port la royale hautesse ! 
 Mon Dieu ! que j 'aime a me ressouvenir 
 
 Du tans qu 'Amour me fist serf devenir ! 
 
 Toujours depuis j 'adore mon servage. 
 Mon mal me plaist plus il est violant ; 
 
 Un feu si beau m'egaye en me brulant, 
 
 Et la rigueur est douce en son visage." 
 
 The English rendering of this appears as the 
 tenth sonnet of the sixth decade. 
 
 '' My God, my God, how much I love my goddess, 
 Whose virtues rare, unto the heavens arise ! 
 My God, my God, how much I love her eyes 
 One shining bright, the other full of hardness ! 
 
 My God, my God, how much I love her wisdom. 
 Whose works may ravish heaven's richest maker ! 
 Of whose eyes' joys if I might be partaker 
 Then to my soul a holy rest would come. 
 
 My God, how much I love to hear her speak ! 
 Whose hands I kiss and ravished oft rekisseth, 
 When she stands wotless whom so much she 
 
 blesseth. 
 Say then, what mind this honest love would break ; 
 
 Since her perfections pure, withouten blot. 
 
 Makes her beloved of thee, she knoweth not ? " 
 
 The fact remains that these sonnets which 
 Constable obviously drew from Desportes are 
 scarcely in the extravagant vein at all, thus 
 indicating the presence of other models. It is 
 probable, though, that Constable's sixteen Spir^ 
 
132 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 itiiall Sonnets were prompted by the example 
 of Desportes. Their author was a CathoHc 
 like the French poet; and they also were com- 
 posed during that sojourn in France, thus 
 being entirely independent of the Protestant 
 religious current that passed from France into 
 England under the encouragement of the Sid- 
 neys. These sonnets as such have no par- 
 ticular significance. But they are serious and 
 devout, and were counted by Constable among 
 his best work. 
 
 In Barnes's collection, Parthenophil and Par- 
 thenophe, there is no end to the vagaries. Ap- 
 parently he had power and originality, but was 
 sadly lacking in restraint. He was a good 
 friend of Harvey, and was near enough to Lady 
 Pembroke to address her, in a sonnet accom- 
 panying his collection, as — 
 
 " Pride of our English Ladies ! never matched ! 
 Great Favourer of Phcebus' offspring ! 
 In whom, even Phoebus is most flourishing ! 
 Muse's chief comfort ! Of the Muses, hatched !" 
 
 He is supposed to have gone to France with the 
 Earl of Essex in 1591, and there is no evidence 
 of his return before 1595. The preface to his 
 Spiritiiall Sonnets represents them as written 
 in France in 1594. Parthenophil and Par- 
 thenophe was published in England in 1593, 
 but friends may have managed this in his case 
 also. 
 
 No single model or group of models will 
 account for his peculiarities. He has an abrupt 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 133 
 
 exclamatory style that often becomes almost 
 incoherent. He is fond of unpoetic figures, 
 such as those from law and from astronomy. 
 In some sonnets, and especially in his accom- 
 panying lyrics, the mood is the warmer one of 
 the Greek and Latin poets. Indeed he makes 
 several attempts at classic metres in his longer 
 poems. Many sonnets have fifteen lines, and 
 his rhyme schemes reveal every possible varia- 
 tion. His own suggestion of his models is 
 found in a sonnet fairly characteristic of his 
 style, the forty-fourth of his series. 
 
 "O dart and thunder ! whose fierce violence 
 Surmounting Rhetoric's dart and thunder bolts, 
 Can never be set out in eloquence ! 
 Whose might all metal's mass asunder moults ! 
 Where be the famous Prophets of old Greece ? 
 Those ancient Roman poets of account ? 
 Musseus, who went for the Golden Fleece 
 With Jason, and did Hero's love recount ! 
 And thou, sweet Naso, with the golden verse ; 
 Whose lovely spirit nourished Caesar's daughter! 
 And that sweet Tuscan, Petrarch, which did pierce 
 His Laura with Love Sonnets, when he caught her ! 
 Where be all these ? That all these might have taught 
 
 her, 
 That Saints divine, are known Saints by their mercy ! 
 And Saint-like beauty should not rage with pierce 
 
 eye!" 
 
 The possibilities of French influence in the 
 work of Barnes are about threefold. With his 
 fondness for classic verse perhaps increased 
 during the friendship with Harvey, he would 
 have found much encouragement among the 
 French poets toward the appreciation and 
 
134 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 imitation of the classic forms. Indeed it is 
 possible, since he utilized many familiar classic 
 themes, that he often followed French versions 
 of these Greek and Latin lyrists.^ Twelve 
 sonnets of his collection, beginning with the 
 thirty-second, make elaborate use of astronomy, 
 comparing the progress of the lover's passion 
 to the passage of the sun through the twelve 
 signs of the zodiac. In 1588 the French poet 
 Gilles Durant had published his Stances du 
 Zodiaque, a poem of thirty-three six-line stanzas 
 developing the same theme. This French poem 
 did not serve Barnes as a model, but in all 
 probability it gave him the idea and a good 
 deal of inspiration.^ The French poem was 
 later paraphrased by Chapman under the title 
 of '^The Amourous Zodiac." 
 
 In the composition of Barnes's Divine Cen- 
 turie of Spirituall Sonnets there was certainly 
 the presence of French influence. They were 
 written in France, as the author declares; and 
 circumstances indicate that they were produced 
 partly under Protestant influence. In fact, the 
 preface virtually announces the author as a 
 disciple of the '^Heavenly Muse" of Du Bartas. 
 In his own words: '^If any man feele in him- 
 selfe (by the secret fire of immortall Entheusi- 
 
 ^ Lee, op. cit., p. Ixxviii, suggests in this connection 
 Barnes's rendering of ''The First Eidilhon of Moschus 
 describing Love." This had been worked over by vari- 
 ous French poets, including Marot, Baif, and Amadis 
 Jamyn. 
 
 2 Lee, op. cit.f p. Ixxviii; also in Modern Philology f 
 October, 1905. 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 135 
 
 asme) the learned motions of strange and divine 
 passions of spirite, let him refine and illuminate 
 his numerous Muses with the most sacred 
 splendor of the holy Ghost, and then he shall 
 (with divine Salust the true learned frenche 
 Poet) finde, that as humane furie maketh a man 
 lesse than a man, and the very same with wilde 
 unreasonable beastes : so divine rage and sacred 
 instinct of a man maketh more then man, and 
 leadeth him (from his base terrestriall estate) 
 to walke above the starres with Angelles im- 
 mortally." ^ The model of the Divine Cen- 
 turie was probably the Sonnets Spirituels of 
 the Abbe Jacques de Billy, published in 1573 
 and 1578, or some similar production. He is 
 less likely to have drawn upon Desportes or 
 upon any Italian work. 
 
 In the hands of English Protestants, and 
 under the encouragement of Lady Pembroke 
 and her circle, this religious employment of the 
 sonnet became the significant feature of its 
 last days. The religious ideal of Du Bartas 
 had much to do with this ; ^ and the moral qua- 
 trains of the French poet Pibrac, translated by 
 Sylvester and published with his version of 
 Du Bartas, also played their part. It is sig- 
 nificant of the confusion of Catholic Reaction 
 
 ^ Cf. Grosart, Occasional Issues, London, 1875, i. 
 160. Note that in 1593, in a letter to Gabriel Harvey, 
 Barnes speaks of his Muse as one that honors '' the Urany 
 of Du Bartas." Grosart, op. cit., i. p. xxvii. 
 
 2 See chap. iv. Note that a number of those who 
 imitated Du Bartas also tried their hands at religious 
 sonnets. 
 
136 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 and Protestant enthusiasm that these verses 
 of Pibrac, who was not a Protestant and had 
 even dared to write an apology for the Massacre 
 of Saint Bartholomew's Day, should have been 
 associated with the Semaines of Du Bartas, 
 and read and admired by English Protestants 
 for many years.^ 
 
 The list of those who wrote religious sonnets 
 in English is a large one, but deserves noting 
 here, because much of the initial impulse for 
 the fashion came to England from France. In 
 1597 appeared Henry Locke's Sundrie Sonets of 
 Christian Passions, three hundred and twenty- 
 eight in number. John Donne's Holy Sonnets 
 were written before 1600, and The SouVs Har- 
 mony, by Nicholas Breton, belongs to 1602. 
 Fulke Greville's Ccelica abruptly changes its 
 tone at the eighty-fifth sonnet, and the remainder 
 of the series is moral, even religious, in tone. 
 As late as 1623 came Drummond's Flowers 
 of Sion. Even before 1600 the composition 
 
 * References to Pibrac are scattered over a long period 
 of time. A letter from Prince Henry to the King, Janu- 
 ary 23, 161^6, quotes one of the quatrains (Nichols, 
 Progresses of James I., ii. 34). The comedy Lady Ali- 
 mony, printed 1659, contains this statement (act iii, 
 sc. 6) : — 
 
 . . . "Thou hast ta'en content 
 With as much freedom under strait restraint, 
 As Pibrack in his paradox expressed. 
 Inwardly cheer 'd when outwardly distress'd." 
 
 As late as 1674, Rymer, in the preface of his translation 
 of Rapin's Reflections on Aristotle's Poetics, suggests the 
 possibility that Davenant modeled the stanza of Gondi- 
 bort on Pibrac's Quatrains. 
 
THE ELIZ.A^ETHAN SONNET 137 
 
 of religious poetry, under both Protestant and 
 Catholic inspiration, was so extensive in Eng- 
 land as to call out the protest in Joseph Hall's 
 Vergidemiarum : — 
 
 ''Hence, ye profane ! mell not with holy things 
 That Sion's Muse from Palestina brings." ^ 
 
 Among the English collections of regular 
 love-sonnets, the Licia of Giles Fletcher, 
 1593, is of value to this study chiefly for the 
 testimony, offered in the introduction, that 
 English poets were accustomed to borrow from 
 Italy, Spain, and France their best and choicest 
 conceits, — a practice against which he pro- 
 tests.^ Yet he is particularly anxious to make 
 it known that he is not in love, but merely 
 writing sonnets as poetical exercises; and the 
 title page confesses that the work was done 
 'Ho the imitation of the best Latin poets and 
 others." Two fairly close parallels with Ron- 
 sard appear among his sonnets, — close enough 
 to suggest that, though not materially in- 
 fluenced by that writer, Fletcher was willing 
 to utilize his work for the sake of conven- 
 
 1 Infra, p. 176. 
 
 2 The preface "To the Reader" says: "This age is 
 learnedly wise and faultless in this kind of making their 
 wits known; thinking so basely of our base English, 
 wherein thousands have travailed with such ill luck, 
 that they deem themselves barbarous and the island 
 barren, unless they have borrowed from Italy, Spain and 
 France their best and choicest conceits. For my o\sti 
 part, I am of this mind, that our nation is so exquisite 
 . . . that neither Italy, Spain nor France can go be- 
 yond us for exact invention." 
 
138 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 ience, as so many English poets were doing 
 at that time.^ 
 
 The Enghsh sequences not yet considered 
 would add little substantial information to the 
 situation as already developed.^ Three im- 
 portant collections must be mentioned, how- 
 ever. Drayton's Ideals Mirrour, Amours and 
 Quatorzains, appeared in 1594, Spenser's Amo- 
 retti in 1595, and Shakespeare's Sonnets were 
 written about this time, though not printed until 
 1609. In Drayton's work, the name ''Idea'' 
 in the title at once attracts attention, with its 
 suggestion of the collection of Claude de Ponteux. 
 The name evidently was a favorite with Dray- 
 ton, and he had used it the year before in Idea; 
 the Shepherd's Garland, a collection of nine 
 eclogues modeled on the Shepheardes Calendar. 
 Of course the name was generally familiar, 
 through its association with the Platonic phi- 
 losophy. The possibility of French influence 
 is strengthened by the terms ''Amours" and 
 "Quatorzains" in the sub-title, though these 
 also were in common use in England. Part of 
 Drayton's introductory sonnet has already been 
 quoted,^ with its denial of filching from Portes's 
 or from Petrarch's pen. The sonnet concludes 
 with the repetition of Sidney's declaration, 
 
 ^ Sonnet 51 bears close resemblance to Ronsard, 
 Amours, i. 32, already utilized by Lodge in the 32d 
 sonnet of Phillis. (Noted by Lee.) Sonnet 52 parallels 
 Ronsard, Amours, i. 54. (Noted by Maiberger.) 
 
 '^ There is a possible influence from Du Bartas in the 
 sonnets of John Donne; see p. 178 sq. 
 
 2 Supra, p. 125. 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 139 
 
 ''I am no pickpurse of another's wit." Yet 
 Drayton is of course as elaborate a borrower 
 as any of the rest, gathering from various 
 sources, but showing considerable skill in 
 revivifying what he has obtained. 
 
 Drayton seems to be the closest disciple of 
 Sidney in the virility and independence of his 
 poetry, those features which probably came 
 into England with a considerable impulse from j 
 the work of Ronsard, and in a minor degree / 
 of Desportes. As in Sidney's case this indi- 
 viduality is more than the conventional anti- 
 Petrarchistic reaction against plagiarism, and 
 is rather involved in the creative genius of the 
 poet, which rises above empty imitation. 
 Drayton's independence even extends to the 
 emotions he portrays, as in the famous — 
 
 "Since there's no help, come let us kiss and part." 
 
 Of course such originality of tone should have 
 no real need of foreign example to prompt it, 
 and such example need not be assumed unless 
 there is further evidence of association. In the 
 case of Shakespeare, for instance, this revitaliz- 
 ing power is present to an extent far beyond 
 that displayed by any of his predecessors. In- 
 spiration for his sonnets probably came from 
 various directions, but there are no means avail- 
 able by which his indebtedness can be traced. 
 Spenser's Amoretti represent that poet on his 
 Italian side, although the already familiar fond- 
 ness for the conception of mortal decay is still 
 present. There are some indications that he 
 
140 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 was willing to turn to French sources for a 
 particular phrasing that appealed to him, as he 
 did in his fifteenth sonnet, apparently modeled 
 on Desportes.^ The real inspiration of the 
 series is Itahan, however. No other sonnet 
 collections of the later period rise to the emi- 
 nence of those just considered, although the 
 vogue extended well into the seventeenth cen- 
 tury. Extensive experiments in the form were 
 made by two other men connected with the 
 Sidney-Spenser literary coterie, — Fulke Gre- 
 ville's Ccelica, before 1600, and Sir William 
 Alexander's Aurora, published in 1604.^ There 
 is nothing in either of these that may be char- 
 acterized as distinctly French. The same may 
 be said of the love sonnets of William Drum- 
 mond, who, in spite of his wide acquaintance 
 with French literature, preferred the manner of 
 Petrarch or of his latest Italian followers. The 
 French sonnet writers, how^ever, were still favor- 
 ite reading in England at the opening of the 
 seventeenth century, as is shown by the com- 
 mand of Amoretto in the second part of the Re- 
 turn from Parnassus, sicied 1601-1602: ^'Sirrha 
 boy, remember me when I come into Paules 
 Churchyard to buy a Ronzarcl and Dubartas 
 in french and Aretine in Italian, and our 
 hardest writers in Spanish, they wil sharpen 
 
 ^ Amours de Diane, i. 32. As noted before, this is 
 also the basis of a sonnet in Emaricdulfe and of a poem 
 in Wilbye's Madrigals. 
 
 2 Drummond distinctly speaks of Alexander as model- 
 ing his sonnets on those of Petrarch. {Wks., ed. 1711, 
 p. 226.) 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 141 
 
 my witts gallantly." ^ Desportes was also in 
 favor at this time, as shown by Gervase Mark- 
 ham's Rodomonths Infernall, or The Divell Con- 
 quered, translated from Desportes's French ver- 
 sion of Ariosto. This translation was entered 
 in 1598. 
 
 There is one portion of Scotland's sonnet 
 history which is of little importance in itself, 
 but adds weight to the conviction that the in- 
 fluence of James VI., at least during his early 
 years, was strongly in favor of imitation of the 
 French. Indeed James himself made a few 
 experiments with the sonnet, fifteen specimens 
 being published in 1584, in a collection entitled 
 The Essayes of a Prentise in the Divine Art of 
 Poesie? There are no love sonnets in the group, 
 twelve being invocations to the gods, and the 
 others mere prologues and epilogues. Far more 
 extensive was the work of one of the first of 
 James's literary proteges, Alexander Mont- 
 gomery, whose sonnets, written from time to 
 time, number seventy in all. Of these less than 
 a third involve the love theme, namely num- 
 bers thirty-nine to sixty-one, and number 
 seventy, in the collected sonnets, published 
 first in 1821 from the Drummond manuscript. 
 Montgomery was already writing poetry in 
 1578, when he was transferred to the service of 
 the new king James. A commendatory sonnet 
 
 1 Ed. W. D. Macray, Oxford, 1886, p. 121. In 
 part i. p. 61, Gullio attempts a quotation from Ronsard. 
 Part i. was written at least a year earlier. 
 
 ^ In Arber's English Reprints, vol. x. 
 
142 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 by him was published with James's translation 
 of Du Bartas's Uranie in 1584, and three others 
 in praise of this same translation appear in 
 Montgomery's collected works. In 1586 he re- 
 ceived permission to travel in France, Flanders, 
 and Spain for five years. Soon after, his pen- 
 sion was cut off; and after considerable con- 
 troversy it was restored to him in 1588. Eleven 
 of the sonnets in the collection are concerned 
 with this grievance. The love sonnets cannot 
 be dated, but they are simply conventional 
 exercises, directed at random to various mis- 
 tresses. They have no individuality and dis- 
 play little original genius. At least seven of 
 them are, wholly or in part, close translations 
 from the Amours of Ronsard.^ Besides, the 
 miscellaneous poems of Montgomery abound in 
 thoughts and expressions that have close paral- 
 lels in various attempts of Ronsard's at the 
 classic lyrics. A comparison from the sonnets 
 will illustrate Montgomery's method. 
 1. Ronsard. 
 
 "Heureuse fut Testoille fortunee 
 Qui d'un bon ceil ma maistresse apperceut ; 
 
 a 
 
 ^ O. HofTman, " Studien zu Alexander Montgomery, 
 in Eng. Stud., xx. 24 sq., includes a detailed study 
 of this indebtedness. The particulars are as follows: 
 sonnet 39, from Ronsard, Amours, i. 89; sonnet 41, 
 from Amours, ii. chanson following sonnet 62; sonnet 
 47, from Amours, i. 78; sonnet 50, from Amours, 
 i. 137; sonnet 56, eight lines from Amours, 1. 81; 
 sonnet 57, eight lines from Amours, i. 1 ; sonnet 60, 
 from Amours, ii. 56. Hoffman notes that several of 
 these have Italian parallels also, but the resemblance 
 to the French is so close as to indicate direct connection. 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 143 
 
 Heureux le bers et la main qui la sceut 
 Emmailloter le jour qu'elle fut nee : 
 
 Heureuse fut la mammelle en-mannee * 
 
 De qui le laict premier elle recent, 
 Et bien-heureux le ventre qui concent 
 Si grand' beaute de si grands dons ornee ! 
 
 Heureux les champs qui eurent cest honneur 
 De la voir naistre, et de qui le bon-heur 
 LTnde et TEgypte heureusement excelle ! 
 
 Heureux le fils dont grosse elle sera, 
 Mais plus heureux celuy qui la fera 
 Et femme et mere, en lieu d'une pucelle ! " * 
 
 2. Montgomery, fiftieth sonnet. 
 
 " O happy star, at evning and at morne, 
 
 Vhais bright aspect my maistres first out (fand) ; 
 
 O happy credle ! and O happy hand 
 
 Vhich rockit hir the hour that sho wes b(orne !) 
 
 happy pape, ye rather nectar hor(ne,) 
 First gaiv hir suck, in silver suedling band ! 
 O happy wombe consavit had beforne 
 So brave a beutie, honour of our land ! 
 
 O happy bounds, vher dayly yit scho duells, 
 Vhich Inde and Egypts happynes excells ! 
 O happy bed vharin sho sail be laid ! 
 happy babe in belly sho sail breid ! 
 
 Bot happyer he that hes that hap indeid 
 
 To mak both wyfe and mother of that (maid.)" 
 
 Such a study as this is far from complete or 
 satisfactory. Such conclusions as it does beget 
 are many of them concerned with matters of 
 mood or impression; and the evidence that at 
 first seemed most definite has produced fit tie 
 tangible result. There is no doubt that for a 
 score or more of years the leading sonnet 
 
 ^ Amours, i. 137. 
 
144 THE ELIZABETHAN SONNET 
 
 writers of the French Pleiade group were fa- 
 miliarly known to the literary public of Eng- 
 land; and that the French sonnets, combining 
 so many of the various Italian excellences, 
 were drawn upon freely by the English poets 
 as a convenient storehouse of ideas, metaphors, 
 and tricks of style. At times these borrowings 
 involved a discipleship : more often they did 
 not. From France to England, however, came 
 
 ( the general plan of grouping and publishing 
 sonnets, as well as many of the titles applied 
 
 ' to various collections. Ronsard in particular 
 probably had somewhat to do with the increase 
 of vital reality and of independent spirit dis- 
 played by men like Sidney and Drayton. The 
 
 \ ideals and examples of the French were in- 
 fluential in encouraging the English tendency 
 to model sonnets and other lyrics after the 
 
 [ poetic manner of the Greeks and Latins. France 
 anticipated England in the religious employ- 
 ment of the sonnet, and by the close relations 
 
 ' of French Protestants with English literary 
 leaders gave a strong impulse to consecrated 
 lyric poetry in England. These general in- 
 fluences are supplemented by such instances 
 of particular indebtedness as the use of Alex- 
 
 ; andrines by Sidney, the fondness for the poetry 
 
 ^ of ruins in Spenser, and the immediate impetus 
 to conceits in style sometimes imparted by 
 Desportes. Certainly in the role of an inter- 
 mediary, France played no insignificant part in 
 the story of the EUzabethan sonnet. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 Du Bartas 
 
 For many years the literature of the French 
 Protestants confined itself chiefly to sermons, 
 commentaries, and treatises, until finally the 
 Gascon, Guillaume de Salluste, sieur du Bar- 
 tas, a devoted adherent of this faith and at the 
 same time a disciple of the rapidly decHning 
 Pleiade, was moved to combine his Huguenot 
 enthusiasm with the trappings and machinery 
 of the epic. In 1573, in a poem entitled 
 UUranie ou Muse Celeste, the poet describes 
 the supposed manner of his "calling" and re- 
 peats the words of this muse, whom he con- 
 ceives of as appearing in his dreams. Her 
 argument rests upon the Platonic notion of a 
 poet's divine inspiration and peculiar separa- 
 tion from the world: this being the case, 
 he should avoid profane subjects and sing 
 only of holy things. Then comes her direct 
 appeal : — 
 
 "Bien que cest argument semble une maigre lande, 
 Que les meilleurs esprits ont en friche laisse, 
 Ne sois pour I'avenir de ce travail lasse : 
 Car plus la gloire est rare, et tant plus elle est grande. 
 
 L 145 
 
\ 
 
 146 DU BARTAS 
 
 Saluste, ne perds cceur, si tu vols que I'Envie 
 Aille abbayant, maligne, apres ton los naissant : 
 Ne crain que sous ses pieds elle aille tapissant 
 Les vers que tu feras, comme indignes de vie." * 
 
 Du Bartas accepted the new responsibility, 
 and his first venture in this line, showing the 
 same peculiarities that characterized his later 
 work, was the epic of Judith, based on Apochry- 
 phal story. This appeared in the same year, 1573. 
 Five years later came a much more pretentious 
 work. La Sepmaine ou Creation du Monde; and 
 in a short time, moved either by continued 
 devotion or by the remarkable success of this 
 venture, the author began work on a second 
 Semaine, dividing into seven more great days 
 the stretch of time from Creation to the Eternal 
 Sabbath. Each of these days was to be divided 
 into four parts, but only four days were com- 
 pleted when the work was published, in 1583. 
 
 Du Bartas recognized himself and was gener- 
 ally recognized by his public as a part of the 
 Pleiade movement. By his own account he 
 had from his youth followed the course charted 
 by these propagandists, but had found pin- 
 daric, classic epic, and love verse alike unsatisfy- 
 ing. Although Du Bellay had nothing to say 
 ^for religious subjects, Du Bartas felt a higher 
 injunction, and gave to epic the same turn 
 that Garnier and Montchrestien did to tragedy. 
 He was content to comply with Pleiade formu- 
 las in most other respects. He was a conse- 
 
 ^ Du Bartas, La Judith, ed. Paris, 1583, p. 130. 
 
DU BARTAS 147 
 
 crated poet, devoting his life to the epic treat- 
 ment of a subject that certainly possessed epic 
 dimensions. The pagan machinery of this 
 type of poem, while it bothered him by its in- 
 consistency, he was willing to keep in great 
 part, after carefully absolving himself by ex- 
 plaining its convenience. In stylistic matters 
 Du Bartas proved an especially ardent disciple ; 
 so much so, indeed, that his work, after a 
 period of extreme popularity, became the chief 
 weapon in the hands of reactionists because of 
 its absurdities.^ Ronsard himself began by 
 praising him lavishly, and later, perhaps moved 
 by ill-feeling toward a rival, disclaimed em- 
 phatically any allegiance with the Gascon.^ 
 The tricks of style gathered by Du Bartas from 
 Pleiade doctrine included especially the use of 
 compound words, supposed to be modeled on 
 the Greek,^ together with reduplications, imita- 
 tive harmonies, dialect terms, old words, and 
 various examples of provignement.* Figurative 
 
 ^ M. Morillot, in Hist, de la langue et de la litt. frang., 
 vol. iii., says, " L'auteur des Semaines passera tou jours, k 
 tort ou a raison, pour avoir 6te Tenfant terrible de la 
 Pleiade." 
 
 ^ Cf . his sonnet to Jean D'Aurat, (Euvres, ed. Blanche- 
 main (Bibl. Elzev.), Pans, 1865, v. 348. 
 
 ^ A collection of " Epithetes recueillis des Deux Sep- 
 maines et autres oeuvres poetiques de G. de Saluste " 
 appeared in France in 1596, and was attached as a supple- 
 ment to the Dictionnaire des Rimes Frangaises in that 
 year. 
 
 * Ronsard explains the application of this botanical 
 term to language in the preface to his Franciade, " Outre- 
 plus si Ics vicux mots abolis par d 'usage ont laisse 
 quelque rejetton, comme les branches des arbres couppez 
 
148 DU BARTAS 
 
 embellishment found ample favor in his sight, 
 though he took no particular pains to keep the 
 figures in good taste or restrain the metaphors 
 to the region of pure poetic fancy. 
 
 To these characteristics Du Bartas added 
 tendencies of his own preference. To the ono- 
 
 I matopoe^c effects he added a type of verbal 
 
 / repetition usually attended by word-play. His 
 pages were often filled with lavish displays of 
 encyclopedic knowledge, frequently arranged in 
 the popular medieval catalogue form. The 
 products of the various days of creation gave 
 ample opportunity for such parade. At any 
 
 ? point, the narrative might be broken and give 
 way to a long digression, usually of a moralizing 
 nature. Sometimes the author merely paused 
 to add a bit of personal comment or explana- 
 tion; again he cited contemporary events and 
 people ; and at times he burst forth into bitter 
 and satirical invective against abuses in church 
 or state. Whatever form these compositions 
 of Du Bartas took, however, one trait was 
 
 ; usually present: they were throughout their 
 course dull, heavy, and emphatically unpoetic. 
 Despite their faults these poems made a 
 prompt appeal to two great classes of readers: 
 those still so enthusiastic in their stylistic ex- 
 periments as to be blinded for the time to 
 exaggeration and bad taste; and those so de- 
 
 se rajeunissent de nouveaux drageons, tu le pourras 
 provigner, amender et cultiver, afin qu'il se repeuple de 
 nouveau." — (Euvres, ed. Marty-La veaux, Paris, 1890, 
 iii. 533. 
 
DU BARTAS 149 
 
 voted to the Protestant faith that the Urania ^ 
 note was sufficient to give excellence to a poem. 
 The preface, '^Au Lecteur," in the 1583 edition 
 of La Semaine, annotated by Simon Goiilart de 
 Senlis, begins with these words : — 
 
 "Voyant Tceuvre du Sieur du Bartas sur la creation 
 du monde si bien recueilli par toute la France, & de 
 plusieurs estrangers qui entendent nostre langue, 
 que c'est ici desia la vingtiesme edition depuis trois 
 ans, je me suis conferme en Topinion que i'ay tousjours 
 eue d'un Poeme si excellent, c'est qu'il durera, estant 
 de la marque de ces bons auteurs que le temps n'a 
 peu aneantir, ains qui sont reverez & leus tons les 
 jours, comme Homere, Virgile, & autres semblables." 
 
 Before a great while the people of England 
 and Scotland seem to have been among those 
 '^plusieurs estrangers"; and soon, indeed, for 
 those who did not understand the French 
 language, translations in great number were 
 provided. 
 
 The English people, strongly Protestant in . 
 their sympathies, were ready to extend cordial 
 welcome to a work of this kind. It came in 
 the midst of the great wave of religious litera- 
 ture, extending well into the seventeenth cen- 
 tury, and resulting in part from the zeal of the 
 Protestants, in part from the Catholic Reaction.^ 
 Since the beginning of Calvin's efforts, Protes- , 
 tant material had been pouring into England, ' 
 including translations from all the great French 
 leaders in that faith.^ From Calvin himself 
 
 1 Supra pp. 74-75, 97, 135 sq. 
 
 2 See appendix A for details drawn upon for these 
 statements. 
 
150 DU BARTAS 
 
 more than twenty separate translations are 
 recorded between 1556 and 1585, including, 
 besides numerous sermons and commentaries, 
 his Institution of the Christian Religion. Two 
 works of Pierre Viret were translated about 
 1580; while English renderings of religious 
 treatises and discussions by Jean de FEspine, 
 Theodore de Beze, and Sidney's devoted friend, 
 Duplessis-Mornay, were appearing throughout 
 the last four decades of the sixteenth century. 
 From the writings of the last-named, Sidney 
 himself began the translation of one work. La 
 verite de la religion chrestienne; and another 
 treatise, the Discours de la vie et de la mort, was 
 translated by the Countess of Pembroke after 
 her brother's death. ^ 
 
 Across the Channel Du Bartas's first open 
 champion and translator was of royal blood, no 
 less a personage than James VI. of Scotland. 
 Being well read in French, young James 
 soon had his attention attracted by this work 
 of Du Bartas, and found it in both form and 
 content very much to his liking. In his first 
 collection of poems, The Essay es of a Prentise 
 in the Divine Art of Poesie, published at Edin- 
 burgh in 1584, James included a translation he 
 had made of the Uranie, prefacing it with a 
 commendatory notice. He says : — 
 
 "Having oft resolved, and red over (favorable 
 Reader) the booke and Poems of the devine and 
 lUuster Poete, Salust du Bartas, I was moved by the 
 
 ^ Supra, pp. 51, 60 sq. 
 
DU BARTAS 151 
 
 oft reading and perusing of them, with a restles and 
 lofty desire, to preas to attaine to the hke vertue. 
 But sen (alas) God, by nature hathe refused me the 
 like lofty and quick ingyne, and that my dull Muse, 
 age, and Fortune, had refused me the like skill and 
 learning, I was constrained to have refuge to the 
 second, which was to doe what lay in me, to set forth 
 his praise, sen I could not merite the lyke myself." ^ 
 
 In 1589 Du Bartas visited Scotland on a dip- 
 lomatic mission, and a warm personal friend- 
 ship sprang up between him and James. In 
 fact James was loath to have him retm*n, desiring 
 him to take service at the Scottish court; and 
 on his departure dispatched to Henry of Navarre 
 a letter which said : — 
 
 "Monseiur mon frere, je n'ay voulu laisse passer 
 I'occasion du partement du sieur du Bartas sans par 
 la presente vous tesmoigner le grand contentment 
 que j'ay regu par sa compagnie ce temps passe et 
 combien son absence me seroit desplaisante sy autre- 
 ment se pourroit faire. Vous avez certes grande 
 occasion de louer Dieu, et vous estime tres-heureux 
 d'avoir le service et conseil d'un si rare et vertueux 
 personnage.'' ^ 
 
 James also rendered into English The Furies, , 
 part of the First Day of Du Bartas's Second! 
 Week. The French poet, returning the compli- 
 ment, translated James's poem Lepanto into the 
 French language, with some lavish praise of the 
 author in a verse preface. James's version of 
 The Furies, his Lepanto, and Du Bartas's render- 
 
 * Arber's English Reprints, x. 20. 
 2 Pellissier, G., La vie et les oeuvres de Du Bartas, 
 Paris, 1883, p. 21. 
 
152 DtJ BAETAS 
 
 ing, La Lepanthe, were published together by 
 James in 1591, in His Maiesties Poeticall Exer- 
 cises at vacant houres. A second edition of 
 James's Uranie appeared in 1585; and as early 
 as 1584, under the patronage of James and 
 with commendatory verses by him, Thomas 
 Hudson's English rendering of the Judith had 
 been made public. From that time on there 
 was more than a half century of translation 
 from Du Bartas, some of it under the advice 
 and criticism of James, the rest from inde- 
 pendent impulse. This may be roughly tabu- 
 lated as follows : ^ — 
 
 1584 Uranie or Heavenly Muse . James VI. 
 Judith Thos. Hudson 
 
 1585 Uranie or Heavenly Muse 
 
 (2d. ed.) James VI. 
 
 1588 Portion of the First Week . Philip Sidney. 
 
 1589 Uranie (into Latin verse) . Robert Ashley. 
 
 1591 The Furies James VI. 
 
 A Canticle of the Victory 
 
 at Ivry Joshua Sylvester. 
 
 The First Week (entered on 
 
 Stationers' Register) . . . Joshua Sylvester 
 
 (probably) . 
 
 1592 Triumph of Faith ; Sacrifice of 
 
 Isaac ; Shipwreck of Jonas ; 
 
 Song of the Victory at Ivry Sylvester. 
 
 1593 Portions of the Semaines, 
 
 etc Anon.^ 
 
 * A similar table appears at p. 13 sq. of P. Waller's 
 dissertation, J. Sylvester's Englische Uebersetzung der 
 Religiosen Epen des Du Bartas, 1902, to which this 
 chapter is indebted for many suggestions. 
 
 2 Hazlitt's Handbook, p. 171. 
 
DU BARTAS 153 
 
 1596 The First Day of the World's 
 
 Creation Anon. 
 
 Babilon — from the Second 
 Week Wm. L'Isle. 
 
 1598 The Second Week .... Sylvester. 
 Eden; TheDeceipt; Babilon Ajion. 
 The Furies ; The Handicrafts ; 
 
 The Arts Anon. 
 
 The Colonies Anon. 
 
 The Colonies Wm. LTsle. 
 
 1599 The Handicrafts .... Sylvester. 
 
 1603 The Second Day of the First 
 
 W^eek Thos. Winter. 
 
 1604 The Third Day's Creation . Thos. Winter. 
 1605-7 Divine Weeks and Works 
 
 (collected) Sylvester.* 
 
 1614-15 The Parliament of Vertues 
 Royal, including Bethulia's 
 Rescue (Du Bartas's Ju- 
 dith) , and the Battle of I vry Sylvester. 
 
 1620 Commentary upon Du Bar- 
 
 tas — (Stat. Reg.) . . . "Translated out 
 
 of French by 
 Dr. Lodge." 
 
 1621 Divine Weeks and Works, 
 
 with all other works . . Sylvester. 
 
 1625 Part of Du Bartas (English 
 
 and French) Wm. LTsle. 
 
 1633 Divine Weeks and Works, 
 
 etc Sylvester. 
 
 1637 The Ark; Babilon; The Colo- 
 nies; The Columns (Eng- 
 lish and French) .... Wm. LTsle. 
 
 1641 Weeks and Works, complete 
 
 and enlarged Sylvester. 
 
 It at once appears that the most important 
 translator represented here is Joshua Sylvester, 
 
 ^ This collection was reprinted in 1608, 1611, and 
 1613. 
 
154 DU BARTAS 
 
 and a brief comparison would show that his 
 work was by far the best. The partial trans- 
 lation by Philip Sidney, if it were available, 
 might prove both interesting and significant. 
 There were various reasons why Sidney should 
 have turned to Du Bartas and have been recep- 
 tive to his influence. Sidney's general interest 
 in French life and literature; his particular 
 regard for the French Protestants, beginning 
 with his youthful sojourn in France during the 
 Saint Bartholomew Massacre and his friendship 
 with Languet, and culminating in his relations 
 with Duplessis-Mornay and interest in his 
 work;^ his apparent advocacy of so many of 
 the tenets of French criticism, in connection 
 with his membership in the English Areopagus, 
 — these must have combined to turn his atten- 
 tion to the Semaine very soon after its appear- 
 ance. Indeed, there is the suggestion of a still 
 more intimate relation between the two authors, 
 in that Sidney is one of three Englishmen men- 
 tioned in the Second Week as sustaining the 
 glory of the English tongue.^ This reference 
 immediately preceded a group of leading French 
 literary men, including Ronsard and closing 
 with Sidney's friend Mornay. The passage, 
 as rendered by Sylvester, with the order of the 
 nations reversed,^ follows : — 
 
 ^ Supra, p. 47 sq. 
 
 2 Babylon, second part of Second Day of Second 
 Week, (Euvres, ed. 1593, ii. 409. 
 
 3 Sylvester's Works, ed. 1641, p. 1246. It will be 
 noted that Sylvester has nationalized the passage in his 
 usual fashion. 
 
DU BARTAS 155 
 
 "That, is great Ronsard, who his France to garnish, 
 Robs Rome and Greece of their Art- various varnish ; 
 And, hardy-witted, handleth happily 
 '^ All sorts of subject, stile and Poesie. 
 And this du Plessis, beating Atheisme, 
 Vain Paganisme, and stubborn Judaisme, 
 With their own Armes : and sacred-grave and short, 
 His plain-prankt stile he strengthens in such sort. 
 That his quick reasons, wing'd with Grace and Art, 
 Pearce like keen arrowes, every gentle heart. 
 Our Enghsh Tongue three famous Knights sustain; 
 Moore, Bacone, Sidney : of which former, twain 
 (High Chancellors of England) weaned first 
 Our infant-phrase (till then but homely nurst) 
 And childish toyes; and rudenesse chasing thence. 
 To civill knowledge, joyn'd sweet eloquence. 
 And (world-mourn'd) Sidney, warbling to the thames 
 His swan-like tunes, so courts her coy proud streams. 
 That (all with-child with Fame) his fame they bear 
 To Thetis lap; and Thetis, every-where." 
 
 That this praise of Sidney was soon generally 
 known and regarded as high compliment is in- 
 dicated by a remark of Thomas Nash, in his 
 Pierce Penniless His Supplication to the Divell, 
 1592. ^^What age," he says, "will not prayse 
 immortal Sir P. Sidney, whome noble Salustius 
 (that thrice singular french Poet) hath fa- 
 moused, together with Sir Nicholas Bacon and 
 merry Sir Thomas Moore, for the chief pillars of 
 our english speech." ^ The commendatory lan- 
 guage used here by Du Bartas should also be 
 noted. 
 
 By all odds the most painstaking and exten-, 
 sive translator of Du Bartas was Joshua 
 
 Syi-F 
 
 * Cf. the excellent discussion in P. Weller, op. cit. 
 
I 
 
 156 DU BARTAS 
 
 vester. His attitude toward the French poet of 
 divine things was one of ardent worship; he 
 too felt the call of the Muse Urania and realized 
 the magnitude of his task; and whatever our 
 opinion of the results he accomplished, we re- 
 joice that by this translation his reputation 
 was made for more than half a century, and his 
 name linked with that of his ambitious master 
 as the poet-messengers of God. 
 
 Sylvester had had only a limited schooling, 
 but that of a sort that left him well-grounded 
 in his knowledge of the French language/ For 
 some years he lived the life of a merchant- 
 adventurer, but was attracted to Du Bartas's 
 poetry and gradually gave more and more time 
 to attempts at translating it. In James Stuart, 
 already the devoted admirer of Du Bartas, he 
 found the logical patron of his muse, and to the 
 new-crowned king his collected works were 
 dedicated. There is no positive evidence as to 
 when Sylvester's translations, especially those 
 of the Premiere Semaine, were begun, or as to 
 the freedom with which they circulated in manu- 
 script before publication. It is only conjecture 
 that the ''book in English Entituled, Salustius 
 Du Bartas his weeke or Seven Dayes woork," 
 entered in the Stationers^ Register, August 14, 
 
 ^ Of the school of the Master Saravia, under whom 
 Sylvester studied, Robert Ashley, another former pupil, 
 said, "It was a rule all should speak French; he who 
 spoke English, though only a sentence, was obliged to 
 wear a fool's cap at meals, and continue to wear it till 
 he caught another in the same fault." — Sylvester, 
 Works, ed. Grosart, p. x. 
 
DU BARTAS 157 
 
 1591, is the work of Sylvester. Yet partial 
 translations by him began appearing in print 
 that same year, and by his own statement these 
 pieces existed in fragmentary form long before 
 they were printed as a collected whole. There 
 is a letter of Sylvester's to King James, dated 
 1603, in which he deplores the long delay of 
 his publication. 
 
 ''Beeing inforced (through the grievous visitacion 
 of Gods heavie hand, upon your Highnes poore Cittie 
 of London) thus long (and yet longer like) to defer 
 the Impression of my slender Labours (long since 
 meant unto your Majestie) I thought it more then 
 tyme, by some other meane, to tender my humble 
 Homage to your Highnes. But wanting both leasure, 
 in my self, and (heere in the Countrey) such helps, 
 as I could have wished, To copie the entire Worke 
 (worthie your Majesties reading) I was faine thus 
 soudanlie to scribble over this small Parte: That 
 (in the mean time) by a Parte, I might (as it wear) 
 give your Highnes Possession of the Whole. . . ." ^ 
 
 Later in his life Sylvester extended the field 
 of his translations to embrace numerous other 
 poetic works in French and Latin, generally of 
 a religious turn. Among the pieces drawn 
 from the French appear a translation of the 
 Quatrains of Pibrac, The Profit of Imprisonment 
 by Odet de la Noue, Panaretus (including Job 
 Triumphant), based on the work of Jean Ber- 
 tault, and the Memorials of Mortalitie and 
 Trophies and Tragedy of Henry the Great by 
 Pierre Matthieu. 
 
 Sylvester may be regarded as only a fairly 
 
 ^ Ed. Grosart, Introd., p. xvi; of. also facsimile 
 title-page of vol. ii. 
 
158 DU BARTAS 
 
 faithful translator.^ The general progress of the 
 narrative, with its multitudinous digressions, 
 he follows carefully, except that he frequently 
 enlarges by means of nationalizing or localiz- 
 ing illustrations. He often makes over pagan 
 myth-names and simplifies allusions. The bad 
 taste and heaviness of the original he exagger- 
 ates sadly by often phrasing metaphor and 
 comparison in the most prosy and matter-of- 
 fact language at his command. To the religious 
 tone of the work he gives a new twist, replacing 
 the mild and liberal Protestantism of Du Bartas 
 by a dogmatic and uncompromising Puritanic 
 spirit, that hardens the moralizing and places 
 parts of the work very near the boundaries of 
 satire. It would be well at this point to note 
 some quotable specimens of figurative illustra- 
 tion, as it appears in the two poets ; for unfor- 
 tunately the truest test for the influence of 
 Du Bartas in England will be along the line 
 of the poet's weaknesses. These comparisons, 
 while often daring in their imaginative flights, 
 are too frequently elaborated at great length in 
 a hopelessly wooden and mechanical fashion, or 
 stoop to triviality and grotesqueness. 
 
 1. The Creation of Matter^ 
 
 Du Bartas. 
 
 "Ou bien comme Toiseau qui tasche rendre vifs 
 Et ses oeufs naturels, et ses oeufs adoptifs, 
 
 ^ Cf . the discussion in P. Weller, op. cit. 
 
 2Cf. Milton, Paradise Lost, bk. i. 11. 21-22: — 
 
 "Dove-like sat'st brooding on the vast abyss, 
 And mad'st it pregnant." 
 
DU BARTAS 159 
 
 Se tient couche sur eux, et d'une chaleur vive, 
 Fait qu'un rond jaune-blanc en un poulet s'avive: 
 D'une mesme facon TEsprit de TEtemel, 
 Sembloit couver ce goufre, & d'un soin paternel 
 Verser en chasque part un vertu feconde, 
 Pour d'un si lourd amas extraire un si beau 
 monde, . . ." ^ 
 
 Sylvester. 
 
 <( 
 
 Or, as a Hen, that fain would hatch a Brood 
 (Some of her own, some of adoptive blood) 
 Sits close thereon, and with her lively heat, 
 Of yellow-white bals, doth live birds beget : 
 Even in such sort seemed the Spirit Eternall 
 To brood upon this Gulf ; with care paternall 
 Quickning the Parts, inspiring power in each. 
 From so foul Lees, so faire a World to fetch." ^ 
 
 2. Relation of Heaven and Earth 
 
 Du Bartas. 
 
 "combien qu'incessamment 
 Le Ciel, masle, s'accouple au plus sec element : 
 Et d'un germe fecond, qui toute chose anime, 
 Engrosse a tons momens sa femme legitime 
 La terre plantureuse, et de corps si divers 
 En forme & naturel, embellit TUnivers." ' 
 
 Sylvester. 
 
 "whereas incessantly 
 The lusty Heav'n with Earth doth company; 
 And with a fruitful seed, which lends All life, 
 With-childes, each moment, his owne lawfuU wife ; 
 And with her lovely Babes, in form and nature 
 So divers, decks this beautiful Theater." * 
 
 ^ Premiere Semaine, ed. Paris, 1583, p. 24. 
 ^ Sylvester, Works, ed. 1641, p. 4a. 
 3 Prem. Semaine, ed. 1583, p. 78. 
 * Sylvester, cd. cit., p. 126. 
 
160 DU BARTAS 
 
 3. The Firmament as a Peacock 
 
 Du Bartas. 
 
 "Comme un Paon, qui, navr^ du piqueron d 'amour, 
 Veut faire, piafard, a sa dame la cour, 
 Estaller tasche en rond les thresors de ses ailes 
 Peinturees d'azur, marquetees d'estoilles, 
 Rouant tout a Tentour d'un craquetant cerceau, 
 A fin que son beau corps paroisse encor plus beau : 
 Le firmament atteint d'une pareille flame 
 Desploye tons ses biens, rode autour de sa dame, 
 Tend son rideau d'azur de jaune tavele, 
 Houpe de flocons d'or, d'ardans yeux piole, 
 Pommele haut et bas de flambantes rouelles, 
 Mouchete de clers feux, & parseme d'estoilles, 
 Pour faire que la terre aille plus ardemment 
 Recevoir le doux fruict de son embrasement." ^ 
 
 Sylvester. 
 
 "Even as a Peacock, prickt with loves desire, 
 To woo his Mistress, strouting stately by her, 
 Spreads round the rich pride of his pompous vail. 
 His azure wings, and Starry-golden tail; 
 With rattling pinions wheeling still about, 
 The more to set his beauteous beauty out : 
 The Firmament (as feeling like above) 
 Displayes his pomp ; pranceth about his Love, 
 Spreads his blew curtain, mixt with golden marks, 
 Set with gilt Spangles, sown with glistring Sparks, 
 Sprinkled with eyes, specked with Tapers bright, 
 Poudred with Stars streaming with glorious light, 
 T' inflame the Earth the more, with Lovers grace, 
 To take the sweet fruit of his kind imbrace." ^ 
 
 ^ Prem. Semaine, p. 224. 
 2 Sylvester, ed. cit., p. 33a. 
 
DU BARTAS 161 
 
 4. Bridges 
 Du Bartas. 
 
 "Bes Fonts, bastis sans art, sont des Rocs mouchetez, 
 Que le flot mine-rive a de son choc voutez, 
 Ou des Palmes encor. Car les chaudes femelles, 
 Pour assouvir Tamour qui boult dans leurs mouelles, 
 Et ioindre leurs maris sur Tautre bord croissans 
 Courbent leur tige espais, et font planche aux 
 passans."* 
 
 Sylvester. 
 
 "And th' art-less Bridges, over-thwart this Torrent, 
 Are rocks self-arched by the eating Current : 
 Or loving Palms, whose lusty Females willing 
 Their marrow-boyling loves to be fullfilling, 
 (And reach their Husband-trees on th' other banks) 
 Bow their stiffe backs, and serve for passing-planks." ' 
 
 5. Winter 
 Du Bartas. 
 
 "Mais soudain que THyver donne une froide bride 
 Aux fleuves desbordez : que la face, il solide 
 Du Baltique Neptun : qu^il vitre les guerets, 
 Et que de floes de laine il orne les forets." ^ 
 
 Sylvester. 
 
 " But, when the Winter^s keener breath began 
 To crystallize the Baltike Ocean, 
 To glaze the Lakes, and bridle-up the Flouds, 
 And perriwig with wool the balde-pate Woods " ; * 
 
 In the list of characteristic details of style in 
 Du Bartas, the use of compound words is per- 
 
 * Du Bartas, CEuvres, ed. 1593, 11. 63. 
 
 2 Sylvester, p. 856. 
 
 3 Du Bartas, ed. 1593, ii. 265. 
 
 * Sylvester, p. 105a. 
 
 M 
 
162 DU BARTAS 
 
 haps the most important. On the whole, it 
 may be said that Sylvester carries this tendency 
 considerably farther. How much of this in- 
 crease is due to Sylvester's own initiative, and 
 how much is encouraged by the example of his 
 great contemporaries, themselves somewhat 
 under the influence of Du Bartas, it is rather 
 hard to determine. These points are certain: 
 (1) In many cases, where Du Bartas uses com- 
 pounds, Sylvester does also, often compound- 
 ing English equivalents of the French words. 
 Thus ^' porte-fleurs " becomes '^ flo wry-mantled " ; 
 ^' chasse-mal," '^ hammer-ill." (2) In other cases, 
 where Du Bartas has used no compounds, Syl- 
 vester introduces some of his own, often connect- 
 ing from three to five words in one combination. 
 In the work of either man, however, there is 
 almost no limit to the compounding tendency, 
 many of the instances in each being entirely at 
 variance with the natural idiom of the language. 
 Du Bartas, however, afforded no model for such 
 flights of Sylvestrian exuberance as ^'Smell- 
 strong-Many-foot," for a certain type of fish;^ 
 ''sweet Hee-Shee-Coupled-One," for the first pair 
 in Eclen ; ^ ' ' bef ore-un-sorro w-drained-brain ' ' ^ 
 or ''Plummet-like-smooth-sliding Tenor." ^ 
 
 The tendency to reduplicate words, which is 
 so common in Du Bartas, is never actually re- 
 peated in Sylvester's translations, and yet there 
 are a few places where Sylvester's compounds 
 appear to have been created with these forms 
 
 ^ Sylvester, ed. cit., p. 41a. ^Ihid., p. 576. 
 3 Ihid., p. 104a. "■ Ibid., p. 1436. 
 
DU BARTAS 163 
 
 in mind. Such expressions as '^our Countries 
 now-Po-poysoned phrase," ^ or 'Hhe dart-dart- 
 ing wily Porcupin," ^ although real compounds, 
 easily suggest the ^^flo-flottant," ^'bou-bouil- 
 lant," and the like, of Du Bartas. 
 
 The onomatopoetic qualities of Du Bartas are 
 carried on in about the same degree and with 
 about the same excellence by the translator, as 
 these two examples indicate : ^ — 
 
 1. The Lark 
 Du Bartas. 
 
 " Ira gentile Alouete avec son tire-lire, 
 Tire-l'ire a Tire et tire-lirant tire, 
 Vers la voute du Ciel ; puis son vol vers ce lieu 
 Vire, et desire dire, adieu Dieu, adieu Dieu." * 
 
 Sylvester. 
 
 "The pretty lark, climbing the Welkin clear 
 Chaunts with a cheer, Heer peer-I neer my Dear ; 
 Then stooping thence (seeming her fall to rew) 
 Adieu (she saith), adieu, Deer, Deer, adieu!"* 
 
 2. The Thunder Storm 
 Du Bartas. 
 
 " Comme le feu cache dans la vapeur espesse 
 Marmotonne, grondant, la nue qui le presse, 
 Canonne, tonne, estonne ; et d'un long roulement 
 Ire fait retentir le venteux element." ° 
 
 ^ Sylvester, ed. cit., p. 120a. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 1816. 
 
 2 These are quoted by Weller, op. cit., p. 70. 
 
 * (Euvres, ed. 1593, i. 429. 
 
 ^ Sylvester, ed. cit., p. 446. 
 
 « (Euvres, ed. 1593, ii. 182. 
 
164 DU BARTAS 
 
 Sylvester. 
 
 "As the heat, hidden in a vapoury Cloud, 
 Striving for issue with strange murmurs loud, 
 Like guns astuns, with round, round-rumbling thunder, 
 Filling the air with noyse, the Earth with wonder." ^ 
 
 As already noted, Du Bartas shows a con- 
 siderable fondness for word-play and jingle in 
 his verses. Thus there appear such expressions 
 as: — 
 
 " Esprit k leur esprit par TEsprit de sa voix," 
 
 and 
 
 "joindrit volon tiers ses larmes k ces larmes," 
 
 in the Judith; and 
 
 "le sang de mon sang et Fame de mon ame," 
 
 in the Semaines. Sylvester usually renders 
 such phrasings faithfully, but his employment 
 of such conceits is by no means limited to that 
 of his original. In the time intervening be- 
 tween the French Semaines and Sylvester's pub- 
 lication of the Weeks and Works, England was 
 completely carried away by the fascination of 
 such tricks of expression; Sidney and Spenser 
 and the rest working the vogue to excess, and 
 Euphuism, Arcadianism, and their kindred, 
 extending these practices throughout the land. 
 The influence of the poems of Du Bartas may 
 have been a factor in encouraging this vogue, 
 but they do not appear to have anything like 
 the significance that they had for the tendency 
 
 * Sylvester, ed. cit., p. 976. 
 
DU BARTAS 165 
 
 toward compound words. Sylvester was awake 
 to all the fads of the hour, and apparently 
 found intense satisfaction in numerous examples 
 of verbal conceit, just as he did in anagrams 
 and in stanzas printed in emblematic shape. 
 While conceits of language by themselves 
 would serve no purpose in indicating Sylvester's 
 influence, they may play a valuable part as 
 accessories, and thus deserve attention. Some 
 typical specimens are easily selected. 
 
 1. " In brief, mine eye, confounded with such spectacles, 
 
 In that one wonder sees a Sea of Miracles. '' ^ 
 
 2. "This purest, fairest, rarest Fruits fruition."' 
 
 3. " With divine accents tuning rarely right 
 
 Unto the rapting Spirit the rapted Spright." ^ 
 
 4. "The Spirit which all good spirits in spirit adore, 
 
 In all, on all, with-out all, evermore.'' * 
 
 5. "I am that I am, in me, for me, by me; 
 
 All Beings Be not (or else unselfly be) 
 
 But from my Being, all their Beings gather." ^ 
 
 There is also a difference of metrical form 
 between Du Bartas and his translator. The 
 original Semaines were in Alexandrine couplets, 
 for which Sylvester substituted a ten-syllable 
 couplet. Moreover, instead of the somewhat 
 lengthy prose summaries with which Du Bartas 
 prefaced the narrative of each day, Sylvester 
 employed short, crisp ^'arguments" in verse, 
 
 ^ Sylvester, ed. cit., p. 376. ^ Ibid., p. 92a. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 1436. * Ibid., p. 154a. 
 
 » Ibid., p. 1676. 
 
166 DU BARTAS 
 
 resembling those of the Faerie Queene, except 
 that they were in the metre of the poem proper. 
 At the beginning of his version of the Second 
 Week, Sylvester pauses to offer a prayer for his 
 own success in turning the reading public of 
 England 
 
 "From Ovid's heires, and their un-hallowed spell 
 Here charming senses, chaining soules in Hell," 
 
 and enjoins upon the poetic wits of the country 
 to carry on original work along the lines Du 
 Bartas has laid down. 
 
 " Let them devise new Weeks, new Works, new Waies 
 To celebrate the supreme Prince of praise." 
 
 That there was a willing response to this call 
 to the service of Urania may easily be estab- 
 lished; and indeed there is abundant evidence 
 that, prior to the appearance of Sylvester's 
 translation and independent of his influence, 
 the literary men of England were entirely fa- 
 miliar with his French master. Furthermore, 
 they had been impressed by this master fully 
 as much as was King James, the first English 
 champion of Du Bartas, and had drawn upon 
 the Semaines for certain elements of their own 
 writings. The case of Sidney has already been 
 mentioned. In an earlier chapter ^ attention 
 was called to his fondness for compound 
 
 words : — 
 
 "that new elegance 
 Which sweet Philisides fetch'd of late from France." 
 
 ^ Supra, p. 67. 
 
DU BARTAS 167 
 
 While the word-play and jingle (^^repliea- 
 zione") that appear so often in the Arcadia 
 have no need of a Du Bartas to account for 
 their existence, there is a strong probability 
 that his use of compounds may represent the 
 still fresh influence of that poet. 
 . For Spenser, too, there is a fairly interesting 
 case. The external evidence is in the form of 
 a tribute paid to Du Bartas in the Ruins of 
 Rome, 1591, just after that paid Du Bellay, 
 from whom this poem was drawn. Having de- 
 clared of Du Bellay, — 
 
 "Thy dayes therefore are endless, and thy prayse 
 Excelling all that ever went before ; " 
 
 he adds in conclusion : — 
 
 "And after thee, gins Bartas hie to rayse 
 His Heavenly Muse, th' Almightie to adore. 
 Live, happie spirits, th' honour of your name, 
 And fill the world with never dying fame !" ^ 
 
 Of course there are in the works of Du Bartas 
 and Spenser numerous features in common that 
 in no way indicate an indebtedness. Both, for 
 example, invoke the aid of the Heavenly Muse; 
 and yet Spenser in this is merely following the 
 lead of Tasso's Gerusalemme Liherata, composed 
 under the counter influence of the Catholic Re- 
 action, as was Tasso's parallel to La Premiere 
 Semaine, — Le Sette Giornate del Mondo Creato, 
 written in 1595 with a knowledge of Du Bartas's 
 work. Spenser, though in a lesser degree than 
 Du Bartas, draws freely upon the unnatural 
 
 ^ Spenser, Works, Globe edition, p. 531. 
 
168 DU BARTAS 
 
 natural history of the time, and employs the 
 cataloguing of such matters to illuminate his 
 statements. Both indulge frequently in elabo- 
 rate comparisons ; and in the numerous instances 
 where Spenser's figures become dully material or 
 show daring taste, it is only natural to think of 
 the prevalent tone of such things in Du Bartas. 
 Spenser, like Sidney, employs the verbal echo 
 in conceits, and Spenser too shows a consider- 
 able fondness for compound words. 
 
 There is a more distinct resemblance con- 
 necting with the Sixth Day of La Premiere 
 Semaine. There Du Bartas approaches the 
 creation of man in these words : — 
 
 "0 Pere, tout ainsi qu'il te pleut de former 
 De la marine humeur les hostes de la mer : 
 De mesme tu formas d'une terrestre masse 
 Des fragiles humains la limonneuse race, 
 A fin que chasque corps forge nouvellement 
 Eust quelque sympathie avec son element. 
 
 * »£# <t» ^0 »I# 
 
 #^ ^f^ tf^# ^* 
 
 Mais tu logeas encor Thumain ente-ndement 
 
 En Testage plus haut de ce beau bastiment: 
 
 A fin que tout ainsi que d'une citadelle 
 
 II domptast la fureur du corps, qui se rebelle 
 
 Trop souvent contre luy, & que nostre raison, 
 
 Tenant dans un tel fort jour et nuit garnison, 
 
 Foulast dessous ses pieds Ten vie, la cholere, 
 
 L'avarice, I'orgueil, & tout ce populaire, 
 
 Qui veut, seditieux, tousjours donner la loy 
 
 A celuy qu'il te pleut leur ordonner pour Roy." * 
 
 There follows a detailed description of the 
 various portions of this '^beau bastiment," with 
 
 ^ Prem. Semaine, ed. 1583, p. 377 sq. 
 
DU BARTAS 169 
 
 their functions, beginning with those of the 
 citadel, the head, and continuing for some two 
 hundred hues the author's version of the old 
 Greek notion of Microcosmos. As he explains, 
 this marvelous equipment has its greatest value 
 in providing a suitable dwelling-place for the 
 human soul, whose exact location in the edifice 
 he regards as uncertain and of no moment.^ 
 In the general conception and in many details 
 of description and phraseology there is a strik- 
 ing resemblance to the '^ House of Alma," ^n 
 episode in the ninth canto of the Second Book 
 of the Faerie Queene. The first approach to 
 Alma's castle strongly suggests the passage just 
 quoted from Du Bartas, even to the detail of 
 the '^ slimy" earth. 
 
 " First she them led up to the Castle Wall, 
 That was so high, as foe might not it clime, 
 And all so faire, and sensible withall, 
 Not built of bricke, ne yet of stone and lime, 
 But of thing like to that Egyptian slime, 
 Whereof King Nine whilome built Babell towre." ^ 
 
 The foes against which "I'entendement'^ 
 keeps guard find echo a little before in Spen- 
 ser's description : — 
 
 "Thus as he spoke, loe with outragious cry 
 A thousand villeins round about them swarmed 
 Out of the rockes and caves adioyning nye, 
 
 ^ Cf. Prem. Semaine, ed. cit., p. 407: — 
 
 " Car soit que cest esprit, inventeur de tout art 
 Soit tout en tout le corps, & tout en chasque part, 
 Soit qu'il regne au cerveau, soit qu'au coeur il habite." 
 
 2 Faerie Queene, ii. ix. 186. 
 
170 DU BARTAS 
 
 Vile caytive wretches, ragged, rude, deformed, 
 
 All threatning death, all in straunge manner armd." ^ 
 
 Spenser's description of the eyes, mouth, teeth, 
 tongue and stomach, and further details con- 
 cerning the understanding, shows striking re- 
 semblance to that given by Du Bartas.^ In 
 fact, the Faerie Queene does not deviate materi- 
 ally until the pictures of Understanding, Memory, 
 and Imagination, which are personified and 
 placed in their proper chambers in the head, 
 instead of merely having their functions com- 
 mented upon, as in the Semaine. It is true 
 that this Microcosmos idea was commonplace 
 enough in England at the time, but the de- 
 tailed resemblance of Spenser and Du Bartas 
 at this point is certainly more than mere chance.^ 
 Upon further comparison of these two works 
 with Sylvester's version of Du Bartas, there 
 are certain peculiarities of phraseology which 
 indicate that this translation was made with a 
 knowledge of the parallel, and with considerable 
 attention to Spenser's wording. A good in- 
 stance appears in the description of the stomach, 
 where "\e cuisinier par fait" of Du Bartas be- 
 comes in Spenser ^Hhe maister Cook Concoc- 
 tion," and Sylvester repeats the term '' Master- 
 Cook" and uses the word '' concoct" twice in 
 this connection. 
 
 ^Faerie Queene, 11. ix. 114 sq. 
 
 2 See parallels of Du Bartas, Spenser, Sylvester, and 
 Fletcher's Purple Island in appendix B. 
 
 3 J. M. Berdan, ''Doni and the Jacobeans," in Publ. 
 Mod. Lang. Assn., June, 1907, notes a slightly similar 
 treatment of the matter in a dialogue by Doni. 
 
DU BARTAS 171 
 
 Gabriel Harvey, friend and for a time literary 
 associate of both Sidney and Spenser, is em- 
 phatic in his praise of Du Bartas. One extrava- 
 gant passage reads : — 
 
 "The afore-named Bartas (whome elsewhere I 
 have stiled the Treasurer of Humanity, and the 
 Jeweller of Divinity) for the highnesse of his subject 
 and the maiesty of his verse, nothing inferior unto 
 Dante (whome some Italians preferre before Virgil, 
 or Homer) a right inspired and enravished Poet; 
 full of chosen, grave, profound, venerable, and stately 
 matter; even in the next Degree to the sacred, and 
 reverend stile of heavenly Divinity it selfe. In a 
 manner the onely Poet, whom Urany hath voutsafed 
 to Laureate with her owne heavenly hand : and 
 worthy to bee alleadged of Divines, and Counsellours, 
 as Homer is quoted of Philosophers, and Oratours. 
 Many of his solemne verses, are oracles : and one 
 Bartas, that is, one French Salomon, more weighty 
 in stern and mighty counsell, then the Seaven Sages 
 of Greece. Never more beauty in vulgar Languages : 
 but his stile addeth favour, and grace to beauty ; . . ."^ 
 
 At one place on the margin of a copy of 
 Quintilian, in which he was making comments, 
 Harvey wrote: ^'Euripides, wisest of Poets: 
 except now at length the divine Bartas." ^ 
 
 In the writings of Sir John Da vies, composed 
 and printed in the last decade of the sixteenth 
 century, there again appears this notion of the 
 body as the well-equipped dwelling-place of the 
 soul. His poem, The bnmortality of the Soul, 
 contains numerous stanzas in language already 
 familiar, describing details of the soul's dwelling- 
 
 * Harvey, Works, ed. Grosart, ii. 103, 
 2 Henry Morley, English Writers, ix. 184. 
 
172 DU BARTAS 
 
 place; and the Orchestra, in one place at least, 
 carries on the comparison of veins in the body 
 to streams of water on the earth, a figure already 
 employed by Du Bartas,^ and later to count 
 for so much in the Purple Island of Phineas 
 Fletcher.^ 
 
 "Yet though the Earth is ever stedfast seen, 
 On her broad breast hath dancing ever been. 
 For those blue veins that through her body spread, 
 Those sapphire streams which from great hills do 
 
 spring, 
 (The Earth's great dugs ; for ev'ry wight is fed 
 With sweet fresh moisture from them issuing) 
 Observe a dance in their wild wandering/' ^ 
 
 From the Immortality of the Soul a few stanzas 
 need to be quoted. Du Bartas had said of 
 the Soul's swiftness in flight : — 
 
 " Or bien que nostre esprit vive comme captif 
 Dans les ceps de ce corps, qu'il languisse chetif 
 Sous un obscur tombeau, d'une tirade il vole 
 Et d'Imaue outre Calpe, et de la terre au pole: 
 Plus viste que celuy qui d'un flamboyant tour 
 Tout ce grand Univers postillonne en un jour. 
 Car quittant quelquefois les terres trop cognues, 
 D'une alegre secousse il saute sur les nues : 
 
 **1* *i* »i« 9S0 
 
 ^» ^» ^^ ^fm 
 
 Par les degrez de I'air il monte audacieux, 
 Sur les planchers du monde, il visite les cieux 
 Estage apres estage, il contemple leurs voutes, 
 II remarque I'accord de leurs contraires routes 
 D'un infallible get.'"* 
 
 ^ See appendix B. ^ Infra, p. 199 sq. 
 
 3 Chalmers, English Poets, v. 108. 
 * Prem. Semaine, ed. 1583, p. 411. 
 
DU BARTAS 173 
 
 Davies says of the Soul : — 
 
 "When she, without a Pegasus, doth fly, 
 Swifter than lightning's fire from east to west ; 
 About the centre, and above the sky. 
 She travels then, although the body rest. 
 
 * -f ^ m^ ^g ^» 
 
 •f* rfi S^ w^ 
 
 "Yet in the body's prison so she lies, 
 As through the body's windows she must look, 
 Her divers powers of sense to exercise. 
 By gath'ring notes out of the world's great book. 
 
 * fc)* *j^ ^^ ^^0 
 
 *X* *T> ^* ^^ 
 
 . . . "the soul, which is a lady free, 
 And doth the justice of her state maintain : 
 Because the senses ready servants be. 
 Attending nigh about her court, the brain." ^ 
 
 In addition to the notion of mere swiftness and 
 activity, there is developed in these lines the 
 whole conception of the Soul as mistress of a 
 fleshly abode. Such details as these follow: — 
 
 "Her quick'ning power in ev'ry living part. 
 Doth as a nurse or as a mother serve ; 
 And doth employ her economic art. 
 And busy care, her household to preserve. 
 
 Here she attracts, and there she doth retain ; 
 There she decocts, and doth the food prepare; 
 There she distributes it to ev'ry vein. 
 There she expels what she may fitly spare. 
 
 :{« H« 4« H: H: 
 
 " First, the two eyes, which have the seeing pow'r 
 Stand as one watchman, spy, or centinel. 
 Being plac'd aloft, within the head's high tow'r; 
 And though both see, yet both but one thing tell. 
 
 * * * * * 
 
 ^ Chalmers, op. cit., v. 84. 
 
174 DU BARTAS 
 
 "These wickets of the soul ^ are plac'd on high, 
 Because all sounds do lightly mount aloft ; 
 And that they may not pierce too violently, 
 They are delay 'd with turns and windings oft. 
 
 "For should the voice directly strike the brain, 
 It would astonish and confuse it much ; 
 Therefore these plaits and folds the sound retain, 
 That it the organs may more gently touch." ^ 
 
 The account of the mental powers and their 
 seats goes into detail more after the manner 
 of Spenser. Comparison of all these descrip- 
 tions with those already considered in the 
 Semaine and the Faerie Queene,^ indicates a 
 strong probability that Davies had both these 
 well in mind when he composed his work, and 
 drew from them such suggestions as would 
 serve his more abstract ends. 
 
 There are a number of references still to be 
 mentioned testifying to the standing of Du 
 Bart as in England at the close of the sixteenth 
 century. The Arcadian Rhetorike of Abraham 
 Fraunce, in 1588, besides the definite mention 
 of Du Bart as and his work on the title-page, 
 draws freely from his writings throughout its 
 pages. Sir John Harrington, in his translation 
 of Orlando Furioso, in 1591, comments thus on 
 the story of Judith, appearing in the 35th. 
 Book: ^' which storie, the lord Du Bartas, and 
 rare French Poet, contrived into an excellent 
 Poeme in French, and the same is translated into 
 a very good and sweet English verse, by one 
 
 ^ The ears. ^ Chalmers, op. cit., v, 90. 
 
 3 See appendix B. 
 
DU BARTAS 175 
 
 M. Thomas Hudson." ^ The address ''To the 
 Reader/' prefixed by Barnabe Barnes to his 
 Divine Centurie of Spirituall Sonnets, 1595, 
 has aheady been noted, with its tribute to 
 the champion of the Heavenly Muse, and ac- 
 knowledgment of his influence in the direction 
 of religious sonnets.^ Churchyard, in his Praise 
 of Poetrie, 1595, has this to say: — 
 
 "Divine Du Bartas merits praise, 
 Most excellent verse he wrate/' 
 
 The tendency of Du Bartas's work in the 
 direction of satire has already been noted. 
 An early development in this line is mentioned 
 by Warton in his History of English Poetry. 
 ''In 1598," he says,^ "appeared 'Seven Satires, 
 applied to the week, including the world's 
 ridiculous follies.' This form was an imitation 
 of the Semaines of Du Bartas, just translated 
 into English by Delisle." * 
 
 The satirist Joseph Hall was somewhat deeply 
 interested in the work of Du Bartas. In the 
 first book of his Vergidemiarum, 1597, the 
 fourth satire, he mentions the French poet as 
 ranking with Spenser and Ariosto, the only 
 moderns whose poetry in heroic vein deserved 
 the laurel.^ In the eighth satire of the same 
 
 ^ This and several other references immediately fol- 
 lowing are drawn from Weller, op. cit., p. 7 sq. 
 ^ Supra, p. 134 sq. 
 3 Ed. London, 1824, iv. 397. 
 
 * As a matter of fact, L 'Isle's translations appear 
 decidedly fragmentary at that date. Cf. p. 153. 
 
 * Chalmers, op. cit., v. 266. 
 
176 DU BARTAS 
 
 book/ however, attacking the vogue of writ- 
 ing rehgious poetry, then prevalent among the 
 poorest hterary pretenders, he says : — 
 
 ''Hence, ye profane ! mell not with holy things 
 That Sion's Muse from Palestina brings. 
 Parnassus is transformed to Sion Hill, 
 And iv'ry-palms her steep ascents done fill. 
 Now good St. Peter weeps pure Helicon, 
 And both the Maries make a music moan : 
 Yea, and the prophet of the heav'nly lyre, 
 Great Solomon, sings in the English quire; 
 And is become a new-found sonnetist, 
 Singing his love, the holy spouse of Christ." 
 
 Though the particular objects of this attack 
 were poems by Robert Southwell and Gervase 
 Markham; Marston, Hall's enemy, saw in this 
 satire an opportunity to bring the latter into 
 bad repute by representing him as attacking 
 the then admired Du Bart as. In a satire 
 entitled '^Reactio," in 1598, he declares: — 
 
 ... " O daring hardiment ! 
 At Bartas' sweet Semaines rail impudent ! 
 At Hopkins, Sternhold,^ and the Scottish King, 
 At all Translators that do strive to bring 
 That stranger language to our vulgar tongue. 
 Spit in thy poison their fair acts among ; 
 Ding them all down from fair Jerusalem, 
 And mew them up in thy deserved Bedlam." ^ 
 
 Any doubt concerning Hall's real attitude 
 toward the poems of Du Bartas gives way 
 
 ^ Chalmers, op. cit., p. 266. 
 
 2 These men were noted for their metrical versions 
 of the Psalms. 
 
 3 Marston, Works, ed. A. H. Bullen, iii. 281. 
 
DU BARTAS 177 
 
 before the verses of lavish compliment which he 
 addressed to Sylvester on the completion of his 
 translation. These conclude : — 
 
 "Thou follow'st Bartasses diviner streine; 
 And sing'st his numbers in his native veine. 
 Bartas was some French Angel, girt with Bayes : 
 And thou a Bartas art, in English Layes. 
 Whether is more ? Mee seems (the sooth to say'n) 
 One Bartas speakes in Tongues, in Nations, twain." ^ 
 
 There is one other bit of testimony, just at 
 the beginning of the new century, indicating 
 the popularity of Du Bartas in the original. 
 This is the already quoted passage ^ from the 
 Return from Parnassus, 1606, where Amoretto 
 says to his page: ^^Sirrha boy, remember me 
 when I come into Paules Churchyard to buy a 
 Ronzard and Dubartas in french . . . they 
 wil sharpen my witts gallantly." Although 
 there is no technical force to the word ^^wit" 
 as used here, it suggests an important line of 
 consideration belonging to this same period. 
 
 The various forms of wit, which characterize 
 so much of the poetry of the early seventeenth 
 century, may of course have grown up without 
 outside impulse, finding sufficient cause in the 
 somewhat mechanical struggle of a decadent 
 
 ^ Sylvester, ed. 1641, introductory pages. Attention 
 may be called here to the statement of Hall, in the 
 postscript to V ergidemiarum , that among his models 
 was "one base French satire." This may well be a 
 reference to the Satire Menippee, available since 1594, 
 and not at all classical in form or source; hence "base." 
 
 ^ Supra, p. 140. 
 
 N 
 
178 DU BARTAS 
 
 period to find new figurative conceptions that 
 would attract readers by surprise or sweep of 
 imagination. Yet it is unlikely that this prob- 
 lem can be completely solved without reckoning 
 with the encouragement given by numerous 
 foreign or native compositions, already turning 
 more or less in these directions. The Italian 
 lyric poets at the end of the quattrocento had 
 prepared the way for such activity. The work 
 of Du Bartas, either in its original form or in 
 translation, opens a promising field of further 
 investigation in the matter of these outside 
 impulses.^ Even in the case of John Donne, 
 the great leader in the use of daring figures 
 drawn from the material things of life, there 
 seems ample reason to consider the possible 
 influence of the Semaines. Foreign source- 
 hunting for Donne has not proved especially 
 satisfying. Marino came into the field too 
 late, and his style is less like Donne's, the more 
 one studies it. The Spanish Gongora grew 
 to resemble Donne in extravagant metaphor 
 and torturing obscurity, but these features of 
 his style likewise came too late.^ Donne carries 
 power and intensity of imagination far beyond 
 that of Serafino and his group. There is a 
 degree of satisfaction in the notion that Donne 
 was Donne, and that his bold and virile imagi- 
 nation seized upon startling conceptions which 
 other men did not dream of. When one con- 
 
 ^ Cf . Courthope, History of English Poetry, iii. 93. 
 2 Cf . Edmund Gosse, Life and Letters of John Donne, 
 n. 343-344. 
 
DU BARTAS 179 
 
 siders, however, that practically all the pecu- 
 liarities of Donne had already appeared in Du 
 Bartas, lacking there only the mastery of genius 
 to make them vital and impressive instead of 
 vapid and commonplace, the element of French 
 suggestion seems to some extent to find its 
 place in the explanation of this English work/ 
 The poetry of Du Bartas was before him; he 
 had every reason to know it. Even as he 
 experimented and composed, Sylvester's trans- 
 lations were coming into circulation. Elaborate 
 figures, complicated figures, comparisons drawn 
 from all the minutiae of contemporary science 
 and hardly pausing at the threshold of men's 
 sense of taste and proportion: all these were 
 spread out before him, and he had only to 
 approve them and give them power. 
 
 The minor tricks of style concerned him but 
 little. His use of compounds is not excessive, 
 but they appear occasionally. Thus : — 
 
 1. ''But truly keeps his first-last-everlasting day."' 
 
 2. " Tis much that glass should be 
 
 As all confessing and through-shine as I." ^ 
 
 3. "Or like to full on-both-sides-written rolls."* 
 
 4. "Batter my heart, three-person 'd God." ^ 
 
 ^ Cf. J. Churton Collins, Introd. to Poems of Lord Her- 
 bert of Cherbury, p. xxiii. 
 
 2 " The Anniversary," Chalmers, Eng. Poets, v. 131. 
 
 3 " The Valediction of My Name," Chalmers, v. 131. 
 
 * " Of the Progress of the Soul, 2d Anniversary," 
 Chalmers, v. 184. 
 
 ' Holy Sonnets, no. xiv, Chalmers, v. 198. 
 
180 DU BARTAS 
 
 Donne's use of verbal echoes '^ and conceits 
 is also moderate. A few examples appear : — 
 
 1. ''As to a stomach starv'd, whose insides meet, 
 
 Meat comes, it came ;"^ 
 
 2. "All tiling^ are one; and that one none can be, 
 
 Since all forms uniform deformity 
 Doth cover; . . ."^ 
 
 3. " Verse, that draws Nature's works from Nature's law, 
 
 Thee, her best work, to her work cannot draw." ' 
 
 4. "That all, which always was all, every where; 
 
 Which could not sin, and yet all sins did bear. 
 Which could not die, yet could not choose but die ; * 
 
 This particular expression must have been 
 especially pleasing to Donne, as it is repeated 
 almost verbatim in the second of his Holy 
 
 Sonnets : — 
 
 "That all, which always is all everywhere, 
 Which cannot sin, and yet all sins must bear. 
 Which cannot die, yet cannot choose but die. " ® 
 
 In the use of complicated comparisons drawn 
 from the material details of human knowledge, 
 Donne finds his distinguishing characteristic. 
 Numerous entire poems of his are little else 
 than meshes of this sort, either playing upon a 
 few elaborately wrought figures or trying one 
 daring notion after another. Examples of 
 
 1 " The Storme/' Chalmers, v. 162. ^ /^,^-^_ 
 
 ^ " Sappho to Philcenis," Chalmers, v. 174. 
 * " Progress of the Soul, First Song," Chalmers, v. 192. 
 <* Ibid., V. 196. 
 
DU BARTAS 181 
 
 this are found in such poems as ''The Flea/' * 
 ''A Valediction of My Name in the AVindow/' 
 ''Love's Alchymy," "Elegy VIII (The Compari- 
 son)," and the verses to Mr. T. W. and Mr. 
 B. B. Masses of whimsical conceits of this 
 sort occur also in "The Anatomy of the World 
 — First and Second Anniversaries," ^ as well as 
 in "The Progress of the Soul" ^ and in "The 
 Cross." ^ Various valuable examples may be 
 quoted from other poems. Thus from " Love's 
 Growth: " — 
 
 "And yet no greater, but more eminent, 
 
 Love by the spring is grown ; 
 
 As in the firmament 
 Stars by the Sun are not enlarg'd, but shown. 
 Gentle love-deeds, as blossoms on a bough, 
 From love's awakened root do bud out now. 
 If, as in water stirr'd more circles be 
 Produced by one, love, such additions take. 
 Those, like so many spheres, but one Heaven make, 
 For they are all concentric unto thee ; 
 And though each spring do add to love new heat, 
 As princes do in times of action get 
 New taxes, and remit them not in peace. 
 No winter shall abate this spring's increase." ^ 
 
 An elaborate clock figure occurs in the Funeral 
 Elegy " To the Lord Harrington's Brother " : — 
 
 "Though as small pocket-clocks, whose every wheel 
 Doth each mis-motion and distemper feel ; 
 Whose hands get shaking palsies ; and whose string 
 (His sinews) slackens ; and whose soul, the spring, 
 
 ^ These poems appear in Chalmers, 127, 131, 134, 
 145, 168, 169. 
 
 2 Ihid., p. 176 sq. 3 75^-^^ p 191 g^. 
 
 ^ Ibid., p. 199. 6 Ibid., p. 133. 
 
182 DU BARTAS 
 
 Expires or languishes ; and whose pulse, the flee, 
 
 Either beats not or beats unevenly ; 
 
 Whose voice, the bell, doth rattle or grow dumb, 
 
 Or idle, as men which to their last hour come ; 
 
 If these clocks be not wound, or be wound still. 
 
 Or be not set, or set at every will ; 
 
 So youth is easiest to destruction, 
 
 If then we follow all, or follow none." * 
 
 A somewhat startling effect is obtained by 
 Donne's way of stating surprise that the world 
 has gone on in its course, despite the fact that 
 Mrs. Elizabeth Drury is dead : — 
 
 " Or as sometimes in a beheaded man. 
 Though at those two red seas, which freely ran, 
 One from the trunk, another from the head, 
 His soul be sail'd to her eternal bed. 
 His eyes will twinkle and his tongue will roll. 
 As though he beck'ned and call'd back his soul. 
 He grasps his hands, and he pulls up his feet, 
 And seems to reach, and to step forth to meet 
 His soul ; when all these motions which we saw, 
 Are but as ice, which crackles at a thaw : 
 Or as a lute, which in moist weather rings 
 Her knell alone, by cracking of her strings ; 
 So struggles this dead world, now she is gone : 
 For there is motion in corruption." ^ 
 
 Indeed, the two elegies, from the second of 
 which this is drawn, seem in a number of ways 
 subject to the direct influence of Du Bartas. 
 They are both in honor of Mrs. Elizabeth Drury, 
 the ''First Anniversary" being entitled ''The 
 Anatomy of the World," ^ and the second, "Of 
 
 ^ Chalmers, o-p. cit., p. 187. ^ Ihid., p. 181. 
 
 ^ It may be noted that "The Anatomy of the World" 
 was written in Paris, when Donne was there in attend- 
 ance upon Sir Robert Drury. 
 
DU BARTAS 183 
 
 the Progress of the Soul." They belong to the 
 years 1611 and 1612, and are in the ten-syllable 
 couplets of the Satires ^ and of Sylvester's 
 translations. As already noted, they abound 
 in Donne's characteristics of style. References 
 to the creation are frequent. Thus : — 
 
 1. "When nature was most busy, the first week 
 
 Swaddling the new-born Earth, God seemed to like 
 That she should sport herself sometimes and play, 
 To mmgle and vary colours every day : 
 And then, as though she could not make enow, 
 Himself his various rainbow did allow." ^ 
 
 2. "As some days are at the creation nam'd, 
 
 Before the Sun, the which fram'd days, was fram'd : 
 So after the Sun's set some show appears. 
 And orderly vicissitude of years." ^ 
 
 ^ While Donne's Satires were written much earlier 
 and strictly under classical influence, it is interesting 
 to note a reference to French satire in a letter of his, 
 belonging to about the time of The Anatomy of the World. 
 The passage reads : " To Yourself. Sir : I make shift to 
 think that I promised you this book of French Satires. 
 If I did not, yet it may have the grace of acceptation, 
 both as it is a very forward and early fruit, since it comes 
 before it was looked for, and as it comes from a good 
 root, which is an importune desire to serve you." (Works, 
 ed. Alford, Lond., 1839, vi. 421.) R. L. Alden, The 
 Rise of Formal Satire in England, p. 87, quotes con- 
 cerning this from a private letter from Edmund Gosse: 
 ''The letter in question was written to George Gerrard, 
 who, I am convinced by a long chain of evidence, is 
 always the 'yourself of Donne's correspondence. It was 
 written in 1612, and I think after August. The book of 
 Satires is almost certainly the ' Satyres et autres ceuvres 
 folastres' of Regnier, published early in 1612 while 
 Donne was in Paris." 
 
 2 "First Anniversary," Chalmers, op. cit., v. 179. 
 
 3 " Second Anniversary," Chalmers, v. 181. 
 
V 
 
 184 DU BARTAS 
 
 These are paralleled by a lengthy description 
 in a Letter to the Countess of Huntingdon : — 
 
 ''As all things were but one nothing, dull and weak, 
 Until this raw disordered heap did break, 
 As several desires led parts away, 
 Water declined with earth, the air did stay. 
 Fire rose, and each from other but unty'd, 
 Themselves unprison'd were and purify 'd : 
 So was love, first in vast confusion hid, 
 An unripe willingness which nothing did, 
 A thirst, an appetite which had no ease, 
 That found a want, but knew not what would please. 
 What pretty innocence in that day mov'd ! 
 Man ignorantly walk'd by her he lov'd ; 
 Both sigh'd and interchanged a speaking eye. 
 Both trembled and were sick, yet knew not why." * 
 
 Much is made in Donne's Funeral Elegies of 
 the superior strength and more extensive life 
 of man soon after creation; in fact, the poems 
 are constantly reverting to the times described 
 in the two Semaines? The Microcosmos notion, 
 which, though by no means limited to Du Bartas, 
 had been developed at length in his Sixth Day 
 of the First Week, finds many opportunities 
 for mention in Donne's poems, sometimes in 
 a manner closely resembling the treatment in 
 Du Bartas. A characteristicallv elaborated 
 specimen of the type occurs in the ''Elegy on 
 Lady Markham," and in several ways suggests 
 Du Bartas : — 
 
 a 
 
 Man is the world, and death the ocean, 
 
 To which God gives the lower parts of man, 
 
 ^ Chalmers, op. cit., v. 171. 
 ^ IMd.,y. 177-178. 
 
DU BARTAS 185 
 
 This sea environs all, and though as yet 
 
 God hath set marks and bounds 'twixt us and it, 
 
 Yet doth it roar, and gnaw, and still pretend 
 
 To break our bank, whene'er it takes a friend : 
 
 Then our land-waters (tears of passion) vent ; 
 
 Our waters then above our firmament, 
 
 (Tears, which our soul doth for our sins let fall) 
 
 Take all a brackish taste, and funeral. 
 
 And even those tears, which should wash sin, are sin. 
 
 We, after God, new drown our world again." ^ 
 
 One of Donne's poems, ^^The Progress of the 
 Soul," dated 1601, is a daring narrative develop- 
 ment of the idea of metempsychosis, looking 
 remarkably like a parody of such sacred epic 
 as that of Du Bartas. The introduction is 
 perhaps most significant : — 
 
 " I sing the progress of a deathless soul, 
 Whom Fate, which God made, but doth not control, 
 Plac'd in most shapes ; all times, before the law 
 Yok'd us, and when, and since, in this I sing; 
 And the great world t' his aged evening. 
 From infant morn, through manly noon I draw; 
 What the gold Chaldee, or silver Persian saw, 
 Greek brass, or Roman iron, is in this one ; 
 A work t' out-wear Seth's pillars, brick and stone. 
 And (holy writ excepted) made to yield to none." ' 
 
 The recognized imitators of Donne — John 
 Cleveland, Harry King, and Lord Herbert 
 of Cherbury — carry on the same peculiarities 
 of style seen in their master. Whether or not 
 they went back of him to Du Bartas would be 
 difficult to decide and of no great importance. 
 
 ^ IhU., v. 188; of. also pp. 150-151, 180, 187. 
 2 Ihid., v. 191. 
 
 k 
 
186 DU BARTAS 
 
 By the opening of the seventeenth century 
 Sylvester's translations had proceeded so far, 
 and come so widely into circulation, that many 
 men not previously familiar with the Semaines 
 had free access to them in English, and were 
 struck, perhaps for the first time, by the full 
 force of the call of Urania. Among the men 
 whose work indicates that they hastened to re- 
 spond to this summons, it is important to note 
 the presence of most of the leaders in the later 
 Sidney coterie, the devoted satellites of Lady 
 Pembroke. John Davies of Hereford, Nicholas 
 Breton, and Sir William Alexander all appear 
 to have been of this group, and William Browne, 
 Drayton, and the Fletchers were at least literary 
 disciples of Spenser. Samuel Daniel, Lady 
 Pembroke's favorite, was also deeply interested 
 in the poetry of Du Bartas, as is shown by his 
 commendatory sonnet to the translator, Syl- 
 vester : — 
 
 "Thus to adventure forth, and re-convey 
 The best of treasures from a forrain Coast, 
 And take that wealth wherein they gloried most, 
 And make it ours by such a gallant prey, 
 And that without injustice; doth bewray 
 The glorie of the Worke, that we may boast 
 Much to have wonne, and others nothing lost 
 By taking such a famous prize away, 
 As thou industrious Sylvester hast wrought, 
 And heer enricht us with immortall store 
 Of others sacred lines ; which from them brought, 
 Comes by thy taking greater than before : 
 So hast thou lighted from a flame devout. 
 As great a flame, that never shall goe out." * 
 
 ^ Sylvester, ed. 1641, introductory pages. 
 
DU BARTAS 187 
 
 That Sylvester, on the other hand, admired 
 Daniel, and considered his tastes and talents 
 peculiarly adapted to carry farther the work 
 begun by the Semaines, is shown by a passage 
 which Sylvester introduced in his version of 
 the First Day of the Second Week. He is 
 localizing in England the appeal of Du Bartas : — 
 
 ''Let this provoke our modern Wits to sacre 
 Their wondrous gifts to honour thee, their Maker : 
 That our mysterious Elfine Oracle, 
 Deep, morall, grave, Inventions miracle ; 
 My deer sweet Daniel, sharp conceipted, brief, 
 Civill, sententious, for pure accents chief : 
 And our new Naso, that so passionates 
 Th' Heroick sighes of love-sick Potentates : 
 May change their subject, and advance their wings 
 Up to these higher and more holy things." ^ 
 
 Most, if not all, of the English poets who came 
 under the influence of the Divine Weeks, had 
 already been attracted by the passion which 
 was in the air for complicated figures and 
 tricks of phrasing; and were glad enough to 
 make their work conform to the exaggerated 
 standard in this regard set by Sylvester in his 
 translations. It is natural, then, to look for 
 all the eccentricities of the poems of Du Bartas 
 in the English works which by subject and 
 scope seem to carry on his consecrated purpose. 
 Among the earliest writers of such poetry in 
 the new century stands John Davies of Here- 
 ford. He was outspoken in praise of both 
 Du Bartas and his translator. A sonnet of his, 
 
 1 Ibid., p. 816. 
 
188 DU BARTAS 
 
 printed at the beginning of Sylvester's complete 
 rendering, places him on record : — 
 
 "If divine Bartas (from whose blessed Braines 
 Such Works of grace, or gracefull workes did stream) 
 Were so admir'd for Wit's celestiall Strains 
 As made their Vertues Seat, the high'st Extream ; 
 The Josuah, the Sun of thy bright praise 
 
 ' Shall fixed stand in Arts faire Firmament 
 Till Dissolution date Time's Nights, and Dayes, 
 Sith right thy Lines are made to Bartas Bent, 
 Whose Compasse circumscribes (in spacious words) 
 The Universal in particulars ; 
 And thine the same, in other tearms, affords : 
 So, both your Tearmes agree in friendly Wars : 
 If Thine be onely His, and His be Thine, 
 They are (like God) eternall, sith Divine." ^ 
 
 A longer poem of praise, by Davies, was pre- 
 fixed, in Sylvester's collected works, to the 
 Fom'th Day of the Second Week? This poem 
 is in the ^'Heavenly Muse" strain and goes to 
 greater extravagance than the sonnet, Da vies 
 signing himself ''The unfained lover of thine 
 Art, honesty, and vertue." 
 
 Three long poems in particular by Davies seem 
 to show the influence of this poetry he praised 
 so highly: Microcosmos, 1603; The Holy Roode 
 or Chrisfs Crosse, 1609 ; and The Muses Sac- 
 rifice or Divine Meditations, 1612. The first 
 of these is an elaborate development of the 
 then popular conception, taking the form of 
 a dull combination of pseudo-science and 
 abstract sermonizing. The notion of Micro- 
 
 ^ Sylvester, ed. 1641, introductory pages. 
 2 Priiited on pp. 332-333 of the 1641 edition. 
 
DU BARTAS 189 
 
 cosmos has already been shown to be a favorite 
 one with Du Bart as. The verse in Da vies 's 
 poem is of ten syllables, the stanza being Spen- 
 serian except for the absence of an extra meas- 
 sure in the last line. Characteristic of Du 
 Bartas are the tendencies toward groups of 
 rather elaborate comparisons, toward lengthy 
 moralizing digressions, and toward long series 
 of illustrations. Davies definitely classes him- 
 self with religious poets, in his preface to the 
 king, proclaiming the joy which James's ac- 
 cession brings to the pure-hearted followers of 
 the Muse. He also halts his poem at times, 
 Sylvester-like, to offer comments and explana- 
 tions in his own person. 
 
 In details of expression this poem shows a 
 moderate degree of resemblance to Sylvester. 
 There are some compound expressions, such 
 as: — 
 
 1. "These super-supererogating works." ^ 
 
 2. "Who Hers and sinne-soothing claw-backes are." ' 
 
 3. "Ask that same third-Heav'n-rapt Saint what hee 
 
 saw." ^ 
 
 There are numerous examples of verbal echo, 
 and occasional instances of daring metaphor. 
 For example : — 
 
 1. "Unhallowed sense, drown 'd in that damned iuyce, 
 (Synnes Syder) from Eaves fatall Apple bruiz'd."* 
 
 ^ Microcosmos, ed. 1603, p. 23. ^ Ibid., p. 49. 
 3 Ibid., p. 160. •* Ibid., p. 40. 
 
190 DU BARTAS 
 
 2. " Bloud-sucking Richard (swolne with sucking 
 Bloud) 
 When Horsleech-Uke he had his bloody pray, 
 Away falls he in bloud bemired with mud, 
 Making his Nephews usher him the way. 
 For from his Crowne the Crowne was cut away." * 
 
 The Holy Roode is the poem of Davies that 
 shows closest resemblance to the Weeks. It 
 seems in a way to continue the biblical narra- 
 tive interrupted by Du Bartas, substituting a 
 stanza of six ten-syllable lines for Sylvester's 
 couplets. There is a great similarity in tone 
 and spirit, the moralizing digressions are as 
 prominent as ever,^ the same fondness is dis- 
 played for elaborate comparisons, not always 
 in good taste, and the familiar tricks of detail 
 are all present. The poem is followed by eight 
 religious sonnets. The point to which Davies 
 carries comparisons in this poem may be shown 
 by these examples. 
 
 1. "A Birde there is (as Pliny doth report) 
 
 That in the time of treading sweateth bloud ; 
 This Birde, Ciconia height, sweates so in sport, 
 But this kinde Pellican ^ in maestive mood."* 
 
 2. "And to expresse the rancor of their spight, 
 
 They blindfold him, and make his face as 'twere 
 A Drumme, to call his Foes 'gainst him to fight : 
 For, still a-tab'ring on his face they are : 
 So fast their fists doe fall as Drum-sticks, while 
 The Drumme doth sound Alarum to the broyle." ^ 
 
 ^Ed. 1603, p. 143. 
 
 ^ Cf. digression on p. 14, Davies, Works, ed. Grosart, 
 vol. i. On page 23 there is a long digression in the shape 
 of a comforting address to the Mother of Christ. 
 
 3 Christ. * Works, ed. cit., i. 6. ^ Ibid., i. 7. 
 
DU BARTAS 191 
 
 Somewhat later there is an elaborate description 
 of Death trying to swallow and digest Christ ! 
 Unnatural compounds stretch to a length that 
 Sylvester must have envied. Thus there occm- : 
 ^^joy-griefe-breeding sight;" ^^all-powerful-kind 
 Omnipotent;" "the Dead-Skull-paved Earth;" 
 '^woe-crosse- wounded Heart;" '^Gore-rough- 
 casted Corse;" and this example: — 
 
 "That Sepulcher of Death, and Seate of Life, 
 Thy blissfull-blislesse-blessed Body, O 
 I want fit words (while Words are all at strife,) 
 Thy Bodies ten-times blessed state to show " ^ 
 
 It may be remembered that Sylvester fre- 
 quently pauses to deplore his lack of adequate 
 expression. Jingle and word-play abound, some- 
 times with a clear suggestion of Sylvester. 
 For example : — 
 
 1. "That in Faith, from Faith, sans Faith art a fleeter ? 
 
 Tends thy faith's fleeting to Faiths confirmation V^ 
 
 2. "This Foole, wise foole, holds Him, full wise, a 
 
 foole." ' 
 
 3. " Now, Soule returne, with thy sole Soules returne." * 
 
 4. "Make his Crosse thy Crosse-Crosse-let (treble 
 
 erost)." ^ 
 
 The Muses Sacrifice, though a religious work, 
 belongs to an entirely different type from the 
 Semaines. It is best described by its subtitle, 
 Divine Meditations, being really a series of 
 
 1 Ihid., i. 24-25. ^ j^^^^ j 9 
 
 3 Ihid., i. 10. * Ibid., i. 14. ^ Ihid., i. 23. 
 
192 DU BARTAS 
 
 poems in various metres, either meditations 
 on sin or addresses to the Lord. No bibUcal 
 narrative or description is employed, except 
 a small bit dealing with the last judgment. In 
 the dedication Davies offers tribute to the 
 Heavenly Muse. 
 
 "But no great Spirit, (whose temper is divine, 
 and dwels in reall-Greatnes) but adores 
 The Heav'nly Muse, that in Arts Heav'n doth shine 
 like Phoebus, lending light to other Loves." ^ 
 
 At one point ^ a list of wonders from accepted 
 natural history is introduced to illustrate the 
 paradox that mortals shall exist in eternal fire. 
 A few of the figures used are somewhat startling 
 in their conception. 
 For instance: — 
 
 1. ''Thou art the Salve, and I the mortall Sore: 
 
 Yet with one touch, thy vertue can revive me : 
 To heale this Sore, a Speare thy heart did gore, 
 (Kinde Pelican) that thy Bloud might relieve me."^ 
 
 2. ''O! juycie Bunch of Soule-refreshing grapes, 
 
 (hard pressed in the Wine-presse of the Crosse I) 
 Make druncke my thirstie Soule, that (gasping) 
 
 gapes 
 for thy pure bloud, to purge mine, being too 
 
 grosse." * 
 
 Compounds and verbal echoes abound once more, 
 the former appearing in still more extended 
 form. The most striking examples of this are: 
 
 1 Ed. cit., ii. 7. ^ Ibid., ii. 52. 
 
DU BARTAS 193 
 
 ' ' ignorant-great-highly-base ; " ^ ^ fleshly- worldly- 
 divellish-damn'd desire;" and '' great-good, 
 good-great-great Lord." One of the verbal 
 conceits introduces a compound that Sylvester 
 is fond of: — 
 
 *'Thou art too great, for Greatnes, ne'er so great ! 
 and far too good, for Goodnes, e'er so good ! 
 Who (were it possible) art more compleate 
 
 in Goodnesse, then thine owne Trine-unionhood ! "* 
 
 In these three works of Davies, especially 
 The Holy Roode, the general impression made 
 upon the reader goes much farther to confirm 
 the notion of influence from Du Bartas than 
 any mechanical grouping of resemblances in 
 detail could be expected to do. Taking into 
 account the outspoken regard of Davies for the 
 Semaines and their translator, there can be 
 little doubt that he followed their lead in these 
 portions of his work. 
 
 Another poet of about the same time ac- 
 knowledges his devotion to the poetry of Du 
 Bartas, and in one way and another shows the 
 influence of it. This is Michael Drayton, whose 
 Moyses in a Map of Miracles was published in 
 1604, with a dedication to Du Bartas and his 
 translator. This poem, somewhat altered, was 
 republished in 1630 as part of the collection. 
 The Muses Elizium, which also contained 
 '^Noah's Flood" and '^ David and Golia." 
 The poem was now entitled '^ Moses, his Birth 
 and Miracles," and the dedication was retained. 
 
 1 Ibid., ii. 32. 
 
194 DU BARTAS 
 
 After calling upon the Muse to lift his verse 
 above the earth and the '^Atheists vituperious 
 sting/' ^ he says: — 
 
 ''And thou translator of that faithfull Muse 
 This Alls creation that divinely song, 
 From courtly French (no travaile dost refuse) 
 To make him master of thy genuin tong, 
 Salust to thee and Silvester thy friend, 
 Comes my high poem peacably and chaste, 
 Your hallow 'd labours humbly to attend 
 That wrackf ull Time shall not have power to waste. " ' 
 
 Actual evidence of influence from Du Bartas 
 in Drayton's ^^ Moses" is surprisingly slight. 
 The verse is of ten syllables, arranged in qua- 
 trains with alternate rhyme, the '' Arguments" 
 being in rhyming couplets of eight-syllable 
 verse. The general order of events recounted 
 is of course that in Du Bartas's '^The Law," 
 since both are based on the Bible narrative. 
 Drayton's account is much longer than that 
 of Du Bartas, however, and in every way in- 
 dependent. It is much better poetry, and is 
 not marked by the peculiarities of style seen 
 in the Semaines, Such similarities of phrasing 
 as occur may be mere coincidence. Indeed, 
 from one of Drayton's statements we may 
 wonder if at that time he had ever seen the 
 portion of Du Bartas devoted to these events. 
 When about to describe the plagues of Egypt, 
 he appeals again for Divine aid, for : — 
 
 ^ Cf. Sylvester's " Curst Atheists quipt," in Argument 
 to First Day of First Week. 
 
 ^ " Moses, his Birth and Miracles," 11. 29 sq. 
 
DU BARTAS 195 
 
 *'A taske unusuall I must now assay, 
 Striving through perill to support this masse, 
 No former foot did ever tract a way, 
 Where I propose unto myself e to passe." ^ 
 
 Indeed, it is possible that when Drayton made 
 the first draft of this poem and dedicated it to 
 Du Bartas and Sylvester, he may have known 
 them chiefly by reputation. Even though he 
 embodied no borrowings from them in his 
 revised ^' Moses" in 1630, he seems to have had 
 Sylvester under observation in the composition 
 of the companion piece, ^'Noah's Flood." Both 
 here and in the ^^ David and Golia" the verse 
 is of ten syllables, in rhymed couplets. The 
 selection and arrangement of material in Dray- 
 ton's poem, as well as the phraseology of the 
 descriptions, again and again suggest Sylvester. 
 Thus Sylvester had said of the rapid increase 
 of population before the flood : — 
 
 *'But for his ^ Children, born by three and three 
 Produce him children that still multiply 
 With new increase ; who yer their age be rife 
 Become great-Grand-sires in their Grandsire's life." ' 
 
 In Drayton this idea is expanded into about 
 twenty-one lines, of which may be quoted : — 
 
 "Men then begot so soon and got so long, 
 That scarcely one a thousand men among, 
 But he ten thousand in his time might see, 
 That from his loynes deriv'd their Pedegree." * 
 
 ^ Drayton, The Muses Elizium, Spenser Soc. Publ., 
 Manchester, 1892, p. 146. 
 
 2 Cain's. ^ Sylvester, ed. 1641, p. 106a. 
 
 * Muses Elizium, ed. cit., p. 90. 
 
196 DU BARTAS 
 
 Drayton's account of the creatures coming 
 to the ark consists of animals, reptiles, and 
 fowls, with brief characterizing or descriptive 
 mention of each one, — in close resemblance 
 to the plan of Du Bartas in his Fifth and Sixth 
 Days of the First Week. Only part of the time 
 do the comments resemble Du Bartas's, the 
 order is changed, and there are other differences; 
 but there is still an impressive parallel. More- 
 over, Drayton's digression to meet scoffers' 
 skeptical objections is entirely in line with 
 Du Bartas's method of procedure, for the latter 
 also takes up these objections and answers 
 them similarly/ Later in the narrative Noah's 
 discourse to his family in the ark parallels 
 the remarks ascribed to him by Sylvester,^ 
 including the first part of his reply to skeptical 
 Cham. The really striking resemblance, how- 
 ever, occurs in the description of the actual 
 downpour and its effects, where both general 
 plan and detail of expression correspond.^ In 
 connection with this description there is one 
 comparison in Drayton that seems thoroughly 
 in the tone of Sylvester : — 
 
 "That through her pores, the soft and spungy earth 
 As in a dropsie, or unkindely birth, 
 A Woman, swolne, sends from her fluxie wombe 
 Her woosie springs, that there was scarcely roome 
 For the waste waters which came in so fast . . . 
 Furrow 'd the earths late plumpe and cheerefuU face 
 Like an old Woman that in little space 
 
 ^ Sylvester, ed. cit., p. 116. ^ Ibid., p. 114. 
 
 5 Cf. the list of parallels, appendix B. 
 
DU BARTAS 197 
 
 With ryveld cheekes, and with bleard blubberd eyes 
 She wistly look'd upon the troubled skyes." ^ 
 
 Drayton's poem also contains a large number 
 of compounds, but only one of the elongated 
 sort, — 'Hhat forty-dayes still-falling raine/'^ 
 In the '^ David and Golia" there is little 
 resemblance to Sylvester except what would 
 arise from the fact that both follow the Bible 
 story. 
 
 In 1605 was published a group of poems — . 
 The Soules Immortall Crowne — by Nicholas \ 
 Breton. These have a title-page which appears 
 rich in suggestion of the Semaines. It reads : — 
 
 The 
 
 Soules immortall Crowne consisting of 
 
 Seven glorious graces 
 
 1. Vertue. 2. Wisedome. 3. Love. 4. Constancie. 
 
 5. Patience. 6. Humilitie. 7. Infiniteness. 
 
 Devided into Seaven dayes Workes, 
 
 and 
 Dedicated to the Kings most excellent Majestic. 
 
 1605. 
 
 On investigation, however, it develops that 
 this ^^ seven-day" arrangement has no real 
 significance. The general divisions are headed : 
 — ''The first clays work," ''The second days 
 work," etc. ; but they are devoted entirely to 
 abstract moral philosophizing along the line 
 of the virtues mentioned. Only in the last 
 part is there any dependence on the Bible. 
 To Wisdom, indeed, is ascribed with some detail 
 all the work of creation, and in the seventh 
 
 * Muses Elizium, ed. cit., p. 107. ^ Ihid., p. 116. 
 
198 DU BARTAS 
 
 division this account is repeated in brief and 
 reascribed to the power of Infinite Glory. 
 It is then, after all, only the external scheme 
 of arrangement that Breton has found in 
 Du Bart as. 
 
 Giles and Phineas Fletcher appear to have 
 been under the influence of Sylvester's trans- 
 lations ; but these men were such thorough-going 
 disciples of Spenser, and Sylvester himself 
 employed so many Spenserian character- 
 istics, that there is little hope of making nice 
 distinctions. Both the Fletchers paid their 
 tribute to Du Bartas as a worthy leader in the 
 sacred calling they valued so highly. Giles, 
 in the Preface to Christs Victorie and Triumph, 
 1610, mentions Nonnius and Sannazaro as 
 particularly zealous in Christian poesy, the 
 latter having spent ten years on a Song to 
 Christ's Birthday. Then he adds: 'Hhrice- 
 honoured Bartas and our (I know no other name 
 more glorious than his own) Mr. Edmund Spen- 
 ser (two blessed souls), not thinking ten years 
 enough, laying out their whole lives upon this 
 one study." ^ Phineas embodies in his Purple 
 Island a complimentary stanza that appears 
 also to refer to Du Bartas : — 
 
 "And that French Muse's eagle eye and wing 
 Hath soar'd to heav'n, and there hath learn 'd the art 
 To frame angehck strains, and canzons sing 
 Too high and deep for every shallow heart. 
 Ah blessed soul ! in those celestiall rayes, 
 
 * Giles Fletcher, Poems, ed. Grosart (Early English 
 Poets), London, 1876, p. 115. 
 
N 
 
 DU BARTAS 199 
 
 Which gave thee light these lower works to blaze, 
 Thousit'st emparadis'd and chaunt'st eternall layes."* 
 
 There seems to be nothing in Christs Victorie 
 and Triumph that is distinctly Sylvestrian. 
 Verbal echo with its attendant word-play is 
 rather common, just as it is in Spenser, and 
 compounds are no more frequent than in that 
 poet. The poem shows a somewhat marked 
 tendency to elaborate its comparisons beyond 
 the limits of good taste, — a tendency already 
 manifest in Spenser, but one which a familiar 
 knowledge of the Divine Weeks would of course 
 have encouraged considerably. 
 
 A consideration of Phineas Fletcher's Purple 
 Island, which, though printed as late as 1633, 
 he declares to be the ''raw essayes of my very 
 unripe yeares, and almost childehood," ^ raises 
 the probability of a line of connection, com- 
 plicated but intensely interesting. Attention 
 has already been given ^ to the idea that Spen- 
 ser's House of Alma, in the Second Book of the 
 Faerie Queene, drew upon Du Bartas's de- 
 scription of the body as the dwelling-place of 
 the soul; further, that Sylvester, in his trans- 
 lation of this part of Du Bartas, shows a 
 familiarity with the phrasing employed in the 
 House of Alma. That there is a parallel 
 between the House of Alma and certain por- 
 
 ^ Phineas Fletcher, Works, ed. Grosart (Fuller Wor- 
 thies Libr.), iv. 42. 
 
 2 Works, ed. cit., iv. 21-22. Grosart in the Memoir 
 (i. p. Ixxvii) calls attention to similar references in the 
 body of the poem. ^ Supra, p. 169 sq. 
 
200 , DU BARTAS 
 
 tions of the Purple Island is obvious. Indeed, 
 Fletcher himself bears witness to it, just after 
 his account of Understanding, Phantastes, 
 and Eumnestes.^ But there are various other 
 portions of Fletcher's poem, for which Spenser 
 affords no parallel, but which have a striking 
 resemblance to Sylvester's version of that part 
 of Du Bartas just mentioned as a probable 
 source for Spenser. Indeed, whenever Fletcher, 
 attracted by the allegorical possibilities which 
 the House of Alma suggested, and conscious 
 of Spenser's indebtedness to the French poet, 
 turned to the Semaines themselves, he must 
 have found there, in little, the essence of the 
 very notion which formed the basis of his whole 
 poem. Sylvester, following Du Bartas, thus 
 describes the circulation of the blood, offering 
 a clear suggestion for a ^'Purple Island": — 
 
 "And then the same doth faithfully deliver 
 Into the Port-vain passing to the Liver, 
 Who turns it soon to blood ; and thence again 
 Through branching pipes of the great Hollow-vain, 
 Through all the members doth it duly scatter : 
 Much like a Fountain, whose divided water 
 It selfe dispersing into hundred Brooks, 
 Bathes some fair Garden with her winding crooks. 
 For, as these Brooks, thus branching round about, 
 Make here the Pink, there th' Aconite to sprout, 
 Here the sweet Plum-tree, the sharp Mulberry there, 
 Here the lowe Vine, and there the lofty Pear, 
 Heer the hard Almond, there the tender Fig, 
 Heer bitter Worm-wood, there sweet-smelling Spike : 
 Even so the blood (bred of good nourishment) 
 By divers Pipes to all the Body sent, 
 
 * Ed. cit., p. 183. See appendix B. 
 
DU BARTAS 201 
 
 Turns here to Bones, there changes into nerves, 
 Heer is made Marrow, there for Muscle serves, 
 Heer skin becomes, there crooking veins, there flesh. 
 To make our Limbs more forcefull and more fresh.'' ^ 
 
 In view of the numerous bits of description 
 which reveal a parallel between Fletcher and 
 Sylvester,^ either with or without the inter- 
 vention of Spenser, the notion of this indebted- 
 ness becomes decidedly tenable. Not merely 
 in this essential description of the flow of the 
 blood, but at considerable length in the ac- 
 counts of the mouth, the stomach, the lungs, 
 the eyes, the ears, and the tongue, Fletcher 
 shows a fidelity to the accounts in Sylvester 
 that certainly cannot be mere coincidence. 
 There is also a close parallel between Fletcher's 
 praise of the country life, at, the beginning of 
 the Twelfth Canto, and Sylvester's remarks 
 on the same theme at the close of the Third 
 Day, First Week? This is much less significant, 
 however, because such matter served then as 
 a conventional theme for every poet of any 
 pretensions whatever. 
 
 For this same reason of conventional usage, 
 it is perhaps unwise to give serious notice to 
 passages in William Browne's Britannia^ s Pas- 
 torals (1613-1616), which also parallel Syl- 
 vester's tribute to the joys of country life. 
 It may be noted in addition that Browne em- 
 ploys the heroic couplet as does Sylvester, and 
 at one point in the Pastorals speaks in praise 
 
 ^ Sylvester, ed. cit., p. 55a. ^ See appendix B. 
 
202 DU BARTAS 
 
 of Du Bart as, using the same pun which tra- 
 dition assigns to Ronsard/ 
 
 "Divinest Bartas, whose enriched soul 
 Proclamed his Maker's worth, should so enroll 
 His happy name in brass, that Time nor Fate 
 That swallows all, should ever ruinate : 
 Delightful Saluste, whose all-blessed lays 
 The shepherds make their hymns on holy days ; 
 And truly say, thou in one week hast penn'd, 
 What time may ever study, ne'er amend." ^ 
 
 That William Alexander, Earl of Stirling, for 
 many years the Scottish literary adviser of 
 James I. in England, should have been led to 
 imitate Du Bartas, is a matter of no surprise. 
 His Doomesday or The Great Day of the Lord's 
 Judgement, of which four books or ^'Hours'' 
 were published in 1614, follows the general plan 
 of the Semaines, except that he treats the 
 twelve successive hours of only one day — the 
 day of judgment. He uses heroic verse, as 
 does Sylvester, but keeps an eight-line stanza 
 throughout. As early as 1612 Drummond of 
 Hawthornden mentions having seen some of 
 this poem, and compares it to the product of 
 Du Bartas. He is describing in a letter his first 
 meeting with Alexander, and says: '^ Tables 
 removed, after Homer's fashion well satiate, he 
 honoured me so much as to show me his books 
 
 ^ On first reading the Premiere Semaine, Ronsard is 
 reported to have said : " M. Du Bartas a plus fait en une 
 septmaine que je n'ay fait en toute ma vie " (Gidel, 
 Hist, de la litt.frang, p. 302). 
 
 ^ Browne, Poems, ed. G. Goodwin, London, 1894, i. 
 223. 
 
DU BARTAS 203 
 
 and papers. This much I will say and per- 
 chance not without reason dare say: he hath 
 done more in one day than Tasso did all his 
 life and Bart as in his two weeks, though both 
 one and the other be most praiseworthy." ^ 
 
 Du Bartas and his translator have much to 
 say of the Day of Doom, which is to usher in 
 the eternal Sabbath ; and would have said more 
 had their narrative progressed to the end of the 
 Second Week. Doomsday is discussed in the 
 First Day of the First Week, prefaced in Syl- 
 vester's Argument by a reference to ^^ Doom's 
 glorious day." In the "Eden/' Sylvester says 
 again : — 
 
 "Let me this Totall bring 
 From thy first Sabbath to his fatall Tomb, 
 My stile extending to the Day of Doom." ^ 
 
 A more definite mention occurs in " The Handi- 
 crafts," where Adam prophesies to Seth the 
 seven days of the "second week." He con- 
 cludes this : — 
 
 "The Last shall be the very Resting-day, 
 Th' air shall be mute, the Waters works shall stay ; 
 The Earth her store, the stars shall leave their 
 
 measures, 
 The Sun his shine : and in eternal pleasures 
 We plunged, in Heav'n shall ay solemnize, all, 
 Th' eternall Sabbath's end-less Festivall." ^ 
 
 Similarly, Alexander entreats in opening : — ' 
 
 " Breathe thou a heavenly fury in my brest : 
 I sing the Sabbath of eternall rest." 
 
 * Quoted by David Masson, Drummond of Hawthorn- 
 den, London, 1873, p. 41. 
 
 2 Sylvester, ed. cit., p. 81a. ' Ibid., p. 1086. 
 
204 DU BARTAS 
 
 Alexander's ^^ First Hour," which is the in- 
 troduction to his account proper, is a sort of 
 resume of the events of Bible history which form 
 the material of La Seconde Semaine, In a 
 number of cases his language closely follows that 
 used by Sylvester for the same account. Ex- 
 amples follow : — 
 
 1. Doomesday, First Hour. 
 
 ''He, who his strength in heaven in vaine had try'd, 
 (As dogs bite stones for him who hath them 
 
 throwne,) 
 Did hunt God's image, when in Adam spy'd. 
 And (grudging at his state) despised his owne."^ 
 
 Sylvester, "The Imposture." 
 
 "And th' envious hart-break to see (yet) to shine 
 In Adam's face God's image all divine, 
 Which he had lost." ^ 
 
 2. Doomesday, First Hour. 
 
 "He brimstone rain'd (O most prodigious shoure !) 
 Their bodies burn'd whose souls were burn'd with 
 lust." ^ 
 
 Sylvester, "The Vocation." 
 
 " Fire punished their beastly Fire within, 
 And Brimston's stink the stench of their foul 
 
 Sin." ' 
 
 3. Doomesday, First Hour. 
 
 "Over them a cloud by day, by night fire stood, 
 A guide, a guard, a shadow and a sunne." ^ 
 
 * Alexander, Works, ed. Glasgow, 1872, ill. 22. 
 2 Sylvester, ed. cit., p. 90a. 
 
 ^ Alexander, ed. cit., iii. 30. 
 
 * Sylvester, ed. cit., p. 1556. 
 ^ Alexander, ed. cit., iii. 33. 
 
DU BARTAS 205 
 
 Sylvester, "The Law." 
 
 "for, compast aye 
 With Fire by Night, & with a Cloud by Day, 
 Thou (my Soul's hope) wert their sole Guide and 
 Guard." ' 
 
 The Doomesday and the Semaines, apart from 
 their similarity in plan and pm'pose, have nu- 
 merous characteristics in common. Alexander 
 shows the tendency, already noted in Du Bartas, 
 to mingle Greek and Roman divinities in his 
 Christian poem. He gets immense satisfaction 
 from the massing of great troops of illustra- 
 tions, — from the lists of fish, flesh, and fowl 
 that must perish in the last fire, to the cata- 
 logues of famous sinners. He is fond of long 
 digressions, preferably of a moralizing or preach- 
 ing type. The elaborate comparisons of Du 
 Bartas give way before Alexander's fondness 
 for striking and epigrammatic expression. Com- 
 pounds are fairly frequent, some of them of 
 good length; as, ^^The sight-confining-crystall- 
 covered skies." The reduplications, noted as 
 peculiar to Du Bartas and not actually finding 
 a place in Sylvester's version, crop out here, 
 indicating that Alexander was perfectly familiar 
 with the French Semaines as well as with the 
 English version. The examples of this pecu- 
 liarity are : — 
 
 1. "By corkasses flot-flotting in a masse." 
 
 2. "The crystals ... 
 
 Growne red with rage, boil'd up, pop-popling 
 
 stay." 2 
 
 * Sylvester, ed. cit.. p. 1716. 
 
 2 Both on p. 96 of the edition cited. 
 
206 DU BARTAS 
 
 Drummond, whose first meeting with his later 
 friend Alexander was concerned with imita- 
 tion of Du Bartas, was himself interested in Du 
 Bart as and his translators. Although thinking 
 little of Sylvester's first-hand attempts at poetry, 
 he praises his translations freely and compares 
 them with Hudson's to the discredit of the 
 latter.^ Indeed, one of Drummond's poems, 
 ''An Hymn of the Fairest Fair," published in 
 ^ Flowers of Sion, 1623, gives considerable indi- 
 cation of influence from Du Bartas. The verse 
 is heroic couplet; and a short quotation shows, 
 crowded into small compass, compounds, verbal 
 conceit, elaborate comparison from contempo- 
 rary science, and the deploring of the author's 
 inadequate power of expression, — all familiar 
 characteristics of Du Bartas : — ■ 
 
 "Great causes, sure ye must bring great effects, 
 But who can descant right your grave aspects ? 
 He only who you made, decipher can 
 Your notes; heaven's eyes, ye blind the eyes of man. 
 
 * fc^* ^f ^K ^^ 
 
 »J» •^ 0^ ^^ 
 
 Amidst these sapphire far-extended heights, 
 The never-twinkling, ever-wandring lights 
 Their fixed motions keep ; one dry and cold, 
 Deep-leaden coloured, slowly there is roll'd ; 
 With rule and line for time's steps measur'd even. 
 In twice three lustres he but turns his heaven. 
 With temperate qualities and countenance fair, 
 Still mildly smiling, sweetly debonair, 
 Another cheers the world, and way doth make 
 In twice six autumns through the zodiac." ^ 
 
 ^ Drummond, Wks., folio ed., Edinburgh, 1711, p. 227. 
 2 Drummond, Poems, ed. Ward, London and New 
 York, 1894, ii. 43-44. 
 
DU BARTAS 207 
 
 From Drummond, too, comes the final informa- 
 tion regarding Ben Jonson's opinion of Du 
 Bartas. Jonson, acknowledging his weakness 
 in French, but expressing admiration of Syl- 
 vester's English, had declared in 1605, in a 
 sonnet '^To Mr. Jos. Sylvester": — 
 
 " Bartas doth wish thy English now were his. 
 So well in that are his inventions wrought, 
 As his will now be the translation thought, 
 Thine the originall ; and France shall boast, 
 No more these mayden glories she hath lost." ^ 
 
 In the notes which Drummond took of Jonson's 
 conversations with him, some years later, a far 
 different tone appears. At one time Jonson 
 speaks of Du Bartas. '^His Judgment of 
 stranger poets," says Drummond, ''was. That 
 he thought not Bartas a Poet, but a Verser, 
 because he wrote not Fiction." ^ Again he is 
 made to say, still less favorably: ''that Sil- 
 vester's translation of Du Bartas was not well 
 done ; and that he ^ wrote his verses before he 
 understood to confer." ^ Drummond offers no 
 explanation or comment on these opinions, 
 beyond his one general statement, "Jonson 
 neither doth understand French nor Italiannes."^ 
 The devotion to Urania continued through 
 the middle of the seventeenth century, operating 
 
 * Jonson, Wks., ed. Gifford, London, 1875, viii. 231. 
 ^Drummond, Wks., folio ed., 1711, p. 225. 
 
 ^ Jonson, apparently. The " verses " refer to his son- 
 net of praise, written before he knew French well enough 
 to compare a translation with its original. 
 
 * Jonson, Wks., ed. Gifford, viii. 239. 
 
208 DU BARTAS 
 
 Under various impulses and producing various 
 results. The narrative or epic poem, para- 
 phrasing Bible material, or at least dealing with 
 sacred story, is a frequently recurring type. 
 The list begins with The Divine Poems of Fran- 
 cis Quarles, written between 1620 and 1633, and 
 including '^A Feast of Worms," ^^Hadassa," 
 ^^Job Militant," and ^^ Sampson." Before 1630 
 John Taylor, the Water Poet, had written a 
 '^ Urania," accompanied by The Sieges and 
 Sackings of Jerusalem. A few years later ap- 
 peared The History of Joseph, by Thomas 
 Salisbury, and the Davideis of Abraham Cowley. 
 Immediately following the Restoration came 
 Milton's epics. While all these poems were 
 written under a multiplicity of influences, by 
 men of wide reading in their own and foreign 
 languages, there remains the strong probability 
 that in most cases the familiar models handed 
 down from Du Bartas must have played some 
 part. Indeed, in several instances, there are 
 strong particular reasons for regarding the 
 Divine Weeks as a potent factor in the shaping 
 of the poem. 
 
 The Divine Poems of Quarles give distinctly 
 the general impression of Sylvestrian narrative, 
 with most of the figurative excesses and verbal 
 tricks omitted. There is the same ten-syllable 
 couplet, though each ^^ Argument" is compressed 
 into two eight-syllable couplets. There is the 
 same dull wordiness as in Sylvester, with a 
 kindred lack of poetic inspiration. There is 
 the same excessive fondness for moralizing, ex- 
 
DU BARTAS 209 
 
 cept that Quarles has systematized his efforts 
 by following each section of his poems with an 
 appropriate '' Meditation/' numbered to corre- 
 spond. These vary considerably in their tone, 
 some being devoutly worshipful, others bitterly 
 satirical. The material is frequently that of 
 Du Bartas's interpolations. One instance in 
 particular demands notice, offering a close 
 parallel to Du Bartas's description of the Soul's 
 abode in the Body — the ^' House of Alma" 
 conception of Spenser. The Twelfth Meditation 
 in '' A Feast of Worms " says of Man : — 
 
 "His body is a well erected station, 
 But full of folly and corrupted passion : 
 Fond love, and raging lust, and foolish fears ; 
 Griefs overwhelmed with immoderate tears; 
 Excessive joy; prodigious desire ; 
 Unholy anger, red and hot as fire ; 
 These daily clog the soul, that's fast in prison, 
 From whose encrease this luckless brood is risen, 
 Respectless Pride, and lustful idleness, 
 Base ribauld talk, and loathsom Drunkenness, 
 Faithless Despair, and Vain Curiosity : 
 Both false, yet double-tongu'd Hypocrisie; 
 Soft flattery, and haughty ey'd Ambition ; 
 Heart-gnawing Hatred, and squint-ey'd Suspition ; 
 Self-eating Envy, envious Detraction, 
 Hopeless distrust, and too too sad Dejection; 
 Revengeful Malice, hellish Blasphemy, 
 Idolatry, and hght Inconstancy ; 
 Daring Presumption, wry-mouth'd Derision, 
 Damned Apostasie, fond Superstition. 
 
 What heedful watch ? Ah what continuall ward ? 
 How great respect, and howerly regard 
 Stands man in hand to have ; when such a brood 
 Of furious hell-hounds seek to suck his blood ? 
 
210 DU BARTAS 
 
 Day, night, and hour, they rebel, and wrastle, 
 And never cease, till they subdue the Castle." * 
 
 It is true that th-ere are various points about 
 the Divine Poems that indicate indebtedness 
 to Spenser or perhaps to the Italian epics from 
 which he drew, and the passage just quoted 
 might thus be accounted for sufficiently by the 
 ''House of Alma." There is, however, this im- 
 portant difference : Spenser refers to the hostile 
 bands surrounding Alma's castle, but does not 
 give their names or interpretation. Du Bart as 
 and Sylvester name them very much in the 
 manner of Quarles. 
 
 There is every reason that Quarles should 
 have been attracted by the work of Sylvester, 
 a man who cared so much for the fantastic ex- 
 ternals of verse-making, for anagrams, acrostics, 
 and emblematic designs. Yet there is abso- 
 lutely no mention of Sylvester or Du Bartas in 
 the introductory material to any of the Divine 
 Poems, and it is in the conceits of Sylvester that 
 Quarles seems to follow him least. All the 
 peculiarities already noted in the Divine Weeks 
 appear occasionally in these poems of Quarles, 
 but they are too rare to be of value as evidence. 
 The cataloguing of animals, with a somewhat 
 elaborate account of their supposed character- 
 istics occurs a few times. Thus, in the ''Job 
 Militant," God calls Job's attention to a num- 
 ber of creatures as evidences of divine creative 
 power.^ These descriptions culminate in a long 
 
 * Quarles, Divine Poems, ed. London, 1632, pp. 46-47. 
 2 Ibid., p. 239 sq. 
 
DU BARTAS 211 
 
 and exaggerated picture of Leviathan.^ A 
 longer list, with many compound adjectives, 
 enumerates the unclean meats forbidden to the 
 pregnant mother of Samson.^ Mechanically 
 worked out comparisons, sometimes trivial, 
 sometimes in bad taste, are fairly frequent. 
 Jonah's correction at the hands of God is 
 compared to a lad's first experiences at board- 
 ing-school ; ^ much figurative significance is 
 found in the rib from which Eve was formed ; * 
 and the gatherings of Job's family suggest to 
 Quarles the care of a hen over her brood. ^ One 
 appeal of the poet to his God calls Du Bartas 
 vaguely to one's mind. At the opening of 
 ^'Hadassa," Quarles says: — 
 
 ''Be thou the Load-star to my wand 'ring mind, 
 New rigg'd and bound upon a new Adventure : 
 O fill my Canvass with a prosperous wind : 
 Unlock my soul, and let thy Spirit enter." ' 
 
 This again might have come from the end of 
 Spenser's first book of the Faerie Queene, but 
 hardly could the prayer that appears a few 
 pages later : — 
 
 ''Lord, if my Cards be bad, yet lend me skill 
 To play them wisely, and make the best of ill." ' • 
 
 The rather frequent verbal echoes and jingles 
 in these poems of Quarles might all have been 
 modeled on Spenser, as might also the simple 
 
 » Ibid., p. 244. 
 
 2 Ibid., pp. 268-269. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 34. 
 
 * Ibid., p. 103. 
 
 6 Ibid., p. 168. 
 
 « Ibid., p. 93. 
 
 ' Ibid., p. 101. 
 
 
212 DU BARTAS 
 
 compounds that occur. The only compound 
 of more than two parts occurs in the Samson: 
 ''To see this flesh-and-blood-relenting sight." ^ 
 
 Such evidence as this succeeds in estabUshing 
 very Httle, especially for poems written so late 
 as these were. A possible partial influence, in- 
 cluding an initial impulse, is the most that could 
 be claimed. In the case of Taylor, there is at 
 least the fact that he recognized the position of 
 the poetry of Du Bartas, and paid tribute to 
 author and translator. In his ''Description of 
 Naturall English Poetry," he says: — 
 
 "Du Bartas heavenly all admired Muse, 
 No unknowne Language ever us'd to use : 
 But as he was a Frenchman, so his lines 
 In native French with fame most glorious shines, 
 And in the English tongue tis fitly stated, 
 By silver-tongued Silvester translated. 
 So well, so wisely, and so rarely done, 
 That he by it immortall fame hath wonne." ^ 
 
 Taylor's emphatic declaration that he knew no 
 French ^ detracts from the value of part of this, 
 though another reference to Du Bartas ^ indi- 
 cates that he knew the poems, if only in transla- 
 tion. By the time Taylor's "Urania" appeared 
 in 1630, there was of course so wide a vogue of 
 poems of this sort that there was no need for 
 him to draw upon Du Bartas. There may, 
 however, be some significance in the fact that 
 
 * Divine Poems, ed. cit., p. 356. 
 
 2 Taylor, Works, folio edition, London, 1630, p. 386, 
 
 3 Infra, p. 248. 
 
 * In Drink and Welcome, published 1637, in vol, ii. 
 of his Tracts, Spenser Soc. Publ., London, 1870. 
 
DU BARTAS 213 
 
 immediately after this poem, in the folio edition 
 of his works, appeared '^ The Sieges and Sack- 
 ings of Jerusalem," that one of his poems which 
 bears closest resemblance, in both matter and 
 form, to the work of Sylvester. 
 
 Cowley's Davideis, modeled upon the ~Uiad, ^f^-^-^A^ 
 and showing unmistakable relations to Marino's 
 Strage degli Innocenti or Crashaw's translation 
 — Sospetto D^Herode — from Marino's first book,^ 
 was still farther removed in time from Du 
 Bartas and his translator. It is in the metre 
 of Sylvester; it deals with and elaborates a 
 portion of Bible story narrated in " Les Capi- 
 taines " and '^ Les Trophees " ; it digresses at one 
 point into a seventy-line description of Crea- 
 tion; and it rejoices in ponderous comparisons 
 drawn from the material details of science. 
 But such resemblances as these give way before 
 a closer study of Cowley's real inspiration — 
 the new impulse toward the religious epic which 
 he had just encountered in France. That he 
 considered the Davideis an innovation for 
 England is shown by the preface to the edition 
 of his works published in 1656. Apropos of the 
 Davideis he has discussed at some length the 
 need for great poems on divine or religious sub- 
 jects. Then he concludes: ^^I am far from 
 assuming to myself to have fulfilled the duty 
 of this weighty undertaking; but sure I am, 
 there is nothing yet in our language (nor per- 
 haps in any) that is in any degree answerable 
 
 ^Cf. J. M. McBryde, Jr., "A Study of Cowley's 
 Davideis," in Jour. Germ. Philol., ii. 454 sq. 
 
214 DU BARTAS 
 
 to the idea that I conceive of it. And I shall 
 be ambitious of no other fruit from this weak 
 and imperfect attempt of mine, but the opening 
 of a way to the courage and industry of some 
 other persons, who may be better able to per- 
 form it thoroughly and successfully." ^ 
 
 One interesting line of connection occurs at 
 this point. ^ In the summary written by Du 
 Bartas's editor, Simon Goulart de Senlis, and 
 prefixed to '^ Les Trophees," in which the story 
 of David is given, appear these statements : — 
 
 "Le Poete represente les principaux poincts d'icelle 
 histoire en onze cens vers ou environs, choisissant ce 
 qui lui a semble plus digne d'estre compris en Toeuvre 
 par lui entrepris. Car une Davideide vaudroit bien 
 le cours d'une Eneide, ou le nombre des livres de 
 ^ riliade et de TOdyssee ensemble si quelque Chrestien 
 et docte poete Frangois vouloit y employer le temps et 
 I'estude, comme un si noble et fertile sujet le merite." 
 
 This direct suggestion of the kind of work 
 Cowley undertook deserves comparison with 
 his own statement in his preface: '^I come now 
 to the last part which is the Davideis, or an 
 heroical poem of the troubles of David : which I 
 designed into twelve books; not for the tribes' 
 sake, but after the pattern of our master Virgil." ^ 
 Some further weight is given this consideration 
 by the fact that Du Bartas's Judith had been < 
 avowedly cast in the classic mold. 
 
 * Cowley, Poems, Cambridge English Classics, 1905, 
 p. 14. 
 
 2 Cf. J. M. McBryde, op. cit., p. 483 sq. 
 ' Cowley, Poems, ed. cit., 1905, p. 11. 
 
 1 
 
"•^W^£r DU BARTAS 215 
 
 The question of Milton's relations to Du Bartas 
 was one of great importance to certain scholars 
 of a century ago/ but of late it has almost dis- 
 appeared from view. The citations and paral- 
 lels brought out by this scholarship were of no 
 particular value. The one thing of possible 
 importance in the argument of Dunster, the 
 leading advocate for the influence of Du Bartas, 
 was the fact that certain editions of Sylvester's 
 works, notably the important folio edition of 
 1621, were printed by ^'Humphrey Lownes 
 dwelling on Bread-street-hill," in the immediate 
 vicinity_ofthe Milton home. Lownes was an 
 ardentPuritalT, in sympathy with tjie tone of 
 Sylvester's poetry. Milton's father was~a Turi- 
 tan and^presumably ' a friend of Lownes. Dun- 
 ster's inference was that the young Milton, then 
 at an impressionable age, thus grew familiar 
 with the poems of Du Bartas, and was attracted 
 by them in a way that he never forgot^ It is 
 true that both poets are disciples of Urania, a nd 
 that the subjects which concern them are closely 
 akin. There is even a suggestion of Milton's 
 whole plan in the Seventh Day of the First 
 Week, thus rendered by Sylvester : — 
 
 \ 
 
 "Who sees not also that th' unjust Decree 
 Of a proud Judge and Judas treachery, 
 The Peoples fury, and the Prelats gall, 
 Serv'd all as Organs to repair the Fall 
 Of Edens old Prince, whose luxurious pride 
 Made on his seed his sin for ever slide?" 
 
 ^ Cf. Chas. Dunster, Considerations on Milton's Early 
 Reading, London, 1800; also the notes in Todd's Milton_ 
 
^16 DU BARTAS 
 
 This idea is continued at considerable length, 
 "with apt Similitudes" — as the marginal ex- 
 planation says — "confirming the reason and 
 declaring the right end of God's divers dealings 
 with men." Yet there was reason enough in 
 Milton's own experience and party affiliations 
 to turn his creative powers to their religious 
 theme. There are, indeed, some other resem- 
 blances with Du Bartas which add support to a 
 probabihty that the Divine Weeks, known to 
 Milton in his youth, readily recurred to his mind 
 when the notion of a sacred epic arose there. 
 Both poets found it necessary to blend the 
 machinery of classic myth with their biblical 
 characters. Du Bartas had depended for poetic 
 effect, as Milton did, on "muster-rolls" of 
 proper names. Phrases and word-combinations 
 in Milton are frequently recalling similar ex- 
 pressions in the Weeks, although the resem- 
 blances cannot justly be called parallels.^ The 
 whole question lies slightly outside the scope of 
 this study, and at best offers little more than the 
 thread of probability indicated above. 
 
 By the time of England's civil strife, literary 
 influences such as Du Bartas and Sylvester 
 represented had become so various and compli- 
 cated that it is next to impossible to point out 
 definite instances of dependence. There is 
 ample indication, however, that through the 
 entire first half of the century, the popularity 
 of these poets was practically intact; so that it 
 
 * Cf . Dunster, op. cit. 
 
DU BARTAS / 217 
 
 really gave way only with the vigorous impulses 
 of the Restoration. Numerous tributes might 
 be quoted from men who have not been men- 
 tioned as imitators or as connected with imi- 
 tators. Some of these date from the beginning 
 of the century, when they were published in 
 connection with Sylvester's collected works. 
 The demand that necessitated the numerous 
 later editions of Sylvester represents continued 
 popularity in a material form. Sufficient late 
 testimony is provided by a brief tribute in George 
 Daniel's ^^Vindication of Poesie," published in 
 1646, and by a familiar statement of Dryden re- 
 garding his own youth. Daniel says, with an 
 echo of Spenser's earlier tribute : — 
 
 "Nor shall the Muse of the French Eagle dye, 
 Divine Sire Bartas ; and the happie writt 
 Of Bellay, here shall live eternallie, 
 Eternizing his name, in his owne Witt." ^ 
 
 Dryden's comment in the translation of Boileau^s 
 Art Poetique, is : ^'I remember, when I was a 
 boy, I thought inimitable Spenser a mean poet 
 in comparison of Sylvester's Du Bartas." ^ 
 
 The study of Du Bartas's influence in England 
 has thus revealed a somewhat complicated his- 
 tory. The influence proceeded from two sources, 
 the original and the translations, especially that 
 of Joshua Sylvester. It was of two sorts, the 
 general call to the service of Urania and the 
 more definite effect on style and peculiarities of 
 
 ^ Poems, ed. Grosart, 1878, i. 27. 
 
 2 Of. Did. Nat. Biog. s. v. ''Sylvester." 
 
218 DU BARTAS 
 
 detail. Along both these lines Sylvester's part 
 was similar to that of his master, except that 
 he was a greater extremist. To Sylvester, as to 
 his greater English contemporaries, Du Bartas, 
 with his Protestant zeal and stylistic extrava- 
 gances, offered something for which minds and 
 tastes were well prepared. Men like Sidney and 
 Donne could find in this poetry flights of fancy 
 or tricks of expression to fit their need, without 
 definitely consecrating their efforts to the 
 Heavenly Muse. A few years later, with Syl- 
 vester's translations to localize the appeal, seri- 
 ous minded men of religious purpose, Drayton, 
 Alexander, and John Davies of Hereford, found 
 in these poems models for their own composi- 
 tions based on Bible story. Back of this whole 
 development stands the royal figure of King 
 James, the friend of Du Bartas, the encouraging 
 force for Sylvester, the patron of Alexander, the 
 champion of Urania herself. As the seventeenth 
 century proceeded, influences increased and com- 
 plicated, but the poetry of Du Bartas retained 
 a popularity that requires it to be still regarded 
 as a factor. Only with the Restoration did 
 these poems sink into the position of contemptu- 
 ous neglect which had so soon become their lot 
 in France. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 Rabelais 
 
 Whatever influence the writings of Frangois 
 Rabelais may have had upon Enghsh Literature., 
 two points are very well established: this in- 
 fluence is scarcely appreciable for more than half 
 a century after the first two books of Gargantua 
 were written; and when it does appear, it has 
 to do chiefly with style and spirit rather than 
 with doctrine or ideas, — with the traditional 
 Rabelais, perhaps, more than the reality. The 
 'real Rabelais is easily apparent in his work, — 
 a composite figure, blending the Humanistic 
 desire for freedom of thought and the Renais- ^ 
 sance multiplicity of talents with a medieval ) 
 fondness for encyclopedic learning and a jovial \ 
 abandon to the picturesque expression of the [ 
 spirit of good living/ In all points of contro-J 
 versy the medial ground was to him the attrac- 
 tive one; and from this point of comparative 
 safety he turned the light of his ridicule upon 
 the extremists. He had views that were reason- 
 able and wholesome on philosophy, education, 
 science, and religion. But the very eclecticism 
 of his position made him enemies on all sides; 
 
 ^ Cf . Emile Gebhart, Rabelais : la Renaissance et la 
 Reforme. Paris, 187 7. 
 
 219 
 
220 RABELAIS 
 
 the good-humored coarseness of his expression 
 gave these enemies their weapons; and there 
 grew up in men's minds, in France and through- 
 out Europe, a traditional Rabelais, — glutton, 
 drunkard, buffoon, and trickster,^ — who took 
 his place beside Machiavelli and Aretino as one 
 of the ^Herrible examples" of the Renaissance. 
 By that time the medievalism he represented 
 had become dead matter, Humanism had run 
 its course, and the religious reforms he had 
 championed had played their part in various 
 readjustments. Naturally, in the minds of 
 many men, the only vital elements left to his 
 work were its coarseness of tone and the laxity 
 of life it encouraged; and these corresponded 
 all too well with the tradition. In England this 
 must have been especially true. The abuses of 
 the church would no longer entirely vitalize his 
 elaborate satire, in a land where popes and 
 monks had ceased to be a really serious factor. 
 Extreme Protestants, moreover, would forget 
 his service as a reformer in their righteous zeal 
 against so bold an advocate of unholy living; 
 who had not scrupled, indeed, to satirize Prot- 
 estant leaders in his later books. ^ To the less 
 zealous he would appear merely as 'Hhe great 
 jester of France." ^ 
 
 The literary influence of Rabelais, then, is not 
 to be sought among the religious poets of Eng- 
 
 ^ Cf. Gebhart, op. cit., pp. 10-18. 
 
 "^ E.g. the account of the offspring of " Antiphysie," 
 (Euvres, ed. Duchat, Amsterdam, 1741, ii. 85. 
 ^ Infra, p. 244. 
 
RABELAIS 221 
 
 land, nor in the learned circles of the nobility 
 and its literary retainers. It is likely to appear ^ 
 at any time in the drama, and should be espe- 
 cially manifest in the satirical outbursts^ of 
 literary free-lances like Thomas Nash and John 
 Taylor, the Water Poet. The real Rabelais had 
 been influenced by Sir Thomas More, making 
 both Gargantua and Pantagruel rulers of / 
 Utopia, and representing the mother of Pan- 
 tagruel as '^fille du Roy cles Amaurotes en 
 Utopie," ^ as well as giving expression to many 
 of the philosophical opinions of both More and 
 Erasmus.^ The Rabelais that England knew 
 could seldom aspire to such company, though 
 Francis Bacon at least is known to have been 
 familiar with his writings. 
 
 In attempting to estimate the extent of Eng- 
 lish knowledge of Rabelais on the basis of 
 references to him and his work, an uncertainty 
 at once arises. The books of Gargantua and 
 Pantagritel were built about a giant hero of 
 popular chap-book romance, whose story had 
 been in general circulation some time before 
 Rabelais turned his hand to the revision of it, 
 and found there the very machinery he desired 
 for his own creations.^ Les grandes et ines- 
 
 ^ Rabelais, Pantagruel (bk. ii.), chap, ii; cf. Rathery, 
 Revue contemporaine, xxi. 42. 
 
 2 Cf. H. Schoenfeld, ''Die Beziehung der Satire Rabe- 
 lais' zu Erasmus' Encomium Moriae u. Colloquia," in 
 Publ. Mod. Lang. Assn. Amer., viii. 1 sq. The "Abbey 
 of Theleme," at the close of Rabelais's First Book, is a 
 decidedly Utopian institution. 
 
 3 The traditional giant Gargantua is mentioned by 
 Claude Bourdigne in a ballade prefixed to Legende 
 
/ 
 
 222 RABELAIS 
 
 timahles Croniques du grant et enorme geant 
 Gargantua, published in 1532, in the form which 
 was apparently given them by Rabelais him- 
 self/ enjoyed, as he testifies in the prologue to 
 Pantagruel, an immediate and vast popularity. 
 There is no reason to suppose that the new 
 satirical history of Pantagruel, or even the re- 
 vised and expanded story of Gargantua, with all 
 their points of excellence, entirely superseded 
 the earlier simple narrative of the people's giant 
 hero. In all probability the traditional Gar- 
 gantua added to his biography numerous accre- 
 tions from the larger narrative, with some sense 
 of acknowledgment to Rabelais; but for the 
 common people this biography remained still 
 essentially a giant story. Rabelais, on the other 
 hand, as his creation grew, eventually lost sight 
 entirely of his original giant motive, and con- 
 sidered only Prince Pantagruel and his increas- 
 ingly important retinue as the machinery for 
 satire. 
 
 This popular giant story passed into England 
 at some comparatively early date, with the 
 other odds and ends of the romance cycles. 
 Apparently it flourished there for a time with 
 an audience that knew nothing of its possible 
 connections with Rabelais; and indeed knew 
 
 Pierre Faifeu, finished March 31, 1531, and printed in 
 1532. P. Sebillot, Gargantua dans les traditions popu- 
 laires, 1883, finds stories of Gargantua most plentiful in 
 Brittany, agreeing with the fact that Les grandes Cro- 
 niques connect him with the Arthurian cycle. 
 
 ^ Works, tr. by W. F. Smith, London, 1893, i. pp. 
 Iviii-lix. 
 
RABELAIS ' 223 
 
 Rabelais only vaguely, if at all, as the roystering 
 ''Eulenspiegel" of French Catholicism. The 
 frequent mention of Gargantua, then, even in 
 later Elizabethan literature, is always open ,ta 
 the suspicion that it is prompted merely by 
 popular tradition. This suspicion is often 
 greatly intensified by the associations in which 
 the reference occurs, as in groups of legendary 
 giants, broken down romances, and the like. 
 
 There -is a corresponding difficulty in attempt- 
 ing to identify the influence of Rabelais by mere 
 resemblance of tone and manner, as in certain 
 scenes in Shakespeare's Henry IV., or in Jon- 
 son's Bartholomeiv Fair} The tone is too nearly 
 that of the pleasure-loving common people, of 
 every-day bourgeois gatherings and Elizabethan 
 fairs and tavern frolics, to need the inspiration 
 of a Rabelais or of any other literary figure. 
 Even resemblance of plirase is often open to 
 doubt, as many of the most striking expressions 
 of Rabelais either were common property at his 
 time or soon became so. 
 
 In France, the so-called Second Book of 
 Rabelais's work, — Les horribles et espovetables 
 faictz et prouesses du tresrendme Pantagruel, was 
 probably first published in 1532.^ The enlarged 
 Gargantua, designed to be the First Book in the 
 series, was printed by or before 1535. The 
 Third Book followed in 1546, the Fourth in 
 1548, and the Fifth, whatever may be the truth 
 
 ^ This connection has been suggested by Charles 
 Whibley, in Revue des Etudes rabelaisiennes , i. 3. 
 2 A second edition is in existence, dated lo33. 
 
224 RABELAIS 
 
 regarding its authorship, was before the public 
 by 1564.^ There was a Pantagrueline Prognos- 
 tication pour Van 15SS, which was continued 
 year by year, until in 1542 it was made a Prog- 
 nostication pour Fan perpetuel. In England, 
 there is entered in the Stationers' Register for 
 April 6, 1592, "Gargantuxi his prophesie,'' which 
 would seem to indicate an English rendering 
 of the Prognostication. According to that view, 
 there is significance in the thought that the name 
 Gargantua was being accepted loosely to cover 
 the various writings of Rabelais, and that the 
 traditional giant story was by that time being 
 confused in English minds with the more elabo- 
 rate literary creation. If this supposition could 
 be accepted, it would aid greatly in the inter- 
 pretation of two very vague entries made a 
 trifle later. Under date of June 16, 1592, there is 
 an entry of "Gargantuxi/' made without explana- 
 tion and afterward cancelled. On December 4, 
 1594, there is entered "The historic of Gargantua," 
 with the note, '^Provided that if this Copie doo 
 belonge to anie other, Then this Entrance to be 
 voide." These publications have not survived, 
 and nothing whatever is known about them. 
 The title appears to indicate merely a printed 
 English version of the popular tradition, although 
 the apparent extension of the term " Gargantua," 
 and the short time elapsing between the entry 
 ' of the Prophesiesmd the first notice of Gargantuxi, 
 Sit least open the possibility of so early a trans- 
 
 ^ Cf. Tilley, op. cit., i. 262 sq., for bibliography of 
 these editions. 
 
RABELAIS 225 
 
 lation of part of Rabelais's greater work. The 
 translation of the first two books, by Thomas 
 Urquhart, in 1653, was apparently called forth by 
 a growing interest, at that time, in things satirical. 
 Before 1580 there are at least three authentic 
 references to Gargantua, all of them in connec- 
 tions that seem to point to the legendary giant 
 hero. In 1572 the '^ Brief and Necessary In- 
 struction^^ by E. D. decries, among other English 
 books of the time, ^Hhe witles devices of Gar- 
 gantua." ^ In 1575 Robert Laneham, in his 
 letter to Humphrey Martin, describing the en- 
 tertainment of the Queen at Kenilworth, men- 
 tions Gargantua as one of the books with which 
 Captain Cox was familiar.^ All the other books 
 named are in English, and the presumption 
 follows that this one is also. Two years later 
 Doctor Merideth Hanmer enumerates 'Hhe 
 monstrous fables of Gargantua" in a list of 
 popular English books. ^ As late as 1598, in the 
 Palladis Tamia of Meres, Gargantua is con- 
 demned, together with the Four Sons of Aymon 
 and the Seven Chainj)ions, as a book injurious 
 for young people.^ Here again, judging by the 
 company it keeps, the book in mind may well 
 be the giant story, although the question is a 
 much more open one. 
 
 ^ Noted by H. R. D. Anders, Shakespeare^ s Books, p. 56. 
 
 2 Ed. 1822 (Philadelphia), p. 37. Noted by Anders, 
 op. cit., p. 56. 
 
 ^ Epistle Dedicatorie to the Auncient Ecclesiastical 
 Histories of the First Six Hundred Yeares after Christ, 
 ed. 1619, p. ^4. Noted by Anders, op. cit., p. 56. 
 
 * Machiavelli's Prince is also in the list. 
 
226 RABELAIS 
 
 There is abundant evidence that for some 
 years prior to 1598 — in fact, beginning sig- 
 nificantly enough just about the date of the 
 entries quoted from the Stationers^ Register — 
 Rabelais and his work had been well known in 
 England, and indeed had exercised some im- 
 portant literary influence. In 1590 the tract. 
 An Almond for a Parrot, formerly attributed 
 to Nash, mentions ''that merry man Rablays 
 who dedicated most of his workes to the soule 
 of the old Queene of Navarre many yeares after 
 her death, for that she was a maintainer of mirth 
 in her life." ^ John Donne in his " Fourth Satire '^ 
 (written about 1597) alludes to Panurge : — 
 
 "Nay, your Apostles were 
 Good pretty Linguists ; so Panurgus was, 
 Yet a poor Gentleman; all these may pass." ^ 
 
 The V ergidemiarum of Joseph Hall (1597) also 
 alludes to Rabelais : — 
 
 ''But who coniur'd this bawdie Poggie's ghost, 
 From out the stewes of this lewde home-bred coast : 
 Or wicked Rablais' dronken revelhngs, 
 To grace the mis-rule of our Tavernings?" ^ 
 
 The Preludium of Edward Guilpin's Skialetheia 
 (1598) has a similar reference : — 
 
 '' Let Rablais with his durtie mouth discourse, 
 No longer blush, for they'le write ten times worse : 
 
 .* Nash, Works, ed. McKerrow, iii 341. Noted by 
 Charles Whibley, in Rev. des Etudes rah., i. 3. 
 ^ Wks.,^ ed. Grosart,- Fuller Worthies Libr., 1. 32. 
 ' ^ Bk. ii, satire i. 
 
RABELAIS 227 
 
 And Aretines great wit be blam'd no more, 
 They'le storie forth the errant arrant whore." * 
 
 More important than these allusions, which at 
 most can but show growing public acquaintance, 
 are the evidences of Rabelaisian influence, dur- 
 ing this same period, in the work of Thomas 
 Nash,^ and — with less of certainty — in the 
 English drama. There was much reason that 
 Nash should come under the power of Rabelais. 
 After seven years of study at Cambridge, he 
 had gone traveling, in 1587, through France and 
 Italy, and retiu-ned to England to a literary 
 career largely turned to satire and invective. 
 Like Rabelais he was the avowed foe of pedan- 
 try; and, like him again, he was immensely 
 fond of citations from the ancients and the em- 
 ployment of learned commonplaces. Like Rabe- 
 lais he professed a fabliau sort of distrust for 
 women. Unlike him, he inveighed against glut- 
 tony and drunkenness, lingering meanwhile on 
 the picturesque details of such conditions with 
 an unholy joy that makes one suspicious. It is 
 in the role of ^Hragicus Orator" that Nash likes 
 to regard himself, railing and inveighing against 
 the vices of his fellow-men. In this he looks to 
 Aretino as his model,^ professing to draw from 
 
 ^ Ed. Grosart, in Occasional Issues, vi. 31. 
 
 ^ This has been discussed in part by Charles Whibley, 
 in his article in Rev. des J^tudes rob., i. 
 
 ^ References to Aretino occur in Pierce Penniless, 
 1592 {Wks., ed. McKerrow, i. 242), and in Four Letters 
 Confuted, 1592 {Wks., i. 20), together with a lengthy 
 praise of "Aretine" in The Unfortunate Traveller, 1594 
 (Wks., ii. 264). 
 
228 RABELAIS 
 
 him whatever he possesses of keenness and 
 satirical fire, together with a fluency in the use 
 of large but expressive words. Concluding the 
 epistle to the Reader, before his Lenten Stuff, "^ 
 appearing almost at the end of his career, he 
 says: '^Let me speake to you about my huge 
 woords which I use in this booke, and then you 
 are your own men to do what you list. Know 
 it is my true vaine to be tragicus Orator, and of 
 all stiles I most affect and strive to imitate 
 Aretines, not caring for this demure soft medio- 
 cre genus, that is like water and wine mixt 
 togither." * 
 
 Nowhere does he acknowledge an obligation 
 to Rabelais, whose influence will be found 
 operative in another side of Nash's work almost 
 as prominent as the invective vein, though per- 
 haps one in which he took less pride. Even in 
 his ^^huge woords" the model of Rabelais seems 
 often not far away. Except for the '' Wonderful 
 strange and miraculous Astrologicall Prognosti- 
 cation/' published in 1591,^ generally ascribed to 
 Nash, and almost certainly modeled upon the 
 Pantagrueline Prognostication, the influence of 
 Rabelais in Nash's earlier writings seems small 
 indeed as compared to its later prominence. 
 But even in the early work Gabriel Harvey pro- 
 fessed to find this influence to a degree that 
 
 1 Wks., ed. cit., iii. 152. 
 
 2 Note that this was a year before the entry of " Gar- 
 gantua his prophesie" (see p. 224). A translation of the 
 original model may well have been called out by the 
 success of the English work. 
 
RABELAIS 229 
 
 justified him in placing Rabelais and Aretino 
 side by side as the models of his annoy ing.foe.^ 
 In Harvey's Four Letters, as. early as -1592, 
 he makes a plea to Nash to be a divine poet and 
 use heavenly eloquence indeed, concluding with 
 the statement: ''Right artificiality ... is not 
 mad-brained, or ridiculous, or absurd, or blas- 
 phemous, or monstrous; but deep-conceited, 
 but pleasurable, but delicate, . . . not accord- 
 ing to the fantastical mould of Aretine or 
 Rabelays, but according to the fine model of 
 Orpheus, Homer, Pindarus. . . ." ^ This con- 
 nection is repeated in the New Letter of Notable 
 Contents, the year following: ''When the sweet 
 youth haunted Aretine, and Rabelays, the two 
 monstrous wittes of their languages, who so 
 shaken with the furious feavers of the One;- or 
 so attainted with the French Pockes of the 
 Other?" ^ Piercers Supererogation, also pub- 
 lished in 1593, adds further confirmation, with 
 a concrete detail to indicate that Harvey was 
 familiar with Rabelais's work, and was not 
 merely comparing his enemy to a traditional 
 master of grossness. "Poor I/' he says, "... 
 
 ^ A passage like the following in Nash's reply to the 
 Four Letters shows perhaps the justification of Harvey's 
 statements: — "Why, thou arrant butter whore, thou 
 cotqueane and scrattop of scoldes, wilt thou never leave 
 afflicting a dead Carcasse, continually read the rethorick 
 lecture of Ramme- Allie ? a wispe, a wispe, a wispe, 
 rippe, rippe, you ki\chinstuffe wrangler. " (Nash, Wks., 
 ed. cit., i. 299.) The influence of Skelton, frequently 
 seen in Nash, also appears to crop out here. 
 
 2 Harvey, Wks., ed. Grosart, i. 218. 
 
 8 Ihid., i. 272-273. 
 
230 RABELAIS 
 
 that am matched with such a Gargantuist as 
 can devoure me quicke in a sallat." ^ The ex- 
 perience of Gargantua with the pilgrims, as told 
 in Chapter 38 of the First Book, is at once 
 recalled. 
 
 In considering the actual writings of Nash, 
 there is one important indication of obligation 
 to Rabelais that can of course be treated only 
 in a general way. This is the peculiar spirit and 
 manner which one comes to associate with the 
 frankly coarse but good-natured '^jester of 
 France," and which seems to depend on the 
 accumulation of small details rather than on a 
 few striking passages. Between the Astrologicall 
 Prognostication, for instance, and the Panta- 
 grueline Prognostication, there is a striking re- 
 semblance in manner as well as in method of 
 approach. Both are burlesque prophecies, get- 
 ting their humor from the perfect obviousness of 
 the things predicted, and adding in many in- 
 stances the satirical touch. They both deal with 
 the eclipses for the year and the conditions to 
 be connected with these, as well as offering pre- 
 dictions for each of the four seasons. Both 
 give some attention to the different classes and 
 occupations of men, and to the peculiarities of 
 other countries. With the frequent appearance 
 of serious prognostications in both countries, it 
 was to be expected that such parodies would 
 arise from time to time, but in this case there 
 seems to be much more than a chance parallel. 
 
 1 Wks., ed. cit., ii. 224. Whibley has noted this 
 reference, op. cit.j p. 7. 
 
RABELAIS 231 
 
 With Pierce Penilesse his Supplication to the 
 Divell, in 1592, the influence of Rabelais in au- 
 thentic work of Nash begins to be manifest. 
 The work is at basis satirical, and is emphatic 
 in its adverse attitude toward gluttony, dri^^k- 
 ing, and carousing; yet, as noted,"" the very 
 descriptions there involved are expanded with 
 the concrete pictm'esqueness of coarse or absurd 
 detail which helps to give Rabelais his tone. 
 Already Nash shows a Rabelaisian feeling for 
 monstrosity, as well as a peculiar delight in the 
 play of imagination over whimsical personifica- 
 tions. Nash says of Master Dives, whom he 
 makes a representative London glutton: '' Mis- 
 erere mei, what a fat churle it is ! Why, he 
 hath a belly as big as the round Church in 
 Cambridge, a face as huge as the whole bodie 
 of a bass viall, and legs that, if they were hol- 
 low, a man might keepe a mill in eyther of 
 them." ^ Earlier in the work Nash's imagina- 
 tion produces this, ''he that hath no mony in 
 his purse, must go dine with Sir John Best- 
 betrust, at the signe of the chalk and the 
 Post." ' 
 
 The characteristic manner of his descriptions 
 might be illustrated from a dozen examples,^ 
 but the following will serve. Dame Niggardize 
 
 1 Nash, Wks., ed. McKerrow, i. 199-200. Whibley, 
 op. cit., p. 10, quotes this to illustrate Nash's feeling 
 for monstrosity. 
 
 2 Wks., ed. cit., i. 163. 
 
 ^ E.g. "the Usurer," p. 162; "Greediness," p. 166; 
 "Old hacksters," p. 181. The Unfortunate Traveller 
 (1594) has others of the same sort. 
 
232 RABELAIS 
 
 was attired " in a sedge rug kirtle, that had beene 
 a mat time out of minde, a course hempen raile 
 about her shoulders, borrowed of the one end 
 of a hop-bag, an apron raade of Almanackes 
 out of date (such as stand upon Screens, or 
 on the backside of a dore in a Chandlers shop), 
 and an old wives pudding pan on her head, 
 thrumd with the parings of her nailes." She 
 sat ^^ barrelling up the droppings of hir nose, in 
 steed of oyle, to saime wooll withall, and would 
 not adventure to spit without halfe a dozen 
 porrengers at her elbow." ^ The rats and the 
 mice — 
 
 " went a Boot-haling one night to Sinior Greedinesse 
 bed-chamber, where, finding nothing but emptines 
 and vastitie, they encountered (after long inquisition) 
 with a cod-piece, wel dunged and manured with greace 
 (which my pinch-fart penie-father had retaind from 
 his Bachelorship, untill the eating of these presents). 
 Uppon that they set, and with a couragious assault 
 rent it cleene away from the breeches, and then carried 
 it in triumph, like a coffin, on their shoulders betwixt 
 them." 2 
 
 In his controversial pamphlets against Harvey, 
 Nash had particular opportunity to employ the 
 art of railing drawn from Aretino. Yet in Have 
 with you to Saffron Walden, published in 1596, 
 and the bitterest contribution to the contro- 
 versy, it appears that the imitation of Rabelais, 
 seen earlier chiefly in the tone of Nash's descrip- 
 tions, has grown to a degree that makes one 
 wonder if the more influential model was French 
 
 ^ Wks., ed. cit., i. 167. ^ Ibid., i. 168, 
 
RABELAIS 233 
 
 or Italian. To the traces of Rabelais's influence 
 already noted are now added a more elaborate 
 sort of fooling and a tendency toward accumula- 
 tion of parallel terms in series, besides certain 
 detailed resemblances that are unmistakable. 
 He freely coins new words of a decidedly Rabe- 
 laisian sort, and at the same time ridicules the 
 pedantic vocabulary of his unwieldy antagonist, 
 as Rabelais did that of the Limousin scholar, 
 and of Master Janotus de Bragmardo. The 
 tendency to intersperse more or less learned cita- 
 tions also appears, though this may have been 
 easily picked up from the Humanists anywhere. 
 Indeed, it must be remembered that many of 
 these traits from Rabelais should have aided 
 Nash greatly in constructing his parody of 
 Harvey's cumbrous style. 
 
 Have With You is solemnly dedicated to a 
 barber, with a wealth of rambling phraseology 
 of which this is a fair specimen: ^^ . . . para- 
 phrasticall gallant Patron Dick, as good a fellow 
 as ever was Heigh, fill the pot, hostesse : courte- 
 ous Dicke, comicall Dicke, lively Dicke, lovely 
 Dicke, learned Dicke, olde Dicke of Lichfield, 
 Jubeo te plurimum saluere, which is by interpre- 
 tation, I joy to heare thou hast so profited in 
 gibridge." ^ Presenting a '^ grace in behalf of 
 the Harveys," Nash says: ''for anie time this 
 foure and twentie yeare they have plaid the 
 fantasticall gub-shites and goose-giblets in Print, 
 and kept a hatefull scribling and a pamphleting 
 
 ^ Ihid., iii. 5. Noted by Whibley, op. cit., p. 8. 
 
234 RABELAIS 
 
 about earth-quakes, coniunctions, inundations, 
 the fear full blazing Starre, and the forsworne 
 Flaxe-wife; and tooke upon them to be false 
 Prophets, Weather-wizards, Fortune-tellers, 
 Poets, Philosophers, Orators, Historiographers, 
 Mountebankes, Ballet-Makers, and left no Arte 
 undefamed with their filthie dull-headed prac- 
 tise." ^ ^'I have handled it," says Nash of 
 Harvey's picture, ^^so neatly, and so sprightly, 
 and wit hall ouzled, gidumbled, muddled and 
 drizled it so finely, that I forbid ever a Hauns 
 Ball, Hauns Holbine, or Hauns Mullier of them 
 all . . . to amend it." ^ • 
 
 Nash's derision of Harvey's scholar's vocabu- 
 lary finds expression in ^^An Oration, including 
 most of the miscreated words and sentences in 
 the Doctors Booke." ^ There is an account of 
 the birth of Harvey and a letter describing the 
 youth's first education,^ which are almost cer- 
 tainly modeled on similar statements concerning 
 the birth of Pantagruel, and on Gargantua's let- 
 ter to him regarding his education.^ - 
 
 One typical passage contains direct reference 
 to Gargantua and his gluttony: '^but when I 
 came to unrip and unbumbast this Gargantuan 
 bag-pudding, and found nothing in it but dogs- 
 tripes, swines livers, oxe galls, and sheepes gutts, 
 I was in a bitterer chafe than any Cooke at a 
 long Sermon when his meate burnes."® Cer- 
 
 ' Wks., ed. cit., iii. 12. 2 ihid., p. 38. ^ Ibid., p. 43 sq. 
 * Ibid., p. 60 sq. Noted by Whibley, op. cit., p. 8. 
 ^ Bk. ii, chaps. 1--8. 
 ' Wks., ed. cit., iii. 34. 
 
RABELAIS 235 
 
 tainly here there can be Httle suspicion of 
 the intervention of the chap-book giant. A few 
 pages later there appears a sentence which by 
 itself might have little weight, owing to the pos- 
 sibility of various other sources. ^'He . . . 
 will," says Nash, ^4ike a true Millanoys, sucke 
 figges out of an asses fundament or do any- 
 thing." This is evidently based on the story of 
 Frederick Barbarossa's unique punishment of 
 the citizens of conquered Milan. The story is 
 repeated in the Foui1;h Book of Rabelais, 
 chapter 45. 
 
 Nash's Lenten Stuffe, 1599, involving the 
 ''Praise of Red Herring," shows the influence of 
 Rabelais extended into the later writings.. Nash 
 acknowledges the frivolity of his undertaking, 
 with an apology for leaving his preferred serious 
 vein. Again there is a mock-serious dedication, 
 with a rambling style, and the frequent appear- 
 ance of large words, of which the author makes 
 the rather vague mention ah'eady quoted.^ The 
 dedication begins : — 
 
 ''To his worthie good patron, Lustie Hiimfrey, 
 according as the townsmen doo christen him, little 
 Numps, as the Nobihtie and Courtiers do name him, 
 and Honest Humfrey, as all his friends and acquaint- 
 ance esteeme him, King of the Tobacconists hie et 
 ubique, and a singular Maecsenas to the Pipe and the 
 Tabour (as his patient livery attendant can witnesse) 
 his bounden Orator T. N. most prostrately offers up 
 this tribute of inke and paper. . . . These be to 
 notifie your diminutive excelsitude and compendiate 
 greatnesse, what my zeale is towardes you. . . ." ^ 
 
 ' Suyra, p. 228. 2 Wks., ed. cit., iii. 147. 
 
236 RABELAIS 
 
 The genial burlesque of the whole work is 
 perhaps its most clearly Rabelaisian feature. 
 The stories of the origin of Herring and Ling 
 from Hero and Leander, and the saint ing of the 
 Herring by the Pope are sport of the imagina- 
 tion that would have been dear to Rabelais's 
 heart. Yet throughout one receives the im- 
 pression that, although Nash is almost certainly 
 following Rabelais, it is at a considerable dis- 
 tance. The burlesque humor seems diluted, the 
 picturesque realism lacks the broad frankness of 
 the model, and even the new-coined words ap- 
 pear forced instead of spontaneous. Nash's 
 limit in this matter of coinages is reached in the 
 sentence, '^Physitions deafen our eares with the 
 Honorificabilitudinitatibus of their heavenly 
 Panachsea, their soveraigne Guiacum, . . ." ^ 
 There is a notix^eable resemblance to Rabe- 
 lais's ^^Sorbonicohficabilitudinissement," used in 
 La Ghreme Philosophale des Questions Encyclope- 
 dicques de PantagrueU There is another allu- 
 sion to Gargantua in the Lenten Stuffe, as fol- 
 lows: '^Nothing behinde in number with the 
 invincible Spanish Armada, though they were 
 not such Gargantuan boysterous gulliguts as 
 they, though ships and galeasses they would 
 have beene reckoned in the navy of K. Edgar." ^ 
 
 ^ Wks., ed. cit., iii. 176. Note that the ending used 
 is correct for the case construction, which is not true 
 in John Taylor's use of the same word. See p. 252. 
 The employment of the word in ridicule of Shakespeare's 
 Holofernes suggests that it was a stock jest directed at 
 pedantic phraseology. See p. 238. 
 
 ^(Euvres, ed. 1741, ii. 333. 
 
 3 Wks., ed. cit., iii. 157. 
 
RABELAIS 237 
 
 It may even be slightly significant that in this 
 same work ^ Nash protests against the miscon- 
 structions placed upon his previous writings, 
 much in the manner of Rabelais in the Epistle 
 Dedicatory of his Fourth Book. 
 
 The question of Rabelaisian influence in the ' 
 Elizabethan drama is necessarily a very uncer- 
 tain one. Parallels of one sort and another are 
 constantly being suggested ; but general resem- ^ 
 blances in mood must usually give way before' 
 the possibility of drawing such a spirit directly 
 from common life; while the recurrence of a 
 striking phrase or idea too often proves to be 
 only the reappearance of something entirely 
 conventional. The best that can be done is to 
 indicate the parallels that are less strongly open 
 to suspicion. To make valid the resemblances^ 
 in Shakespeare, we must either accept a rea- 
 sonable knowledge of French on his part, ^ or^ 
 pre-suppose the earlier English translation of / 
 Rabelais already discussed.^ 
 
 The pedantic Holofernes in Lovers Lahour^s \ 
 Lost, though a stock character of continental ' 
 comedy, certainly appears to have a direct 
 prototype in Tubal Holofernes, the pedant tutor 
 of Gargantua, who, under the hospitable treat- 
 ment of Grandgousier, directed the young giant's 
 rudimentary training with such zeal that he 
 learned to recite his A B C's backwards.^ Shake- 
 
 1 Ibid., iii. 214. 
 
 2 Cf. Anders, Shakespeare's Books, pp. 50-51. 
 
 3 Supra, p. 224. 
 
 ^ (Euvres, ed. cit., i. 50. 
 
 ^ 
 
 ..^"^ 
 
238 RABELAIS 
 
 speare's Holofernes, with the Latinate vocabu- 
 lary that Rabelais took delight in ridiculing, 
 was employed in teaching boys the horn-book, 
 and was graciously received at the tables of his 
 patrons. It is probably going too far to com- 
 pare with Gargantua's achievement above, the 
 question of Moth to Shakespeare's pedant, 
 ''What is a, b, spelt backward, with the horn on 
 his head?" but mention should be made of the 
 word ''honorificabilitudinitatibus," which Cos- 
 tard repeats as among the best of Holofernes' 
 pedantic store. ^ Lovers Lahoufs Lost was prob- 
 ably written as early as 1591. 
 
 As You Like It contains one reference to 
 Gargantua, thought of, perhaps, simply as a 
 giant. Rosalind says to Celia in the second act, 
 , third scene, ''You must borrow me Gargantua's 
 \ mouth first ; 'tis a word too great for any mouth 
 of this age's size." Of course there would be 
 no need for Shakespeare to go to French sources 
 for a bit of "gracious fooling" like the conversa- 
 tion of Sir Andrew and the clown in Twelfth 
 Night, treating "of Pigrogromitus, of the. 
 Vapians passing the equinoctial of Quebus." ^ 
 Yet he might have found an admirable sugges- 
 tion in the eleventh chapter of the Second Book 
 of Rabelais, where Baisecul says, "Mais a 
 propous, passoit entre les deux Tropicques six 
 blancs vers le zenith & maille, par aultant que 
 
 ^ Act iv, sc. 2, and act v, sc. 1. These resem- 
 blances are mentioned by A. F. Bourgeois, in Rev. des 
 Etudes rah., iii. 80-81. 
 
 2 Act ii, sc. 3. 
 
l_ 
 
 RABELAIS 239 
 
 les Monts Rhiphees avoient eu celle annee grand 
 sterilite de happeloiu'des. . . ." ^ 
 
 One of Hotspur's retorts to Glendower, in the 
 third act, first scene, of Henry IV., first part, is 
 paralleled in Rabelais, but the jest must cer-i^ 
 tainly have been a common one. To Glen- 
 dower's ^'I can call spirits from the vasty deep," 
 Hotspur replies : — 
 
 "Why so can I, and so can any one : 
 But will they come when you do call for them ?" 
 
 The corresponding passage in Rabelais reads: 
 ''ils invoquent les Diables. . . . Vray est que 
 ces Diables ne viennent tons jours a souhait sus 
 I'instant." ' 
 
 In the first scene of Othello, lago says to Bra- 
 bantio: '^I am one, sir, that comes to tell you 
 yom' daughter and the Moor are now making 
 the beast with two backs." This expression, 
 apparently so unusual in Elizabethan literature,^ 
 was somewhat of a favorite with Rabelais, al- 
 though it was by no means original with him."* 
 His best-known employment of it is in the third 
 
 ^ Noted by W. F. Smith in Rev. des Etudes rah., i. 
 220. 
 
 2 (Euvres, bk. v, chap. 10. Noted by W. F. Smith, 
 op. cit., p. 219. 
 
 ^ Cf. a model letter in Thos. Blount's Academy of 
 Compliments, 1654. 
 
 * W. F. Smith, op. cit., p. 218, notes its occurrence 
 in Les cent nouvelles nouvelles, no. 20; in Coquillot, 
 Monologues des Perruques (Elzevir ed., ii. 277; in 
 Les anciennes poesies frangaises (Elzevir ed., i. 77, and 
 ii. 138); in Wie Sermon joy eux desfoux; and inVAncien 
 theatre frangais (Elzevir ed., ii. 221). He traces it 
 originally to Plato, Symposium, 190A. 
 
240 RABELAIS 
 
 chapter of the First Book: ^'Et faisoient tous 
 deux souvent ensemble la beste a deux dos 
 joyeusement." The parallel here seems to be 
 one of the safest indications of Shakespeare's 
 indebtedness to Rabelais. 
 
 The thirtieth chapter of Rabelais's Second 
 Book gives the detailed account of the various 
 absurd punishments of heroes in Purgatory, as 
 told by Epistemon when he was restored to life. 
 All this is developed from the suggestion in 
 Lucian's dialogue Menippos, which is translated 
 as follows : ^ — 
 
 " I thinke it would move you to laugh much, if you 
 saw those that were Kings and Princes amongst us, beg 
 their bread there, sell salt fish, and teach the ABC for 
 sustenance, and how they are scorned and boxed about 
 the eares as the basest slaves in the world. It was my 
 fortune to have a sight of Philip, King of Macedon, and 
 I thought I should have burst my heart with laughing : 
 hee was shewed mee sitting in a little corner, cobbling 
 old shoes to get somewhat towards his living : many 
 other were to be seene there also, begging by the high 
 waies side, such as Xerxes, Darius, and Polycrates." 
 
 When Edgar as Poor Tom in the third 
 act of King Lear, sixth scene, declares: V 
 ^'Frataretto calls me and tells me Nero is an 
 angler in the lake of darkness," Shakespeare 
 may possibly have had in mind one of Rabelais 's 
 numerous variations on Lucian's theme: ^^ Tra- 
 jan etoit pescheur de grenoilles, . . . Neron 
 estoit vielleux." ^ Webster, in the fifth act, 
 
 1 Tr. Francis Hickes, Oxford, 1634, p. 40. 
 
 2 These connections are suggested by Bourgeois, 
 op. cit., p. 81. He certainly goes too far, however, in. 
 
RABELAIS 241 
 
 sixth scene, of The White Devil, recognizes 
 Lucian as the source of the general conception, 
 but develops his details in a thoroughly Rabe- 
 laisian manner, when he makes Flamineo say: 
 '^ Whither shall I go now? Lucian, thy 
 ridiculous purgatory ! To find Alexander the 
 Great cobbling shoes, Pompey tagging points, 
 and Julius Caesar making hair-buttons, Hanni- 
 bal selling blacking and Augustus selling garlic, 
 Charlemagne selling lists by the dozen, and 
 King Pepin crying apples in a cart drawn with 
 one horse." 
 
 It is only natural that Panurge's celebrated 
 eulogy of debt, in the third chapter of Rabe- 
 lais's Third Book, should appeal to parallel 
 hunters. Resemblances have been noted be- 
 tween the description of planetary disturbances 
 there, and the figure used by Ulysses of an army 
 without a supreme commander, in the first act, 
 third scene, of Troilus and Cressida} The re- 
 marks of Carlo Buffone in the first scene of 
 Every Man out of his Humour, beginning, 
 ^' Debt ? Why, that's the more for your credit, 
 sir," may also, with considerable plausibility, 
 be referred to this chapter in Rabelais.^ One 
 sentence at least of the chapter — ^'Tesmoings 
 
 making the same chapter of Rabelais the source of 
 Falstaff's "Ere I lead this life long, I'll sew nether- 
 stocks and mend them and foot them too" (Henry IV., 
 ii. 4). 
 
 ^ W. Konig, "IJber die Entlehnungen Shaksperes 
 inbes. aus Rabelais und einigen italien. Dramatikern," 
 in Shak. Jahrbuch, ix. (1874), 202 sq. This seems to 
 be the most reasonable of Konig's parallels. 
 
 2 Noted by W. F. Smith, op. cit., p. 220. 
 
242 RABELAIS 
 
 les usuriers de Landerousse, qui n'a gueres se 
 pendirent, voyans les bleds et vins ravaller en 
 pris, et bon temps retourner" — expresses prac- 
 tically the same thing as Shakespeare's '^ Here's 
 a farmer that hanged himself on the expectation 
 of plenty," in the second act, third scene, of 
 Macbeth. 
 
 That the theater-going public, as early as 
 1599, had come to accept other Rabelaisian 
 characters besides Gargantua as conventional 
 types, and to understand stage references to 
 them, is shown by Jonson's The Case is Altered, 
 which was certainly in existence by that year. 
 Juniper says, in the fourth scene of the fourth 
 act, '^What's the old Panurgo gone, departed, 
 cosmographied, ha?" — in a context where the 
 name " Panurgo " is used plainly as a mere term 
 for rascal. 
 
 The name ^^Pantagruel" is used without par- 
 ticular significance in Barnabe Barnes's The 
 Divils Charter, 1606-1607. Indeed, to judge by 
 the context, the principal excuse for its employ- 
 ment was its mouth-filling quality, and yet the 
 word was familiar enough to tempt the author 
 to a pun. Baglioni exclaims, in the fourth act, 
 fourth scene : — 
 
 "what Mandragon or salvage Ascapart, 
 What Pantaconger or Pantagruell 
 Art thou that fight est with thy fathers soule ..." 
 
 A number of references to Gargantua are now 
 to be mentioned, all conceiving of him, of 
 course, as the giant, with a huge capacity for 
 
RABELAIS 243 
 
 food and drink. All but one of these ^ may very 
 probably refer to Rabelais 's hero. In Every 
 Man in his Humour, the second scene of the 
 second act, Downright says to Bobadil: ''I'll 
 go near to fill that huge tumbril slop of yours 
 with somewhat an I have good luck; your 
 Gargantua breech cannot carry it away so." 
 From John Cook's Green's Tu Quoque comes the 
 remark: ''Here's a bit indeed ! What's this to 
 a Gargantuan stomach?" In The Knight of the 
 Burning Pestle, the fourth scene of the third 
 act, the valiant Ralph shouts, "St. George for 
 me !" and from the barber comes the answering 
 cry, "Gargantua for me!" — in this case no 
 doubt a tribute to the chap-book hero. '^Thou 
 shalt be fought with," says Hodge to Hans in 
 the second act of Shoemaker's Holiday, "wert 
 thou bigger than a giant." "Yea," adds Firk, 
 "and drunk with, wert thou Gargantua." In 
 this same play there is a possibility of referring 
 the controversy of Roger and Colonel Lacy on 
 the right to enlist a recently-married man, to 
 the sixth chapter of the Fourth Book of Rabe- 
 lais, — "Why the Newly-Married were exempt 
 from Going to War." ^ 
 
 On the strength of these parallels it is impos- 
 sible to establish any very thorough knowledge 
 of Rabelais among the dramatists of this period, 
 and consequently any important influences. 
 Accumulation of instances strengthens the con- 
 viction that by this time Gargantua, however 
 
 ^ I.e. The Knight of the Burning Pestle. 
 2 Cf. Bourgeois, op. cit., p. 82. 
 
244 RABELAIS 
 
 conventualized, was thought of as Rabelais's 
 giant. Both Rabelais and his great characters 
 were taking clearer outlines in men's minds, 
 though it is hard to say how far this was due 
 to first-hand acquaintance. A later group of 
 references will show that this knowledge of 
 Rabelais among the dramatists did not die out 
 as years passed. It seems rather to have been 
 revived under the direct French influences after 
 1625, as a spirit of cynical gayety and burlesque 
 appeared among the higher circles of society. 
 In either period, however, the im^^sejmparted 
 to the dramatists from Rabelais must have been 
 
 V chiefly in the diren don of a coa iia^-^nd io_vial 
 realism, the Falstaff sort of thing somewhat 
 broadened ; and yet it is a question if the drama- 
 tists had to seek far to find such impulses direct 
 from their fellow-men. It would at least have 
 seemed worth while to them to find in Rabelais 
 a confirmation of the value of this material for 
 literary purposes, 
 
 Francis Bacon probably had, like most of the 
 Elizabethans, a strain in his character which 
 was thoroughly congenial to the manner of 
 Rabelais's jesting. This is the Bacon of the 
 ^^apophthegms." In one of these, he relates of 
 ^Hhe great jester of France" the apocryphal 
 anecdote which makes him say on his death- 
 bed, '^ (I ain) even going my journey, they have 
 
 ^- greased my boots already." ^ Another apo- 
 phthegm ^ repeats in much condensed form the 
 
 ^ Bacon, Works, ed. Spedding, Ellis, and Heath, 
 Boston, 1860, xiii. 338. ^ wks., ed. cit., xiii. 394. 
 
RABELAIS 245 
 
 forty-first chapter of Rabelais's Third Book, 
 concerning Judge Bridoye. The catalogue of 
 the Library of Sainct-Victor ^ seems to have 
 made a deep impression on Bacon. In his De 
 Augmentis Scientiarum, he mentions at the 
 beginning of the sixth book ^ the entry of a 
 volume entitled " Formicarium Artium " in this 
 same catalogue ; and in his essay, " Of Unity in 
 Religion/'^ he says: ''There is a Master of 
 Scoffing that in his Catalogue of Books of a 
 faigned Library sets downe this Title of a 
 Booke, The Morris Daunce of Heretickes." At 
 the beginning of the Advancement of Learning * 
 appears the comparison of Socrates to the 
 ''Silenes" or apothecaries' boxes, with their 
 grotesque exterior and precious contents. This 
 figure originated in Plato's Symposium,^ and 
 was used after him by both Erasmus ^ and 
 Rabelais, the latter making it a prominent 
 feature of the prologue of his First Book. Bacon, 
 of course, knew it in the original form, and may 
 have drawn it directly from there, except for 
 the fact that his phraseology, unlike Plato's, 
 is almost exactly that of Rabelais. These few 
 references are sufficient to establish Bacon's 
 acquaintance with Rabelais, whose doctrines of 
 life, despite their grotesque exterior, doubtless 
 revealed to the English thinker the real value 
 of their content, and served their purpose in 
 
 * (Euvres, bk. ii, chap. 7. 
 
 2 Ed. cit., ii. 409. 3 /^^-^^ xii. 87. 
 
 * Ibid., vi. 115. This, like all the other parallels of 
 Bacon and Rabelais, is noted by W. F. Smith, op. cit. 
 
 ^ 215A sq. ^ Adagia, in. i. "Sileni Alcibiadis." 
 
246 RABELAIS 
 
 the development of Bacon's philosophy.^ Their 
 influence in this case was of thought rather than 
 of style. 
 
 A, reference to Rabelais in Joseph Hall's 
 Vergidemiarum (1597) has already been men- 
 tioned.^. In 1605 there was first published a 
 Latin tract by the same author, which is gen- 
 erally supposed to have been written soon after 
 the Vergidemiarum.^ This tract, entitled Mun- 
 dus Alter et Idem, is satirical in purpose, and 
 descriptive of another no-man's-land, in the 
 Terra Australis. The region in question is 
 divided into four parts: Crapulia, the land of 
 inebriate excess; Viraginia, the land of the 
 Viragoes; Moronia, the country of fools; and 
 Lavernia, the land of thieves and cheats. There 
 is no particular resemblance in plan or style to 
 Rabelais, but there is a blunt freedom of ex- 
 pression throughout, and there are a number 
 of ideas woven into the first part especially, 
 that indicate Hall's thorough familiarity with 
 ^^ wicked Rablais dronken revellings," at the 
 time he composed this satire. 
 
 Crapulia is divided into two districts, — 
 Pamphagonia, the province of gluttony, and 
 Yvronia, the province of drunkenness. In the 
 description of these regions, the kind of detail 
 
 ^ H, Rigault, Histoire de la querelle des anciens et des 
 modernes, p. 43, calls attention to the idea that Rabelais, 
 finding in the revival of the classics an inspiration to all 
 future greatness, was a forerunner of Bacon, with his 
 thought of antiquity as the youth of the world, the 
 present as its maturity. 
 
 2 Supra, p. 226. ^ Diet. Nat. Biog. s. v. "Joseph Hall." 
 
RABELAIS 247 
 
 which Rahda.is .intro(iujCfis^_to. express the joy 
 
 dHacti^jDur^psei As one reads the account, 
 several of the lands visited by Pantagruel on 
 his journey suggest themselves, especially I'lsle 
 Farouche and the land of Messere Gaster. 
 Ucalegon, the free city of Pamphagonia, is 
 situated on a rocky height, very difficult of 
 access,^ as is Gaster's country in Rabelais.^ 
 The Pamphagonians go to war armed with spits, 
 two-pronged forks, and huge ribs of beef,^ — 
 an equipment that at once suggests Friar 
 John's attack upon the Andouilles/ The epi- 
 taph of the Grand Duke Omasius is in the 
 spirit that concludes Rabelais's prologues: 
 "Nemo me nominet famelicus, pr^tereat 
 jejunus, salutet sobrius i h^res mihi esto 
 qui potest, subditus qui vult, qui. audet 
 hostis. vivite ventres et valete." ^ the 
 prologue of the Fourth Book of Rabelais closes^ 
 with the words: "Or en bonne sante toussez 
 ung bon coup, beuvez en trois, secouez dehait 
 vos oreilles, & vous oirez dire merveilles du 
 noble & bon Pantagruel." Many other paral- 
 lels might be suggested in the two works, such 
 as the significance in all proper names used, 
 and the list of words given by Hall from the 
 Moronian vocabulary.^ 
 
 1 Hall, Works, ed. Wynter, Oxford, 1863, x. 425. 
 
 ^ Rabelais, (Euvres, bk. iv, chap. 57. 
 
 3 Hall, Wks., ed. cit, x. 424. 
 
 * Rabelais, (Euvres, bk. iv, chap. 41. 
 
 5 Hall, Whs., X. 429. 
 
 « Ihid., pp. 461-462. 
 
248 RABELAIS 
 
 There is no English poetry of the period that 
 shows more resemblances to the work of Rabe- 
 lais than do the heterogeneous compositions of 
 y' John Taylor, the Water Poet. The difficulty 
 lies in establishing the connection. The exis- 
 tence of an early translation of anything from 
 Rabelais except the Prognostication has not yet 
 been established, however probable it is; and, 
 to supplement this, there is the emphatic declara- 
 tion of Taylor himself, several times repeated, 
 that he knew no French. In the introduction 
 ,to his " Flagellum Superbise," after condemning 
 the practice of those poets who borrow the best 
 things from foreign languages, he says : — 
 
 " Unto such robbery I could never reach 
 Because I understand no forreigne speach. 
 To proove that I am from such filching free, 
 Latin and French are heathen-Greeke to me.'' ^ 
 
 In his '^ Description of a Poet and Poesie/' he 
 speaks of himself as one — 
 
 "whose Artlesse studies are but weake, 
 Who never could, nor will but English speake." ^ 
 
 However correct these statements may be, the 
 numerous parallels in the two authors deserve 
 consideration. 
 
 Taylor is in the full sense an occasional 
 writer, anticipating in many ways the demands 
 and standards of modern journalism. He wrote 
 everything, from a Urania, with its attendant 
 religious poems, to the accounts of his own 
 
 1 Taylor, Works, foho of 1630, p. 37. ^ ji^id,^ p. 386. 
 
RABELAIS 249 
 
 peculiar voyages, made that they might be 
 described. He had an easy, fluent style, kept 
 his finger on the literary pulse of the day, and 
 was always ready with the thing in fashion, 
 drifting naturally into parody and burlesque 
 satire on various occasions. 
 
 Taylor was an open admirer of Nash,^ and }r^ 
 might have found encouragement in him for j 
 some of the things that appear Rabelaisian. ' 
 But he follows Rabelais in a number of places 
 where Nash does not. In the employment of 
 long lists of parallel terms, for instance, he 
 would have found only a few models in Nash's 
 work. But under some other influence or in- 
 fluences he extends such lists beyond all the 
 bounds of reason, thus paralleling, at any rate, 
 one of the characteristic vagaries of Rabelais. 
 In '^ The Travels of a Twelve-pence "there is a list 
 of trades extending through more than sixty 
 lines ; ^ besides a shorter series of participial 
 nouns, of which the following is an example : — 
 
 " Such shoving, sholdring, thrusting, thronging, setting, 
 Such striving, crowding, justHng, and such betting, 
 Such storming, fretting, fuming, chafing, sweat- 
 ing, . . ."^ 
 
 In ^' A Navy of Land-Ships, "a list of diseases of 
 horses requires nearly half a page ; * and a long 
 
 ^ Cf . reference to Nash in "Praise of Hempseed/' 
 foKo, p. 62; and "Crop-Eare Curried or Tom Nash's 
 Ghost," Tracts, ed. Spenser Society, vol. ii. 
 
 ^FoUo, pp. 80-81. 
 
 ^ Ibid., p. 83. Here again, as in Nash, is a reminder of 
 Skelton. * Ibid., p. 100. 
 
250 RABELAIS 
 
 list of birds is given in Taylor's ^^ Goose." ^ The 
 former of these two works, indeed, is built en- 
 tirely on a whimsical variation of this list 
 method. The ''ships" in his didactic navy are 
 simply abstract terms having that word as a 
 final syllable, as ''lord-ship," "scholler-ship," 
 "lady-ship." The navy is victualled, according 
 to Taylor, with a supply of various kinds of 
 "ling," such as "change-ling," "dar-ling," 
 "shave-ling," and others. This usage closely 
 corresponds to a method of Rabelais, in which 
 the same noun is repeated or understood with 
 each one of a long list of adjectives.^ In 
 Taylor's " Praise of Hempseed," there are lists of 
 writers and of rivers,^ but these are more in 
 the compass of the medieval catalogue method. 
 A list of diseases appears in Taylor's "Travels,"^ 
 of the post-stations of France and Spain, in 
 " Prince Charles his Welcome from Spain," ^ and 
 of needlework and stitches, in " The Praise of 
 the Needle."' 
 
 It is in his dedications especially that Taylor 
 gives himself up to a peculiarly Rabelaisian 
 style of rambling whimsicality, with extrava- 
 gant phraseology, mock erudition, word-play, 
 and alliteration. Taylor's " Goose," for example, 
 is dedicated — 
 
 ''To the Mightie Monarch of Montzago, the Model! 
 of Magnanimity, the map of man-darring Monster- 
 
 1 Folio, p. 116. 
 
 2 Cf . Rabelais, (Euvres, bk. iii, chap. 27. 
 
 3 Folio, pp. 556 and 558. 
 
 * Ihid., p. 569. 5 i^ifji ^ p 588. e Tracts, vol. i. 
 
RABELAIS 251 
 
 quellers, the thrice three times treble triple renouned 
 Alphebo, ornamented honorable Knight of Standsalio 
 . . . ; The unconquer'd all conquering Mayden Knight, 
 by revelation, by creation, procreation, and contenta- 
 tion; the unmatched Phoenix, and fourefold Com- 
 mander of the Inchanted Hands, by nomination, by 
 Banner, by warlike atchievements, by relativity, by de- 
 scent and processe, matchlesse and unparalleled Sir 
 Thomas Parsons, Knight of the Sunne, great cousin 
 Vermin to the seldome scene Queene of Fayries, and 
 hopeful! heire apparant to her invisible Kingdome."^ 
 
 There is also a distinct suggestion of Rabelais 
 in a sentence some few lines later: '^Thirdly, 
 the Cookes in squadrons, armed with Dripping- 
 pannes and spits, instead of speares, before they 
 will lose their Fees (and the licking of their 
 fingers to boote) will fight hotly for the Goose 
 till all smoke again." Here is again recalled 
 the picture of Friar John's strategic attack on 
 the Andouilles.^ 
 
 In similar vein to the one quoted above are the 
 dedication of " The Praise of Cleane Linnen " 
 to the laundress of the Inns of Court, ^ and 
 that of Taylor's '^ Travels " to the special butt of 
 his ridicule, Thomas Coryat/ The former in- 
 troduces mock erudition, quoting solemnly — 
 from the treatise of Dragmatus, the Diagotian 
 Stigmatist, on the Antiquity of Shapparoones 
 and careless Bands — these words: ^^Rushtoy 
 ton tumeron smolensco whish wherlibumque." 
 The epilogue of ^^Cleane Linnen/' — ''Why this 
 
 1 Folio, p. 112. 
 
 2 Rabelais, (Euvres, ed. cit., bk. iv, chap. 41. See 
 p. 247, su-pra. ^ Folio, p. 326. * Ibid., p. 560. 
 
252 RABELAIS 
 
 merry Poeme was written " — is largely made up 
 of coarse word-play, in the manner of Rabelais. 
 Coryat, in the dedication of the '' Travels," is ad- 
 dressed as '' the Cosmographicall, Geographicall 
 describer, Geometricall measurer; Historio- 
 graphicall Calligraphicall Relater and Writer; 
 Enigmaticall Ingrosser, Surveyor and Eloquent 
 Brittish Grsecian Latinist or Latine Grsecian 
 orator, the Odcumbian Deambulator, Ambler, 
 Trotter, or untyred Traveller, Sir Tho : Coriat." 
 In this, too, a learned quotation is invented. 
 Also worthy of note is the fact that the '^ Travels " 
 themselves are the observations of '^ Three 
 Weeks, Three Days, and Three Hours," a kind 
 of concreteness in detail that Taylor would have 
 found either in Rabelais 's acknowledged work, 
 or indeed in Les Grands Chroniques. 
 
 This extravagant style of dedication, carried 
 somewhat farther, passes into the absolute ab- 
 surdity found in '^Sir Gregory Nonsence His 
 News from No Place." ^ The dedication of this 
 to Mr. Trim Tram Senceless still shows the 
 general form of those quoted above, though the 
 address ^' To Nobody," and the '^Newes" proper 
 that follow, are mere collections of grotesque 
 contradictions. Rabelais parallels this sort of 
 thing in the poem " Les Fanfreluches Antidotees " 
 in the second chapter of the First Book. Taylor 
 addresses '^Mr. Senceless" as '^ honorificicabili- 
 tudinitatibus," substantiating his own ignorance 
 of Latin by making this ending, used correctly 
 
 * Folio, p. 159 sg. 
 
RABELAIS 253 
 
 by Nash, serve for a case of direct address. Sig- 
 nificant too is the list of '^Authors mentioned/' 
 which is built up much in the manner of the 
 Library of Sainct-Victor. The list begins with 
 ''Amadis de Gaul, Archy Arms, Be vis of Hamp- 
 ton, Boe to a Goose" ; while a section extracted 
 farther down reads: '^Knight of the Sunne, 
 Knave of Diamonds, Lanum, Long Meg, Mad 
 Mawlin, Nobody." 
 
 Taylor shows at times an unusual interest in \ 
 the delights of eating and drinking. ^'Jack-a- ^ 
 Lent" ^ considers its subject almost entirely 
 from the point of view of the appetite. The 
 personification of Shrove Tuesday here recalls 
 the similar personification of Quaresmeprenant 
 in the Fourth Book of Rabelais,^ though the 
 two are considered in different attitudes. The 
 chief interest of " The Great Eater of Kent "Ms 
 obvious in the title. There is a real pleasure 
 evident in the details of the hero's exploits. 
 Incidentally, there is a long rambling introduc- 
 tion, much in Rabelais's manner, recounting 
 the difTerent things by which men have become 
 distinctive or famous. ''The Praise of Ale,"^ a 
 later product, is in two parts, — a prose address 
 opening with a mock-learned discussion of the 
 antiquity of ale, and a lighter, gayer poem, 
 celebrating its benefits. 
 
 There are numerous mentions of Gargantua \ 
 in Taylor's works; not one of them, however, / 
 carrying any particular suggestion of an asso- ^ 
 
 1 Ibid., p. 123 sq. ^ Folio, p. 152 sq. 
 
 2 Chaps. 29-32. * Tracts, vol. ii. 
 
254 RABELAIS 
 
 ( elation with Rabelais. In the '^ Goose" are the 
 Hnes : — 
 
 "At Hunnibourne, a Towne in Warwickeshire, 
 . - What Gogmagog Gargantua Geese are there . . ." ^ 
 
 From ^^Sir Gregory Nonsence's Newes:" — 
 
 "And that three salt Ennigmates well applied, 
 With fourescoure Pipers and Arions Harpe, 
 Might catch Gargantua through an augor hole." ^ 
 
 In both these places the word Gargantua is 
 merely synonymous with giant. Gargantua 
 also appears among the ^'Authors mentioned" 
 in connection with ''Sir Gregory's Newes." In 
 the argument to ''Captain O'Toole," he is men- 
 tioned in a list of great romance heroes, as one 
 having almost no habitation,^ while in the 
 poem proper he is used as a standard by which 
 to estimate the Captain's valor. 
 
 "Upon the maine land and the raging Ocean, 
 Thy courage hath attained thee high promotion : 
 Thou never fear'dst to combate with Garganto." * 
 
 In a nonsense sonnet directed at Coryat, 
 Taylor says : — 
 
 "Conglomerating Aiax, in a fogge 
 Constalted with Ixion for a tripe. 
 At which Gargantua took an Irish bogge. 
 And with the same gave Sisiphus a stripe." ^ 
 
 In another place, taunting Coryat about his 
 work, Taylor uses the expression : — 
 
 1 Folio, p. 120. 2 ijjid^ p 162. 3 iijifi^ p 176^ 
 ^Ibid., p. 177. ^ Ibid., p. 222. 
 
RABELAIS 255 
 
 *'And at my back returne to write a volume, 
 In memory of my wits Gargantua colume/' 
 
 Taylor's Laugh and Be Fat is a clever bur- 
 lesque on Coryat's Odcuvihian Banquet. Among 
 other things parodied are the orations which 
 Coryat represented himself as having delivered 
 in foreign countries. Here Taylor takes a posi- 
 tion closely analogous to that of Nash with 
 Harvey or of Rabelais with the Limousin or 
 with Master Janotus de Bragmardo.^ The 
 language attributed to Coryat is extravagant 
 in the extreme, and absolutely meaningless, 
 such as: ^^Contaminous, pestiferous, pre- 
 posterous, stygmaticall, Slavonians, slubberde- 
 gullions; since not the externall unvalued 
 trappings, caparisons or accoutrements. . . ." ^ 
 
 There are still two parallels of marked sig- 
 nificance, but too much extended for quotation. 
 One deals with Taylor's apparently serious dis- 
 cussion of the value and necessity of ''hang- 
 ing," ^ as compared with Panurge's similar argu- 
 ments on the necessity of ''debt." ^ In the 
 development of their thought, Taylor and 
 Rabelais treat "hanging" and "debt" as if 
 they were synonymous terms, each being equiva- 
 
 1 (Euvres, bk. ii, chap. 6, and bk. i, chap. 19. 
 
 ^ Folio, p. 238 sq. In parodying Coryat's introduction 
 of fragments of foreign language, Taylor introduces an 
 epitaph in the Bermudan and the Utopian tongues, 
 with a translation by ''Caleb Quishquash, an Utopian 
 borne" (p. 222). Of course it was by no means necessary 
 to go to Rabelais for this word. 
 
 ^ Ibid., p. 294. 
 
 ^ Rabelais, (Euvres, bk. iii, chaps, 3 and 4. 
 
256 RABELAIS 
 
 lent to the more general word 'dependence." 
 What each man does is to present the necessity 
 of interdependent relations in the scheme of 
 things ; and this idea is supported by each with 
 practically the same series of illustrations. 
 Each calls attention to the relations of the 
 planets, and then turns to the similar situation 
 in the microcosm — the body of man. Each 
 notes the dependence of man upon man in the 
 social system and the similar situation in inani- 
 mate life, and so the apparent paradox is 
 completed. 
 
 Much is said in Rabelais of the virtues of the 
 herb ^^pantagruelion," which he explaitis and 
 discusses in detail at the end of the Third 
 Book. The ''herb" proves to "be flax. Its 
 appearance, growth, and preparation for service 
 are described, and then follows a long account of 
 its various forms of usefulness, beginning, char- 
 acteristically enough, with the making of hang- 
 man's ropes. ' Special note is made of its value 
 for sails, linen fabrics in their numerous em- 
 ployments, paper, ropes in general, and the 
 like. Taylor, after an apologetic introduction 
 calling attention to the writers who have dealt 
 with light subjects, seriously undertakes a 
 poem in the praise of hemp-seed.^ He declares 
 emphatically that no one has ever treated of 
 this subject before; although Rabelais had 
 definitely included hemp under pantagruelion, 
 agreeing with Taylor in relating flax to hemp 
 as male to female. Taylor gives little atten- 
 
 ^ Folio, p. 544 sq. 
 
RABELAIS 257 
 
 tion to anything but the usefulness of his plant, 
 making its employment for paper the most im- 
 portant, and branching out from this to lists of 
 great writers in various lines. He takes up the 
 value of the plant for linen and for cordage, 
 giving the hangman's rope only a passing men- 
 tion. The importance of sails he makes much 
 of, perhaps because this gives him an oppor- 
 tunity to introduce a description of a storm at 
 sea, which by his own confession he has had 
 ready for about five years. The parallel through- 
 out is close enough to establish a belief in in- 
 debtedness, if one is willing to waive Taylor's 
 explicit declaration that no writer had previously 
 treated the subject. 
 
 In fact, the whole question of Taylor and \ 
 Rabelais is a puzzle. In addition to parallel \ 
 expression of certain similar ideas, Taylor has 
 Rabelais's employment of almost interminable 
 lists, his whimsical rambling extravagances, his 
 fondness for the details of good eating and 
 drinking, and a constant tendency to introduce ^ 
 the name of Gargantua. If one could fully \ 
 establish the fact of an early translation of /' 
 Rabelais, or might dispute the statements of \ 
 Taylor regarding his own linguistic accomplish- 
 ments, the case would be simple enough. The 
 probability of so extensive a chain of mere 
 coincidences is not a strong one, and it is not 
 likely that Taylor's better-equipped literary 
 associates could impart to him all these in- 
 fluences, without some knowledge and mention 
 by him of the author Rabelais. Perhaps a 
 s 
 
< 
 
 s 
 
 ) 
 
 258 RABELAIS 
 
 combination of the last two suggestions is 
 enough to cover the situation, but repeated 
 reading of Taylor only serves to strengthen the 
 belief that there is Rabelais there/ 
 
 Coryat; whose exploits with foot and pen 
 afforded so much amusement to Taylor, was 
 compared by supposedly admiring friends both 
 to Rabelais and to Rabelais's hero Pantagruel. 
 This in itself indicates a fairly general knowl- 
 edge of the Pantagruel story by 1611, the date 
 when these solicited testimonials were pub- 
 lished. Lawrence Whittaker suggests the rela- 
 tion in a prose introduction and emphasizes it 
 in the sonnet that follows : — 
 
 "Sonnet . . . faict en loiiange de cet Heroique 
 Geant Odcombien, nomme non Pantagruel, mais 
 Pantagrue, c'est a dire, ny Oye, ny Oison, ains tout 
 Grue, accoustre icy en Hochepot, Hachis, ou Cabirotade, 
 pour tenir son rang en la Librairie de I'Abbaye St. 
 Victor a Paris, entre le livre de Marmoretus de baboinis 
 & cingis, & celuy de Tirepetanus de optimitate tri- 
 parum; & pour porter le nom de la Cabirotade de 
 Coryat, ou, de rApbdemistichopezologie de TOdcom- 
 beuili Somerseti (Soti) en, . . ." ^ 
 
 The sonnet, itself suggestive of Rabelais^ in- 
 cludes these lines : — 
 
 t( 
 
 Tay toy Rabelais, rabbaisse soit I'orgueil 
 De tes Endouilles, qui d'un bel accueil 
 
 ^ Richard Braithwaite, whose work has much in com- 
 mon with Taylor's, appears also to have been somewhat 
 influenced by the spirit of Rabelais, particularly in such 
 a piece as Braithwaite's Solemne Joviall Disputation, 
 Theoreticke and Practicke, Briefly Shadowing the Law of 
 Drinking, 1617. 
 
 ^ Coryat, Crudities, ed. 1776, i. (/). 
 
RABELAIS 239 
 
 Receutont ton Geant en la Farouche, 
 A ce Geant d'Odcombe pierre & fouche 
 Parla fournit des comptes Tentretint 
 Le muguetta, voire & son sens maintint 
 En ce travail:" 
 
 John Donne, in his commendatory verses, 
 parallels Coryat directly to Rabelais : — 
 
 ''It's not that French which made his Gyant see 
 Those uncouth Hands where words frozen bee, 
 Till by the thaw next yeare they'r voic't againe; 
 Whose Papagauts, Andouilets, and that traine 
 Should be such matter for a Pope to curse 
 As he would make ; make ! makes ten times worse." * 
 
 In both these comparisons, the fact that Coryat 
 has traveled widely and told vast tales of these 
 travels is the central thought. There is no 
 intimation of any influence upon him from 
 Rabelais, unless it might be the tendency to 
 exaggerate. In fact, the moods of the two men 
 were totally different, although Coryat was fa- 
 miliar enough with the other's work to make 
 reference to it.^ 
 
 Sir Thomas Browne, in Religio Medici, 1635, 
 makes definite allusion to the work of Rabelais; 
 being impressed, like Bacon, with the remark- 
 able catalogue of the Library of Sainct-Victor. 
 '^ There are a bundle of curiosities," he says at 
 
 1 Ibid., i. 
 
 2 The reference, in Crudities, ed. cit., i. 41 (57), 
 reads : " Which Codpiece, because it is by that merrie 
 French writer Rabelais stiled the first and principall 
 piece of Armour, the Switzers do weare it as a significant 
 Symbole of the assured service they are to doe to the 
 French King in his Warres . . ." 
 
 \ 
 
260 RABELAIS 
 
 one point, ''not only in philosophy but in 
 divinity . . . ; pieces only fit to be placed in 
 Pantagruel's library, or bound up with Tartare- 
 tus, De Modo Cacandi." ^ Only two pages before, 
 the author had expressed himself thus: ''I con- 
 fess there are in Scripture stories that do exceed 
 the fable of poets, and to a captious reader, 
 sound like Gargantua or Be vis." This remark 
 affords a clear instance of Gargantua in ap- 
 parent romance associations, when the writer 
 must really have had in mind the work of 
 Rabelais. 
 
 Somewhat similar complications occur amid 
 the later group of drama references, now to be 
 mentioned. In the first act of Ben Jonson's 
 \ The New Inn, acted 1629, Lovel is explaining 
 • how the studies of his master. Lord Beaufort, 
 had been in the classics rather than in romantic 
 material. He declares : — 
 
 ''He had no Arthurs, nor no Rosicleers, 
 No knights o' the Sun, nor Amadis de Gauls, 
 PrimaUons, Pantagruels, pubhc nothings." 
 
 This time the name of the character that was 
 distinctly a creation of Rabelais, has been made 
 to serve for the romance giant. In Ford's The 
 Lady's Trial, acted in 1638, Futelli says of 
 Fulgoso, an upstart gallant : — 
 
 ''We have resolv'd him 
 He is descended from Pantagruel 
 Of famous memory by the father's side, 
 And by the mother from Dame Fusti-Bunga." ' 
 
 1 Ed. D. L. Roberts, London, 1898, p. 33. 
 ^ Act i, sc. 2. 
 
RABELAIS 261 
 
 Near the beginning of William Habington's 
 Queen of Arragon, written by 1640, San Martino 
 addresses his page, who is a dwarf, with the 
 words: '^Gargantua! boy!" A reference of, 
 about equal value is that from Lady Alimony, 
 probably WTitten almost as early, in which 
 Timon says of Haxter: ''How this Gargantua's 
 spirit begins to thaw." ^ 
 
 It has been suggested that some time after 
 1625 there was a renewed interest in Rabelais 
 in England, corresponding to the taste for 
 satire and raillery gradually imparted to the 
 higher ranks of society by France. The refer- 
 ences just noted would of themselves do little 
 to substantiate this. Other evidence is avail- 
 able, however. Thus in 1628 appeared Quod- 
 lihets lately come over from New Britaniola, Old 
 Newfoundland, by Robert Hayman. This work 
 included, according to the title-page, 'Hwo 
 epistles of that excellently wittie Doctor, 
 Francis Rabelais, translated out of French." 
 More important still is an item in the mock 
 will of James Howell, included in a letter which - 
 he dates March 26, 1643. His knowledge of 
 French he bequeaths "io my most honour 'd 
 Lady, the Lady Core, and it may help her some- 
 thing to understand Rabelais." ^ That the de- 
 sire 'Ho understand Rabelais" soon became 
 very general in England, is indicated by the 
 appearance, in 1653, of Thomas Urquhart's 
 translation of the first two books. His version 
 
 * Act i, sc. 3. 
 
 "^Familiar Letters, ed. Jacobs, London, 1892, ii. 422. 
 
262 RABELAIS 
 
 of the Third Book was printed posthumously 
 in 1693; and interest then was still strong 
 enough to justify Pierre Motteux in publishing 
 an English version of the Fourth and Fifth 
 Books a year later. 
 
 Although this renewed interest in Rabelais 
 was a part of the taste for a literature of polite 
 raillery, his work was admired for its power 
 and condemned for its manner. The matter 
 was summed up, near the close of the century,^ 
 by Sir William Temple, in his Essay on Poetry, 
 where he definitely recognized Rabelais as 
 ^'father of ridicule": — 
 
 " Rabelais seems to have been father of the ridicule ; 
 a man of excellent and universal learning, as well as 
 wit: and, though he had too much game given him 
 for satire in that age, by the customs of courts and of 
 convents, of processes and of wars, of schools and of 
 camps, of romances and legends; yet he must be 
 confessed to have kept up his vein of ridicule, by saying 
 many things so mahcious, so smutty, and so profane, 
 that either a prudent, a modest, or a pious man, 
 could not have afforded, though he had never so much 
 of that coin about him : and it were to be wished, 
 that the wits who have followed his vein had not put 
 too much value upon a dress, that better understand- 
 ings would not wear (at least in public) and upon 
 a compass they gave themselves, which other men 
 would not take." ^ 
 
 Thus closes the account of the influence of 
 Rabelais in England to the period of the Resto- 
 ration. Even since then this influence has 
 
 * The Essay on Poetry was first published in 1692, 
 2 Sir Wm. Temple, Works, ed. London, 1757, iii. 
 422. 
 
RABELAIS 263 
 
 cropped out from time to time, adding to the 
 literary equipment of many of the virile, 
 strong-spoken chroniclers of English life, and 
 making the story one of the recognized models 
 for the burlesque and satiric modes in prose. 
 The service of Rabelais to pre-Restoration litera- 
 ture was not a vast one, nor one in its day con- 
 sidered particularly worthy of honor. The 
 author wa,s thought to stand for drunkenness 
 and low revelry; his first great hero came to 
 England with a horde of broken creatures of ro- 
 mance, to be the plaything of a wide-eyed popu- 
 lace. The Rabelais influence almost sneaked its 
 way about London, skulking in the shadows of 
 the playhouse and loitering along the Thames. 
 But with all its vagaries and strange whimsi- 
 calities, it loosed the tongue and colored the 
 phrasing of a great Elizabethan controversialist, 
 helped — in all probability — the miscellaneous 
 efforts of an almost accomplished hack-writer, 
 and gave some inspiration, it seems, to the rich 
 expressiveness of the drama. The points in 
 which this influence displayed itself have been 
 noted carefully in passing. In every instance, 
 with the possible exception of Bacon, they 
 have been those of mood and style. There was 
 so much in Rabelais's rich, ringing laughter in 
 the face of the world, that should have appealed 
 to Elizabethan England and have been absorbed 
 there, that a student is tempted to accept every 
 reference — Gargantua and all — as a genuine 
 evidence of a wholesome, deep-rooted admira- 
 tion for the Frenchman. But even with all 
 
264 RABELAIS 
 
 necessary restrictions, it is still highly probable 
 that through his own channels, and in the 
 more popular if less fashionable ways, Rabelais 
 made himself distinctly felt in the England of 
 this period. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 Montaigne 
 
 In 1580 and 1582 Montaigne gave the first ^ 
 two books of his Essais to the world. Being 
 without plan or system, and having a shifting 
 ^ Pyi'rhonistic skepticism that forestalled any 
 charge of inconsistency, they were admirably 
 adapted to the method of desultory expansion 
 by which their author augmented them for the \ 
 subsequent editions of 1588 and 1595, where ( 
 they were accompanied by a third book in the 
 same fashion. 
 
 In these essays were certain peculiarities 
 which gave them great value for the purposes 
 of other literary men. In the wide scope of 
 material with which they dealt there was sug- 
 gested for the later writer a fund of thought 
 on almost any subject of interest; and in most 
 instances the borrower might be sure of a de- 
 signedly unbiased and carefully noncommittal 
 statement in his source. Strangely coupled with 
 the zeal of an innovating skeptic, there was an 
 undisturbed regard for the authoritative say- 
 ings of the ancients, a regard which made the 
 books almost a catalogue of classic anecdote 
 and maxim. The style was worthy of emula- 
 tion in its richness and clearness; the personal 
 
 265 
 
^ 
 
 '\ 
 
 266 MONTAIGNE 
 
 element was introduced to a degree unknown 
 before; and so successful an exploitation of the 
 rambling essay as a literary form was enough 
 in itself to call forth imitators. 
 ^ ' The Essais in their original form were cer- 
 ^ tainly not long in reaching England. Within 
 I two decades they were being translated. The 
 < first reference to them in the Stationers^ Regis- 
 ter is vague enough. On October 20, 1595, 
 '^Edward Aggas entred for his copie under the 
 handes of the Wardenes : The Essais of Michaell 
 Lord Mountene." Presumably, from the lan- 
 guage of the title, this was to be an English 
 version; and we may, indeed, have here an 
 early entry of the translation projected by 
 Florio. With equal probability, this may re- 
 cord the intentions of one of the ^' seven or 
 eight of great wit and worth," whose attempts 
 at the translation of the Essais are noted in 
 Florio's '^ To the Courteous Reader," prefixed to 
 i his first edition. The Florio translation is defi- 
 nitely mentioned in an entry of June 4, 1600,* 
 and first appeared in 1603. That there were 
 manuscript translations from the Essais in cir- 
 culation prior to 1600, is attested by Sir William 
 \ j Cornwallis, the first part of whose Essayes, 
 \\ entered on the same day as Florio's Montaigne, 
 was published during that year. He makes no 
 attempt to conceal his obligations to Mon- 
 
 ^ June 4, 1600, "Edward Blount entred for his copie 
 under the handes of master Hart well and master man 
 warden: The essaies of Michell Lord of Montaigne 
 translated into English by John Florio." 
 
MONTAIGNE 267 
 
 taigne, declaring him ^^for profitable Recreation 
 . . . most excellent/' and adding, '^ whom though 
 I have not bene so much beholding to the 
 French as to see in his Originall, yet divers of 
 his peeces I have seen translated." ^ The ap- 
 parent excellence of these manuscript versions 
 calls for further comment: 'Hhey that under- 
 stand both languages say very well done, and I 
 am able to say (if you will take the word of 
 ignorance) translated into a stile, admitting as 
 few idle words as our language will endure: It 
 is well fitted in this new garment, and Mon- 
 taigne speaks now good English; It is done by 
 a fellow less beholding to nature for his fortune 
 then witte, yet lesser for his face then fortune: 
 the truth is he looks more like a good fellow, 
 then a wise man, and yet hee is wise, beyond 
 either his fortune or education." There seems 
 to be no real reason for applying this descrip- 
 tion to Florio and his work, and regarding it 
 as evidence that this particular version was in 
 manuscript some time before the close of the 
 century ; ^ though of course such may well have 
 been the case. At any rate Cornwallis corrobo- 
 rates the view that the vogue of Montaigne 
 translation was well under way and had found 
 able exponents before 1600. 
 
 * Essay 12, "Of Censuring." Cornwallis's Essayes 
 also were probably in manuscript circulation for some 
 time before appearing in print, thus throwing the date of 
 the Montaigne translations still earlier. 
 
 2Cf. Ehzabeth R. Hooker, "The Relation of Shake- 
 speare to Montaigne," Publ. Mod. Lang. Assn., x. 
 (U.S.) 349-350. 
 
268 MONTAIGNE 
 
 Florio was in position to advance materially 
 the popularity of Montaigne in England. He 
 had previously published various Italian-Eng- 
 lish exercise books, and a somewhat pretentious 
 Italian-English dictionary, The World of Words, 
 which had appeared in 1598. He had served 
 as Italian tutor for several of the nobility, espe- 
 cially for the Earl of Southampton, whom he 
 recognized as his patron in the dedication of 
 the dictionary, and whose friendship and favor 
 had no doubt thrown him into closer acquaint- 
 ance with a large circle of literary people.* 
 V. Samuel Daniel, for example, attests at the same 
 time his admiration for Montaigne and his re- 
 V gard for Florio, in complimentary verses at- 
 tached to the first English edition of the Essays. 
 ( Florio's work as a translator scarcely seems to- 
 ■ day worthy of high commendation. For an 
 original that was clear and limpid and unpre- 
 tentious, he substituted the awkward, lumber- 
 ing movement that characterized so much 
 Elizabethan prose, without much of the pictu- 
 resque vitality that often made it great. He is 
 too often the bombastic pedant rather than the 
 garrulous skeptic. But his translation was the 
 first that found its way into print, and its op- 
 portune appearance made it the standard for 
 the English people. 
 The essay appears to have been an immensely 
 \ popular literary form just at this time. Bacon's 
 V^ \\ Essays — ten of them, at least — appeared in 
 U print in 1597, and were republished in 1598. 
 
 ' Infra, p. 281. 
 
MONTAIGNE 269 
 
 Augmented editions were published in 1612 
 and 1625. Throughout this work there are ( 
 numerous indications of Montaigne's influence.* ) 
 Besides the edition of Cornwalhs's Essayes in ^' 
 
 1600, already noted, a second part appeared in 
 
 1601, and reprints were published in 1609, 1623, 
 1638, and 1639. The Stationers^ Register adds 
 further testimony, supplying the names and 
 authorship of some works otherwise entirely 
 unknown.^ On March 7, 1598, are entered ^'Di- 
 verse sermons and tractes uppon severall textes 
 wrytten by master Greeneham." Twenty-three 
 titles are appended, several of them significant 
 when compared with Montaigne : namely, 
 1, Of Anger; 6, Of the Education of Children; 
 9, Of Persevereance ; 10, Of the Meditacon of 
 Deathe; 11, Of Justice and Just men; 13, Of 
 Lyinge; 14, Of Foolishness; 15, Of Humilatie 
 and Honour; 18, Of Zeale. Other entries ap- 
 pear as follows : — 
 
 Oct. 9, 1601 — Essayes by Master Robert Johnson. 
 
 Apr. 19, 1608 — Essayes politique and morall to 
 the right honorable the Lady Anne Harrington. 
 
 Oct. 17, 1608 — Aphorismes Civil and militarie 
 amplified with authorities and exemplified with history 
 out of the first Quarterne of Ffraunciss Guichiardini.^ 
 
 ^ Infra, p. 276 sq. 
 
 2 This list of Essays is compiled by F. Dieckow, John 
 Florio's englishe Uebersetzung der Essais Montaigne's 
 und Lord Bacon's, Ben Jonson's und Robert Burton's 
 Verhdltniss zu Montaigne, Strassburg, 1903. 
 
 ^ Guicciardini is mentioned as a favorite historian of 
 Montaigne (Essais, bk. ii, essay 10), and Cornwallis 
 (essay 45, "Of Essais and Bookes")- 
 
270 MONTAIGNE 
 
 Dec. 23, 1614 — An Essay or rather an Encomium 
 for sadnes written by Sir William Cornewallis Knight 
 with his observations upon the life of Julian the 
 Apostate. 
 
 June 10, 1616 — Essayes of certaine Paradoxes. 
 
 Sept. 13, 1619 — Essaies upon the five sences by 
 Richard Brathwaite. 
 
 Mar. 29, 1620 — A discourse against flattery and 
 of Rome with Essaies. 
 
 May 31, 1621 — A handful! of Essaies or Imperfect 
 offers by William Mason. 
 
 In the absence of complete data, a somewhat 
 detailed consideration of the work of Corn- 
 wallis and Bacon appears to be the only avail- 
 able means of estimating how far the influence 
 of Montaigne may have operated in this literary 
 fashion. This involves the supposition that 
 what was true of such permanent and influen- 
 tial products might also be the case, in more 
 mechanical fashion, among the lesser attempts. 
 
 Cornwallis, apart from the tribute paid Mon- 
 taigne in the dedication of his Essayes, and the 
 adulatory mention of the French work and its 
 translation in Essay 12, " Of Censuring," has no 
 less than six other direct references to this 
 source of his, scattered through the Essayes. 
 Of them all, however, the one already partly 
 quoted offers the most explicit estimate of 
 Montaigne's work, as Cornwallis viewed it 
 through the medium of translation. ''But his 
 Authour," he says further of the unknown 
 translator, ''speakes nobly, honestly, and wisely, 
 with little method, but with much judgement: 
 Learned hee was, and often showes it, but with 
 
MONTAIGNE 271 
 
 such a happinesse, as his owne following is not 
 disgraced by his own reading: He speakes 
 freely, and yet wisely; Censures, and deter- 
 mines many things ludicially, and yet forces 
 you not to attention with a hem, and a spitting 
 Exordium; In a word he hath made Morrall 
 Philosophy speake couragiously, and in steede of 
 her gowne, given her an Armour; hee hath put 
 Pedanticall Schollerisme out of countenance, 
 and made manifest, that learning mingled with 
 Nobilitie, shines most clearly." In Essay 45, 
 ^' Of Essaies and Bookes," Cornwallis goes even / 
 farther in acknowledging himself a literary dis- \ 
 ciple of Montaigne as well as of some of the 
 ancients, with the difference naturally arising 
 from his own inferior ability. He says: '^I 
 Hold neither Plutarches, nor none of these 
 ancient short manner of writings, nor Mon- 
 taignes, nor such of this latter time to be rightly 
 tearmed Essayes, for though they be short, 
 yet they are strong, and able to endure the 
 sharpest triall: but mine are Essayes, who am 
 but newly bound Prentise to the Inquisition of 
 Knowledge, and use these papers as a Painters 
 boy a board, that is trying to bring his hand 
 and his fancy acquainted." 
 
 The other direct references in the Essayes, 
 while they show high regard and familiar ac- 
 quaintance, modify slavish adulation consid- 
 erably by independent thinking. Cornwallis 
 expresses agreement with Montaigne in three 
 essays. In Essay 33, " Of Silence and Secrecy," 
 he says: ^'Montaignia likes not the protesting 
 
272 MONTAIGNE 
 
 this, nor I to say so, for I would not have 
 uttered so much, but for the thing it is a safe 
 and an honest principle." 
 
 At the close of Essay 35, '' Of Traps for 
 Fame," Cornwallis classes himself with Mon- 
 taigne in the use of personal experience and 
 mention, — another evidence of discipleship. 
 
 "And even for Montania and myselfe (whom in 
 these matters of excuse I may safely ioyne with mee) 
 though wee doe sometimes mention ourselves, yet are 
 we not to be suspected of intrapping Fame : we allow 
 men in their lives to build their Tombes, and wee 
 allow charity to set the first Letters of their names 
 upon the Gownes and Coates they give in almes, 
 shall it not be lawfull then for us to build our Tombes 
 in our Papers ? and to weare our names in our labours ? 
 Yes surely, it cannot be denied us, they are our children, 
 which if they resemble us, it is not a thing monstrous, 
 but pleasing and naturall." 
 
 A minor commendation appears in Essay 46, 
 '^The Instruments of a Statesman": ^^I like 
 nothing better in Montaigne, then his desire of 
 knowing Brutus private actions, wishing more 
 to' know what he did in his tent, . . ." 
 
 In two instances Cornwallis sets forth his 
 opinion in opposition to that expressed by 
 Montaigne. In Essay 26, " Of Affection," he 
 says: ^'Yet I go not with Montangnia, who in 
 Essay of cruelty, bribes wit to take part with 
 commiseration so extreamely and so womanish, 
 as not to indurethe death of birdes and beasts." 
 Essay 35, " Of Traps for Fame," offers this 
 criticism: '^ Montania, in his observations upon 
 
MONTAIGNE 273 
 
 Caesar/ deales somewhat too indifferently with 
 . his taxers, for this alleadging a proverbe, . . .'' 
 In addition to these references to Montaigne f 
 by name, the Essayes fairly teem with echoes ^ 
 of the Frenchman's thought. It is true that 
 both men express devotion to the same classic 
 authors, and, being both well read in such 
 material, may easily have drawn from it similar 
 thought and suggestion. It is further true that 
 specific • parallels in phrasing are very rare, and \ 
 that the philosophical point of view of the two 1 
 men is radically different. Yet, with Corn- 
 walhs's enthusiastic confession of admiration . 
 ' before us, there need be no hesitation in attrib- \ 
 uting much of the parallelism to the immediate 
 influence of Montaigne. There is scarcely an <^. 
 essay that does not suggest him. For example, ? 
 in Essay 1, " Of Resolution, '^ Cornw^allis con- 
 , demns men's changeable opinions, declares him- 
 self affected chiefly by Seneca and Plato, ^ con- 
 fesses that he talks most of himself, states that 
 he has few friends and holds few worthy of that 
 nearness, advises against dependence on out- 
 ward luster, and expresses his contempt for 
 death. In Essay 2, " Of Advise," he urges men 
 to accept the advice drawn from experience, 
 commends an education that prepares men for 
 
 * Cf. Montaigne, bk. iij_essay 34, — " Observations 
 concerning the means to warre after the manner of Juhus 
 Caesar." 
 
 2 Montaigne acknowledges chief indebtedness to 
 Seneca and Plutarch. Plutarch's Lives are discussed 
 at length and warmly praised by Cornwallis in Essay 15, 
 " Of the Observation and Use of Things." 
 
 T 
 
274 MONTAIGNE 
 
 an active life, and enjoins moderation upon all, 
 especially the young. Essay 4, " Of Suspition," 
 notes that the dependents of princes are not 
 to be trusted. Essay 5, ^^ Of Love," exalts the 
 choicest affection of man for man (Montaigne's 
 '^ friendship") above man's love for woman. 
 
 Similar reflections of the characteristic 
 thoughts of Montaigne continue throughout the 
 book. Thus Essay 32, ^^ Of Feare," discusses 
 the common effects of fear on the imagination, 
 notes that the acts of other creatures are bound 
 by nature, while those of man are free, parallels 
 Montaigne's famous discussions of death in insist- 
 ing that the fear is more terrible than the fact, 
 and includes a discussion of oracles and prognos- 
 tications. Essay 43, " Of Vanitie," makes light 
 of rhetoric for its own sake, condemning over- 
 much speaking and advising a happy mean 
 between speech and silence; reminds us that 
 naked men are much alike, hence it is wrong 
 to judge a man by his clothes and foolish to try 
 to keep up with the fashions ; notes the hypoc- 
 risy of good deeds done for glory, and declares 
 that the rewards of fame are lean. 
 
 The similarity of illustrations used by the 
 two essayists would be especially striking, 
 except for the fact that these are usually com- 
 monplaces, available to any one who cared 
 to use them. Of this type, perhaps, is the story 
 of the man about to be hanged, who feared 
 ^ that the rope would tickle his neck.^ 
 
 ^ Cornwallis, essay 39, "Of Concert"; Montaigne, 
 bk. i, essay 40. 
 
MONTAIGNE 275 
 
 The mental attitude of the two essayists is 
 essentially different. Even in the discussions 
 of more practical matters, Cornwallis takes 
 positive opinions and usually presents but one 
 side of the question. In the higher considera- 
 tions of philosophy he is still less a Pyrrhonist, 
 appearing often as the ardent champion of 
 what seems to him the better view. Thus, in 
 Essay 26, " Of Affection," and Essay 36, '' Of 
 Knowledge," discussing the relation of reason 
 and affection, — a subject treated at length in 
 Montaigne's " Apology for Raymond Sebond," — 
 Cornwallis writes as the confirmed Platonist, 
 and disposes of all skepticism from that point 
 of view. Another distinction in views is often 
 manifest. The Puritanical bent of his day 
 often operates in Cornwallis to set up a greater 
 seriousness and stricter moral standard in his 
 treatment. Thus in Essav 45, '^ Of Essaies and 
 Bookes," he goes farther than Montaigne in 
 condemning the fictions of poetry, and estimates 
 various pieces of literature almost solely for 
 the lessons they teach. In the discussions of 
 Reason and Affection already mentioned, he 
 exalts man much more than Montaigne does; 
 and in Essay 43, '^ Of Vanitie," he vigorously 
 opposes suicide as a cowardly thing. 
 
 With all his independence of attitude, how- 
 ever, and despite the fact that he developed 
 many ideas entirely without suggestion from 
 Montaigne, Cornwallis bears every indication 
 of having depended much on the fragmentary 
 translations that he praises. Titles, it is true, 
 
276 MONTAIGNE 
 
 are not often significant in this type of litera- 
 ture, but the following list from Cornwallis 
 may add a trifle in substantiating his vital 
 relation to Montaigne: 6, Of Friendship and 
 Factions; 8, Of Praise and Glorie; 18, Of 
 " -Sleepe; 32, Of Feare; 41, Of Sorrow; 42, Of 
 Solitarinesse and Company; 43, Of Vanitie; 
 44, Of Vaine Glory ; 45, Of Essaies and Bookes ; 
 47, Of Words; 49, Of Flattery, Dissimulation, 
 and Lying. All these subjects had been utilized 
 by Montaigne. 
 j For the indebtedness of Bacon's Essays to 
 ^1 Montaigne the case is not quite so clear. There 
 ♦ was so much difference in the personality of 
 I the two men, so diverse an aim and style in 
 their development of the same literary form, 
 that such influences as do appear are not likely 
 to be very patent. Both men, indeed, repre- 
 sented the breakdown of scholasticism.^ But 
 in one the result was an introspective sort of 
 doubt ; in the other arose a new system of 
 K dogmatism in practical affairs. Montaigne 
 ! looks deep and only wonders ; Bacon keeps his 
 ' eye on the surface and advises. Montaigne 
 uses the essay as an ever shifting, ever growing 
 medium for the expression of his vagrant skep- 
 ticism ; Bacon treats it as a refined and polished 
 commonplace book, full of pithy phrasing of 
 practical advice. Under such circumstances, 
 
 ^ Cf . the discussion and comparison of these two men 
 in F. Dieckow, op. cit., pp. 79-80; and in an article, 
 "Montaigne und Bacon," in Archiv fiir das Stud, der 
 neueren Sprachen und Litt., xxxi. (1862). 
 
MONTAIGNE 277 
 
 influence must be sought chiefly in similarity 
 of vfews, with such similarity of phrasing as 
 "the difference in manner permits. One must 
 always remember, of course, that both men 
 were well read in the wisdom of the ancients 
 and might at any time draw from a common 
 source. 
 
 There is but one place in Bacon's Essays 
 where Montaigne is mentioned by name, — 
 the first essay, on ^' Truth." Here he is quoted 
 as saying, ^'If it be well weighed, to say that 
 a man lieth, is as much to say as that he is 
 brave towards God and- a coward tow^arcls men. 
 For a lie faces God, and shrinks from man." ^ 
 In the same essay, however, there occurs a 
 reference which seems most probably to have 
 pointed at Montaigne. Bacon has been speak- 
 ing of certain of the ancient philosophers, who, 
 as he puts it, delighted in ^'giddiness and un- 
 fixed belief." Then he adds, '^And though the 
 sects of philosophers of that kind ^ be gone, 
 yet there remain certain discoursing wits, 
 which ^are of the same veins, though there be 
 not so much blood in them as was in those of 
 the ancients." ^ A few minor parallels have 
 been suggested between this first essay of 
 * Bacon's and certain statements in 'Montaigne, 
 but they are without significance. 
 
 In Bacon's eighth essay, " Of Marriage and 
 
 ^ Bacon's Essays, ed. Reynolds, p. 8. The quotation 
 is derived from Montaigne, bk. ii, essay 18. These, 
 and other parallels from Bacon are cited by Dieckow, 
 op. cit., pp. 60-80. 
 
 2 Essays, ed. cit., p. 5. 
 
 \ 
 
278 
 
 MONTAIGNE 
 
 Single Life," there is possibly another thrust, 
 mildly satirical in spirit, at Montaigne and his 
 doctrine. ^^The most ordinary cause of a 
 single life," says Bacon, ^'is liberty, especially 
 in certain self-pleasing and humorous minds, 
 which are so sensible of every restraint as they 
 will go near to think their girdles and garters 
 to be bonds and shackles." ^ Bacon may well 
 have had in mind Montaigne's statement con- 
 cerning marriage in the fifth essay of the Third 
 Book. The passage is rendered by Florio: — 
 
 "It ^ is now a dayes found most fit or commodious 
 for simple mindes and popular spirits whom dainties, 
 curiosity, and idlenes do not so much trouble. Li- 
 centious humours, debaushed conceits (as are mine) 
 who hate all manner of duties, bondes, or observances 
 are not so fit, so proper, and so suitable for it. 
 
 " Et mihi dulce magis resoluto vivere collo. 
 
 " Sweeter it is to me, with loose necke to live free."' 
 
 In approaching the vaguer consideration of 
 thought-resemblance, it is worth while to list 
 the more striking similarities in titles. They 
 are as follows : — 
 
 BACON 
 
 27, Of Friendship 
 48, Of Followers 
 Friends. 
 
 and 
 
 39, Of Custome and Edu- 
 cation. 
 
 ^Ed. cit., p. 52. 
 
 MONTAIGNE 
 
 1-27, De TAmitie. 
 
 1-22, De la coustume et 
 de ne changer aise- 
 ment une loy receue. 
 
 1-49, Des coustumes an- 
 ciennes. 
 
 2 Marriage. 
 ' Florio's Montaigne, Tudor Trans., iii. 75 
 
MONTAIGNE 279 
 
 BACON MONTAIGNE 
 
 42, Of Youth and Age. 1-57, De Taage. 
 
 52, Of Ceremonies and 1-13, Ceremonie de Ten- 
 Respects, treveue des Rois. 
 
 {11-37, De la ressemblance 
 des enfans aux peres. 
 II-8, De Taffection des 
 Peres aux enfants. 
 {1-9, Des menteurs. 
 11-18, Du desmentir. 
 i)4, ut vain uiory. III-9, De la vanite. 
 
 58, Of Vicissitude of II-l, De Tinconstance de 
 Things. nos actions. 
 
 The list of passages where Bacon parallels 
 the thought of Montaigne, and uses decidedly 
 similar phraseology, is a very large one. Most 
 important among them are those in which 
 a train of thought, pursued by Bacon in some 
 one essay, may be traced back, point by point, 
 to various parts of Montaigne's work. Ex- 
 cellent examples of this are found in Bacon's 
 treatment of the fear of death in Essay 2, ^' Of 
 Death"; and in his discussion of the mastery 
 of habit, in Essay 39, '^Of Custom and Educa- 
 tion." ^ Other instances of parallel thought with 
 reasonably close parallel in language occur in 
 discussion of points like these: 1, The good- 
 ness we have made a habit as compared with 
 that which is natural in us; 2, Whatever is 
 somewhere won is somewhere lost; 3, Civil 
 war is the heat of fever; foreign war, the heat 
 of healthful exercise; 4, The imposture of 
 
 * See parallels in appendix G. 
 
280 MONTAIGNE 
 
 prophecies. If similarity of expression should 
 1 not be insisted upon, a host of similar ideas 
 might be collected from the two authors, some 
 of them from among their favorite contentions. 
 I For example: Be liberal to children lest you 
 force them into crime; State advancement 
 removes a man from personal freedom; Travel 
 early and learn foreign languages; Kings have 
 little food for ambition, but much for fear; 
 It is spirit rather than numbers that counts in 
 an army. That the two men often use the 
 same citations from the ancients, or illustrate 
 with similar examples, is much less significant. 
 V The conclusion of it all would be that Bacon 
 knew the work of Montaigne, found it a fruitful 
 source for ideas, and followed the views it 
 expresses only so far as the innate differences 
 of the two men permitted. 
 
 In his connection with Shakespeare, Mon- 
 taigne has become the prey of the confirmed 
 source-hunters who are always enrolled in the 
 service of that poet. So ardent has been the 
 search for parallels, as to call forth what seems 
 to be a clever literary forgery. In the British 
 I Museum is preserved a volume of the 1603 
 I edition of Florio's Montaigne, containing what 
 '; has often been pronounced a genuine autograph 
 of William Shakespeare, together with certain 
 references which correspond to Shakespearean 
 passages.^ Modern scholarship, however, re- 
 fuses to take this seriously, and no inferences 
 ] can be drawn from it. The identification of 
 
 * Diet. Nat. Biog. s. v. "John Florio." 
 
MONTAIGNE 281 
 
 Hamlet with Montaigne, whether as a plain ' 
 attack on the Frenchman's skepticism,' or as 
 a criticism of him because he '' preached the 
 rights of nature whilst yet clinging to dogmatic 
 tenets," ^ has given occupation to several . 
 theorists; while others go farther and hold 
 Shakespeare indebted to Montaigne for prac- 
 tically all the excellence of the dramas. Lately, 
 a more reasonable attitude has been taken, 
 sifting the data gathered by these enthusiasts 
 and giving it a fair interpretation.' For the 
 present study it remains only to draw from 
 the material offered the most striking evidences 
 of indebtedness, and the general lines of prob- 
 ability attending them. 
 
 The externals are soon disposed of. Shake- ,/ 
 speare, like Florio, enjoyed the patronage of the 
 Earl of Southampton, having dedicated to him ^. 
 both the Venus and Adonis, in 1593, and the 
 Lucrece, in 1594. Florio entered Southamp- 
 ton's employ as early as 1589, and might in all 
 probability have been on familiar terms with 
 Shakespeare by the end of the century. Thus '. 
 the first drafts of his translations would fall i 
 into the dramatist's hands, or, earlier still, 
 Florio might have directed Shakespeare's notice 
 to other men's attempts at translating Mon- 
 taigne, — attempts which were inspiring Florio 
 himself to make a similar effort. 
 
 ^ Cf . G. F. Stedefeld, Hamlet : ein Tendenzdrama Shake- 
 speare's gegen die skeptische und kosmopolitische Weltan- 
 schauung des Mirhd de Montaigne. Berlin, 1871. 
 
 '■^ Cf. Jacob Feis, Shakspere and Montaigne. London, 
 1884. 3 Cf . Elizabeth R. Hooker, op. cit. 
 
282 MONTAIGNE 
 
 j There is one parallel between Shakespeare 
 ' and Montaigne of which there is entire cer- 
 tainty, and it is Florio's translation that is 
 followed. The resemblance in question, pointed 
 out within two centuries after its appearance,^ 
 , is between Gonzalo's description of an ideal 
 |( commonwealth, in the second act of The Tempest^ \ 
 ■ and a portion of the essay, ''Of the Caniballes.'' \ 
 Gonzalo says : — 
 
 ''I' the commonwealth I would by contraries 
 Execute all things ; for no kind of traffic 
 Would I admit ; no name of magistrate ; 
 Letters should not be known ; riches, poverty, 
 And use of service, none ; contract, succession, 
 Bourn, bound of land, tilth, vineyard, none ; 
 No use of metal, corn, or wine, or oil ; 
 No occupation : all men idle, all ; 
 And women too, but innocent and pure; 
 No sovereignty." 
 
 The version of Florio, which Shakespeare has 
 followed faithfully, reads: ''It is a nation, 
 would I answer Plato, that hath no kinde of 
 traffike, no knowledge of Letters, no intelligence 
 of numbers, no name of magistrate, nor of 
 politike superioritie ; no use of service, of riches 
 or of povertie; no contracts, no successions, 
 no partitions, no occupation but idle; no 
 respect of kindred, but common, no apparell 
 but naturall, no manuring of lands; no use 
 of wine, corne, or mettle." ^ Shakespeare, in 
 
 ^ Cf. Capell, Notes and Various Readings, London, 
 1781, pt. iv, p. 63. 
 
 2 Florio's Montaigne, bk. i, essay 30; Tudor Transla- 
 tions, i. 222. 
 
MONTAIGNE 283 
 
 his "all men idle, all," has obviously followed 
 and misinterpreted Florio's ambiguous render- 
 ing, "no occupation but idle," for the original 
 "nulles occupations qu'oysifves." 
 
 The works of the two men offer no other par- 
 allel so nearly perfect as this. Parallelism of 
 thought is of course frequent, but usually 
 occurs when one of Shakespeare's characters 
 is uttering some of the commonplaces about 
 death and Stoicism, or the mysterious and 
 unsatisfactory nature of life. Only occasionally 
 is there a resemblance of phraseology so strik- 
 ing as to catch one's attention. On these 
 occasional instances and on some groupings 
 of parallels, much of the further argument for 
 indebtedness rests. For instance, in a very 
 few pages of Florio's version of the nineteenth 
 essay of the First Book, "That to Philosophize . 
 is to learn how to die," there are at least five 
 passages ^ expressive of Stoicism, which are 
 fairly well paralleled in Shakespeare; one in 
 Lear, one in Hamlet, and three in Julius 
 CoBsar, Two other Stoic passages in this last 
 play, as well as one in Much Ado About 
 Nothing, show considerable similarity to other 
 passages in Florio. In the Hamlet passage, 1 
 the parallel from Montaigne goes a long way 
 toward clearing up a doubtful line in the folio : 
 "since no man has aught of what he leaves, 
 what is't to leave betimes?"^ The corre- 
 sponding sentences, as rendered by Florio, read: 
 "Moreover, no man dies before his houre. 
 
 ^ See appendix C. ^ Hamlet, act v, sc. 2. 
 
284 MONTAIGNE 
 
 The time you leave behind was no more yours 
 than that which was before your birth, and 
 concerneth you no more." 
 
 More characteristically Montaigne's are the 
 ideas concerning the unsatisfactory nature of 
 , life, assembled in the speech of consolation by 
 1 the disguised Duke to Claudio in Measure 
 j for Measure. Every turn of his remarks may 
 be paralleled reasonably well with passages in 
 Florio, though some of the thoughts are far 
 too commonplace to afTord valuable evidence. 
 Of the others, eight in number, one shows 
 resemblance to another passage in the nine- 
 teenth essay of the First Book, already men- 
 tioned ; while six find parallels within the limits 
 of one essay, ''The Apology for Raymond 
 Sebond,"^ and the other in the essay imme- 
 diately following this. In this same ''Apology," 
 moreover, appear possible sources for other 
 Shakespearean passages, — one in Lear, one 
 the familiar "such stuff as dreams are made on" 
 in the already obligated Tempest, and another 
 even the famous soliloquy of Hamlet.^ Not 
 indeed in the particular passage of Florio noted 
 in the last connection, but only two or three 
 pages before it, there are two sentences which 
 may go far to explain the much talked-of mixed 
 metaphor in the soliloquy: — 
 
 " — take up arms against a sea of troubles, 
 And by opposing end them.'" 
 
 >> 
 
 ^ Bk. ii, essay 12. 
 
 2 These parallels are given in detail in appendix C. 
 
MONTAIGNE 285 
 
 The passage from Montaigne reads : — 
 
 "Yet I sometimes suffer my selfe by starts to be 
 surprised with the pinchings of these unpleasant 
 conceits, which whilst I arm my selfe to expell or 
 wrestle against them assaile and beate mee. Loe 
 here another huddle or tide of mischiefe that upon 
 the neck of the former came rushing upon me." 
 
 It is not without reason that so many men 
 have been impressed by the resemblance between 
 Hamlet and Montaigne. The wavering, in- 
 conclusive operations of the Dane's mind are 
 strikingly similar to the Pyrrhonistic specu- 
 lations of the French essayist, and the objects 
 of their consideration are often identical. Both, 
 for instance, concerned themselves with the 
 conflict of the reason and the will, discussing 
 it under similar subdivisions and with notably 
 similar phraseology. A number of good paral- 
 lels have been cited in this connection, two in 
 praise of reason, one going to the opposite 
 extreme and praising rashness, and a fourth 
 advising against the delay that comes from 
 balancing reasons against each other. ^ 
 
 These are only a few most probable specimens 
 from the numerous supposed parallels that have 
 been " suggested. In a case like this, accumu- 
 lation is itself a kind of proof, and the peculiar 
 facility for grouping which these examples show, 
 further heightens their value. Moreover, the 
 plays concerned are in every case those which 
 Shakespeare criticism is now agreed in placing 
 at such times that they might well be influ- 
 
 ^ See appendix C. 
 
286 MONTAIGNE 
 
 enced by the preliminary manuscripts or final 
 printed version of the translation of Montaigne. 
 At the best, they show us Shakespeare only as 
 the dramatist, always seeking material, and 
 adapting, consciously or unconsciously, from 
 a great storehouse like the Essais, views and 
 expressions which seem consistent with his 
 characters. The expressions are revitalized 
 with a new conciseness and poetic quality, but 
 the opinions of the real Shakespeare remain, as 
 usual, in the background. 
 ^ The indebtedness of Jonson to Montaigne is 
 ] apparently to be sought in the Timber rather 
 1 than in his dramas. In these casual thoughts 
 of his, concerned usually with the life of man 
 on its literary or artistic side, and largely free 
 from all idea of dictation to men, there is much 
 more resemblance to the general manner of 
 Montaigne than the Essays of Bacon afford. 
 Jonson confessed himself a devoted admirer 
 of Bacon's style, and was greatly influenced by 
 it. His knowledge and recognition of Mon- 
 taigne seem no less certain. The British 
 Museum possesses two valuable books in this 
 connection, one a copy of the 1603 edition of 
 Florio's Montaigne, Gontsimmg what is regarded 
 as a genuine signature of Jonson; the other an 
 autograph copy of Jonson's Volpone, presented 
 to John Florio, whom he salutes as ^'the ayde 
 of his Muses." In this same play, Volpone^ 
 acted in 1605 and printed two years later, there 
 is a striking bit of evidence regarding the 
 tendency then prevailing in England to ap- 
 
MONTAIGNE 287 
 
 propriate the material of Montaigne's Essais, 
 as found in Florio. In the third act, second 
 scene, Lady Politick Would-be, speaking of 
 Guarini's Pastor Fido, says: — 
 
 ''All our English writers, 
 I mean such as are happy in the Italian, 
 Will deign to steal out of this author, mainly; 
 Almost as much as from Montaignie." 
 
 The idea Jonson had of Montaigne's relation 
 to other essayists is indicated in a passage of 
 
 the Timber, or Discoveries : ^ — 
 
 ''Some that turn over all books, and are equally 
 searching in all papers, that write out of what they 
 presently find or meet, without choice ; by which means 
 it happens, that what they have discredited and im- 
 pugned in one week, they have before or after extolled 
 the same in another. Such are all the essayists, even 
 their master Montaigne." 
 
 Jonson's debt to Montaigne is similar to that 
 of Bacon. There was no discipleship, no iden- 
 tity of philosophical position. If he borrowed, 
 it was merely chance suggestions, occasional 
 ideas, with or without an attendant similarity 
 in phrasing. Only a few of the titles of sub- 
 divisions in the Timber correspond to the elu- 
 sive essay subjects of Montaigne; for instance: 
 1, Fortune; 4, Fame; 15, Reputation in Coun- 
 sel; 38, Difference of Scholar and Pedant; 
 57, Eloquence; 62, Memory; 74, Knowledge; 
 84, The Place of Princes. Nearly all the ap- 
 parent borrowings of thought, attended by 
 similarity of language, are of the type of com- 
 
 ^ Jonson, Works, ed. G iff ord -Cunningham, ix. 158. 
 
288 MONTAIGNE 
 
 monplaces, which an omnivorous reader like Jon- 
 son might have picked up from many sources. 
 One of them alone would carry no weight; in 
 the accumulation there is considerable prob- 
 ability. Thus Jonson speaks of the soul, Florio 
 of the mind, as entangling herself in her own 
 works, like the silkworm.^ Both tell how 
 princes learn one art well ; namely, that of horse- 
 manship, because horses are no flatterers and 
 would as soon throw prince as groom. Mon- 
 taigne gives this on the authority of Carneades. 
 Both tell the same story of the musician's 
 answer to the king, but the chance of indebted- 
 ness is lessened, since Jonson names Alexander 
 as the monarch, and Montaigne mentions 
 Philip. They have the same account of men 
 whose eloquence increases with their anger, 
 but again Jonson mentions no names, while 
 Montaigne states what is reported of Severus 
 Cassius. Other parallels worthy of note are 
 those regarding the relation of monarchs to 
 their counsellors, and the easy roads that should 
 be provided to education. Indeed, half a score 
 of commonplaces may be collected,^ in which 
 
 ^ See appendix C for this and other parallels. 
 
 2 Dieckow, op. cit., p. 87 sq. notes the following: 
 (1) undue eagerness for results only hinders us; (2) it is 
 wrong to elevate one's self by decrying others; (3) old 
 age is a disease; (4) eloquence of the pulpit differs from 
 that of the bar ; (5) the condemnation of lying; (6) men 
 turn to learning only for material gain; (7) riches bring 
 only care and anxiety; (8) do not assume virtue only 
 to be seen of men; (9) distance seems to lend enchant- 
 ment to the view of men and things ; (10) the relation of 
 poetry and philosophy. 
 
MONTAIGNE 289 
 
 Jonson takes a view mentioned by Montaigne; 
 but these were equally accessible to both men 
 in the classics, or, for that matter, from experi- 
 ence. 
 
 A year after Jonson's Volpone, another - 
 dramatist, John Marston, perhaps makes al- j 
 lusion to one of the most striking notions 
 expressed by Montaigne. In the first scene . 
 of the fourth act of Parasitaster (1606), Zucconi 
 exclaims: '^0 Heaven! that God made for a 
 man no other means of procreation and main- 
 taining the world peopled but by women ! 
 ! that we could increase like roses, by being 
 slipp'd one from another, — or like flies, pro- 
 create with blowing, or any other way than by 
 a woman." This attitude of mind is expressed 
 at great length in the fifth essay of Montaigne's 
 Third Book. 
 
 To a man of such varied interests and broad 
 culture as Sir Walter Raleigh, Montaigne's 
 Essais must have afforded intense delight, 
 especially because of their message of individ- 
 uality and free thought. Raleigh may well 
 have known these essays in the original; but [ 
 the translation of Florio, with its attendant 
 wave of popularity, appeared in England almost 
 contemporary with the beginning of his long 
 imprisonment, thus providing, in his enforced 
 idleness, fresh impetus along some of Mon- 
 taigne's favorite lines of thought. Of this 
 result we can be positive; for Raleigh's little '■■ 
 treatise. The Skeptick, written sometime dur- 
 ing his incarceration, is merely an exposition of . 
 u 
 
290 MONTAIGNE 
 
 Pyrrhonism along the same lines, with the 
 same illustrations, and almost in the same 
 phraseology as that of Montaigne in his ' 'Apology 
 for Raymond Sebond." Raleigh's explanation 
 of the Skeptick's position is almost identical 
 with the definition of Pyrrhonism given and 
 apparently approved by the essayist. ''The 
 Skeptick," says Raleigh, "doth neither affirm, 
 neither deny any Position, but doubteth of it, 
 and opposeth his Reasons against that which 
 is affirmed or denied, to justify his not consent- 
 ing." ^ Montaigne had said: "That ignorance, 
 which knoweth, judgeth, and condemneth it 
 selfe, is not an absolute ignorance: For, to 
 be so, she must altogether be ignorant of her 
 selfe. So that the profession of the Pyrrhonians 
 is ever to waver, to doubt and to enquire ; never 
 to be assured of anything, nor to take any 
 warrant of himself." ^ 
 
 In supporting his approval of skepticism, 
 Raleigh makes much of two lines of argument: 
 — one, that sense impressions vary with the 
 individual and are therefore unreliable; the 
 other, that the belief in man's great mental 
 superiority over beasts is unfounded. There 
 are abundant parallels to show that in both of 
 these he is closely following Montaigne.^ Under 
 the first consideration, both men, in very similar 
 terms, note that objects assume new shades of 
 color in the sight of men variously afflicted; 
 that the shape of eyes affects the apparent 
 
 1 Raleigh, Works, ed. Birch, 1751, ii. 331. 
 
 2 Florio, op. cit., ii. 207. ^ g^e appendix C. 
 
MONTAIGNE 291 
 
 shape of objects ; that the size and form of the 
 ear-passages affect conceptions of sound. Both 
 call attention to conflicting impressions trans- 
 mitted by different senses, illustrating this by- 
 perspective in paintings and by our impressions 
 of honey and ointment. Summing up, Raleigh 
 says: ''These great Differences cannot but 
 cause a divers and contrary Temperament, 
 and Quality in those Creatures; and conse- 
 quently, a great Diversity in their Fancy and 
 Conceit; so that tho' they apprehend one and 
 the same Object, yet they must do it after a di- 
 verse Manner : . . . But this will more plainly 
 appear, if the Instruments of Sense in the 
 Body be observed; for we shall find, that as 
 these Instruments are affected and disposed, 
 so doth the Imagination conceit that which by 
 them is connexed unto it." ^ Montaigne's ex- 
 pression is as follows: ''Those Sects which 
 combate mans science, doe principally combate 
 the same by the uncertainety and feeblenesse 
 of our senses: For since by their meane and in- 
 termission all knowledge comes unto us, . . . 
 if either they corrupt or alter that, which from 
 abroad they bring unto us, if the light which 
 by them is transported into our soule be ob- 
 scured in the passage, we have nothing else 
 to hold by." ^ 
 
 On the second consideration Montaigne has 
 much to say in the "Raymond Sebond" essay. 
 Raleigh's position is introduced thus: "If 
 
 ^ Raleigh, Works, ed. cit., ii. 332. 
 ^ Florio, op. cit., ii. 316. 
 
292 MONTAIGNE 
 
 it be said, that the Imagination of Man judgeth 
 truer of the outward Object, than the Imagi- 
 nation of other living Creatures doth, and there- 
 fore to be credited above others, (besides that 
 which is already said) this is easily refuted by 
 comparing of man with other Creatures." ^ 
 Raleigh then follows Montaigne in quoting 
 from Chrysippus an argument for the dog's 
 logic, parallels Montaigne's statements regard- 
 ing the dog's change of voice to convey dif- 
 ferent ideas, draws further suggestion from 
 Montaigne concerning the language of birds, 
 and so elaborates his instances of animal 
 sagacity. There is no trouble about the group- 
 ing of these parallels, for both discussions are 
 limited in space. 
 
 Raleigh's Instructions to his Son also show 
 some possible parallels to Montaigne. For 
 instance: ''The next and greatest Care ought 
 to be in the Choice of a Wife, and the only 
 Danger therein, is Beauty, by which all Men 
 in all Ages, wise and foolish, have been betrayed. 
 And though I know it vain to use Reasons or 
 Arguments, to diss wade thee from being cap- 
 tivated therewith, there being few or none that 
 ever resisted that Witchery; yet I cannot omit 
 to warn thee, as of other Things, which may 
 be thy Ruin and Destruction." ^ Montaigne 
 had said:^ ''I see no marriages faile sooner, 
 or more troubled, then such as are concluded 
 for beauties sake, and hudled up for amorous 
 
 1 Works, ed. cit., ii. 335. ^ /^^^^ n 343^ 
 
 ^ Florio, op. cit., iii. 72. 
 
MONTAIGNE 293 
 
 desires. There are required more solide foun- 
 dations, and more constant grounds, and a 
 more warie marching to it : this earnest youthly 
 heate serveth to no purpose." Both agree 
 further in their discussion of drunkenness, 
 taking the position that drinking is dangerous 
 for young men, but may be excusable for old 
 ones, as necessary to augment their declining 
 '^natural heat." 
 
 An interesting and somewhat complicated ] 
 line of parallels is afforded by the work of I 
 William Drummond of Ha\\i:hornden. His ' 
 sojourn in France from 1606 to 1609, and his 
 extensive reading in the language during those 
 and subsequent years have already been noted.* 
 Though his sonnets, written between 1613 and 
 1616, seem chiefly to have gone direct to Italian 
 models, a certain ''Song," ^ published in the 
 collection of 1616, almost certainly draws a part 
 of its inspiration, at least, from an essay of 
 Montaigne. This is the same essay already 
 considered ^ as having inspired much of the 
 Stoicism of Shakespeare, the nineteenth essay 
 of the First Book, — ''That to Philosophize is 
 to learn how to die." Drummond's "Song'^ 
 deals with the return of a dead mistress, and 
 proceeds according to the established tenets 
 of Platonism, with which it blends easily the 
 
 * Supra, pp. 7-8. 
 
 2 Drummond, Works, folio edition, Edin., 1711, 
 p. 12 sq. Drummond's possible dependence on Mon- 
 taigne is suggested by Jos. Texte, J^tudes de litter ature 
 europeenne, Paris, 1898, p. 53. 
 
 3 Supra, p. 283. 
 
294 MONTAIGNE 
 
 expressions of Stoicism. This combination was 
 apparently a pleasing one to Drummond, for 
 j in his dignified and beautiful prose treatise, 
 ^ A Cypress Grove, appended to his Flowers of 
 Sion, published in 1623, the same material 
 is worked over and expanded. The Platonism 
 is retained, but given a decided Christian 
 coloring and wrought into a fervent religious 
 conclusion. The Stoic ideas receive a far 
 greater relative prominence, the additions and 
 expansions being obviously derived from a 
 fresh consideration of the essays of Montaigne. 
 The conception of death, which most of Drum- 
 . mond's treatise is occupied with developing, 
 is a decidedly familiar one to the reader of 
 Montaigne. Speaking of death, Drummond 
 ' says: ^^ To a mind by Nature only resolved 
 and prepared, it is more terrible in Conceit 
 than in Verity; and at the First Glance, than 
 when well pryed into; and that rather by the 
 Weakness of our Fantasy, than by what is in 
 it; and that the marble Colours of Obsequies, 
 Weeping, and funeral Pomp (which we our 
 selves paint it with) did add much more Ghast- 
 liness unto it than otherwise it hath." Mon- 
 taigne's statement is: '^Je crois a la verite que 
 ce sont ces mines et appareils effroyables, 
 dequoy nous Tentournons, qui nous font plus 
 de peur qu'elle: une toute nouvelle forme de 
 vivre; les cris des meres, des femmes et cles 
 enfans; la visitation de personnes estonnees et 
 transies; I'assistance d'un nombre de valets 
 pasles et esplorez; une chambre sans jour; 
 
MONTAIGNE 295 
 
 des cierges allumez; nostre chevet assiege de 
 medecins et de prescheui's : somme, tout horreur, 
 et tout effroy autour de nous.'' 
 
 There follows a series of unusually convincing 
 parallels.^ Millions have preceded us on the 
 highway of mortality, and millions are to follow : 
 this idea passes from Montaigne to The Cypress 
 Grove through the medium of the ^^Song." 
 We must leave room for others as others have 
 for us: this is borrowed directly from Mon- 
 taigne. Through the ^'Song" comes the idea 
 that, whatever our will, nature forces us out of 
 life as she forced us into it ; as also the thought 
 that we might as well deplore not having lived 
 in the ages past as that we shall not live in the 
 age to come. Both these ideas, as phrased in 
 The Cypress Grove, seem to have received a 
 fresh impetus from Montaigne. 
 
 Drummond notes the real weakness of man. 
 ^'When he is in the brightest Meridian of his 
 Glory, there needeth nothing to destroy him, 
 but to let him fall his own Height: a Reflex 
 of the Sun, a blast of Wind, nay, the Glance of 
 an Eye, is sufficient to undo him." ^ These 
 remarks at once suggest Montaigne's list of 
 small but mortal accidents in the twentieth 
 essay of the First Book. The first essay of the 
 Second Book, " De Flnconstance de nos actions," 
 affords a basis for the next thought. '^What 
 Chameleon," says Drummond, ^'what Euripe, 
 what Rainbow, what Moon doth change so 
 
 ^ See appendix. 
 
 'Drummond, Works, ed. cit., p. 119. 
 
296 MONTAIGNE 
 
 often as Man? He seemeth not the same 
 Person in One and the same Day; what pleas- 
 eth him in the Morning is in the Evening unto 
 him distasteful." ^ 
 
 In the next few pages of The Cypress Grove, 
 appears an argument for the worthlessness of 
 those things in which men glory, — greatness, 
 knowledge, cunning, riches, pleasures, and fame. 
 Contempt for all these things is expressed in 
 various places in Montaigne, — for example, 
 in the sixteenth and seventeenth essays of 
 the Second Book, '' De la Gloire " and '' De la 
 Presumption." On the other hand, this posi- 
 tion is thoroughly in line with all Drummond's 
 philosophy, as expressed for instance in the 
 Flowers of Sion, and therefore this resemblance 
 may have less significance. In the midst of his 
 reasoning, Drummond takes occasion to picture 
 the sad condition of man if he were not mortal.^ 
 This bears a close resemblance to a passage in 
 Montaigne's ^^To Philosophize is to learn how 
 to die"; ^ although Drummond's accompanying 
 arguments as to why death should not be pain- 
 ful seem to find no parallel in Montaigne. 
 
 In developing the idea that the fear of death 
 was given us as a preventive of suicide, Drum- 
 mond seems again to get his suggestion from 
 Montaigne's Essais. He adds to it, though, 
 a strangely familiar expression: ''if Man, 
 for Relief of Miseries and present Evils, should 
 have unto it Recourse, it being apparently a 
 
 ^ Drummond, Works, ed. cit., p. 119. ^ jjjid,^ p. 121. 
 3 See appendix. 
 
MONTAIGNE 297 
 
 worse, he should rather constantly endure what 
 he knows, than have Refuge unto that which he 
 feareth, and knoweth not." ^ Whether this is 
 mere coincidence, or Drummond phrased his 
 notion with a recollection of the familiar '' so- 
 liloquy," is an open question. In any case the 
 Montaigne passage in this connection would 
 have little value as a source for Hamlet's 
 words. A considerable number of really strik- 
 ing parallels follow,^ some with and some with- 
 out the intervention of Drummond's ^^Song." 
 The source in almost every case is the same 
 nineteenth essay of Montaigne's First Book. 
 
 Toward the end of Drummond's treatise, 
 his religious attitude becomes prominent, to 
 the exclusion of both Stoicism and Platonism. 
 This attitude is seen, for instance, in the dis- 
 cussion of the relations of soul and body, and 
 the part played by each in death and the 
 resurrection: questions merely opened in a 
 noncommittal fashion in Montaigne's '^ Apology 
 for Raymond Sebond." The '^Apology " is hke- 
 wise noncommittal in stating the questions con- 
 cerning God's power over the laws of nature, 
 and the ability of man to comprehend it, but 
 there is no hesitation about Drummond's 
 views. Drummond's climax — that man is 
 put on earth as steward of God's possessions 
 here, and is destined for the greater glory of 
 heaven — is not developed by Montaigne at all. 
 The closer the comparison of these two works, 
 
 ^ Works, ed. cit., p. 121. ^ ggg appendix. 
 
298 MONTAIGNE 
 
 however, the more convincing becomes the 
 evidence that Drummond was greatly obligated 
 to Montaigne. The changes he introduced are 
 obvious. He enlarged upon the thoughts and 
 introduced new and connecting ideas, thereby 
 producing a more systematic scheme of thought. 
 He gave to the material a more impressive 
 and poetically beautiful style. Finally, he 
 suppressed the skepticism and substituted a 
 devoutly religious attitude. 
 
 As a further instance of the impression made 
 upon Drummond by this whole line of thought, 
 attention must be called to a sonnet of his, 
 first published in 1630, with the second edition 
 of Flowers of Sion. It is entitled " Death's 
 Last Will," and the significant lines read: — 
 
 "This, not believed, experience true thee told, 
 By danger late when I to thee came near. 
 As bugbear then my visage I did show, 
 That of my horrors thou right use might 'st make, 
 And a more sacred path of living take : 
 Now still walk armed for my ruthless blow, 
 Trust flattering life no more, redeem time past, 
 And live each day as if it were thy last." 
 
 It is not surprising that Burton's Anatomy 
 (J\ of Melancholy should show numerous indications 
 of an acquaintance with Montaigne. The book 
 appeared at a time when the vogue of the French 
 essayist must have become widespread.^ It 
 was full of digressions, and so pervaded by 
 the academic temperament that it fairly reeked 
 
 ^ The first edition of the " Anatomy " appeared in 1621 ; 
 others in 1624, 1628, 1632, 1651, 1652, 1660, and 1676. 
 
 / 
 
MONTAIGNE 299 
 
 with references to classic ^'authorities/' even 
 as did the advanced skepticism of Montaigne. 
 Between the authors there was much in com- 
 mon, both leading fairly quiet, introspective 
 lives, with a touch of morbidness about them; 
 both given to contemplating man as they 
 found him mirrored in themselves; and both, 
 amid constant protestations of cheerfulness, 
 turning by nature toward melancholy. Both, 
 indeed, profess themselves followers of Democ- 
 ritus. 
 
 Added to these things is the fact that Burton 
 definitely names Montaigne no less than seven 
 times, always with an air of discipleship. Thus : 
 ''To have an oar in every mans boat, to taste 
 of every dish, and sip of every cup, which saith 
 Montaigne, was well performed by Aristotle 
 and his learned countryman Adrian Turnebus." * 
 Again, in a footnote, Burton says: "Montaigne, 
 in his Essays, speaks of certain Indians in 
 France, that being asked how they liked the 
 country, wondered how a few rich men could 
 keep so many poor men in subjection, that they 
 did not cut their throats." ^ A marked simi- 
 larity of phrasing attends a third mention of 
 Montaigne. Burton declares: "If I make 
 
 ^ Burton, Anatomy of Melancholy, ed. A. R. Shilleto, 
 London, 1893, i. 14. Cf. Florio's Montaigne, ed. cit., i. 23; 
 ii. 213; i. 141; ii. 129; ii. 397. The figure opening this 
 quotation is found in Florio, but not in the French origi- 
 nal, showing that Burton used this version. This, with 
 the references to follow, is noted by Dieckow, op. cit,, 
 p. 96 sq. 
 
 ■ Burton, ed. cit., i. 406. Cf. Florio, ed. cit., i. 231. 
 
300 MONTAIGNE 
 
 nothing, as Montaigne said in like case, I will 
 mar nothing ; 'tis not my doctrine but my study. 
 I hope I shall do nobody wrong to speak what 
 I think, and deserve not blame in imparting 
 my mind." ^ Montaigne had said, as rendered 
 by Florio: ''Now as Plinie saith, every man is 
 a good discipline unto himself e, alwayes pro- 
 vided he be able to prie into himself e. This 
 is not my doctrine, it is but my study : And not 
 another mans lesson, but mine owne; Yet 
 ought no man to blame me if I impart the same. 
 What serves my turne, may haply serve another 
 mans; otherwise I marre nothing." ^ 
 
 In another place ^ Burton says : '^ His country- 
 man Montaigne, in his Essays, is of the same 
 opinion, and so are many others; out of whose 
 assertions thus much in brief we may con- 
 clude : that beauty is more beholding to Art than 
 Nature, and stronger provocations proceed from 
 outward ornaments, than such as nature hath 
 provided." This is apparently drawn from a dis- 
 cussion in Montaigne's ''Apology for Raymond 
 Sebond," ^ a discussion which is also the basis for 
 another acknowledged borrowing, later in the 
 Anatomy,^ referring to the sight of the nude 
 body as an antidote for extreme passion. In 
 this instance a Latin quotation is repeated, with 
 practically the same English translation as given 
 by Florio. Still farther on^ Burton says of 
 jealousy: "Some make a question whether this 
 
 ^ Burton, ii. 147. ^ Florio, ii. 58. ^ Burton, iii. 100. 
 * Florio, ed. cit., ii. 184-185. Cf. also ii. 343-344. 
 « Burton, iii. 240. « Ibid., iii. 305. 
 
MONTAIGNE 301 
 
 headstrong passion rage more in women than 
 men, as Montaigne. But sure it is more out- 
 rageous in women, as all other melancholy is, 
 by reason of the weakness of their sex." Mon- 
 taigne had said: ^ ''After we have knowen, that 
 without comparison they ^ are much more ca- 
 pable and violent in Love-effects than we, as 
 was testified by that ancient Priest, who had 
 beene both man and woman, and tried the pas- 
 sions of both sexes." Finally Burton quotes 
 at length, ^ with acknowledgment, certain of 
 Montaigne's statements regarding Julius Csesar, 
 Mahomet the Turk, and Ladislaus, king of 
 Naples. 
 
 In the intricate scheme of the Anatomy, 
 Subsection II of Member III of Section II of 
 Part I bears the title, ''Of the Force of Imagi- 
 nation." This is the exact title of the twentieth 
 essay of Montaigne's First Book, which Burton, 
 if at all under the influence of Montaigne, might 
 be supposed to have used. That he did so 
 freely is amply indicated by the interesting set 
 of parallels that may be produced.^ Burton's 
 discussion of suicide ^ brings him again into a 
 territory dear to the Frenchman, and again 
 we may expect parallels. The material this 
 time is drawn from the essay, " A Custome of 
 the He of Cea," ^ and includes among other things 
 the incident of the Lacedaemonian child who 
 
 ^ Florio, iii. 77. ' I.e. women. 
 
 3 Burton, iii. 314. Cf. Florio, ii. 469-470. 
 
 * See appendix. * Burton, ed. cit., 1. 500. 
 
 ' Bk. ii, essay 3. 
 
302 MONTAIGNE 
 
 leaped from the housetops, Diogenes' taunt 
 to the dropsied Speucippus, the opinion of 
 Seneca, and the case of Vibius Virius. It is of 
 course the association of these last references 
 that makes them significant. The fact is, 
 however, that so often the same illustrations ^ 
 and quotations ^ are used by the two men that 
 one is strongly tempted to override natural 
 suspicion toward such evidence and offer these 
 as added proof of Burton's indebtedness. The 
 frequent resemblance in ideas ^ adds further 
 weight to the contention. On the- whole, the 
 case seems an especially strong one for the 
 influence of Montaigne in the Anatomy of Mel- 
 ancholy, 
 
 The tendency to read Montaigne seems to 
 have extended to John Taylor, the Water Poet, 
 although his work shows no such probabilities 
 of indebtedness as it does in relation to Rabe- 
 
 ^ (1) The Goths save the libraries of Rome, Burton, 
 i. 39, Flor. i. 134; (2) Wives and Concubines, Burton, 
 iii. 339, Flor. i. 230; (3) John Zisca's drum. Burton, i. 
 38, Flor. i. 25; (4) Niobe, Burton i., 62, 300, 414, Flor. 
 i. 18; (5) Alexander seeing his wounds bleed. Burton, i. 
 152, Flor. i. 303; (6) The mule and the salt, Burton, ii. 
 22, Flor. ii. 169. All cited by Dieckow, op. cit., p. 102 sq. 
 
 2Cf. Dieckow, op. cit., pp. 108-110. 
 
 3 E.g. (1) One man profits by the losses of others; 
 (2) each day and hour brings its new interests ; (3) man's 
 variable judgment; (4) it is foolish to estimate one's 
 self too high; (5) we should relieve congested popula- 
 tion by colonies as did the Romans; (6) the cares and 
 anxieties of kings; (7) contempt for the tricks of ora- 
 tors; (8) men are slaves to fashion, — Alexander's 
 followers stooped because he did; (9) madness as an 
 effect of fear; (10) physical value of occasional intoxi- 
 cation. Dieckow, pp. 111-115. 
 
MONTAIGNE 303 
 
 lais. At one point in his Folio, published in 
 1630, Taylor includes Montaigne among the 
 list of histories he has read.^ In another place ^ 
 he quotes a statement from '^ Montaigne, a 
 learned and a noble French Writer." 
 
 There are certain indications of indebtedness 
 to Montaigne in the writings of Sir Thomas 
 Browne, particularly in the Religio Medici.^ 
 These indications are chiefly of a general rather 
 than a particular nature, however, and are 
 materially lessened in value by Browne's own 
 declaration of independence. In Browne's life- 
 time, men w^re already suggesting resemblances 
 between his work and Montaigne's. The first 
 appearance of the Religio Medici was in the 
 shape of a pirated edition in 1639; while the 
 first authorized edition was published in 1643. 
 In this edition the annotator. Keck, points out 
 two parallels. One is based on the following 
 statement by Browne: ^'I could never divide 
 myself from any man upon the difference of 
 an opinion, or be angry with his judgment for 
 not agreeing with me in that from which, 
 perhaps, within a few days, I should dissent 
 myself." * Keck compares this with a passage 
 in " The Apology for Raymond Sebond " : — 
 
 "Combien diversement jugeons-nous de choses? 
 Combien de fois changeons-nous nos fantasies? Ce 
 
 1 John Taylor, Works, folio of 1630, p. 217. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 381. 
 
 ^ Browne's indebtedness to Montaigne is suggested in 
 Jos. Texte, Etudes de litterature europeenne, p. 61 sq. 
 
 * Sir Thomas Browne, Works, ed. Wilkins, London, 
 1835, ii. 8. 
 
304 MONTAIGNE 
 
 que je tiens aujourd'hui, et ce que je crois, je le tiens 
 et le crois de toute ma croyance, mais n'est-il pas 
 advenu, non une fois, mais cent, mais mille, et tous 
 les jours, d 'avoir embrasse quelque autre chose?'' 
 
 The other parallel noted by Keck is concerned 
 with this passage from Browne: ^^For, indeed, 
 heresies perish not with their authors ; but, like 
 the river Arethusa, though they lose their 
 currents in one place, they rise up again in 
 another." ^ He compares from the same es- 
 say of Montaigne: '^Nature enserre dans les 
 termes de son progres ordinaire, comme toutes 
 autres choses, aussi les creances, les jugements 
 et opinions des hommes; elles ont leur revo- 
 lutions." 
 
 Browne himself, resenting the implication 
 in these or similar comparisons, took occasion 
 some years later to write down a specific denial 
 of indebtedness to Montaigne's Essais. The 
 statements, appearing in Browne's miscellane- 
 ous papers, preserved in the British Museum, 
 read thus: — 
 
 "Some conceits and expressions are common unto 
 divers authors of different countries and ages; and 
 that not by imitation, but coincidence, and concurrence 
 of imagination, fancy, and invention, upon harmony 
 and production. Divers plants have been thought 
 to be peculiar unto some one country; yet, upon 
 better discovery, the same have been found in distant 
 regions, and under all community of parts. ... In 
 a piece of mine, published long ago, the learned an- 
 notator hath paralleled many passages with others in 
 Montaigne's Essays: whereas, to deal clearly, when 
 
 ^ Works, ed. cit., ii. 10. 
 
MONTAIGNE 305 
 
 I penned that piece I had never read these leaves in 
 that author, and scarce any more ever since." ^ 
 
 Even in the face of this assertion, there are 
 some interesting general resemblances between 
 Browne's work and Montaigne's which at least 
 deserve mention.^ First it is important to note 
 that the Religio Medici, which is most con- 
 cerned in this discussion, was probably written 
 in 1635, only two years after Browne had re- 
 turned from a sojourn in France and Italy. 
 Browne, like Montaigne, presents the combina- 
 tion of advanced skepticism with antiquated 
 methods and time-worn citations. He is as 
 old-fashioned as Burton; as widely read and as 
 credulous. Like Montaigne's, his work is lack- 
 ing in system, and makes much of the personal 
 element. Browne is another who studies man 
 through the medium of himself. In the ad- 
 dress ^'To the Reader" prefixed to Religio 
 Medici, he declares the work to have been "a, 
 private exercise directed to myself," so that 
 ''what is delivered therein was rather a memo- 
 rial unto me, than an example or rule unto 
 any other." 
 
 In his skepticism Browne is more given to 
 railing, and not so profoundly serious as Mon- 
 taigne. He has no hesitation in approaching 
 religious questions ; but, like Montaigne in " Ray- 
 mond Sebond," he prefers to leave the clouds 
 massed about the Infinite. Instead of stopping 
 
 ^ Quoted, ibid., ii. 10. 
 
 2 Many of these comparisons are made in Texte, op. 
 cit., p. 61 sq. 
 
 X 
 
306 MONTAIGNE 
 
 with Montaigne at the merely human point 
 of view, however, Browne passes through the 
 region of uncertainty to a degree of faith that 
 falls down and worships. There are two other 
 details of resemblance. Browne, too, scorns 
 the thought of fearing death; but in his case 
 one recognizes sincerity, while regarding Mon- 
 taigne's excessive protestation there is always 
 suspicion. The Religio Medici also reexpresses 
 Montaigne's regret that man is not able to 
 procreate alone, without conjunction. Like 
 the Frenchman, Browne affected to despise 
 women, and like him again, he married and 
 lived happily with his spouse. 
 
 This carries the influence of Montaigne through 
 our period. He appears to have been in great 
 part the inspiration of the essay vogue in Eng- 
 land at the beginning of the seventeenth cen- 
 tury. Various of his characteristic peculiarities 
 — his desire for freedom of thought, his personal 
 point of view, his fondness for citations — were 
 repeated, in great part through his influence, 
 in numerous English writers. Actual disciple- 
 ship in the matter of his essential doctrine of 
 Pyrrhonism finds expression in only one im- 
 portant document. The Skeptick of Sir Walter 
 Raleigh. The real service of Montaigne to the 
 English writers seems to have consisted in 
 affording them a veritable storehouse of sug- 
 gestions and citations, on every side of every 
 desirable subject, so arranged that they were 
 comparatively easy of access. The evidence 
 of this chapter shows that Englishmen were 
 
MONTAIGNE 307 
 
 by no means slow to take advantage of the / 
 opportunity. After the Restoration, as Eng- I 
 land acquired the new taste for speculative / 
 thought, and began the zealous reading of 
 Pascal and Descartes, interest in Montaigne's 
 Essais was renewed, and they acquired an 
 influence much more vital than before. One 
 feature of their popularity was the new English 
 translation, in 1685, from the pen of Charles 
 Cotton. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 Seventeenth Century Precieuses and Pla- 
 
 TONISTS 
 
 It is true that the characteristics represented 
 by the terms ^^precieuse" and ^^Platonist" 
 have fundamentally nothing to do with each 
 other. During the progress of the seventeenth 
 century, however, circumstances of environ- 
 ment brought these characteristics into intimate 
 ^ contact, as they were cherished and exploited 
 together in the same circles of French and Eng- 
 lish society. Both terms, employed in such 
 connections, must be given rather broad con- 
 notations, for the precieuses of this time were 
 a brilliant and mobile group of social leaders, 
 and their Platonism was incidental to their 
 relations with the coteries. 
 
 Neither preciosite nor ^'Platonism" came with 
 any degree of novelty to the threshold of the 
 century. The reconstructed tenets of Platonic 
 doctrine had long before found a naturally 
 sympathetic medium in the Petrarchan sonnet 
 tradition of Italy; and with its help had been 
 taken up by the refined society there, to be 
 spread abroad, either through poetic borrowing 
 or through the more direct influence of II Cor-u 
 tegiano and its kindred, until Platonism had 
 
 308 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 309 
 
 flowered and well-nigh decayed in France and 
 England both, — a poet's dream and a lover's 
 fancy. The ^'precious" tendency, manifest 
 wherever emphasis is placed upon the luxurious 
 refinement of expression, rather than upon 
 lucidity of thought and depth of emotion, had 
 appeared freely throughout Europe in the train 
 of the Renaissance, as men reveled in the fair 
 and subtle possibilities of their own vernacular. 
 
 Both these tendencies, for a time, seemed 
 in a fair way to decay before the conditions of 
 society were favorable to their departure; 
 then suddenly they were rehabilitated.^ The 
 story of their revival is a familiar one. At 
 the beginning of the seventeenth century, the 
 court of France was coarse, licentious, given up 
 to intrigue. Catherine cle Vivonne, of Italian 
 birth and training, entered this court at this 
 time as the bride of the Marquis de Rambouillet. 
 Being at once beautiful, refined, talented, and 
 virtuous, she found nothing to her liking there, 
 and by 1608 had withdrawn to her own dwelling 
 and begun to exercise her remarkable powers 
 of hospitality. Soon there grew up about her 
 a circle of intimates, spirits more or less kindred, 
 who gladly congregated at this attractive home, 
 where refined amusement was dispensed and 
 polished expression encouraged. 
 
 Almost contemporary with the beginning of 
 
 ^ It should be noted that in this rehabilitation the use 
 of the name '' Platonism," or rather of the adjective 
 " Platonic," is characteristic of the English courtiers, 
 to whose minds it seerns to have indicated much that 
 was involved in French preciosite. 
 
 1 
 
310 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 the Hdtel de Ramhouillet, there was published 
 in France the first part of D'Urfe's long-winded 
 pastoral romance, the Astree. The first two 
 books were printed in 1610, though the work 
 was somewhat known to the public before that 
 time.^ It came as the most comprehensive 
 specimen of its kind yet devised, displaying in 
 its interminable career all the recognized con- 
 ventions of the Greek and Spanish romances, 
 together with those of the Italian pastoral. 
 There was the ever submissive, ever faithful 
 lover, bowing to adverse fate and to his lady's 
 interpretation of proprieties, the long train of 
 heroic adventure, the psychological analysis, 
 the surfeit of polite manners and courtly con- 
 versation, the frequent device of disguises, 
 the employment of subsidiary pairs of lovers, 
 the intervention of oracles, the extravagance of 
 an over-ripe rhetoric, the tendency to present 
 contemporary people as characters in the story. 
 Familiar situations and incidents would meet 
 the reader at every turn. But, for some reason, 
 what appeared as the final resultant of centuries 
 of development suddenly found itself seized 
 upon with fresh zeal by the public, and thus 
 became the impetus of an entirely new line of 
 activity. The Astree became immensely popu- 
 lar, and in its cultured polish appealed primarily 
 to the very class of people who were gathering 
 into the circle of Madame de Rambouillet. 
 The story was refinement itself, with a becom- 
 ing observance of all the proprieties. Conver- 
 
 ^ Cf. Drummond's letter, infra, p. 366. 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 311 
 
 sation, naturally the chief resource of the Hdtel 
 de Rambouillet, was a prominent feature of 
 the book; and one of the favorite topics of the 
 circle's discussions was the moving passion of 
 the whole story — love. The one new thing, 
 indeed, which the Astree seems to have added 
 to the mass of conventions which it assembled, 
 is an element especially significant in seven- 
 teenth century France, and already manifest 
 in the first principles of the Hotel ; namely, \ 
 conformity to reason and recognized standards. 
 In the Astree more than the manners of knights 
 and ladies conformed to the proprieties. There 
 was a fairly obvious attempt to give a historic 
 basis to the whole narrative, to fix it somewhere 
 in the realm of time and space; a drifting, in 
 other words, tow^ard what men have since 
 characterized as the mondaine spirit. 
 
 From this time on, for half a century, there \ 
 was a constant relation between romances and ^ 
 social circles. Specimens of the former were 
 read and discussed freely by the latter, and went 
 far to encourage and emphasize tendencies 
 already prevalent there. Thus the ultra-Pla- 
 tonic spirit of the romance wooings gave its \ 
 color to the fashionable love-making of society; 
 and the growing custom of concealing well- 
 known personages under the guise of romance 
 characters lent approval to the high-sounding 
 anagrammatic pseudonyms of the coterie leaders. 
 These leaders in turn gave their attention to 
 the composition of now romances, working into 
 them the tone and spirit of their social gather- 
 
312 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 ings, in the various modifications resulting 
 from the passage of years. For these reasons 
 there will be some confusion in the attempt 
 that seems most desirable for these chapters, 
 to treat separately the social effects of France 
 on England, and the more direct borrowings 
 from French romance in the interest of English 
 romance and drama. 
 
 This development of the coterie in France dur- 
 ing the first half of the century being an emi- 
 nently vital and constantly changing thing, it 
 seems best for our purposes to attempt a general 
 definition of it in its flower — prior, perhaps, to 
 1625 or 1630; and again in its extravagantly 
 pedantic decadence, as it appeared toward the 
 middle of the century. 
 
 In its essentials, the Hdtel de Rambouillet, 
 the first great representative of this movement, 
 was more closely akin to the earlier circles of 
 the Italian nobility, as they are mirrored 4n 
 II Cortegiano, than to 'the later household 
 gatherings in France and England, where the 
 patronage extended by a wealthy and accom- 
 plished lady to a circle of dependent authors 
 played so prominent a part.^ The spirit of 
 the Hotel was at least dual in its origin, com- 
 n bining the delicacy and gallantry of the Italian 
 /' tradition with the gravity and nobility dis- 
 
 ^ Supra, p. 58 sq. The manners of these French 
 precieuses were probably modeled on those of Italian 
 / circles of the later sixteenth century, especially in 
 
 Ferrara and Sienna. Annibale Romei's Discorsi (1581, 
 Engl, trans. 1598), for instance, would represent the 
 tone of such society better than II Cortegiano. 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 313 
 
 played in the adventurous narratives of Spanish 
 romance. This Spanish tendency to magnify 
 the gallantly heroic was perhaps heightened 
 at this time by the contrasting roughness of 
 the French court. As in the Italian coteries, 
 the influence of woman was dominant, but this 
 time to such a degree that it gave a peculiarly 
 distinctive tone to all the proceedings, — the 
 amusements, the intellectual and literary ex- 
 ercises, the utmost vagaries of conversation. 
 In this new coterie, the man of letters, no matter 
 what his rank, might stand practically on an 
 equality with the highest representative of the 
 nobility. The prime requisite was the posses- 
 sion of sufficient esprit, accompanied by emi- 
 nently proper manners. The regard for the 
 convenances was developed to an unprecedented 
 degree, to correspond to the advancing critical 
 spirit of the country. The all-important place 
 given to conversation was regarded later, at 
 any rate, as in itself an outgrowth of feminine 
 domination. Skill in discussion, sparkle in 
 the give-and-take of repartee, was an end in 
 itself; and anything, however trivial, served 
 as a pretext for conversational exercise. The 
 efforts at poetry were little more than embel- 
 lishments to this conversation, — improptu, 
 ephemeral trifles, which lost their charm when 
 taken from their surroundings or thrown into 
 collected form. As might be expected, a large 
 measure of attention was given to the passing 
 of courtly compliment and to the devious 
 processes of formal love-making, at first 
 
314 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 treated apparently with a half-playful serious- 
 ness. 
 
 The second period of this precieuse movement 
 displayed a natural outgrowth of decadent 
 absurdities. Imitations of the Hotel de Ram- 
 houillet sprang up generally throughout France, 
 and in many instances extended their hospi- 
 tality freely to the ambitious bourgeoisie. The 
 way had been prepared for this in the circle 
 of Madame de Rambouillet, when esprit was 
 accepted as a fundamental standard of ex- 
 cellence. Naturalness to a great degree gave 
 waj^ to affectation. Women became strong- 
 minded pedants, claiming a pretentious part 
 in public affairs and parading their supposed 
 learning. Platonic wooing became an exag- 
 gerated prudery combined with coquetry, a 
 love relation not always pure, a series of intri- 
 cate maneuvers according to false standards, one 
 of which proclaimed marriage a mere slavery. 
 Assumed names, as well as periphrases for all 
 simple statements, became a necessity, and the 
 language of the elect grew into a strange jargon. 
 From the tendency to represent people of the 
 day as romance characters came the vogue 
 of portraits, sometimes in stories, sometimes 
 for their own sakes. 
 
 Both these stages of preciosite appear to have 
 found a place across the Channel prior to the 
 Restoration : the first as a concerted movement 
 inspired by the presence in England of Henri- 
 etta Maria, the French queen of Charles I. ; the 
 second through the natural decadence of this 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 315 
 
 movement, assisted by various fresh lines of 
 impulse direct from France. When Henrietta \^ 
 came as a bride to England, in 1625, conditions ^ 
 were peculiarly ripe for any formal activity that j 
 made for refinement. The rough freedom of 
 the court of James I. ^ had encountered a check 
 in the somewhat finer nature of Charles, who - 
 was more romantic in his attitude to women, 
 and never even cynical in his gallantries. His 
 quest of the Spanish Infanta, indeed, was in 
 the true vein of the popular romances; and to 
 Henrietta, who was later won for him, he was 
 affectionate and faithful. The influence of ^ 
 the queen, Anne of Denmark, had been a 
 slightly redeeming one in James's reign; and 
 various literary women, fond of extending pat- 
 ronage somewhat in the fashion of the earlier 
 coterie, had offered a refuge for real sincerity ' 
 of refinement. Most significant among these 
 appears Lucy Harrington, Countess of Bedford, 
 whose position resembled that of the Countess 
 of Pembroke, except that she made less of her 
 household as the center of a coterie. Donne, 
 Jonson, Daniel, Chapman, Drayton, and John 
 Davies of Hereford all pay tribute to her in one ' 
 form or another,^ the last-mentioned, for in- 
 stance, dedicating his Muses Sacrifice to her 
 
 ^ Cf . the description of an entertainment at Theobald's 
 to Christian of Denmark, 1606, in Nugce Antiquce, 
 London, 1804, i. 348 sq. This reference, and much of 
 the material in the next few pages, is drawn from J. B. 
 Fletcher, "Precieuses at the Com"t of Charles I.," in 
 Jour, of Comp. Lit., i. 141 sq. 
 
 2 Cf. Diet. Nat. Biog. 
 
316 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 in 1612, as ^'darling as well as patroness of the 
 Muses." 
 
 Platonism in England, as already noted, had 
 become in this period a poet's dream, finding an 
 expression of its mystic speculation in the work 
 of Drummond and Donne. Occasionally" it 
 found a place in court shows during the time 
 of the chivalrous Prince Henry, where '^ ques- 
 tions of love" were sometimes submitted to 
 the decision of combat.^ In one of these, 
 Jonson's A Challenge at Tilt at a Marriage, 
 1613, the question is as to which is the superior 
 love, that of Man, ^Hhe nobler creature," or 
 of Woman, ^'ihe purer." Anteros, who sustains 
 the Woman's cause, is in another masque. Love 
 Restored, called by Jonson ^^Anti-cupid, the 
 Love of Virtue," and is therefore identical with 
 Platonic love, as understood by the precieuses.^ 
 An important expression of the ideals of Platonic 
 love during this period was of course Fletcher's 
 pastoral drama of chastity. The Faithful Shep- 
 herdess. This was produced as early as 1608- 
 1609, and was at that time a complete failure, 
 in part, no doubt, because the people were not 
 then in a mood to take it seriously. In fact, 
 Fletcher himself was antagonistic to such views, 
 and thus perhaps arose the cynically artificial 
 tone of the performance.^ 
 
 Politeness at this time often found expression 
 
 ^ Cf. Nichols, Progresses of James /., ii. 49, 51, 716, 727. 
 2 Noted by J. B. Fletcher, op. cit., p. 144, note. 
 2 Cf . W. W. Greg, Pastoral Poetry and Pastoral Drama, 
 London, 1906. 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 317 
 
 in the fantastic observances developed from the ( 
 flood of Courtesy Books, which France had been 
 largely responsible for scattering broadcast, and 
 blending with the late effects of Euphues and 
 Arcadia} Thus in Jonson's Cynthia's Revels, 
 1600, Amorphus is a master of courtly compli-' 
 ment and wooing, with Asotus as his pupil. 
 The latter, after a burlesque series of instruc- 
 tions, issues a challenge to combat with the 
 four weapons, — '' the bare accost," " the better 
 regard," " the solemn address," and " the perfect 
 close." Mercury, disguised as a French stranger, 
 enters the contest against master instead of 
 pupil, and wins. In Shirley's Love, Tricks, 
 or The School of Compliment, acted 1625, the 
 disguised Gasparo organizes a '^ Compliment 
 School," which purports to give instruction in 
 good manners and eminently fine expression. 
 As indicated, the influence of Sidney's Arcadia 
 was still pervasive. Sir William Alexander 
 added to Sidney's romance in 1621, and Richard 
 Beling appended a sixth book in 1627. Nine 
 editions appeared between 1600 and 1642, and 
 numerous plays were based on both the main 
 story and minor episodes.^ The medieval court- 
 of-love machinery is employed in certain plays, 
 
 * As examples of Courtesy Books translated into 
 English maybe noted : E. de Refuge, Traite des cours, 1617, 
 translated by John Reynolds, A Treatise of the Court, 
 1642; L. Ducci, Ars Aidica, or the Courtiers Arte, trans- 
 lated by E. Blount, 1607; Gracian Dantisco, Galateo Es- 
 panol, translated into English in 1640. 
 
 ^ On the main story: (1) Day, The Isle of Gulls, 
 acted 1605; (2) Love's Changelings' Change (Ms.); 
 (3) The Arcadian Lovers, or the Metamorphosis of Princes 
 
318 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 where love courts or parliaments are held to 
 try cases arising out of distinctly contemporary 
 conditions, but there is nothing of the Platonic 
 about them.^ The Astree had been early 
 translated, but had apparently been regarded 
 as merely one more conventional romance. 
 
 The young queen Henrietta, though not 
 submitted directly to the influence of the Hdtel 
 de Ramhouillet, had no doubt grown up in 
 sympathy with much of its significance, and 
 had become well acquainted with its tenets, 
 as court and coterie continued to grow closer 
 together. She was born in 1609, and brought 
 up under the care of Madame de Monglat, and 
 her daughter Madame St. George. From ear- 
 liest childhood her inclination was toward 
 accomplishments and the fine arts, rather than 
 toward more solid learning. As a child she 
 found particular amusement in private theatri- 
 cals, and soon learned to dance and sing with 
 unusual ability. She frequently took part 
 in court ballets and state pageants, and after 
 1620 shared joyously in all social activities. 
 Her future husband, indeed, first saw her as 
 she was dancing in a masque with the young 
 French queen and the court ladies.^ A little 
 
 (Ms.); (4) Shirley, Arcadia, acted about 1632. On 
 episodes: (1) Beaumont and Fletcher, Cupid's Revenge,-^ 
 printed-1615; (2) Glapthorne, Argalus and Parthenia, 
 printed 1639; (3) J. S., Andromania, printed 1660. 
 
 ^ Cf. Marston, Parasitaster, or The Fawn, 1606, and 
 Massinger, The Parliament of Love, 1624. 
 
 2 Cf . Letters of Queen Henrietta Maria, ed. Mary A. E. 
 Green, London, 1857, pp. 3-4; and Agnes Strickland, 
 Lives of the Queens of England, vol. v. 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 319 
 
 later, during the first negotiations for Hen- 
 rietta's hand, Lord Kensington wrote of her 
 to Charles: '^She dances — the which I am 
 witness of — as well as ever I saw any one : they 
 say she sings most sweetly ; I am sure she looks 
 as if she did." ^ Through one circumstance, 
 at least, Henrietta was brought into almost 
 direct contact with the Hdtel de Ramhouillet, 
 only a little while before her departure for 
 England. Gombauld, a young poet of the 
 Hdtel, conceived an ambitious passion for 
 Marie de Medicis, the mother of Henrietta, 
 and gave expression to this in his romance 
 Endyynion. He received the advice and encour- 
 agement of Madame de Rambouillet in this 
 venture, and when at last he was bidden to 
 read his composition at court, held a complete 
 dress rehearsal under Madame de Rambouillet's 
 criticism. Endymion was graciously received 
 by Marie de Medicis and the queen, and was 
 printed at their request in 1624, after circu- 
 lating for some time in manuscript. 
 
 It is hardly worth while to go into detail 
 concerning Henrietta's arrival in England with 
 her French Catholic retinue, and the troublous 
 times immediately ensuing there. ^ The feeling 
 between the two countries was intense; the 
 retinue of the girl queen was tactless and highly/ 
 partisan, doing much by its advice to arouse 
 
 ^ Strickland, op. cit., v. 198. 
 
 ^ Cf. James Howell, Familiar Letters, ed. Jacobs, ^ 
 London, 1892, pp. 238, 242. The Calendar of State 
 Papers for tliis period affords abundant details. 
 
320 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 hostility between husband and wife. At length 
 the king summarily dismissed the entire house- 
 hold; and not until the embassy of the broad- 
 minded Bassompierre, at the close of 1626, 
 was the disturbance really calmed. Then fol- 
 lowed a period of comparative peace, growing 
 better daily, and court and queen began to 
 meet on a friendly footing and get really ac- 
 quainted. 
 
 In 1627 a certain W. D. translated from the 
 French a romance by Vital d'Audiguier, with 
 the title, A Tragi-Comicall History of Our 
 Times, Under the Borrowed Names of Lisander 
 and Calista. The translator dedicated this 
 to ^'Mistris Francis Fortescu and Mistris Eliza- 
 beth Duncomb," with these words: '^This 
 French Knight and his Lady being importuned, 
 contrary to their design, and the fashion of 
 this time (which is almost all French) to appear 
 to publick view in this their English habit; 
 and knowing how subject strangers are to 
 malignant humours (a disposition grown so 
 common, that like a contagious disease it hath 
 infected the whole world) they have made bold 
 to expose themselves abroad under your aus- 
 picious and candid names ..." This would 
 indicate that, as early as 1627, people felt 
 strongly the effect of French influence. It 
 would not be impossible to read into the line 
 concerning strangers and ^'mahgnant humours" 
 a reference to the unfortunate experiences of 
 the queen upon her first coming. 
 
 Certainly by 1631 she was in the best of 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 321 
 
 spirits and perfectly at home in her EngUsh 
 court ; while even before this she was gratifying 
 her fondness for dramatic pieces, and the kind 
 she had enjoyed at home, at that. Records ^ 
 show that the Christmas of 1625, even, was 
 celebrated by plays at court, one of them being 
 a French pastoral. In the following March it 
 is noted that the queen has acted in a masque, 
 ^' which once would have been thought a strange 
 sight." The queen appears to have prepared 
 a masque for the Christmas season of 1626 also. 
 Amusement is emphatically the key-note of 
 a letter sent by her to Madame St. George in 
 
 1631. ^'Send me," she says, "a. dozen pairs 
 of sweet chamois gloves, and also I beg you 
 to send me one of doeskin ; a game of joucheries, 
 one of poule and the rules of any species of 
 games now in vogue." ^ " The following spring," 
 adds the English editor of Henrietta's letters, 
 referring to the Gazettes de France, for June 4, 
 
 1632, '^we find her heading a train of lords and 
 ladies, filling no fewer than one hundred and 
 fifty coaches, on a Maying expedition. The 
 queen was dressed a VAnglaise, and no sooner 
 was a bush spied, with its beautiful load of white 
 and pearly blossoms, than she sprang out of her 
 coach, gathered the first branch, and placed it 
 in her hat." 
 
 Dramatic annals show that in 1629 a company 
 of French players, with women in the troupe, 
 appeared with questionable success on the 
 
 1 Cf. Calendar of State Papers for 1625-1626. 
 
 2 Cf. Letters of Henrietta Maria, ed. cit., p. 18. 
 
 Y 
 
322 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 English stage. ^ These people had probably 
 counted on the patronage of the court, but for 
 some reason, either because their work was of 
 a low order, or because Henrietta was unwilling 
 to outrage what was yet a powerful English 
 prejudice, this patronage does not seem to have 
 been forthcoming.^ Ben Jonson's comedy. The 
 New Inn, acted in the same year, is more sig- 
 nificant. Lovel, whose modesty has thus far 
 permitted him to love the Lady Frampul only 
 at a distance, gives a description of her, in the 
 first act. 
 
 "She is 
 A noble lady ! great in blood and fortune ! 
 Fair ! And a wit ! but of so bent a phant'sie, 
 As she thinks naught a happiness, but to have 
 A multitude of servants ! ^ and to get them, 
 (Though she be very honest) yet she ventures 
 Upon these precipices, that would make her 
 Not seem so, to some prying, narrow natures." 
 
 In the next scene of the same act he says 
 again : — 
 
 "She being the lady that professeth still 
 To love no soul or body, but for ends, 
 Which are her sports : and is not nice to speak this, 
 But doth proclaim it, in all companies." 
 
 Lady Frampul, attended by Prudence her 
 chambermaid, and some '^ servants," establishes 
 
 ^ ColHer, History of English Dramatic Poesy, ii. 
 22-24, quotes from Sir H. Herbert's Office Book and 
 a letter by Thomas Brandes. 
 
 2 A second troupe, in 1635, fared very differently; cf. 
 infra, p. 372 sq. 
 
 3 Servants of love, the sense frequently used in the 
 play. 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 323 
 
 her quarters at the inn where Lovel is lodging. 
 There is promptly organized a '^high court of 
 sovereignty," in which love complaints are to 
 be heard, decisions rendered, and penalties 
 executed. Prudence is made mistress of the 
 day and queen of this court of love. The 
 host, volunteering as Lovel's ''high counsil/' 
 charges Lady Frampul with disrespect, for 
 which she is commanded to entertain Lovel 
 as her ''principal servant" for two hours, in 
 conversation of love, and he in return is to 
 take two kisses publicly. In the ensuing con- 
 versation Lovel develops an idea of love that 
 is purely Platonic; Beaumont, his former ward, 
 interrupting from time to time with anti- 
 Platonic sentiments. Lovel has lines like 
 these : — 
 
 " Love is a spiritual coupling of two souls, 
 So much more excellent, as it least relates 
 Unto the body ; . . . 
 The end of love is to have two made one 
 In will, and in affection, that the minds 
 Be first inoculated, not the bodies." ^ 
 
 A little farther on, his discussion fairly antici- 
 pates Mile, de Scudery's celebrated Carte du 
 Tendre : — 
 
 "The body's love is frail, subject to change, 
 And alter still with it; the mind's is firm, 
 One and the same, proceedeth first from weighing, 
 And well examining what is fair and good ; 
 Then what is like in reason, fit in manners 
 That breeds good-will ; good-will desire of union, 
 
 1 Act ill, so. 2. 
 
324 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 So knowledge first begets benevolence, 
 
 Benevolence breeds friendship, friendship love: 
 
 And where it starts or steps aside from this, 
 
 It it a mere degenerous appetite, 
 
 A lost, oblique, depraved affection. 
 
 And bears no mark or character of love." 
 
 When he is done, Lady Frampul asks regarding 
 Lovel : — 
 
 "Who hath read Plato, Heliodore, or Tatius, 
 Sidney, D'Urfe, or all Love's fathers, like him?" 
 
 It is worthy of special note that these are all 
 romance writers except Plato, that the French- 
 man D'Urfe is among them, and that no Italian 
 is included. This would hardly have been 
 true if CastigHone had been a fashionable 
 favorite at that time. Before the second hour 
 of conversation, Lovel has prepared some love 
 verses for the occasion, in typical coterie fash- 
 ion. Here is the vogue of '^ Platonism " in full 
 power again, attended by many of the char- 
 acteristics of the social circle — the presiding 
 lady, the conversation, the impromptu verse. 
 Apart from the exclusion of Italians, however, 
 there is nothing to prevent this from being 
 regarded as a mere revival of vanishing con- 
 ventions. However much it may have pleased 
 the court, the play was a failure before the public. 
 About the same time as Jonson's play, there 
 was produced before the court ^ Thomas Goffe's 
 
 ^ The title-page of this play declares that it was per- 
 formed before their Majesties (at Whitehall, the prologue 
 adds) and also publicly at Salisbury Court. This latter 
 was opened in 1629. 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 325 
 
 Careless Shepherdess, a pastoral drama of no 
 particular value in itself, but significant as fur- 
 ther evidence of Henrietta's fondness for this 
 form. There are the customary pairs of lovers, 
 enduring the customary ill luck and delay. 
 The ladies, however, are not so cold and Pla- 
 tonic as in many pastorals. 
 
 Only a few years more, and there is again 
 evidence that Henrietta and her ladies were 
 themselves appearing in a pastoral performance 
 before the king. This time the information 
 is clear and complete. The date of the per- 
 formance is known to have been January 8, 
 1632-1633,^ and the play, if such it can be 
 called, was The Shepherd's Paradise, by the 
 queen's friend and favorite, Walter Montague. 
 Montague had met Henrietta in France when he 
 was there in 1624 in secret negotiations about 
 her marriage. He was again in France in 1625, 
 and on frequent occasions afterward, and when 
 in England was on most confidential terms 
 with the queen. In fact, he was converted to 
 Catholicism in 1635, and was for some years 
 Henrietta's Catholic agent in the two countries, 
 making France his permanent residence after 
 1649.^ It is not surprising that a pastoral 
 prepared by him for Henrietta should show 
 considerable French influence, as indeed it does. 
 It is a dull production of some 6300 lines, utterly 
 devoid of incident or dramatic quality. The 
 plot and general tone are those of the chivalric 
 
 ^ The date is fixed by a letter written by John Cham- 
 berlain, ^ Cf . Diet. Nat. Biog. 
 
 v^ 
 
326 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 romance, giving way to the pastoral spirit 
 in descriptions of the Paradise itself, where all 
 the principal characters finally arrive. This 
 is a sequestered vale where a select and courtly 
 company dwell in chastity, presided over even- 
 tually by the pure and somewhat Platonic 
 Fidamira. 
 
 The style of the whole production is intricate 
 and involved, abounding in various forms of 
 conceits; the sort of thing that was already 
 familiar in the romantic tales, was beginning 
 to appear in the French coterie of Madame 
 de Rambouillet, and was destined eventually 
 to play the chief part in making the ruelles 
 ridiculous. That this play was itself so obscure 
 as to become a jest, and that the French bias 
 of Montague was generally recognized, are 
 points clearly indicated in the reference to him 
 in Suckling's Session of the Poets, written not 
 long after : — 
 
 " Wat Montague now stood forth to his tryal, 
 And did not so much as suspect a denial; 
 But witty Apollo asked him first of all, 
 If he understood his own Pastoral, 
 For if he could do it, 'twould plainly appear 
 He understood more than any man there, 
 And did merit the bayes above all the rest ; 
 But the mounsieur was modest, and silence confest." 
 
 The coincidence, so unfortunate for William 
 Prynne, between the appearance of Henrietta 
 and her women in this performance, and the 
 publication of his Histriomastix, severely con- 
 demning the women actors among the French 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 327 
 
 players of 1629, needs no discussion here. 
 At any rate, it must have brought Henri- 
 etta's new-fangled tastes and inclinations into 
 decided prominence, thus giving a strong im- 
 petus to the combined appreciation of French 
 coterie notions and romantic and pastoral 
 material. Just a year later, — Twelfth Night, 
 1633-1634 — there was revived for presentation 
 by the queen and her ladies before the king, 
 Fletcher's pastoral play, The Faithful Shep- 
 herdess, which had scored such a decided failure 
 when first produced in 1608-1609,^ and which 
 presented a point of view that the author 
 himself seems to have recognized as contrary 
 to contemporary notions, and that he could 
 not avoid giving in a cynical tone. There is 
 little probability that the same lack of harmony 
 was felt by the retinue of this play-loving queen, 
 so devoted to the pastoral tradition, with its 
 ideal chastity and romantic situations. 
 
 The ensuing year affords some decisive evi- 
 dence on the recognition of these new tendencies 
 as a definite vogue, with special importance 
 upon the element which for England seemed 
 to denominate the movement, — namely, the 
 fashion of Platonism. James Howell, in a let- 
 ter addressed to Mr. Philip Warwick, at Paris, 
 says : — 
 
 "The Court affords little News at present, but that 
 there is a Love call'd Platonick Love, which much 
 sways there of late; it is a Love abstracted from 
 all corporeal gross Impressions and sensual Appetite, 
 
 ^ A second edition had appeared in 1629. 
 
 r>^J^-^^i<J?X 
 
328 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 but consists in Contemplations and Ideas of the Mind ; 
 not in any carnal Fruition. This Love sets the Wits 
 of the Town on work; and they say there will be a 
 Mask shortly of it, whereof Her Majesty and her 
 Maids of Honour will be part." ^ 
 
 The masque thus referred to is generally 
 
 \ supposed to be William Davenant's The Temple 
 
 ■' ■ of Love, '^ acted by the Queen and her Ladies 
 
 at Whitehall on Shrove Tuesday, 1634." The 
 
 date affixed to Howell's letter — June 3, 1634, 
 
 — would prevent this association, except for 
 the recognized unreliability of Howell's dates. ^ 
 The argument of the masque explains how 
 Divine Poesy, the Secretary of Nature, is sent 
 by fate to Queen Indamora, representing 
 Henrietta Maria, ''to signify the time prefixed 
 was come, when, by the influence of her beauty, 
 
 — attended by those lesser lights, her contrib- 
 utary ladies, — the Temple of Chaste Love 
 should be reestablished in this Island." The 
 conversation of some magicians concerning this 
 reestablishment is particularly illuminating. 
 The first asks : — 
 
 "But who shall bring this mischief to our art?" 
 
 The third replies : — 
 
 " Indamora, the delight of destiny ! 
 She, and the beauties of her train ; who sure 
 Though they discover summer in their looks, 
 Still carry frozen Winter in their blood. 
 They raise strange doctrines, and new sects of Love ; 
 
 1 
 
 Howell, Familiar Letters, ed. Jacobs, 1892, i. 317. 
 ^ Ihid., introd, by Joseph Jacobs. 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 329 
 
 Which must not woo or court the person, but 
 The mind ; and practice generation not 
 Of bodies but of souls." . 
 
 The conversation continues : — 
 
 " 2nd. Mag : — But where shall this new sect be 
 planted first? 
 
 Zrd. Mag : — In a dull northern isle, they call Brit- 
 aine. 
 
 2nd. Mag : — Indeed 'tis a cold northerly opinion : 
 And I'll lay my life begot since their late 
 Great frosts. It will be long enough ere it 
 Shall spread and prosper in the south ! Or, if 
 The Spaniard or Italian ever be 
 Persuaded out of the use of their bodies 
 I'll give mine to a raven for his supper. 
 
 Srd. Mag : — The miracle is more increased, in that 
 It first takes birth and nourishment in Court. 
 
 2nd. Mag : — But my good damn'd friend, tell me : 
 Is there not 
 One courtier will resent the cause, and give 
 Some countenance to the affairs of the body ? 
 
 Srd. Mag : — Certain young Lords at first disliked 
 the philosophy 
 As most uncomfortable, sad, and new ; 
 But soon inclined to a superior vote, 
 And are grown as good Platonical lovers 
 As are to be found in an hermitage." 
 
 A little later, when the Persian youths are an- 
 nounced, the Second Magician says of them : — 
 
 " I hope these are no Platonical lovers, 
 No such Carthusian poets as do write 
 Madrigals to the mind ? " 
 
 There is once more definite mention of Henrietta ' 
 as the sponsor of this movement, when the 
 fourth Magician declares : — 
 
330 PRECIEUSES AND PLATO NISTS 
 
 "... a voice 
 
 Sent from within bade them with reverence 
 Desist till Indamora did appear, for then 
 The gates would open, and the mists dry up : 
 That thus conceal'd it from the general view, 
 Which now their expectation doth attend.'' 
 
 It was at this same period that William 
 Habington prepared his poems to Castara. 
 Some statements made by him in the preface 
 to this collection demand careful attention. 
 Speaking of poetry, he says : — 
 
 "It hath too much ayre, and (if without offence 
 to our next transmarine neighbor) wantons too much 
 according to the French garbe. And when it is wholly 
 imployed in the soft straines of love, his soul who 
 entertaines it loseth much of that strength which 
 should confirme him man. The nerves of judgement 
 are weakened most by its dalliance ; and when woman 
 (I mene onely as she is externally fair) is the supreme 
 object of wit, we soon degenerate into effeminacy. 
 For the religion of fancie declines into a mad super- 
 stition, when it adorns that idoU which is not secure 
 from age and sicknesse." 
 
 The rather obscure reference in this to exist- 
 ing poetic fashions is cleared up somewhat by 
 a study of Habington's poems themselves. 
 The Platonism that he affects is of the extreme 
 sort, severely strict in conception, and thus 
 supposed to justify a relation of the sexes 
 close and familiar to the last degree. The 
 attitude he assumes is almost identically that 
 held up to ridicule a year or so later by the 
 courtly Davenant in the character Theander 
 in the Platonic Lovers; and his almost Puri- 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 331 
 
 tanic Castara is drawn in even severer lines than 
 Davenant's Eurithea.^ The explanation would 
 seem to lie in this direction. Platonism as an 
 active working principle was not accepted by 
 the English courtiers of this time in its really 
 serious and austere aspect, any more than 
 serious and austere Platonism was the vogue 
 in the social intercourse of the Hdtel de Ram- 
 houillet. It was Platonism given a gallant or 
 com'tly twist; welcomed, as it had been in 
 Italy long before, as an excuse for more zealous 
 love-making, while the extreme ''Platonic", 
 of the poet's imagination, once embodied in 
 the flesh, would have been considered as much 
 a fanatic as the Puritan ^ and not unlike him. 
 The way in which these distinctions were felt 
 is well indicated in George DanieFs poem, ''Love 
 Platonicke," ^ written in 1642, where separate 
 place is given to the Platonicke pretender, , 
 the Pure Platonicke, the Court Platonicke, 
 and the Anti-Platonicke. Habington, then, 
 in the role of the Pure Platonic, would seem to 
 take occasion in his preface to condemn the 
 employment of poetry in the questionable service 
 of courtly love gallantry, in the fashion which 
 
 ^ See infra, p. 334 sq. ; also cf . Fletcher, op. cit., p. 146 sg. 
 
 2 Halliwell's Reprint (1850), for the Percy Society, 
 of the Royal Garland, or a Choice Collection of Songs 
 highly in request, and much esteemed in the past and 
 present times, London, 1686, contains two songs, one 
 "Platonick Love," the other "The Platonick Lover." 
 The first of these is a rollicking anti-Platonic, which in 
 one place designates the Platonic lover as a Puritan. 
 The second song, though brief, is in a seriously Platonic 
 strain. ^ Infra, pp. 348-349. 
 
332 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 the Court Platonics had of late imported from 
 France. Of com'se this interpretation is open 
 to some question, but the known conditions 
 of the time appear to justify it. 
 
 The cultivation of Platonic gallantry having 
 been accepted by the English courtiers as so 
 essential a feature of life in the French coterie, 
 it is perhaps best to proceed at once to a con- 
 sideration of the evidence indicating the develop- 
 ment of this as an ideal and a practice through- 
 out our period. Related characteristics may 
 be noted in passing or taken up more syste- 
 matically later. 
 
 In 1635 Joseph Rutter's ^^pastorall tragi- 
 comedie," The Shepherd^ s Holiday, was acted 
 before both their Majesties at Whitehall. It 
 was another outcome of the growing taste in 
 the English court for pastoral and romantic 
 drama.^ Rutter was a member of Jonson's 
 latest circle, and tutor to the son of the Earl 
 of Dorset, Lord Chamberlain to the queen. At 
 the Earl's desire he made a translation of the 
 Cid two years later. In an epilogue to his 
 play, addressed to the king and queen, Rutter 
 says : — 
 
 "To you, most royal pair, whose lives have brought 
 Virtue in fashion, and the world have taught, 
 That chaste innocuous sports become the stage, 
 No less than civil manners do the age, 
 We dedicate this piece but yet with fears 
 To have displeas'd so chaste, so tender ears." 
 
 ^ See chap. viii. 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 333 
 
 In the play Thyi'sis, the foundhng son of the 
 king, and Sylvia, the king's supposed daughter, 
 are Platonic lovers. They talk a romantic 
 sort of serious Platonism in the third scene of 
 the foui'th act. Mirtillus stands as an anti- 
 Platonic. 
 
 Shirley, who had taken occasion to ridicule 
 Prynne bitterly over the Histriomastix affair,^ 
 has a reference to court Platonism in his Lady 
 of Pleasure, licensed in this same year. In the 
 fifth act a certain lord is urging upon Celestina 
 a love that is anything but chaste. This dia- 
 logue ensues : — 
 
 'to 
 
 Cel. — What love do you mean ? 
 
 Lord. — That which doth perfect both; madam, you 
 have heard 
 I can be constant, and if you consent 
 To grape it so, there is a spacious dwelling 
 Prepared within my heart for such a mistress. 
 
 Cel. — Your mistress, my good lord ? 
 
 Lord. — Why, my good lady, 
 Your sex doth hold it no dishonour 
 To become mistress to a noble servant 
 In the now court Platonic way. . . ." 
 
 In Shirley's drama The Duke^s Mistress, acted 
 in 1636, he has another reference to the same 
 fashion. Horatio has been urging the advisa- 
 bility of loving ill-favored ladies, as the only 
 sort whose constancy can be depended upon. 
 In the presence of the fair Aurelia and Macrina, 
 and the ill-favored Fiametta, he declares : ^ — 
 
 ^Cf. his Bird in the Cage, printed 1633, and the 
 dedication of it; also the lines prefixed to Ford's Love's 
 Sacrifice. ^ In act iii, so. 2. 
 
334 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 "To be short, ladies, 
 Howe'er you may interpret it my humour, 
 Mine's a Platonic love ; give me the soul, 
 I care not what coarse flesh and blood enshrine it." 
 
 In 1636 appeared Davenant's The Platonic 
 Lovers, most of the play being given to discus- 
 sions bearing on Platonic Love. The author, 
 although posing in the epilogue as an advocate 
 of the doctrines, looks at the matter from the 
 cynical viewpoint of the court gallant, and 
 finds much amusement in the conception of 
 a '^pure Platonic/' such as Theander. Espe- 
 cially significant is his frequent insistence 
 that this is a feminine fashion. The prologue 
 proceeds : — 
 
 " Ours ^ now believes the Title needs must cause, 
 From the indulgent Court, a kind applause. 
 Since there he learnt it first, and had command 
 T' interpret what he scarce doth understand. 
 And then, forsooth, he says, because 'tis new 
 'Twill take ; and be admir'd too by a few : 
 But all these easy hopes I'd like t'have marr'd, 
 With witnessing his title was so hard, 
 'Bove half our city audience would be lost. 
 That knew not how to spell it on the post. 
 Nay, he was told, some critics lately spent 
 Their learning to find out, it nothing meant." 
 
 In the first act Fredeline says of Theander 
 and Eurithea, the pure Platonic lovers : — 
 
 "... The first are lovers of a pure 
 Celestial kind, such as some style Platonical; 
 A new court epithet scarce understood ; 
 But all they woo, sir, is the spirit, face, 
 
 ^ Our poet. 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 335 
 
 And heart, therefore their conversation is 
 More safe to fame. The other still affect 
 For natural ends." 
 
 Theander and Eurithea certainly are a pair of 
 extremists. He visits her chamber at night, 
 and they chat there chastely and prettily of their 
 love. The close relation of these ideas to the 
 pastoral tradition is shown in their plan of 
 meeting in the garb of shepherds in a neigh- 
 boring grove; there to continue their love talk.^ 
 Theander remonstrates with Phylomont, who 
 desires to marry his sister : — 
 
 ''You two may live 
 And love, become your own best arguments, 
 And so contract all virtue, and all praise : 
 Be ever beauteous, fresh, and young, at least 
 In your belief ; for who can lessen, or 
 Defile th' opinion which your mutual thoughts 
 Shall fervently exchange ? And then you may 
 Beget reflections in each other's eyes ; 
 So you increase not children but yourselves 
 A better, and more guiltless progeny ; 
 These immaterial creatures cannot sin." 
 
 A decidedly different conception of Platonic 
 love, the coarse misinterpretation that domi- 
 nated its decline, appears in the discourse of 
 Fredeline to Castraganio and Amadine, in the 
 third act. ''My sister/' says CastraganiO; 
 
 "... asked me ere 
 You came, why you endeavoured thus to have 
 The lady married to another, whom you meant to love ? 
 
 Fred. — That's the platonic way ; for so 
 The balls, the banquets, chariot, canopy, 
 
 ^ Cf . specifically The Faithful Shepherdess. 
 
336 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 And quilted couch, which are the places where 
 This new wise sect do meditate, are kept, 
 Not at the lover's but the husband's charge. 
 And it is fit ; for marriage makes him none, 
 Though she be still of the society; 
 
 Amad. — And may besides her husband, have 
 A sad platonical servant to help her meditate. 
 
 Fred. — All modern best court authors do allow it." 
 
 Buonateste assumes a critical attitude on the 
 whole matter, being especially severe on the 
 ladies. His conversations with Fredeline dis- 
 play this best. The first quotation is from 
 the second act, the other from the fourth. 
 
 1 . " Buon. — My Lord, I still beseech you not to wrong 
 My good old friend Plato, with this Court calumny ; 
 They father on him a fantastic love 
 
 He never knew, poor gentleman. ... 
 
 Fred. . . . But did not Plato write of love ? 
 
 Buon. — Divinely, sir. But not such kind of love 
 As ladies would have now.'* 
 
 2. "Buon. — You are in love. 
 
 Fred. — Platonically, sir : no other ways. 
 Buon. — Fie ! fie ! profess a friendship, and presume 
 To gull me with a lady's paradox." 
 
 As the play progresses, Theander's extreme 
 views are gradually broken down, until at last 
 he concludes : — 
 
 "Then surely I must yield . . . 
 Yet we, my Eurithea, have a while 
 So rul'd each other with nice fears, that none 
 Hereafter will in civil kindness doubt 
 There are Platonic lovers, though but few ; 
 The sect conceal'd, and still imagin'd new." 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 337 
 
 Then follows the author's epilogue, with another 
 insistence on the idea that this is a feminine 
 fad. 
 
 " Unto the masculine I can afford, 
 By strict commission scarce one courteous word : 
 Our author has so httle cause to boast 
 His hopes from you, that he esteems them lost, 
 Since not these two long hours amongst you all 
 He can find one will prove Platonical. 
 But these soft ladies, in whose gentle eyes 
 The richest blessings of his fortune lies. 
 With such obsequious homage he doth greet, 
 As he would lay his laurel at your feet : 
 For you, he knows, will think his doctrine good. 
 Though 't recreate the mind, and not the blood." 
 
 Two other plays of the same year use the i 
 Platonic doctrines as a matter of jest. There ' 
 is no mention of the court this time, but one 
 direct reference to France. In another play V 
 by Davenant, The Wits, the third scene of the 
 second act, the elder Pallatine is cataloguing 
 his ^^ Virtue Library": — 
 
 "A pill to purge phlebotomy, — A balsamum 
 For the spiritual back, — A lozenge against lust ; 
 With divers others, sir, which, though not penn'd 
 By dull platonic Greeks, or Memphian priests. 
 Yet have the blessed mark of separation 
 Of authors silenc'd, for wearing short hair." ^ 
 
 In the third act, second scene, of the same play. 
 Pert says to Lucy, with great show of poHte- 
 ness : — 
 
 ^ This recalls again the association of Platonism and . 
 Puritanism in men's minds. 
 
V 
 
 338 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 "The title will be better'd, madam, when 
 I am become a servant to your beauty." 
 
 Lucy then remarks to young Pallatine : — 
 
 " Why, your confederate Pert is courtly too, 
 He will out-tongue a favourite of France.'' 
 
 In William Cartwright's The Roy all Slave, the 
 fifth scene of the second act, certain Ephesian 
 captives are caught attempting a rape. They 
 explain it as : — 
 
 " A little Love-sport only ; we were arguing 
 Pro and con out of Plato, and are now 
 Going to practise his Philosophy." 
 
 One of the ladies declares : — 
 
 "What they stile Love-sport only, and misname 
 An arguing out of Plato, would have prov'd 
 A true and down-ripe rape, if that your presence 
 Had not become our Rescue." 
 
 In John Suckling's play Aglaura (printed 
 1638), which was acted first for the public, 
 and then, with the murder of the king omitted, 
 before the court, there is considerable discus- 
 sion of Platonic love, as well as numerous in- 
 dications of romance influence. Semanthe is 
 the especially Platonic character, with Orsames 
 as the anti-Platonic. After one of their con- 
 versations, Orsames is relating his experience to 
 some other courtiers. This dialogue follows : — 
 
 "Ors. — I had no sooner nam'd love to her, but she 
 Began to talk of flames, of flames 
 Neither devouring nor devoured, of air 
 And of chameleons. 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 339 
 
 1st. Courtier. — O the Platonics ! 
 2nd. Courtier. — Those of the new-religion in love I 
 your lordship's merry, 
 Troth, how do you like the humor on't ? , 
 
 Ors. — As thou wouldst like red hair or leanness 
 In thy mistress, scurvily ! 't does worse with handsome- 
 ness 
 Than strong desire could do with impotence : 
 A mere trick to enhance the price of kisses." 
 
 Suckling comes out much more definitely as 
 a devotee of Platonism in his letters to Aglaura.^ 
 In a letter without address among his Letters to 
 Several Eminent Persons, appears this sentence: 
 ''After all, the Wages will not be high; for it ^ 
 hath been brought up under Platonicks, and 
 knows no other Way of being paid for Service, 
 then by being commanded more." 
 
 James Howell, who was especially devoted to 
 the service of the queen, and on the closest 
 terms with others of her particular favorites, con- 
 centrated his literary effort upon letter-writing, 
 perhaps under the influence of another French 
 fashion. ^ A certain selection of these letters * 
 shows him in the role of the devoted precieux, 
 lavishing upon the Lady Elizabeth Digby a 
 series of overrefined and intricate courtly 
 compliments. At times there appears through 
 
 ^ The Letters to Several Eminent Persons, among which 
 these appear, were first printed imperfectly in 1646 and 
 1648; then, with additions, in 1658. 
 
 2 I.e. his heart. This letter is printed on p. 77 of the 
 1719 ed. of Suckhng's Works. 
 
 2 Infra, p. 438 sq. 
 
 * Howell, op. cit., ii. 414-415, 534, 558. The first two 
 bear respectively the dates August 5, 1640, and August 
 10, 1647. 
 
 \ 
 
340 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 the maze of his phraseology an unmistakable 
 evidence of Platonic avowal. Thus : — 
 
 "If you would suffer yourself to be adored, you 
 should quickly find me religious in that kind. How- 
 ever, I am bold to send your Ladyship this, as a kind 
 of Homage, or Heriot, or Tribute, or what you please 
 to term it, in regard I am a true Vassal to your Virtues ; 
 And if you please to lay any of your Commands upon 
 me, your Will shall be a Law to me, which I will ob- 
 serve with as much Allegiance as any Branch of Magna 
 Charta." 
 
 Howell bears further witness to the active em- 
 ployment of these notions in a letter addressed 
 to Mr. Thomas W., and dated as early as 
 February 3, 1637. He says there: ^^F. C. 
 soars higher and higher every day in pursuance 
 of his Platonic Love; but T. Man is out with 
 his, you know whom." ^ 
 
 William Habington, in his ^^tragi-comedy," 
 The Queen of Arragon, which Philip, Earl of 
 Pembroke, the royal chamberlain, caused to be 
 acted at court and then printed, against the 
 author's will,^ has one reference to Platonism 
 in practice. This, by the way, is decidedly 
 more worldly in its conception than was his atti- 
 tude in the Castara. Oniates is in love with 
 Floriana, wife of Sanmartino, and she and 
 Cleantha are discussing the situation. 
 
 " Flor. — He is a gentleman ; and, add to that. 
 Makes good the title. 
 
 Clean. — Haply he may so, 
 And haply he's enamour'd on thy beauty. 
 
 ^ Howell, Familiar Letters, ed. cit., ii. 407. 
 ' Wood, Athen. Oxon., ed. Bliss, iii. 224. 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 341 
 
 Flor. — On mine, Cleantha ? 
 
 Clean. — Yes, dear Floriana ; 
 Yet neither danger to thy chastity, 
 Nor blemish to thy fame; custom approves it." * 
 
 In The Goblins, another play by Suckling, ^^ 
 written in 1642, further reference to the Pla- 
 tonic vogue crops out, with an apparent thrust 
 at the artificial language of its votaries. In 
 the first scene of the second act, the speech of 
 Sabrina : — 
 
 "How now, my Samorat ! 
 What saucy heat hath stol'n into thy blood, 
 And heightened thee to this ? I fear you are 
 Not well, . . ." 
 
 calls forth this comment from Orsabrin : — 
 
 " Sfoot ! 'tis a Platonic : 
 Now cannot I so much as talk that way, neither." 
 
 In 1651 there was printed a play by William 
 Cartwright, which is supposed to have been 
 written not long before 1643. It is entitled 
 The Lady Errant, and is peculiar in this con- 
 nection, in that it seems to depict or anticipate 
 a type of the strong-minded woman, as de- 
 veloped among the precieuses of France and 
 England. In the absence of the men at war, 
 the women plot to gain control of the state. 
 The title-role is that of a quixotic lady adven- 
 turer, who finally plays into the hands of the 
 Princess Lucasia and her friend Eumela, thereby 
 foiling the plot. In addition to some bits of 
 
 ^ Act i, so. 1. 
 
342 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 highly romantic coloring, there are these ref- 
 erences to Platonism. In the second scene 
 of the first act, Iringus says to his fellow- 
 courtiers : — 
 
 " She that, if there were Sexes 'hove the Moon, 
 Would tempt a Male Idea, and seduce 
 A Separate Hee-Substance into Lewdness, 
 Hath smil'd, glanc'd, wink'd, and trod upon my toes." 
 
 Near the end of the second act there is a con- 
 versation, engaged in by Lucasia, Fiorina, and 
 Malthora, in which some of the characteristic 
 teachings of Platonism are again expressed. 
 In 1647 Clarendon wrote a letter to Lady 
 Dalkeith, still apparently taking a serious view 
 of the matter.^ 
 
 The worst side of Platonism, looked at from 
 a cynical, even hostile point of view, is found 
 in a play printed anonymously in 1659, under 
 the title. Lady Alimony; or, The Alimony Lady. 
 An Excellent Pleasant New Comedy. Duly au- 
 thorized, daily Acted, and frequently Followed. 
 It is supposed that this was written years 
 before its publication, though a reference to 
 ^'crop-eared histriomastixes " necessarily places 
 it after Prynne's unfortunate experience. The 
 word " Platonic " is here definitely accepted as 
 a term of reproach, and Platonic love as only 
 a finer phrase for adultery or cuckoldry. Yet 
 the adherents of the vogue display certain other 
 precieuse tendencies along with their Platonism. 
 
 ^ This is noted on the authority of C. H. Firth in 
 Howell's Familiar Letters, ed. Jacobs, ii. 756. 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 343 
 
 Trillo's preliminary words sound the key of the 
 whole composition, as for instance when he 
 declares that the author — ^^has some swingeing 
 stuff for our fresh Dabrides, who have invested 
 themselves in the Platonic order, and retain 
 courage enough to make an exchange of their 
 old consorts with their new confidants and 
 amorous pretenders.'' Then comes the Pro- 
 logue, especially directed to the ladies, with the 
 assurance that the author has no idea of iden- 
 tifying them with the lewd Platonics. 
 
 "Madams, you're welcome; though our poet show 
 A severe brow, it is not meant for you. 
 Your virtues, like your features, they are such, 
 They neither can be priz'd nor prais'd too much: 
 Lov'd and admir'd wheresoever they are known, 
 Scorning to mix Platonics with your own : 
 Sit with a pleasing silence, and take view 
 Of forms Vermillion 'd in another hue, 
 Who make free traffic of their nuptial bed, 
 As if they had of fancy surfeited." 
 
 In the second scene of the second act, the 
 description of one of the ladies, as given by a 
 boy, introduces us directly to a most familiar 
 type among the later precieuses — the femme 
 savante. '^That love-spotted ermine," he says, 
 ''is Madam Fricase, a woman of a rampant 
 spirit; a confident pretender of language; and, 
 for the Latin, she makes herself as familiar 
 with the breach of Priscian's head as if it were 
 her husband." 
 
 All of the next scene is given up to conver- 
 sation, highly polished and adorned with many 
 
 \ 
 
344 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 conceits, between the ladies and their Platonic 
 wooers. Finally terms are agreed upon, con- 
 stancy is vowed, and secrecy is enjoined^ As 
 the lovers leave the stage, one of the boys re- 
 marks, ^' Trust me, they couple handsomely, 
 as if they had been married after th' new fash- 
 ion." In the next scene the Platonics organize 
 a formal court of love, to hear the causes of 
 the ladies and justify their separation from 
 their husbands. 
 
 From all these citations, falling as they do 
 into so systematic an arrangement, no uncer- 
 tain conclusion may be drawn. When Hen- 
 rietta Maria came to England, young, inex- 
 perienced, and looked upon with suspicion, 
 she brought with her the French taste of the 
 time for culture, refinement, gallantry, and lit- 
 erary expression, as recognized and practiced 
 ■ in the ruelles she had left behind. At first 
 
 , the difficulties of her situation prevented the 
 extension of her influence. But as time went 
 on, this influence was displayed in the court 
 enjoyment and participation in dramatic pro- 
 ductions of the pastoral-romantic sort; in the 
 establishment, as a practice of social gallantry, 
 of the principles of Platonic love, more or less 
 modified; and in the renewed vogue given to 
 the adornments and conceits of conversational 
 eloquence. Of course the queen and her 
 
 \ immediate attendants were not alone in the 
 circulation of this influence. Englishmen of 
 learning and distinction, whether closely at- 
 tached to the queen or not, were constantly 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 345 
 
 paying visits to the continent and making 
 the acquaintance of its Hterature. Frenchmen 
 from, the inmost circles of the coteries occa- 
 sionally found their way to England. Theo- 
 phile de Viau, Voiture, Saint-Amant^ and 
 Boisrobert, all are known to have crossed the 
 Channel. But to Henrietta seems to belong 
 the credit of giving the real impetus that set 
 these tendencies in movement. 
 
 Closely associated with what has been treated 
 as the denominating phase of this influence are 
 three other lines of development : the tendency 
 to follow the French lead in certain minor lit- 
 erary forms, such as vers de societe, letter- 
 wi'iting, etc.; the greatly increased interest 
 in romances and romance material, resulting 
 in numerous translations from the French and 
 in the working over of French romance situa- 
 tions for dramatic purposes ; and the appearance 
 of certain actually or supposedly accomplished 
 women as the leaders of English coteries. The 
 first two of these matters, being concerned with 
 the progress of definite literary genres, may be 
 left for further consideration,^ with only pause 
 enough to call immediate attention to the prev- 
 alence of Platonism in the first, and to the 
 interest and patronage of the king and queen 
 in the second.^ 
 
 Practically every cavalier poet has something 
 to say in his verse concerning Platonic love, 
 usually something of a sort to substantiate the 
 
 ^ See chaps, viii and ix. 
 
 2 Discussed further in chap. viii. 
 
346 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 conclusions already deduced. Habington's 
 Castara has already been mentioned, with its 
 extreme views in the direction of the pure 
 Platonism that justifies and purifies almost the 
 last degree of familiarity. His verses and prose 
 introductions are crowded with variations on 
 these ideas. An emphatic contrast appears in 
 the current poem, '^The Antiplatonic," which 
 found a place in the 1640 edition of Francis 
 Beaumont's verses/ 
 
 "Vertue's no more in woman kind, 
 But the green sicknesse of the mind. 
 Phylosophy, their new delight, 
 A kind of charcoale appetite. 
 There is no sophistry prevailes 
 Where all-convincing love assailes ; 
 But the disputing petticoat will warp, 
 As skillfull gamesters are to seek at sharp.'' 
 
 Carew merely alludes to the matter from time 
 to time, but even such allusion suggests the 
 prevalence of the vogue. John Suckling, in 
 the dual capacity of poet and letter-writer, 
 enters somewhat into the fashion of Platonic 
 wooing. His letters to Aglaura, as noted, are 
 built on the Platonic structure; and whether 
 serious or not, are a good example of courtly 
 love-making. He voices the essential prin- 
 ciples of the doctrine in his poem ''Against 
 Fruition, " which Waller took occasion to answer 
 stanza by stanza, in another piece of verse. 
 Suckling's contentions in this poem, however, 
 are those of the surfeited gallant rather than 
 
 * Chalmers, English Poets, vi. 189. 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 347 
 
 of the philosophic theorist. Waller subscribed 
 to the convention, however, in his poems to 
 Sacharissa, — Lady Dorothy Sidney. This is 
 apparently a Platonic verse-wooing of the 
 earlier type, not unlike Sir Philip Sidney's 
 Astrophel and Stella verses. Much more than 
 in Sidney's case, though, Waller's efforts seem 
 impersonal and passionless, always conscious 
 of an audience, and content in the promise 
 of immortality for the author, whatever the 
 success of the suit. This finds definite ex- 
 pression at the end of his ^^ Phoebus and Daphne 
 Applied": ^ — 
 
 " Yet, what he sung in his immortal strain, 
 Though unsuccessful!, was not sung in vain : 
 All, but the nymph that should redress his wrong, 
 Attend his passion and approve his song. 
 Like Phoebus thus, acquiring unsought praise, 
 He catch'd at love, and fiird his arms with bays." 
 
 Lord Herbert of Cher bury and John Cleve- 
 land, in their apparent discipleship to John 
 Donne, might be expected to ring the changes 
 on the idealistic and fantastic conceptions 
 for which he was sponsor. The former treats 
 of Platonism in his '^ Ode upon a question moved 
 whether Love should continue forever"; the 
 latter in his ^^To Cloris, A Rapture." William 
 Cartwright opposes the Platonic fashion, as in- 
 dicated in his poem ''No Platonique Love: " ^ — \y 
 
 " Tell me no more of minds embracing minds, 
 And hearts exchanged for hearts ; 
 
 » Ibid., viii. 44. 2 Ibid., vi. 528. 
 
 \ 
 
348 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 That spirits spirits meet, as winds do winds, 
 
 And mix their subtlest parts : 
 
 That two unbodi'd essences may kiss, 
 
 And then, Uke angels, twist and feel one bliss. 
 
 I was that silly thing that once was wrought 
 
 To practice this thin love ; 
 I climb 'd from sex to soul, from soul to thought; 
 
 But thinking there to move. 
 Headlong I rowl'd from thought to soul, and then 
 From soul I lighted at the sex agen." 
 
 Most significant in many respects is the poem 
 of George Daniel, already mentioned, bearing 
 the title ^'Love Platonicke." This dates from 
 the year 1642, when the lines of distinction may 
 be supposed to have been very accurately 
 drawn. It is in eight parts, the first three 
 addressed to an imaginary Cinthia, who is 
 under process of conversion from mere coquetry ,x^ 
 to Platonism. Then there are four parts, 
 devoted in turn to the Platonicke pretender, 
 the Pure Platonicke, the Court Platonicke, 
 and the Anti-Platonicke. A stanza or so from 
 each will suffice.^ 
 
 1. " The word Platonicke pleases thy Conceit ; 
 
 And some new thing 
 Thou would 'st have others understand in it; 
 
 But canst not bring 
 One Accent, to evince 
 It, from the Common Sins 
 Of Appetite and Naturall Desire. 
 
 * ^t< *f« ^0 ^b 
 
 •J* ^^ ^^ •!• 
 
 For in Platonicke Love thou canst doe more 
 With yielding Females, then in Lust before." 
 
 * Poems, ed. Grosart, 1878, i. 113 sq. 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 349 
 
 2. " Wee distinguish nothing to 
 
 The outward fforme, as Lovers doe ; 
 Nor value by the rule of Sence ; 
 Wee know noe Sexe's difference, 
 Equall in Pre 'eminence. 
 
 To the Sympathising mind, 
 Neither hinder, neither bind ; 
 But in cither's brest wee move, 
 And Affections Equall prove ; 
 This is pure Platonicke Love." 
 
 3. " Let us perfect all our worke ; 
 
 Nature's fires should never lurke ; 
 And the Act alone can Scale 
 Mutuall Joyes ; which to reveale 
 Were Treason — and I will not tell." 
 
 4. " Give me buxome Youth, and Blood 
 
 Quickned in the understood 
 Caution of Love ; a free desire 
 To meet with mine, in Equall Fire, 
 And doe the Act, wee both Conspire." 
 
 The whole concludes with a brief address "To 
 the Sweet feminine Platonickes." 
 
 " Ladies, (for only to the Feminine 
 Wee breath these gentle Ayres ;) it resteth in 
 Your power to raise us, (beyond all the right 
 Wee claime, to Poet,) in this present Fhght ; 
 For love Platonicke is a Dreame; (a dull 
 Imperfect glance of the most beautifull 
 Object our nature claims to) ; wanting you 
 Who makes that up an Act, was but a Show." 
 
 Cowley has two poems in which he takes the 
 view of the anti-Platonics ; — namely, " Pla- 
 tonic Love," and the '^Answer to the Pla- 
 
350 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 tonics." ^ He appears, however, to have been 
 later a devoted friend of the EngHsh coterie 
 leader, Mrs. Catherine Philips, ^Hhe Matchless 
 Orinda.'* Two of his poems are dedicated to 
 this friendship: ^^On the Death of Mrs. Cath- 
 erine Philips," and ^'On Orinda's Poems." ^ 
 
 As might be expected, there are fairly definite 
 indications that the role of coterie leader soon 
 became familiar to the women of England, 
 I and appeared so attractive in their sight that 
 they became ambitious for a similar distinction. 
 ji' Three names rise into prominence in this con- 
 li nection, belonging to somewhat different periods 
 of time and different ranks of society, and rep- 
 resenting, indeed, correspondingly different 
 characteristics of the precieuse. The ladies in 
 ■ question are Lucy Hay, Countess of Carlisle, 
 Mrs. Catherine Philips, and Margaret Cavendish, 
 , Duchess of Newcastle. The first of these, 
 i the Countess of Carlisle, was a close friend and 
 companion of Queen Henrietta Maria, and 
 enjoyed the greatest influence during the min- 
 istry of Lord Strafford, whom she dominated 
 completely. Obviously the French influence 
 operating upon her was that of the Hdtel de 
 Ramhouillet, in its early freedom of activity, 
 and it is this spirit that she displays. She was 
 a woman of wit and accomplished attractive- 
 ness, the center of social activity, and took 
 
 ^ Chalmers, English Poets, vii. 105 and 106. 
 
 2 Ihid., vii. 98 and 88. A poem on " Platonic Love" 
 appeared among John Hall's Poems, 1646 ( Saintsbury, 
 Minor Poets of the Caroline Period, ii. 196). 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 351 
 
 great delight in the interests and intrigues of 
 statecraft; without appearing unwomanly. She 
 enjoyed the homage of the greatest men of 
 her time, both statesmen and literary lights, 
 molding their opinions and lending inspiration 
 to the creations of their pens. A whole flood 
 of occasional verse offers tribute to her name. 
 William Cartwright wrote ^^A Panegyrik to the «/ 
 Most Noble Lucy, Countess of Carlisle";* 
 Carew celebrated her under the name of Lu- ^ 
 cinda; ^ Herrick, in Hesperides, devoted a poem 
 to " Si black twist rounding the arm of the 
 Countess of Carlisle";^ Carew and Suckling 
 together made her charms the subject of a 
 by no means Platonic verse dialogue ; ^ Daven- 
 ant and Waller wrote consolatory verses to 
 her upon the death of her husband in 1636. 
 Sir Toby Matthew, as an essay at the French 
 vogue of literary portraiture, so common in 
 the romances, circulated in manuscript, about 
 1637, a ^'character" of the most excellent 
 Lady Lucy, Countess of Carlisle. Sir Toby also 
 tried his hand at letter-writing, as did his friend 
 James Howell and others. This character, 
 after becoming generally known through manu- 
 script circulation, was first published in 1660 
 with a collection of Sir Toby's letters dedicated 
 to Lady Carlisle. Suckling, in his Session of 
 the Poets, even goes so far as to insinuate 
 
 ^ Works, ed. 1651, p. 183. 
 2 Poems, ed. Hazlitt, pp. 41, 117. 
 ^Hesperides, ed. Boston, 1856, i. 116. 
 * Chalmers, English Poets, vi. 495. 
 
352 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 that Matthew's reputation depended on his 
 choice of a subject for portraiture. 
 
 "Toby Mathews (pox on him) what made him there? 
 Was whispering nothing in somebody's ear, 
 When he had the honour to be named in court, 
 But, sir, you may thank my Lady Carhel for't." 
 
 In view of the wide circulation of this '' char- 
 acter," statements made in it may be taken as 
 fairly authentic. Two of them bear witness 
 to important qualities in a coterie leader: her 
 cultivation of esprit, and her passionless atti- 
 tude toward love. 
 
 "Her wit being most eminent among the rest of her 
 great abilities, she affects conversation of the persons 
 who are most famed for it." 
 
 "She cannot love in earnest, so contenting herself 
 to play with Love as with a child. Naturally she 
 hath no passion at all." 
 
 These points are further emphasized in the 
 verse ^'Panegyrik" by Cartwright. Having 
 praised the lady's beauty in most lavish terms, 
 he turns his attention, in the usual Platonic 
 manner, to the superior qualities of her mind 
 and soul. 
 
 "But Beauty is not all that makes you so 
 Ador'd by those who either see or know; 
 'Tis your proportioned Soul, for who ere set 
 A common useless Weed in Christall yet? 
 
 «ltf «1* ^Im «^ *^ 
 
 v^ ^« wf» ^1* #{* 
 
 . . . For that light which we find 
 Streams in your Eye, is knowledge in your Mind ; 
 That mixture of bright Colours in your Face, 
 Is equall Temperance in another place ; 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 353 
 
 That vigour of your Limbs, appears within 
 True perfect Valour, if we look but in ; 
 And that Proportion which does each part fill, 
 Is but dispencing Justice in your Will. 
 
 *^L» %^ «1» «!• 
 
 ^^ '^ ^1^ ^^ 
 
 But you whoVe gain'd the Apex of your kind, 
 Shew that there are no Sexes in the Mind, 
 Being so Candid, that we must confess 
 That Goodness is your Fashion, or your Dress, 
 That you, more truly Valorous, do support 
 Virtue by daring to be good at Court. ..." 
 
 In Mrs. Philips,^ rejoicing in her assumed title 
 of The Matchless Orinda, we appear to have 
 an excellent specimen of the coterie leader, such 
 as was produced among the bourgeoisie of France 
 when the vogue became decadent. It was 
 1647 before her doors were thrown open to the 
 circle of second-rate brilliancy which gathered at 
 Cardigan to assume new and romantic names, 
 to prate of ideal friendship, and to dabble with 
 their hostess in literature. This first circle 
 extended to about the time of the Restoration, 
 and then the worthy hostess, journeying to 
 Ireland, was discovered by nobility and ac- 
 quired a following of talented and titled literary 
 people there. In the early circle, or associated 
 at a distance, were such men as Sir Charles 
 Cotterel, Jeremy Taylor, Henry Lawes, and 
 Samuel Cooper, with various ladies of no par- 
 ticular importance. After the Restoration ap- 
 
 * Cf. J. J. Jusserand, The English Novel in the Time of 
 Shakespeare, pp. 372-373; Edmund Gosse, Seventeenth 
 Century Studies, p. 205 sq. ; G. Saintsbury, Minor 
 Poets of the Caroline Period, i. 487 sq. 
 
 2a 
 
354 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 peared the Earl of Orrery, the Earl of Ros- 
 common, James Tyrrel, John Ogilby, and others. 
 c$ Cotterel seems to have been a particular favorite 
 with Orinda, who interested herself in his 
 supposed romantic attachment for her dearest 
 friend Lucasia (Anne Owen). Cotterel stood 
 well at court, having been made Master of 
 Ceremonies there in 1641, and thus had ample 
 opportunity to keep pace with French social 
 customs. He translated part or all of La 
 Calprenede's Cassandra, associated with William 
 I Aylesbury in the translation from Italian of 
 \ Davila's History of the Civil Wars in France, 
 and was a friend of Robert CocMngton, trans- 
 lator of the Memoirs of Margaret of Valois. 
 Upon the execution of Charles I. Cotterel fled 
 to Antwerp, and remained abroad until 1660. 
 Later in their friendship, Orinda wrote him a 
 series of letters, addressing him always by his 
 coterie name of Poliarchus.^ Lawes was one 
 of the leading musical composers of the day, 
 and on good terms with the best poets, whose 
 verses he often set to music. Cooper was a 
 celebrated miniature artist, and had made 
 portraits of many of the court celebrities. 
 Jeremy Taylor, the great preacher and theo- 
 logical writer of the period, was an intimate 
 friend, and answered to the coterie name of 
 Palsemon. Various poets, not directly of the 
 circle, paid tribute to Orinda. Henry Vaughan 
 wrote a poem in 1651 ^'To the Most Excellently 
 Accomplished Mrs. K. PhiHps"; John Da vies 
 
 * Infra, p. 446. 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 355 
 
 dedicated to her his translation of the ninth 
 book of Cleopdtre in 1659; and after the Res- 
 toration all of literary Ireland and England 
 united in her praise. Then it was that she 
 found herself at the crest of the wave. Her 
 intimate friends were translating and com- 
 posing romances and dramas, projecting acade- 
 mies, and experimenting with classic forms, 
 while her own translations from Corneille were 
 given high rank and received with lavish com- 
 phment. 
 
 It is her significance in the earlier period 
 with which this study is concerned. For this 
 we have fairly adequate evidence, including ^ 
 the Letters from Orinda to Poliarchus — which, 
 dating from 1661 to 1664, still continue the 
 spirit of the earlier time ; — her poetic works,^ 
 which contain much of earlier composition; 
 Jeremy Taylor's treatise on the Nature, Offices ^ 
 and Measures of Friendship, 1657; and the 
 recently mentioned dedication by John Davies, 
 in 1659. The letters are chatty, but phrased 
 with great care; and while they express deep 
 gratitude and dilate on confidential friendship, 
 show no trace of passionate love or mawkish 
 sentiment toward Cotterel. The happenings of 
 the coterie and the social and literary gossip 
 of the day are given much importance, with 
 frequent references to Lucasia, who by this 
 time had married another. There are ex- 
 changes of literary work, together with requests 
 
 * Her poems were collected and published in 1667, 
 after her death. 
 
356 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 that Poliarchus advise about her translations, 
 polish her sentences, and correct her proofs. 
 
 The poetic efforts of Orinda further establish 
 the character of her salon; indicating clearly 
 enough the combination of friendship, poetry, 
 and devotion which these people were seriously 
 modeling on the French coteries. The heart 
 became the subject of deep contemplation and 
 endless analysis, the sensibilities received undue 
 development, and the petty happenings of 
 social gatherings were given a momentous im- 
 portance. A few titles selected here and there 
 from the poems are sufficient. 
 
 p. 25.^ A Dialogue of Absence, twixt Lucasia and 
 
 Orinda. Set by Mr. Hen. Lawes. 
 p. 30. To Mrs. Mary Carne, when Philaster Courted 
 
 her. 
 p. 31. To Mr. J. B. the noble Cratander, upon a Com- 
 position of his which he was not willing to own 
 
 publickly. 
 p. 32. To the excellent Mrs. Anne Owen, upon her 
 
 receiving the Name of Lucasia, and adoption into 
 
 our Society, Dec. 28, 1651. 
 p. 45. To the truly competent Judge of Honour, 
 
 Lucasia, upon a scandalous Libel made by J. J. 
 p. 47. To Antenor,^ on a Paper of Mine which 
 
 J. J. threatens to publish to prejudice him. 
 p. 55. To Regina Colher, on her Cruelty to Philaster. 
 p. 55. To Philaster, on his Melancholy for Regina. 
 p. 65. Parting with Lucasia. A Song. 
 p. 94. A Friend.^ 
 
 ^ The page references are to the edition of London, 
 1678. 2 Her husband. 
 
 3 This presents her favorite idea, expressed by Jeremy 
 Taylor in his Discourse, that woman should be able to 
 share with man in friendship. 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 357 
 
 p. 126. A Dialogue betwixt Lucasia and Rosania. 
 Imitating that of Gentle Thersis. 
 
 Several translations from the French appear 
 among her poems, including Saint-Amant's 
 ''Solitude " ; " Tendres Desirs'^ — out of a French 
 poet ; and a pastoral of Mons. de Scudery in the 
 first volume of Almahide. 
 
 Taylor's Discourse was apparently called 
 forth by certain questions asked by Mrs. Philips. 
 It was dedicated to her, and she responded with 
 a poem ''To the Noble Palsemon, on his incom- 
 parable Discourse of Friendship." In the dedi- 
 cation he says : — 
 
 "They who understand the secrets of religion, or 
 the interior beauties of friendship, are the fittest to 
 give answers in all inquiries concerning the respective 
 subjects; . . . and therefore you who are so eminent 
 in friendships, could also have given the best answer 
 to your own inquiries." . . . ^ 
 
 As he proceeds with the discussion of the friend- 
 ship of man and woman, it is apparent that 
 Orinda and her circle, however much they kept 
 the forms of Platonic wooing, did not agree in 
 a theoretical worship of Platonism. Friend- 
 ship, he says, feeds upon pure materials. 
 
 "Where these are not, men and women may be pleased 
 with one another's company, and lie under the same 
 roof, and make themselves companions of equal 
 prosperities, and humour their friend ; but if you call 
 this friendship, you give a sacred name to humour 
 or fancy; for there is a Platonic friendship as well as 
 a Platonic love ; but they being but the images of more 
 
 1 Taylor, Works, ed. 1822, xi. 301. 
 
 i/ 
 
358 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 noble bodies, are but like tinsel dressings, which will 
 shew bravely by candle-light, and do excellently in a 
 mask, but are not fit for conversation and the material 
 intercourse of our life.'' ^ 
 
 Taylor, however, would admit woman into 
 his highest degrees of friendship. 
 
 "But by the way, Madam, you may see how much 
 I differ from the morosity of those cynics, who would 
 not admit your sex into the communities of a noble 
 friendship. ... I cannot say that women are 
 capable of all those excellences, by which men can 
 oblige the world; . . . but a woman can love as 
 passionately, and converse as pleasantly, and retain 
 a secret as faithfully, and be useful in her proper 
 ministries; and she can die for her friend as well as 
 the bravest Roman knight." ^ 
 
 John Davies says of her,^ paying particular 
 tribute to her knowledge of foreign literature 
 and her fondness for romances : — 
 
 "When I consider you a person so much above 
 your Sex, in the command of those Languages, wherein 
 things of this nature have ordinarily their first birth 
 and consequentlie, that what is intended for the 
 entertainment of others proves your trouble; a 
 Translation being no lesse to one that hath read the 
 Original : When I reflect on your curiosity to look 
 into these things before they have hardlie taken 
 English aire, as it were to prevent the earliest applica- 
 tions of those who labour in this kind : When, in fine, 
 it runs into my thoughts, that what I now bring your 
 Ladyship will haplie have the fate to be cast by, with, 
 I have long since read it in the Original, 'tis but poorly 
 done into English. I must confesse myself guiltie 
 of a strange suspense of resolution, whether I should 
 
 1 Works, ed. cit., xi. 313 sq. ^ Ibid., p. 330. 
 ^ Dedication of bk. ix of Hymen's Prceludia. 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 359 
 
 venture on this Addresse or no. . . . For, reflecting 
 on your great affection and respects for the excellent 
 Cleopatra, your particular enquiries after her wellfare 
 and adventures, and the tenderness which makes you 
 wish the misfortunes of so great a Princess were at 
 a period, I can think it but just, that the person, from 
 whom she had, unknown, received those great Civilities, 
 should accordingly be returned the peculiar acknow- 
 ledgements thereof." 
 
 He further states that his desire to dedicate 
 to her is '' heightened by a reflection on the 
 particular favours I have received from your 
 Ladyship." 
 
 Thus we see in Orinda the hourgeoise leader 
 of a salon, having refined friendships between 
 the sexes as her hobby, encouraging her '^so- 
 ciety" to fictitious names, to more or less 
 Platonic love-making, and, in emulation of her 
 own pretentious efforts, to the composition of 
 occasional verse and to literary excellence and 
 appreciation in general, with a particular fond- 
 ness for romances. 
 
 The most peculiar specimen of precieuse in 
 England, however, remains to be considered,! 
 in the person of the Duchess of Newcastle.] 
 Certain of the characteristics she displays be-' 
 yond a doubt; others usually associated with 
 these are strangely suppressed. Part of the dif- 
 ficulty lies in the fact that she held to her early 
 views during the gay career of the Restoration 
 court, thus making her peculiarities appear in 
 still bolder contrast. She was for two years' 
 — 1643-1645 — in attendance upon Henrietta 
 Maria, accompanying her to Paris, as did a \ 
 
360 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 whole flock of English literary people, such as 
 Cowley, Shirley, Crashaw, and Hobbes. There 
 in 1645 she married the future Duke of New- 
 castle, with whom she remained abroad — 
 except for one visit of eighteen months — 
 until the Restoration. Of her numerous lit- 
 erary works, poetical, philosophical, and dra- 
 matic, most of the plays and poems and at 
 least two philosophical treatises were, by her 
 own statements,^ composed during her stay on 
 the continent and her visit to England. She 
 was certainly a woman of independent thought, 
 which took the form of all sorts of whimsical 
 and fantastic notions to which her sublime 
 conceit attributed vast importance. Being con- 
 sidered as a precieuse, she should not be ex- 
 pected to follow beaten paths, but rather to 
 accept from the vogue the suggestions of chas- 
 tity, affectation, or emancipated womanhood, 
 and then develop them according to her own 
 vagaries. Her precieuse tendencies may be 
 briefly considered- 
 First appears her sincere insistence upon 
 chastity. In this regard she might have stood 
 with the noble hostess of the Hotel de Ram- 
 houillet, for even at a time when purity was 
 prudery and a cause for jest in the streets, 
 she practiced and defended the extreme of 
 virtuous living. Though attended by none of 
 the hypocritical intrigues of the decadent Pla- 
 
 ^ Memoirs, ed. Brydges, 1814, p. 23. These were 
 first printed in 1656, as the last book of her Nature's 
 Pictures. 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 361 
 
 tonists, this chastity is indeed so often paraded 
 by the Duchess that it becomes almost offensive 
 and certainly suggests posing. Posing and 
 affectation, indeed, were among her most prom- . 
 inent characteristics, attended by a strange , 
 delight in fantastic garments of her own device. --■ 
 Pepys describes her appearance in 1667,^ and 
 she herself testifies for an earlier period: ''I 
 took great delight in attiring, fine dressing, and 
 fashions, especially such fashions as I did invent 
 myself, not taking that pleasure in such fashion 
 as was invented by others. Also I did dislike 
 any should follow my fashions, for I always 
 took delight in a singularity, even in accoutre- 
 ments of habits." She was especially fond of 
 having her portrait painted in one of these 
 striking outfits. That there was a French 
 prototype for this sort of thing appears from - 
 Mile, de Scudery's description of the presump-,ii:i— 
 tuous Damophile,^ apparently a rival and 
 imitator. When this lady had a portrait made, 
 she stood before a great table on which were 
 books, pincers, a lyre, and some mathematical 
 instruments. It was necessary even that she 
 be represented attired as one of the Muses. 
 
 The Duchess had that tendency toward 
 philosophical thought and extravagant ex- 
 pression which seems the peculiar property of 
 the confirmed precieuse and femme savante. 
 
 1 Pepys, Diary, April 11, 26, May 1, 1667; Evelyn, 
 Memoirs, April 18, 27, 1667. 
 
 2 Cf. Artamene ou le grand Cyrus, x. ii. Noted by 
 V. Cousin, La Societe frangaise au XVII^ Steele, Paris, 
 1858, ii. 144. 
 
 I 
 
362 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 But her affectations of style followed nobody's 
 lead, and the uncouth philosophy she developed 
 was in no way the result of the usual round of 
 study. In fact she was constantly protesting 
 her repugnance to such study. In the General 
 Prologue to her plays she says : — 
 
 "But noble readers, do not think my plays 
 Are such as have been writ in former days ; 
 As Johnson, Shakespear, Beaumont, Fletcher writ, 
 Mine want their learning, reading, language, wit. 
 The Latin phrases I could never tell, 
 But Johnson could, which made him write so well. 
 Greek, Latin poets, I could never read, 
 Nor their historians, but our English speed." 
 
 A similar statement occurs in her Memoirs} 
 
 I The tendency she had to put herself in her 
 
 ' plays is often a matter of comment. There 
 
 is hardly a play, indeed, in which she does not 
 
 seem to portray herself in some character or 
 
 . other. Here she had model enough in the work 
 
 \ of Mile, de Scudery, and in the general custom 
 
 among the French romance-writers, of inserting 
 
 numerous descriptions of their contemporaries. 
 
 Notwithstanding her peculiarities, the Duchess 
 
 either had sincere admirers, or by virtue of her 
 
 position made it profitable for men to profess 
 
 admiration for her. Needless to say, she would 
 
 enjoy such attention. Besides the various 
 
 adulatory poems prefixed to her works, there 
 
 was enough other material of the sort to justify 
 
 ^ Margaret, Duchess of Newcastle, The Life of William 
 Cavendish, Duke of Newcastle, ed. C. H. Firth, London, 
 1886, pp. 311-312. 
 
PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 363 
 
 the publication, in 1676, of a book of '^ Letters 
 and Poems in Honour of the Incomjoarahle 
 Princess Margaret, Dutchess of Newcastle, written 
 by several Persons of Honour and Learning/' 
 
 A final tendency, that of leadership and 
 dictation in morals and manners, is supplied 
 by Gibber, in his Lives of the Poets,^ where he - 
 tells that in her later life she kept constantly 
 about her a coterie of young ladies as com- 
 panions and amanuenses; probably, in return 
 for their attendance, instructing them according 
 to her ideas of social and literary proprieties. 
 Truly, as Pepys puts it,^ ^'the whole story of this j 
 lady is a romance and all she does is romantic. "i--"'! 
 
 These various loosely connected details serve i 
 to make the situation comparatively clear. | 
 Soon after the marriage of Charles I. and Hen- ! 
 rietta Maria there passed into England a current ,' 
 of French influence which first affected those 
 circles of society nearest the court. There was 
 a revived interest in dramas of a pastoral or 
 romantic tone, a tendency to regulate English 
 social life according to the practices encouraged 
 by Madame de Rambouillet in France, and 
 most significant of all — at least to the minds 
 of the courtiers — there was a movement toward 
 a revived Platonism, to be adapted as in France, 
 to the formalities of social gallantry. This 
 Platonic vogue, with the type of society that 
 fostered it, soon ran its course in England, as 
 it did on the continent, and became the jest 
 
 » Ed, London, 1753, ii. 164. ^ Diary, April 12, 1667. 
 
 n 
 
364 PRECIEUSES AND PLATONISTS 
 
 of courtiers and the pride of certain of the 
 bourgeoisie. Certain Hterary forms, however, 
 which had found their way from France to 
 England while these social forces operated, 
 occupy a prominent place in the literary history 
 of England prior to the Restoration and demand 
 further consideration. They are in particular 
 the prose romance, the romantic drama, the 
 epic or heroic poem, vers de societe, burlesque, 
 and literary correspondence. 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 Romance, Drama, and Heroic Poem 
 
 There was no time, from the appearance of 
 Sidney's Arcadia to the Restoration, when there 
 was not in England a considerable interest in 
 romances, pastoral or heroic, and when repre- 
 sentatives of the genre were not being utilized 
 either in translation or as material for drama. 
 As French specimens of greater importance 
 began to appear in the seventeenth century, 
 they drew their share of interest from the Eng- 
 lish public, so that by 1625, the year of Hen- 
 rietta's arrival, the Astree and its small French 
 following had established for themselves in 
 England a position just about equal to that of 
 the English Arcadia or the Spanish Amadis. ^ 
 Among various other influences due to the 
 arrival of the young French queen and her 
 followers, prominence must be given to the 
 dual effect this seems to have had on the ro- 
 mance tradition. First, by her confirmed tastes 
 and habits Henrietta brought a great new im-,' 
 petus to the general popularity of the pastoral "^ 
 romances, whether for themselves or for dra- 
 matic purposes. Second, she gave encourage- \ 
 ment to what would in anv case have been 
 a natural tendency, that of turning for romantic '■ 
 
 365 
 
366 ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 
 
 material and inspiration to the great French 
 heroic vogue which was at that time supplanting 
 all the earlier developments of romance in its 
 extent and popular interest. 
 
 The story of the influence exercised by the 
 French pastoral romance prior to 1625 is soon 
 told. The Astree is mentioned, several years 
 ' before its actual publication, by William Drum- 
 s' mond, writing from Paris, on February 12, 
 1607, to Sir George Keith.^ After describing 
 at length the picture of a very beautiful young 
 woman, such a one '^as Apelles would have 
 made Choice of for the Beauty of Greece," he 
 adds: '^She was said to be the Astrsea of the 
 Marquis D'Urfee." Very soon after its ap- 
 pearance, the Astree attracted the interest 
 : of translators in England, an English version 
 being entered on the Stationers^ Register as 
 : early as 1611. The earliest extant edition of 
 the translated work, the First Part, in twelve 
 books, by John Pyper, bears the date of 1620, 
 but it is announced as ^' newly translated." 
 To about this time must belong the favorable 
 comment which appears in an undated letter 
 to William Drummond by William Alexander, 
 Earl of Stirling, devoted admirer of Philip 
 Sidney and author of an addition to the Arcadia 
 in 1621. He says: — 
 
 "The most lofty of the other" [i.e. prose pastoral 
 romances] "is the Marquis D'Urfe in his Astrsea, and 
 the choice pieces there, representing any of the better 
 sorts, do seem borrowed from ancient Histories, or 
 
 ^ Drummond, Works, ed. Edin., 1711, p. 141. 
 
ROMANCE, DRAIMA, AND HEROIC POEM 367 
 
 else Narrations that hapned in Modern Times, rather 
 than true Discourses showing Persons such as they 
 were indeed, though with other names, than for the 
 framing of them for Perfection, they should have 
 been devised to he." ^ 
 
 In 1610 La Bergerie de Juliette, written in 
 1592 by Ollenix du Mont-Sacre, was translated 
 by Robert Tofte, with the title Honour's Academy 
 or the Famous Pastoral of the Fair Shepherdess 
 Julietta? About 1608 John Fletcher had pro-;} 
 duced his pastoral, The Faithful Shepherdess, ' 
 which did not at that time please the play-going 
 public and was withdrawn, though an edition 
 seems to have been published by 1610. There 
 was probably nothing of French origin about 
 this play, but it was destined later to figure in 
 the new impulse under Henrietta. Three other 
 productions by this author soon followed, in 
 which French sources were involved. His 
 Valentinian was acted some time before 1618. 
 This was a faithful, though enlarged rendering of 
 the '^Histoire d'Eudoxe, Valentinien et Ursace," 
 in the second part of the Astree. This material 
 had been variously utilized in France by the 
 time at which Fletcher wi'ote, and might thus 
 have come to him indirectly; but the Astree 
 was probably the most convenient collected 
 source to be had. The Wandering Lovers, by.\ 
 Fletcher, seems to belong to the year 1623, but 
 was supplanted by the revision made by Mas- " 
 
 1 Ibid., p. 161. 
 
 ^ A translation is entered on the Stationers' Register, 
 1607, for Gervase Markham. 
 
368 ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 
 
 Y I singer and produced as The Lover's Progress in 
 ( 1634, apparently under the new vogue of romance 
 and Platonism. The material for this is drawn 
 from Vital d'Audiguier's Histoire tragi-comique 
 t de nostre temps sous les noms de Lysandre et de 
 X \ Caliste. This was printed anonymously in 
 France in 1615, and appeared in English trans- 
 lation in 1627, several years before Massinger's 
 version of the drama. 
 / Fletcher's Monsieur Thomas has been shown ^ 
 
 y I to be based in part on the episode of Celidee, 
 Thamyre, and Calydon in the second part of 
 the Astree. This story was used in several 
 French plays and may have come through one 
 of them, or have been utilized by Fletcher at 
 first hand. Though the action in the drama is 
 expanded and made more heroically romantic, 
 there is no doubt that Celidee, Valentine, and 
 Francisco there correspond to Celidee, Thamyre, 
 and Calydon. Not the least important bit 
 of evidence is the speech of Valentine, at the 
 close of the play, to Francisco, who is not else- 
 where spoken of as Calydon. Valentine's words 
 are : — 
 
 "Take her, Francisco, now no more young Callidon, 
 And love her dearly." 
 
 Two other French characters, Thomas and 
 Launcelot, appear in the drama. 
 
 ^ A. L, Stiefel, (a) Review of Koeppel's "Quellen- 
 studien zu den Dramen Ben Jonsons, John Marstons und 
 B. & F.," in Zeits. f. vergleich. Litt., xii. (1898), 248; 
 (6) ''Ziir Quellenfrage von John Fletchers Monsieur 
 Thomas," in Eng. Stud., xxxvi, pt. 2 (1906), 238 sq. 
 
ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 369 
 
 Barclay's political romance, the Argenis, ^\ 
 which had appeared in its original Latin form 
 in France in 1621, was published in 1625 as: 
 Barclay His Argenis, or the Loves of Poliarchus 
 and Argenis, Faithfully translated out of Latine 
 into English hy Kingesmill Long. Another 
 translation, by Sir R. de Grys, was issued in 
 1629, and Long's version was reprinted, with 
 a key, in 1636. 
 
 In keeping with the statement already 
 quoted ^ from the dedication of W. D.'s transla- 
 tion, in 1627, of D'Audiguier's Lisander and 
 Calista, the interest in romance material, as 
 in all things French, began to show definite 
 increase at about this time. Under date of 
 November 9, 1627, the Stationers^ Register bears 
 this entry: ^'The true historye of the tragique 
 loves of Hippolito and Isabella Neapolitans 
 Englisht, with the tale of Narcissus out of 
 Ovid's third booke of his Metamorphosis." 
 This work appears to be the translation of the 
 Histoire des tragiques Amours d^Hipolite et 
 d^Isabelle, which had appeared in France as 
 early as 1597. Far more significant is the char- 
 acter of the story wi'itten down about this 
 time by Sir Kenelm Digby as his Private Me- f i 
 moirs. Digby was a much-traveled courtier '/ 
 who had been with the embassy of Charles in 
 Spain, and later was made gentleman of his 
 privy chamber. He was a close friend of the 
 literary men of England, and presumably in 
 
 1 Supra, p. 320. 
 2b 
 
370 ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 
 
 . touch with prevailing fashions. In 1625 he 
 had been secretly married to Venetia Stanley; 
 and while touring the Mediterranean, about 
 two years after, as he states in his appendix, 
 wrote the story of his wooing in highly colored 
 romantic fashion, just as D'Urfe was supposed 
 to have related his own experiences in the 
 Astree. Venetia, under the name of StelHana, 
 is made a typical romance heroine, preserving 
 her chastity amid the greatest trials ; her suitors 
 being Ursatius, a courtier; Mardontius, an un- 
 known young man; and the ultimately success- 
 ful Theagenes — Sir Kenelm himself. 
 .( The year 1629 marks the appearance of 
 i| French players, including women, upon the Eng- 
 '■ lish stage, apparently with the hope of favor 
 from the young queen. The innovations they 
 brought, however, were apparently too great for 
 the Englishmen of that day. The records in Sir 
 H. Herbert's Office Book ^ mildly suggest this, 
 and a private letter of the time, vouched for by 
 Collier,^ gives emphatic assurance of it. Prob- 
 ably in the same year, one of the earliest of 
 a long line of romantic and pastoral plays was 
 presented before the court at Whitehall.^ This 
 was Thomas Goffe's Careless Shepherdess, which, 
 according to the title-page, was also publicly 
 given at Salisbury Court. The plot is irregular 
 and badly motived, dealing with the much- 
 
 ^ J. P. Collier, History of English Dramatic Poetry, 
 ii. 22 sq. 2 j5^-^^ ii 23. 
 
 ^ Cf . the statement in the prologue of the play. See 
 p. 324. 
 
ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 371 
 
 crossed love of Philaritus, son of a '^gentleman 
 of Arcadia," for a shepherdess. Apollo and the 
 Sibyls are introduced, with the customary 
 oracle. 
 
 As far as our information goes, it was not until 
 after 1632 that these court productions became 
 very common. A prominent representative ap- \ 
 pears in Montague's Shepherd's Paradise, acted • 
 by Henrietta and her ladies, January 8, 1632-3.^ 
 In this the pastoral element is confined to the 
 definite area of the paradise, around which 
 moves a romantic plot with plenty of chivalric 
 coloring. There is the tangle of affections 
 among high-born characters, and at last the 
 revelation of long-concealed relationships, all . 
 told in the elaborately wrought language be- 
 longing to the genre. 
 
 By the following Twelfth Night, Henrietta 
 Maria and her ladies were engaged in presenting 
 the revived Faithful Shepherdess, with its refined 
 Platonic atmosphere. In this same 3^ear, 1634, 
 Davenant paid tribute to the new court vogue 
 of Platonism in his Temple of Love, and Massin- 
 ger's version of The Lover's Progress was pre- 
 sented. This latter drama, whose indebtedness f 
 to French romance is beyond doubt, is a fair! 
 example of the fashionable romantic play of 
 the period. The chaste Calista is approached at 
 midnight by her husband's friend Lisander, but 
 she repulses his love advances in an ideally 
 
 * Cf . the announcement of this in a letter written by 
 John Pory, January 3, 1632-3, quoted in Court and Times 
 of Charles I., London, 1848, ii. 214. 
 
372 ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 
 
 Platonic manner. Liclian and Clarange both 
 love Olinda, who agrees to favor the one who 
 returns to her last. Single combats ensue, 
 attended by grievous misunderstandings. Ca- 
 lista's husband is killed and Lisander falsely 
 accused of the murder. Finally he is cleared, 
 and after some disguising and a contest of 
 courtesy, Olinda's heart is satisfactorily be- 
 stowed. Sir Thomas Hawkins's translation out 
 of French of A Saxon History of the Admirable 
 Adventures of Clodoaldus also appeared in 1634. 
 Hawkins was a translator of some importance, 
 including among his French material Pierre 
 Matthieu's Unhappy Prosperity, translated in 
 1632.^ 
 
 The year 1635 is especially rich in material. 
 Early in the year there appeared in England 
 another company of French players, which, 
 according to the records, received first the 
 approval of the queen and then played at White- 
 hall with much success.^ Afterward, under 
 
 ^ His other translations from the French include: 
 The Holy Court, or the Christian Institution of Men of 
 Quality, by Nicholas Caussin, 1626, 1634, 1638; The 
 Christian Diurnal, by Caussin, 1632; and The Lives and 
 singular vertues of Saint Elzear, Count of Sabrary and 
 his Wife the blessed Countesse Delphine, both Virgins 
 and Married, by Etienne Binet, 1638. 
 
 2 From Sir H. Herbert's Office Book (Fleay, Chronicle 
 History of the London Stage, ed. 1890, chap, vi, D, 
 339), under date of February 17, 1635: "A French 
 company being approved by the Queen at her house 2 
 nights before and commended by her Majesty to the 
 King, acted Melise, a French comedy, at the Cock pitt 
 in Whitehall for which they had £10 with good appro- 
 bation." 
 
ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 373 
 
 royal patronage, they gave performances, re- 
 ceived the most favorable concessions, and en- 
 joyed so prosperous a season that arrangements 
 were finally made to give them a permanent 
 playhouse/ Herbert carefully states in his 
 records that he extended unusual courtesies to 
 this troupe because he wished to render the 
 queen, his mistress, an acceptable service; and 
 King Charles himself appears to have been 
 active in getting these players settled in a play- 
 house of their own. 
 
 In the Office Book three plays of their reper- ! 
 toire are named, — Melise, Le Trompeur Puni, 
 and Alcimedon. The identity of the first is un- 
 certain. It may be Corneille's comedy Melite, 
 which had been acted in 1629,^ or Du Rocher's 
 pastorale comique, La Melize ou les Princes 
 Reconnus, acted in 1633.^ Le Trompeur Puni\ 
 was a play by Georges de Scudery, first acted in jy 
 1631. It was based on material from the Astree. r 
 The third seems to have been a tragedy by Du 
 Ryer, acted in 1634. The effect of the presen- 
 tation of these standard plays in the original 
 tongue, under the patronage of royalty, must 
 have been very considerable throughout Eng- 
 
 ^ Complete quotations from these records also appear 
 in Collier, History of English Dramatic Poetry, il. 66 sq. 
 The special privileges of these players included the per- 
 mission to play on the two Sermon-days of each week, 
 as well as all through Passion Week. 
 
 2 Cf. Parfaict, Dictionnaire des Theatres. 
 
 ^ In Athenceujn ior July 25, 1891, p. 139, Swinburne 
 says, " Melize was a trivial piece, in a prologue to which, 
 entitled Le Rien, some of the facetious sayings of Buiscam- 
 t)ille were introduced." 
 
w 
 
 374 ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 
 
 lish circles. Despite such ridicule as arose 
 through the natural antipathy to foreign man- 
 nerisms/ attention was generally directed to 
 the French stage, as well as to the tendency then 
 operative there to draw material from romances. 
 
 This was also a good year for pastorals at 
 the court. Of three of these we have record: 
 .Joseph Rutter's The Shepherd's Holy-day, Thomas 
 /Randolph's Amyntas, and the French Pastorale 
 ' de Florimene. The first two, while testifying 
 to the vogue, bear no specific mark of French 
 influence. ^'La Pastoral de Florimene," say 
 the records for December 21, 1635,^ ^'fut repre- 
 sentee devant le Roi et la Reine le Prince 
 Charles et le Prince Palatine par les filles fran- 
 ^aises de la Reine et firent tres bien dans 
 la grande salle de Whitehall aux depens de 
 la Reine." Of this pastoral we have the plot 
 only, and are not even informed as to what 
 language the play was in, though the natural 
 supposition is that it was French. There is 
 some reason to believe that the material was 
 drawn from French romance, and the result is 
 only one more series of variations on the stock 
 themes. Men are disguised as women, women 
 as men ; concealed relationships are made known 
 at length ; and mythology is called in to produce 
 the denouement. 
 
 Two other pastorals may conveniently be 
 
 ^ Compare the ridicule of French acting in Glap- 
 thorne's The Ladies' Privilege, infra, p. 381. 
 
 ^ Herbert, Variorum, in. 122; cf. Fleay, Chron. Hist, of 
 London Stage, pp. 3,9; Collier, Hist, of Eng. Dram. Poetry, 
 ii. 68. 
 
ROMANCE, DRAIVIA, AND HEROIC POEM 375 
 
 noted at this point: Cowley's Lovers Riddle^ 
 which was printed in 1G3S, though probably 
 written some years earlier when he was a student 
 at Westminster School; and Ben Jonson's Sad 
 Shepherd, unfinished at his death in 1637. 
 Besides, there came to light or was revived in 
 1635 the pastoral piece Amphrisa or the For- 
 saken Shepherdess, which formed a part of 
 Thomas Heywood's Pleasant Dialogues and 
 Dramas, entered in that year. It is distinctly 
 an earlier sort of English pastoral, and had 
 probably been written before IGOO, — perhaps 
 even printed in 1597.^ The great popularity of 
 the pastoral at the time under consideration 
 may have appeared to favor the publication 
 of anything that at all fitted into the genre. 
 As the period progressed, however, it seems 
 that the pastoral tone gave place to the 
 heroic in romance pieces, just as was the case 
 in France. 
 
 A group of translations demands attention 
 here, several of them being almost directly 
 promoted by the queen. In 1636 appeared a 
 version of Saint-Sorlin's Ariana, bearing this 
 inscription: '^As it was translated out of the 
 French and presented to my Lord Chamber- 
 laine." A second edition of this was published 
 as early as 1641. In 1637 came Richard Hurst's 
 rendering of a romantic piece with which Hen- 
 rietta was already amply familiar, — Gombauld's 
 Endymion, celebrating his ambitious love for 
 
 ^ Cf. W. W. Greg, Pastoral Poetry and Pastoral Drama, 
 p. 374. 
 
 \ 
 
i 
 
 376 ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 
 
 Marie de Medicis.^ A second edition appeared 
 only two years later. The Stationers^ Register 
 for January 29, 1637-8, bears the entry of '^o, 
 Play called The Cid a Tragi-comedy translated 
 out of French by Master Rutter/' On April 6, 
 1638-9, is entered ^^ a play called the Second part 
 of the valiant Cid. Translated out of French 
 by Master Rutter." The first of these was 
 Joseph Rutter's rendering of Corneille's cele- 
 brated drama, and the second had to do with the 
 ^^ second part of the Cid " by L'abbe Desfontaines. 
 Both appeared soon after their entry in the 
 Register. The first edition of the Cid bears the 
 date 1637, on the following title-page: "The 
 Cid, a tragicomedy out of French made English 
 and acted before their Majesties at Court and 
 on the Cockpit Stage in Drury-lane, by the ser- 
 vants of both their Majesties.^' Rutter's trans- 
 lation was made at the desire of his patron, the 
 Earl of Dorset, then Lord Chamberlain to the 
 queen ; and owing to the fact that the play re- 
 ceived publication in France almost contempo- 
 raneously, the theory has been advanced that the 
 Earl of Dorset used his rank and acquaintance 
 to secure advance sheets for Rutter before the 
 play had been published at all.^ The fact that 
 Englishmen took so prompt an interest in the 
 productions of the French stage argues well for 
 the influence of France on the English litera- 
 
 ^A^Mpm. p. 319. 
 
 2 Dorothea F. Canfield, Corneille and Racine in 
 England, pp. 3-5. The privilege of publication was 
 granted January 21, 1637 (n.s.), and the play was not 
 actually printed until March 23, 1637 (n.s.). 
 
ROMANCE, DRAIVIA, AND HEROIC POEM 377 
 
 ture of the time. The Cid appears to have had \ 
 a cordial reception in England, its continued \ 
 popularity being indicated by the demand for • 
 a new edition in 1650, eight years after the 
 closing of the theaters. 
 
 Vital d'Audiguier's Lisander and Calista was 
 brought into prominence again in 1638, through 
 the publication, by '^William Barwick, gent.,'' 
 of a new version of one of the books, under the 
 title of ^^ Love and Valour : celebrated in the ^person 
 of the author, by the name of Adraste; or the 
 divers affections of Minerva; one part of the 
 unfained story of the true Lisander and CalisteJ^ 
 The continued interest in the Greek romances 
 is indicated by a translation, published in 1638, 
 of The Loves of Clitophon and Leucippe by 
 Achilles Tatius,^ and by the entry, under date 
 of January 30, 1637-8, of "a Booke called The 
 famous history of Heliodorus amplified aug- 
 mented and delivered paraphrastically in verse 
 by William Lisle." In 1638, too, entry was'.v 
 made of a translation, though perhaps only a • ' 
 partial one, 9f Cyrano de Bergerac's Histoire 
 Comique des Etats et Empires de la Lune. This 
 book had apparently drawn on an English work 
 in its composition. The Man in the Moon, by • ' 
 Francis Goodwin. Goodwin, under the pseudo- | 
 nym of Domingo Gonzales had written this story ; 
 of a moon-journey toward the close of the six- 
 teenth century, while he was a student at Christ 
 Church. Though not published until 1638, this 
 
 ^ A translation by William Burton had appeared in 
 1597. 
 
378 ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 
 
 acquired some notoriety in manuscript, and so 
 influenced De Bergerac, who acknowledged his 
 obHgation by meeting Domingo Gonzales on the 
 moon and engaging in conversation with him. 
 
 So wide is the prevalence of romance color- 
 ing in the drama of the seventeenth century, 
 and so difficult is the problem of distinguishing 
 the distinctly French influence in this regard, 
 that there is no possibility of a detailed account 
 of dramatic obligations to contemporary heroic 
 romances in France. The situation may indeed 
 be illustrated by a few significant examples. 
 Suckling's tragedy of Brennoralt, produced about 
 1640, certainly contains material from the ro- 
 mances. The relations of Almerin the rebel 
 and the Palatine Iphigenes, though an old story 
 going back to Ovid's ^^ Iphis and lanthe/' formed 
 the central motive of Bishop J. P. Camus's ro- 
 mance Iphigenes, 1625, later translated into 
 English by Major Wright under title of Nature^ s 
 Paradox, 1652. In the play, as in the romance, 
 Sigismund is king of Poland (Polonia), and the 
 Palatine Iphigenes, really a woman, has been 
 brought up from birth as a boy because of her 
 father's antipathy to rearing another girl. 
 Almerin corresponds to Liante in the romance, 
 who in woman's guise there has the name 
 Almeria. What are actual disguisings in the 
 romance for definite purpose, are merely men- 
 tioned as pastimes in the drama, which has 
 generally a much more tragic tone. In the first 
 act, Iphigene, still in male character, says to 
 Almerin in prison : — 
 
ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 379 
 
 "0 Almerin ! would we had never known 
 The ruffle of the world ! but were again 
 By Stolden banks in happy solitude ; 
 When thou and I, shepherd and shepherdess 
 So oft by turns, as often still have wish'd, 
 That we as easily could have chang'd our sex, 
 As clothes. But alas ! all those innocent joys. 
 Like glorious mornings, are retir'd into 
 Dark sullen clouds, before we knew to value 
 What we had." 
 
 When Iphigene on her death-bed, after the truth 
 has been made known, pleads to know if Almerin 
 has loved her, he replies : — 
 
 ''Canst thou doubt that, 
 That hast so often seen me ecstasied 
 When thou wert dress 'd like woman, 
 Unwilling ever to believe thee man ? " 
 
 The combat scene between Almerin and Bren- 
 noralt in the last act is particularly in the 
 romance vein. They converse in poetic lan- 
 guage, and in the midst of their struggle pause 
 to kiss once more the lips of their dead ladies. 
 Thus refreshed, they turn to fight again. 
 
 The Queene of Arragon, a ^Hragi-comedie" by 
 William Habington,^ was printed in 1640. 
 ''Which play," says Wood in Athence Oxonienses,^ 
 "he communicating to Philip Earl of Pembroke, 
 Chamberlain of the household to K. Charles I, 
 he caused it to be acted at court, and afterwards 
 to be publish'd against the author's will." The 
 main plot of this, though not of the usual long- 
 
 ^ Habington's contributions to the literature of Pla- 
 tonism have been discussed, supra, chap. vii. 
 2 Ed. Bliss, iii. 224. 
 
SSO ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 
 
 drawn-out variety, has a thoroughly heroic tone. 
 Decastro, General of Arragon; Florentio, Gen- 
 eral of Castile ; and the king of Castile — who 
 fights disguised as a common soldier — are 
 contending for the love of the queen of Arragon. 
 Armies are there to support the various claims, 
 and the suitors fairly overwhelm the lady with 
 dignified but extravagant praises and contend 
 in polite condescension to each other. The 
 queen insists on a refined type of pure, unselfish 
 love. The author in his prologue disclaims any 
 romance motive, thus testifying to the vogue 
 of the time : — 
 
 "The language too is easy, such as fell 
 Unstudied from his pen : not hke a spell 
 Big with mysterious words, such as enchant 
 The half-witted, and confound the ignorant. 
 Then what must needs afflict the amorist, 
 No virgin here in breeches casts a mist 
 Before her lover's eyes : no ladies tell 
 How their blood boils, how high their veins do swell." 
 
 Glapthorne's The Ladies^ Privilege is another 
 play with romantic motives, printed in the same 
 year, 1640. It bears the inscription, ^^As it was 
 acted with good allowance at the Cock-pit in 
 Drury-lane, and before their Majesties at White- 
 Hall twice. By their Majesties Servants." 
 This play is an absurdly romantic tangle of love 
 and friendship. Of two sisters loved by two 
 friends, one, Chrisea, pretends to love the other's 
 suitor, and enjoins upon her own admirer, Doria, 
 the task of winning for her his friend's affection. 
 After a close approach to a duel, this latter sacri- 
 
ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 381 
 
 fices love to friendship, only involving his friend 
 in single combat on the charge of desertion. 
 Doria is supposed to kill his opponent in this 
 duel and is himself condemned to death unless 
 some virgin agrees to marry him. His page in 
 disguise volunteers, and at that juncture Chrisea 
 appears and explains everything. Throughout 
 the action there is much gallant talk of love and 
 honor. In the second act occurs the fling at 
 French acting, already noted. Adorni, returned 
 from the wars, is asked, ''What think you of 
 the French?'^ Then occurs this brief dialogue 
 with Bonivet. 
 
 " Ador. — Very ayry people, who participate 
 More fire than earth ; yet generally good, 
 And nobly disposition 'd, something incHning 
 To overweening fancy. — This lady 
 Tells my remembrance of a Comick scene 
 I once saw in their Theatre. 
 
 Bon. — • Add it to 
 
 Your former courtesies, and expresse it. 
 
 Ador. — Your entreaty 
 
 Is a command, if this grave Lady please, 
 To act the Lady I must court.'' 
 
 Adorni then ''acts furiously," much to the de- 
 light of the spectators. 
 
 Two more romance translations belong here. 
 One is- entered on the Register for November 13, 
 1639, as "a Booke called The History of Annax- 
 ander and Orazia, an Indian, story, translated out 
 of French into English by William Duncomb." ^ 
 Another translation of this, by W. G. Esq.^ 
 
 * By Boisrobert. Infra, p. 397, note. 
 
382 ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 
 
 was printed in 1657. In 1640 was printed an 
 English rendering of the Romant of Romants, 
 which was Le Sieur Verdier's version of the 
 Amadis. This was another translation prompted 
 from near the English throne, this time by 
 Philip, Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, 
 Lord Chamberlain of the King's Household. 
 In William Cartwright's The Lady-Errant, writ- 
 ten prior to 1643 and printed in 1651, there is a 
 romantic element in the wooing of the Princess 
 Lucasia by the hostile prince Charistus, who is 
 at the same time the devoted friend of Olyndus, 
 suitor of Lucasia 's friend Eumela. A misunder- 
 standing between the men results in a single 
 combat, and when both men are clown, they talk 
 it over and make up again. The first act of the 
 play contains two valuable references, one to the 
 popularity of romances, the other to the pastoral 
 vogue in particular. In the second scene, the 
 courtier Iringus says to the ladies : — 
 
 " You shall make Verses to me ere I Ve done ; 
 Call me your Cselius, your Corinnus, and 
 Make me the Man o' th' Book in some Romance, 
 And after all I will not yield." 
 
 In the fourth scene Eumela says : — 
 
 "Alas! 
 These are the things, that some poor wretched Lover 
 Unpittied by his scornful Shepherdesse 
 Would wish for, after he had look'd up 
 Unto the Heavens, and call'd her Cruell thrice, 
 And vow'd to dye." 
 
 These allusions to the emotional extravagance 
 of the current romances are paralleled in two 
 
ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 383 
 
 poems in Cowley's Mistress, written a number of f 
 years before its publication in 1647. In his 
 poem ''Impossibilities/' he says: — 
 
 " 'Twould grieve me much to find some bold Romance, 
 That should two kind Examples shew, 
 Which before us in Wonders did advance; 
 Not, that I thought that Story true. 
 But none should Fancy more, than I would do." * 
 
 In " The Innocent 111 " occur the lines: — 
 
 "Though savage, and rock-hearted those 
 Appear, that weep not ev'n Romances Woes." ^ 
 
 A distinct departure from the romance tradi- 
 tion, but perhaps also under French influence, 
 was Denham's Sophy, sl Senecan tragedy in )( 
 blank verse, printed in 1642. This type of 
 tragedy was frequently on the boards in France; 
 and, with its Oriental plot, the Sophy looks 
 remarkably like the productions of Corneille.^ 
 
 In the same year there was an original contri- 
 bution to the vogue of romances in England, in 
 the shape of the poetical romance Leoline and 
 Sydanis, by Francis Kinaston. The full title, 
 as given in the Censura Literaria, is: ''Leoline 
 and Sydanis. An heroick Romance of the 
 Adventures of amorous Princes: together with 
 
 1 Cowley, Wks., ed. London, 1710, i. 150. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 171. 
 
 ^ Edmund Gosse, From Shakespeare to Pope, p. 85, 
 notes this resemblance, but does not see how Denham 
 can have known of these French productions. Yet the 
 popularity of the Cid in England dates from 1637 (supra, 
 p. 376), and even then Corneille was probably not a 
 stranger to the English stage (supra, p. 373). 
 
384 ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 
 
 sundry affectionate addresses to his Mistresse 
 under the name of Cynthia. By Sir F. K." ^ 
 Wood says of it ^ : '^ This romance contains much 
 of the fabulous history of Mona, Wales, and Ire- 
 land, and (bating that it is now and then a little 
 obscene) is poetical enough." Kinaston himself 
 was an accomplished gentleman, made Esquire 
 of the body of Charles I. He was the first regent 
 of the college or academy called Museum Miner- 
 vce, founded 1635 ^^pro institutione juvenum 
 nobilium in artibus liberalibus." 
 
 Three plays palpably founded on heroic mate- 
 rial were printed late, but in all probability had 
 a date of composition earlier than 1642. One of 
 these, Davenant's Love and Honour, was printed 
 in 1649. The plot is full of the features of 
 romance; so full, in fact, that nothing but a 
 detailed summary will make them clear. The 
 Duke of Savoy has vowed vengeance on the 
 Duke of Millain's nearest of kin, because Millain 
 is supposed to have put Savoy's brother to 
 death. Millain's daughter Evandra is captured 
 in war by Prospero, a captain who afterward 
 falls in love with her. Alvaro, Prince of Savoy, 
 already her lover, attempts to keep her from his 
 father's wrath. Leonell, Prince of Parma, her 
 home lover, whom Prospero defeated in captur- 
 ing her, joins the other two in a plot to keep 
 her from the Duke. Leonell's sister is in hiding 
 
 » ii. 333. 
 
 2 Athen. Oxon., ed. cit., iii. 38. Wood gives 1646 as 
 the date of publication, while Ellis, Specimens, iii. 265, 
 quotes an edition of 1641. 
 
ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 385 
 
 with Evandra. They learn of the plot, and each 
 independently escapes and presents herself to 
 the Duke, with the purpose of saving the young 
 men. While he is about to refer to an oracle 
 the question as to which is the real Evandra, 
 the young men are involved in various duels 
 upon the discovery of their loss. Finally both 
 girls are ordered executed, and on the day ap- 
 pointed Millain and Savoy's long-lost brothers 
 turn up as ambassadors. Leonell then makes 
 known that he is the real heir to the throne; 
 his sister, that Prince Alvaro had previously 
 promised love to her. Evandra takes Leonell, 
 and all apparently are happy. 
 
 Leonard Willan's Astrcea, or True Lovers \ 
 Mirror w^as printed in 1651. It is essentially \ 
 a masque, and practically worthless from a 
 dramatic point of view; but is valuable for j 
 this study, as it is merely an attempt to weave 
 into a connected drama certain episodes from 
 the Astree. So much condensation is necessary, 
 and the episodes are combined with so little skill, 
 that they appear positively absurd in their new 
 setting, and one must be familiar with the ro- 
 mance to understand anything of the play. 
 Six pairs of lovers, echoes of the romance, are 
 involved in the complicated plot. Even the 
 conventional love-letters are brought in from 
 the romance, and the lengthy conversations are 
 filled with quibbles on the mysteries of love. 
 Prefixed to the play is an elaborate description 
 of stage-setting after the manner of the masque ; 
 and the final stage-direction is: ^'Whereat the 
 2c 
 
 / 
 
386 ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 
 
 Theater is opened, and both Companies uniting 
 themselves, spend the rest of the Night in their 
 accustomed Dances." The author dedicates his 
 play to Mary, Duchess of Richmond and Lennox, 
 and explains at great length how she may find 
 her own portrait in the character Astrsea. 
 
 Richard Brome's The Love-Sick Court , or the 
 Ambitious Politique, printed 1658, is built on 
 romantic material, with the motive of political 
 ambition. The king, urged by his people to 
 select a successor, must choose between the 
 soldier-statesman Stratocles and the more youth- 
 ful Philargus and Philocles, both supposed sons 
 of a dead general. He decides to take that one 
 of the two youths whom his daughter Eudina 
 chooses to marry. All three contestants are her 
 suitors, the two brothers being also very de- 
 voted to each other. Eudina cannot decide 
 between the youths, and they strive to outdo 
 each other in self-sacrifice. Stratocles by forged 
 letters forces them to fight, but they discover 
 the plot and he is arrested. Poison given 
 Philargus by the servant of Philocles proves only 
 a sleeping potion. While Philargus is thought 
 dead, an old nurse reveals that Philocles is really 
 the king's son, and the supposed dead man 
 comes back to life to marry Eudina. So is ful- 
 filled the usual mysterious oracle. The pair of 
 friendly lovers echoes Lidian and Clarangeus, 
 the lovers of Dorinda in Lysander and Calista — 
 already used in Fletcher and Massinger's Lover's 
 Progress,^ 
 
 » Supra, p. 368. 
 
ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 387 
 
 With the closing of the theaters in 1642, the 
 process that has been chiefly under consideration 
 came to an end. There was no longer any open 
 market for pastoral or heroic material gathered 
 from romance sources and thrown into dramatic 
 form; and dramatic production ceased just at 
 the threshold of what might have been an earlier 
 development of the heroic play. Troubled 
 times were at hand for all the following of the 
 court, with its French tastes and French ten- 
 dencies. The day for a concerted loyalty to any 
 particular vogue was done, but French influence 
 along similar lines continued of course through- 
 out the whole period of the Commonwealth. 
 France and the royalist party were drawn closer 
 together than ever, and most of the literary men 
 of that party eventually found their way to the 
 •continent, there to be confirmed in the very 
 tendencies they had previously recognized at 
 home. 
 
 The spirit and material of the French romances , 
 had obtained such hold upon certain classes of j 
 the English people that they now began seek- ' 
 ing eagerly for new channels of expression into 
 which their inspiration could be turned. The 
 result was a new type of heroic poem, even ante- 
 dating similar productions among the French, 
 and the anomalous stage performances of Dave- 
 nant, which quickly developed characteristics 
 paralleling those of the French dramas of 
 Scudery and Quinault. When the court party 
 returned to England, it had only the fresh im- 
 pulse drawn from immediate contact with the 
 
388 ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 
 
 "heroic" literature of France, and everything 
 was ready for the heroic play of the Restora- 
 tion. 
 
 Davenant's Gondihert, representing this new 
 type of heroic poem, demands first considera- 
 tion; for it was begun as early as 1646, and 
 given up, unfinished, in 1650. Most of the work 
 upon it was done in France, and France appears 
 to have been responsible for most that it had of 
 novelty. It was in many respects an ordinary 
 romantic epic of love and warfare, with a Chris- 
 tian coloring. There was the atmosphere of 
 court and camp, the complicated plot with char- 
 acters of noble birth and stupendous valor, the 
 medley of open battle and splendid single com- 
 bats ; and through it all ran the motives of love 
 and ambition, giving the heroic tone to the 
 product. This heroic tone may be a natural 
 development from the romantic epics with which 
 the author was acquainted. But it was pro- 
 duced in the environment and under the strong 
 impulse of French romance material. Under 
 the same influence French poets were themselves 
 shortly to develop similar products. 
 
 An innovation on which Davenant particularly 
 prided himself adds to the probability of this 
 French influence. At a time when the most 
 familiar literary process in England and France 
 was the embodiment of romance material in 
 dramatic form, this poet, writing in France, 
 framed his heroic narrative on the scheme of the 
 drama, — " proportioning five books to five acts 
 and cantos to scenes, the scenes having their 
 
ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 389 
 
 number ever governed by occasion." ^ Perhaps 
 inspired by Davenant, more probably modeled 
 on the French attempts, there appeared, just 
 before the Restoration, another English heroic 
 poem, of distinctly romantic tone, — Chamber- 
 layne's Pharonnida. 
 
 The English interest in romances for them- 
 selves was by no means cut off by the closing of 
 the theaters. The rest of the period will be 
 found full of translations of these, with the 
 attendant certainty that more English people 
 than ever were reading them in the original. 
 Like the Platonizing tendency, the fondness for 
 romances probably spread farther and farther 
 from court circles, and cropped out sporadically 
 wherever in England there were educated people 
 not entirely dominated by the extreme of Puri- 
 tan discipline. Englishmen abroad kept Eng- 
 lishmen at home informed of the latest develop- 
 ments in the romance genre, and obliged them 
 with copies of each new publication. Thus even 
 beyond the court party, and throughout Eng- 
 land generally, this ^'heroic" tone, whatever 
 its literary setting, acquired a devoted follow- 
 ing. That Charles himself remained interested 
 in French romances until the end is indicated 
 
 ^ Of. Davenant's preface to Hobbes, Chalmers, Eng- 
 lish Poets, vi. 355. Professor Spingarn suggests the 
 specific source of this plan of Davenant, Baro's preface 
 to the Fourth Part of the Astree, 1627 (published after 
 D'Urfe's death) . Baro says of D'Urfe that just as dramas 
 are divided into acts and scenes, " il vouloit de mesme 
 faire cinq volumes composez de douze livres, a fin que 
 chasque volume fust pris pour un acte & chasque livre 
 pour une scene." 
 
390 ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 
 
 by the record that on the eve of his death he 
 presented to the Earl of Lindsey a copy of 
 La Calprenede's Cassandra} 
 \ A fresh tendency to translate the French 
 \, romances began about 1647, and continued for 
 ' some years with great regularity. In 1647 
 j Gomberville's Polexandre was published, in a 
 1 translation made for Philip, Earl of Pembroke 
 and Montgomery, by ^^Wm. Browne, Gent." 
 This is often taken to be the work of William 
 Browne the poet, though there is no evidence on 
 the matter. The poet died before 1645, but 
 the work may of course have been delayed in 
 publication. Major Wright came to the front 
 about 1650 as a translator of the work of Bishop 
 Camus, translating — according to the title- 
 page — ''as his Recreation during his Imprison- 
 ment." The Loving Enemie was published in 
 1650, and two years later appeared Nature's 
 Paradox: or, The Innocent Imposter. A Pleas- 
 ant Polonian History: Originally Intituled Iphi- 
 genes. The material used in this romance had 
 already supplied the plot of Suckling's tragedy 
 of Brennoralt? 
 
 The year 1652 was prolific in these translations. 
 A second edition appeared of AV. D.'s translation 
 of Vital d'Audiguier's Lisander and Calista. 
 Sir Charles Cotterel began the publication of a 
 part of his rendering of La Calprenede's Cas- 
 sandra, Indeed there were apparently two 
 
 ^ Cf . Jusserand, The English Novel in the Time of 
 Shakespeare, p. 382. 
 2 Supra, p. 378. 
 
ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 391 
 
 separate translations from this romance pub- 
 lished in this same year. In a dedication to 
 Charles II., dated from The Hague, June 5, 1653, 
 Cotterel refers to the publication, while his 
 work was in press, of a great part of this romance 
 translated by another hand, and states that 
 ^'many took upon them to affirm that the other 
 was not likely to proceed any farther." This 
 other may perhaps be a version by George Digby, 
 Earl of Bristol, who is credited by Wood ^ with 
 the translation of three books of Cassandra, 
 though no date is given for the work. The 
 Scudery romance, Ibrahim, ou Vllustre Bassa, 
 appeared also in 1652, in the English trans- 
 lation by Henry Cogan. Francis Kirkman 
 published his rendering from the French of 
 The Lives and Adventures of Clerio and Logia, 
 and in the same year produced a translation of 
 the Sixth Part of the Amadis. Kirkman be- 
 came after the Restoration a flourishing pub- 
 lisher and bookseller, his specialty being plays 
 and romances. 
 
 A delightful collection of evidence bearing 
 on the fondness of contemporary English for 
 romances in the French, as well as on current 
 translations from these romances, is found in 
 the Letters of Dorothy Osborne to Sir William 
 Temple, written at intervals from 1652 to 1654. 
 Perhaps she had an unusual fondness for such 
 romances, as she herself implies in her confes- 
 sions of the effect first produced on her by the 
 Spanish story of Almanzor, and the loving recol- 
 
 ^ Athen. Oxon., ed. cit., iii. 1104. 
 
Ai 
 
 392 ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 
 
 lections she still has for it.^ Both La Cal- 
 prenede's Cleopdtre and Mile, de Scudery's 
 Artamene ou le Grand Cyrus come to her eyes 
 in the original during the period of these letters, 
 and she is enthusiastic in her praises and eager 
 to pass such enjoyable things along. 
 
 Dorothy's opinion of translations is plain- 
 spoken enough. ^'I have no patience neither/' 
 she writes, ^'for these translations of romances. 
 I met with Polexander and L'lllustre Bassa 
 both so disguised that I, who am their old ac- 
 quaintance, hardly know them: besides that, 
 they were still so much French in words and 
 phrases that 't was impossible for one that 
 understands not French to make anything of 
 them. If poor Prazimene be in the same dress, 
 I would not see her for the world. She has 
 suffered enough besides.'' ^ She goes on to say 
 that she has read only four volumes of the 
 Prazimene — in the original, of course — and 
 liked those extremely well. English transla- 
 tions of Polexandre and Ulllustre Bassa have 
 already been noted ^ ; no translation of that 
 time for the French Amours de Milistrate et 
 Prazimene has come to light, the earliest bearing 
 the date 1750. That there was such translation 
 is indicated by her next sentences, where she 
 attempts to involve the Lord of Monmouth in 
 the responsibility. ^^Is it not my good Lord 
 of Monmouth, or some such honorable personage 
 that presents her^ to the English ladies ? I have 
 
 1 Ed. Parry, London, 1888, p. 73. 
 
 2 Ed. cit., p. 160. 3 Swpra, pp. 390 and 391. 
 * I.e. Prazimene. 
 
ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 393 
 
 heard many people wonder how he spends his 
 estate. I believe he undoes himself with print- 
 ing his translations. Nobody else will undergo 
 the charge." ^ Henry Carey, Earl of Monmouth, 
 had indeed withdrawTi from active life in 1642, 
 and busied himself with the translating of vari- 
 ous works, chiefly Italian. No translation of 
 Prazimene or any other French romance is else- 
 where attributed to him. 
 
 A^ long as it was possible to render romance 
 material into the popular dramatic forms, Eng- 
 lishmen apparently had little desire to occupy 
 their time in writing romances in their own 
 tongue. Now that the dramatic channel was 
 closed, however, the original English romance 
 eventually came into cultivation. In 1653 there 
 appeared the first part of : ^^ Cloria and Narcissus. 
 — A Delightfull and New Romance, Imhellished 
 with divers Politicall Notions, and Singular 
 Remarks of Moderne Transactions. Written by 
 an Honourable Person.' ' This evidently made a 
 favorable impression, for it was followed by a 
 second part in 1654, and by a third part in 1655. 
 In the 1653 edition, the author issues the follow- 
 ing address to the reader : — • 
 
 "It was my chance being beyond-sea, to have the 
 perusing of some of this story, which according to 
 my sense and understanding then, appeared not onely 
 dehghtfull in the reading, but seemed to my capac- 
 ity to containe in many places mysteries, belonging 
 to the transactions of forraine parts either at present 
 or not very long before put in execution: this gave 
 
 1 Ed. cit., p. 160. 
 
394 ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 
 
 my appetite, I must confesse, some such a posture as 
 they might prove commodious to friends, as beneficial 
 to myself e ; being also unwilling, the labour and paines 
 should be altogether lost of this nature, since for 
 many years past, not any one Romance, hath been 
 written in the English tongue; when as daily from 
 other Nations, so many of all sorts fly into the World 
 to be seen/' 
 
 As a further proof of the success of this ro- 
 mance came another enlargement, in 1661, with 
 a title-page that reads: ^'The Princess Gloria: 
 or the Royal Romance. In five parts, im- 
 bellished with divers political notions, and singu- 
 lar remarks of modern transactions. Contain- 
 ing the story of the most part of Europe for 
 many years past. Written by a person of 
 honour." 
 
 Parthenissa was published in 1654. This was 
 the pretentious work of Roger Boyle, Lord 
 Broghill, the future Earl of Orrery, — literary 
 light, friend of poets ^ and member of the later 
 circle of ^'The Matchless Orinda." ' The force 
 of the contemporary tendency to portraiture is 
 revealed even in the Dedication to Lady Nor- 
 thumberland, in which the author declares that 
 he would have been glad, had he had the skill, 
 to make his Parthenissa represent her. In the 
 case of this romance, there is fortunately a bit 
 of contemporary criticism, however slight. It 
 
 ^ Cf . e.g. Suckling, " Upon my Lord Brohall's Wed- 
 ding," Chalmers, English Poets, vi. 497; "A Ballad upon 
 a Wedding," ibid., vi. 498; cf. also Cowley, "Upon 
 Occasion of a Copy of Verses of my Lord Broghill's," 
 ibid., vii. 88. ^ Supra, chap. vii. 
 
ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 395 
 
 is again from the Letters of Dorothy Osborne.^ 
 '"Tis handsome language/' she says; ^'you 
 would know it to be writ by a person of good 
 quality though you were not told it ; but on the 
 whole I am not very much taken with it. All the 
 stories have too near a resemblance with those 
 of other romances, there is nothing new or 
 suprenant in them; the ladies are all so kind 
 they make no sport, and I meet only with one 
 that took me by doing a handsome thing of the 
 kind. . . ." 
 
 To say that dramatic composition in the 
 English tongue was dead at this time would 
 hardly be correct, in view of the fact that there 
 was printed and sold openly in London in 1654 
 a masque that had just done duty for the exiled 
 court in France. This piece, which was prob- 
 ably a translation or adaptation from the French, 
 was by James Howell, and bore on the title- 
 page: ^'The Nuptials of Peleus and Thetis, 
 consisting of a Mask and a Comedy, or the Great 
 Royal Ball, acted lately in Paris six times, by 
 the King in Person, the Duke of Anjou, the 
 Duke of Yorke, with divers other noble men. 
 Also by the Princess Royall Henrietta Marie, 
 the Princess of Conty, etc." 
 
 Of far greater significance is the attempt of 
 Davenant, two years later, to gratify the English 
 desire for dramatic productions. Mindful that 
 various of the men in power were lovers of music, 
 and among them Cromwell himself, Davenant 
 asked and received permission to present before 
 
 » Ed. cit., p. 230. 
 
396 ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 
 
 the public an entertainment of declamation and 
 music, after the manner of the ancients. Dry- 
 den, in his Essay on Heroic Plays, points out the 
 significance of this proceeding : — 
 
 "For Heroick Plays, — the first light we had of 
 them on the Enghsh Theatre was from the late Sir 
 William D'Avenant. It being forbidden him in the 
 rebellious times to act tragedies and comedies, because 
 they contained some matter of scandal to those good 
 people, who could more easily dispossess their lawful 
 sovereign, than endure "a wanton jest, he was forced 
 to turn his thoughts another way and to introduce 
 the examples of moral virtue, writ in verse and per- 
 formed in recitative musick. The original of this 
 musick, and of the scenes which adorned his work, 
 he had from the Italian operas; but he heightened 
 his characters (as I may probably imagine) from the 
 example of Corneille and some French poets." ^ 
 
 The Siege of Rhodes, one of Davenant's first 
 productions, fits most accurately into this 
 transition place that Dryden describes. It had 
 a typical heroic plot with the usual elements 
 of love and valor. The lines were in verse, and, 
 in the first version, were delivered as recitative 
 music. There was a considerable amount of 
 scenery; and the part of lanthe was played by 
 a woman, Mrs. Coleman. Dryden's opinion on 
 the source of Davenant's inspiration seems 
 
 * Dryden, Prose Works, ed. Malone, London, 1800, i. 
 pt. 2, 211-212. On p. 213 Dryden adds this possible 
 testimony to Davenant's influence on the English heroic 
 play: "For the very next reflection which I made, was 
 this, — that an heroick play ought to be an imitation 
 in little of an heroick poem ; and consequently that love 
 and valoiu- ought to be the subject of it." 
 
ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 397 
 
 scarcely strong enough.^ This performance was 
 opera, and the origin of the form was in Italy. 
 But opera in France w^as at this time being 
 cultivated by the same people who w^ere con- 
 cerned with dramas of the heroic type and with 
 romances in general; and Davenant's long 
 sojourn on French soil must have familiarized 
 him with such performances there and impressed 
 him with the relations of these several literary 
 forms. He probably heightened his characters 
 to correspond to the romantic heroism then so 
 prominent in French literature; but more than 
 that, he may well have obtained his immediate 
 impulse from the French. 
 
 Translation of French romances was going on 
 vigorously during this period,^ attention falling 
 particularly on the w^ork of Mile, de Scudery ^ 
 and La Calprenede.^ A version of Artamene, 
 
 ^ Cf . the discussion by L. Charlanne, L' Influence 
 Frangaise en Angleterre au XVIP siecle. 
 
 ^ A second translation of Boisrobert's Indian 
 History of Anaxander and Orazia appeared in 1657, this 
 one by W. G., Gent. 
 
 ^ Several English translations may be noted from 
 other works of Georges de Scudery, in whose name the 
 romances regularly appeared : 1655, Manzini his most 
 exquisite and academicall discourses .... turned into 
 French by M. de Scudery and Englished ; 1654, Curia Po- 
 litice or the Apologies of severall Princes; 1654, A Trium- 
 phant Arch, erected and consecrated to the Glory of the Femi- 
 nine Sex. It will be remembered that Scudery's drama 
 Le Trompeur Puni was in the repertoire of the French 
 company that appeared in England in 1635 (supra, 
 p. 373). 
 
 ^ Valuable testimony regarding the popularity of the 
 French romances in England is afforded by the lists of 
 such books on sale, as inserted by English pubhshers 
 
398 ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 
 
 ou le grand Cyrus, by the former, was appearing 
 in London from 1653 to 1655, the translation 
 being credited to F. G., Gent. La Calprenede's 
 Cleopdtre, under the title, Hymen^s Prceludia, 
 or Love's Masterpiece, was apparently too large 
 an undertaking for any one translator. The 
 twelve parts are the work of four different men, 
 and appeared as follows : — 
 
 By Robert Loveday ; first and second parts, 1654 
 
 third part 1655 
 
 By John Coles; fourth and fifth parts . . 1656 
 
 sixth part 1657 
 
 seventh part 1658 
 
 By J. Webb; eighth part 1658 
 
 By John Davies; ninth to twelfth parts . 1659 
 
 Of these translators, Loveday was employed 
 during the Commonwealth as an upper servant 
 to Lady Clinton, and found time to master 
 French and Italian and practice his literary 
 bent. The first part of Cleopdtre, he says in 
 1654, '^had long since looked upon the light, if 
 I had not the sin to answer for of trusting a 
 bookseller." Loveday fell in easily with the 
 then prevalent vogue of letter-writing, and 
 issued a collection of his letters in 1659, under 
 the title Loveday' s Persuasive Secretary. In 
 this collection appears one letter of especial 
 value, whether it be regarded as indicative of 
 the author's own inclinations or of the tendency 
 of the times. It is addressed to Mr. H., per- 
 haps his friend James Howell. 
 
 in the back of certain pubhcations, notably the transla- 
 tions of Artamene and of Cassandra. 
 
ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 399 
 
 "My next," he says, "is the prosecution of a former 
 desire that you would inquire of M.^ or any other 
 Bookseller that is likely to inform you, if there be any 
 new French book of an indifferent volume that is 
 worth the translating, and not enterprised by any 
 other; if there be, let me desire you would send it 
 down, with Cotgrave's Dictionary of the last edition; 
 . . . You may well think me unable for such an 
 undertaking, but my worst successe will bestow a 
 trebble benefit, because I shall make it serve to be- 
 guile melancholy, check idleness, and better my 
 knowledge in the Language; for the Book I am 
 indifferent whether it be Romance, Essay, Treatise, 
 History or Divinity, so it be worth the rendering in 
 our Language. '^ ^ 
 
 Translating from the French, according to 
 this, had become a commonplace thing which 
 any one might undertake, either to improve a 
 beginner's knowledge of the language, or to 
 stock the shelves of the booksellers. The public 
 was by this time demanding anything that was 
 French, and the romances were retrograding to 
 a par with minor literary forms. An excellent 
 example of the bookseller's translator is found 
 in John Davies, who rendered the last four 
 parts of Cleopdtre into English. He had been a 
 student at both universities, and traveled con- 
 siderably in France. Returning to England in 
 1652, he settled down to steady work with his 
 pen. He is credited in the Dictionary of National 
 Biography with thirty-four works of translation, 
 most of them either from or through the French. 
 
 ^ Probably Humphrey Moseley, a prominent pub* 
 lisher of romances. 
 
 2 Loveday, Persuasive Secretary, ed. 1659, p. 46, 
 
400 ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 
 
 Besides the four books of Cleopdtre, one of 
 which he dedicated to Mrs. Katherine Philips, 
 he extended his romance work to include Mile, 
 de Scudery's Clelie, in 1659, and issued a trans- 
 lation, as early as 1654, of Sorel's satirical ro- 
 mance, Le herger extravagant} 
 
 The burlesque or realistic work of Sorel was 
 indeed late in getting into English form. The 
 work of Davies seems to mark its first ap- 
 pearance; and it is probable that this was 
 preceded by a dramatic version drawn from the 
 romance indirectly. This was The Extravagant 
 Sheepherd — A Pastorall Comedie, Written in 
 French hy T. Corneille, and Englished in 1653 
 by T. R. This work by Thomas Corneille was 
 a dramatized version of Sorel's romance. Sorel's 
 Francion was published in England in 1655, 
 with this title: "The Comical History of Fran- 
 cion, wherein the variety of vices that abuse 
 the age are satyrically limn'd in their native 
 colours. ... By M. de Moulines, sieur du 
 Pare, a Lorain gentleman. Done into English 
 by a Person of honour." 
 
 As the time of the Restoration approached, 
 interest in the regular drama was increasing 
 again among Englishmen at home and abroad, 
 and the dramatic form of composition was em- 
 ployed wherever restrictions could be escaped. 
 French influence began once more to operate 
 
 ^ He also published a group of novels translated from 
 Scarron; three in 1657, four others in 1662, and the 
 whole collected in 1667. The Unexpected Choice, after 
 Scarron, followed in 1670. 
 
ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 401 
 
 through this channel, but this time it came in 
 the shape of direct recourse to the French 
 drama, instead of the working over of French 
 romance into EngHsh plays. Davenant's inno-" -7 
 vation of 1656 promptly began to react toward 
 regular forms; his initial productions, even, 
 going that way in time.^ A drama of his acted 
 soon after the Restoration, but generally sup- 
 posed to have been written in the Common- 
 wealth period, deserves notice in this connection. 
 It is The Play-house to he Let, a group of inde- 
 pendent acts thrown together with a pretense 
 of plan, to occupy the time of a regular per- 
 formance. The first act throws some valuable \ 
 light on the newly imported fashion of the \ 
 travesty or burlesque,^ and the second is a 
 (literal translation, though in amusing broken j 
 J English, of Moliere's Sganarelle, ou le Cocu 
 Imaginaire. The third and fourth acts repro- 
 duce two of the '^recitative" pieces. The His- 
 tory of Sir Francis Drake, and The Cruelty of the 
 Spaniards in Peru. In 1656 may be noted also 
 Walter Montague's translation from the French 
 of The Accomplished Woman. 
 
 The important translator of dramas at the , •., 
 close of this period was Sir William Lower, - ' 
 practically all of whose work was done abroad. 
 He left England in 1655 and occupied some 
 post in the household of the Prince of Orange, 
 at The Hague, where he busied himself with 
 
 ^ The Siege of Rhodes was reproduced in 1662, with a 
 second part that was regular drama. 
 2 Infra, p. 424 sq. 
 
 2d 
 
402 ROMANCE, DRAMA, AND HEROIC POEM 
 
 translations. From his pen came English ver- 
 sions of Corneille's Polyeucte, in 1655; of 
 -^ his Horatius, in 1656; of Scarron's Three 
 Dorothies and Don Japhet of Armenia, in 1657; 
 of Quinault's Amorous Phantasm, in 1659, 
 closely followed by The Noble Ingratitude and 
 The Enchanted Lovers, by the same author. 
 Even before these last plays were printed, the 
 Restoration had come, and a new flood of 
 French influence poured into England to em- 
 phasize and carry on the tendencies that had 
 been already so prominently manifest there. 
 
/ 
 
 1^ 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 Minor Literary Forms 
 
 Social conditions in France in the first half 
 of the seventeenth century have been discussed 
 at some length in the preceding chapters. The 
 most important literary forms attendant upon 
 these conditions have been noted, particular 
 stress being placed upon those largest in scope 
 and content, — the romance, the drama, and 
 the heroic poem. Certain other forms, how- 
 ever, just as distinctly a product of that society, 
 and just as certainly transported into England 
 with the cult of that society, require attention 
 at this point, to round out the story of French 
 influence in English literature prior to the 
 Restoration. Like the drama and romance, 
 these also are transition forms, in that their pop- 
 ularity among Englishmen continued for some 
 time after the return of the Stuart Court from 
 its French exile. The particular types to be 
 discussed are vers de societe or occasional poetry, | , 
 attended by a somewhat reactionary fondness { ^ 
 for a mocking, bacchic, even pornographic verse j 
 product ; formal burlesque, whether in the ' 
 shape of travesty or mock-heroic; and letter- 
 writing. In addition, reference must be made 
 
 403 
 
404 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 to the modernizing theory of translation and 
 the new attitude toward the ancients. 
 
 For the first of these forms, much of the 
 story has akeady been told. In the Hotel de 
 Rambouillet and the later coteries modeled upon 
 it, wits were constantly being taxed in the 
 composition of impromptu verses; as a chance 
 occurrence, an attractive bit of finery, a. turn 
 of conversation, or mere impulse prompted. 
 Madrigals, more formal sonnets, epigrams, 
 rondeaux, breathing refined gallantry and amo- 
 rous compliment, and having a delicate struc- 
 tural finish, were almost as common as the 
 vogue of conversation from which they took 
 their inspiration. The Italian fondness for 
 "pointes^^ was still the essential feature of these 
 compositions, but — partly through the in- 
 fluence of Malherbe — clearness and simplicity 
 of form were supplanting the earlier complica- 
 tions of thought and expression, whether in the 
 studied completeness of Malherbe's disciple 
 Maynard, or in the ephemeral impromptus of 
 Voiture. Above all, these verses at their best 
 were distinctly of and for the moment, losing 
 their significance when removed from their first 
 surroundings, and yielding up their charm 
 when included in collections. This fact made 
 detailed imitation a lifeless undertaking, and 
 now renders hopeless a study of influences 
 except in the mass. 
 
 Practically as soon as there were Platonics -^ 
 there were anti-Platonics; likewise, as early as 
 the verses of polite and formal compliment — 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 405 
 
 perhaps earlier — there have been poets who 
 saw and sang things as they were, with no great 
 regard for the proprieties. There were plenty 
 of men writing such verses in France when 
 Madame de Rambouillet began gathering her 
 friends about her at the beginning of the cen- 
 tury; and the refined poetic flattery that grew 
 up anew with this circle only gave these verse- 
 makers a new point of attack, and dignified 
 them by the privilege of contrast. Soon there 
 appeared compromise figures, men whose genius 
 or station brought them well to the threshold 
 of polite circles, even of the Hdtel de Rainhouillet 
 itself, but whose tastes and innate virility found 
 expression in more realistic form. Thus ap- 
 peared Theophile de Viau, blamed — and not 
 without cause — for the publication of the de- 
 cidedly indecent Parnasse satyrique, in 1622,^ 
 the second edition of which, the year follow- 
 ing, definitely bore his name. Saint-Amant, the 
 ^'Calpurnius " of the Hotel de Rambouillet, and a 
 member of the Academy, apparently found his 
 real joy amid a group of boon companions, 
 where, with cup in hand, he might improvise 
 lusty verses scofhng at fidelity in love and 
 
 * M. Alleaume, in the notice prefixed to the CEuvres 
 of Theophile, Bibl. Elzev. ed., pp. xxxii and xxxiii, 
 gives a list of pornographic verse collections in France 
 about this time : 1609, Le Nouveau Parnasse (inoffen- 
 sive); 1609, Les Muses gaillardes; 1618, Le Cabinet 
 satyrique; 1620, Les Delices ; 1620, La Quintessence 
 satyrique; 1622, Parnasse satyrique; 1623, ibid., 2nd 
 ed. He notes that the Parnasse satyrique, attributed 
 to Theophile, was really a working over of the two pre- 
 ceding collections in the list, with some additions. 
 
406 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 toasting the bacchic joys of revelry and gor- 
 mandizing.^ In the most select circles all was 
 not pure unfleshly devotion or the celebration 
 of it. Scandal was not uncommon or uncalled- 
 for during this period, side by side with the 
 utmost delicacy of conception and expression. 
 In Voiture, ^' V enfant terrible " of the Hdtel de 
 Rambouillet, this combination of things is well 
 displayed. His butterfly existence, with its 
 careless flitting from amour to amour, did not 
 deprive him of the warm regard of his com- 
 panions, in whose minds his caprices were con- 
 stantly being condoned, because of his spark- 
 ling cleverness, infinite tact, cordial gallantry, 
 and genuine sympathy. 
 
 That the poets of England, under the in- 
 fluences emanating from the court of Henrietta 
 Maria, but removed from the immediate im- 
 pulse of active social coteries, did their best to 
 imitate these various types of verse, is amply 
 borne out by divers sorts of evidence. As in 
 other literary forms, this movement was in 
 great part a rejuvenation. The vogue of the 
 sonnet and of Platonizing verse in general had 
 not entirely vanished; the complex concep- 
 tions of metaphysical poetry were kept alive 
 by recurring inspirations from the Italian ; and 
 gross and scoffing verses, with a lineage cen- 
 turies old and an endless series of fresh im- 
 pulses, were being zealously cultivated. Into 
 the midst of these conditions, and reacting 
 
 ^ Cf. the letter cited by Livet, in the Introduction of 
 Saint-Amant's (Euvres, Bibl. Elzev. ed., p. xiii. 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 407 
 
 somewhat against the life that prevailed under 
 James, came the gayety and gallant worldliness 
 encouraged by the court of Charles, and already 
 seen to have produced new lines of literary 
 activity in England. Soon there arose a group 
 of men recognized as court lyrists, and bending 
 all their energies to gratify the tastes newdy 
 imported from abroad. In the work of this 
 group were manifest all the types of occasional 
 verse then familiarly known to French society, 
 from artificial compliment to bitter mockery, 
 from laboriously polished pointe to careless 
 trifle. As has been seen,^ Platonic love pro- 
 vided a convenient subject for many of these 
 compositions. The occasional element is 
 everywhere obvious. Of course it does not 
 necessarily follow that every English poet who 
 celebrated a rose in Celia's bosom had in mind a 
 particular rose, or for that matter a particular 
 bosom; but a series of titles drawn from the 
 work of any one of half a dozen poets would 
 show at once that, either in reality or by pre- 
 text, these English lyric artists were resting 
 their reputation on the uncertain foundation 
 of occasional verse. 
 
 Thomas Carew, whom the more careless 
 Suckling had satirized in The Session of the 
 Poets, because of the labored polish of his 
 verses,^ displays poems on: ''My Mistress, Sit- 
 
 * Supra, chap. vii. 
 
 2 " Tom Carew was next, but he had a fault 
 That would not well stand with a laureate; 
 His Muse was hard bound, and th' issue of 's brain 
 Was seldom brought forth but with trouble and pain." 
 
 \-^ 
 
408 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 ting by a River's Side/' 'Telia Bleeding — To 
 the surgeon," '^A Fly that flew into my Mis- 
 tress's Eye," ''The sight of a gentlewoman's 
 face in the water," "A Damask Rose Sticking 
 upon a Lady's Breast," "The Tooth-ach Cured 
 by a Kiss." The lyrics of Waller, who seems 
 by the serious preparation and concise smooth- 
 ness of his verses to transport the ideals of 
 Malherbe into England, are fairly steeped in the 
 minutise of gallantry. He writes verses to 
 Lady Carlisle and his Sacharissa, celebrates 
 "the Lady who can sleep when she pleases," a 
 girdle, a fall, "a Fair Lady playing with a 
 Snake," and "a Tree cut in Paper" ; and offers 
 at least one little poem with a French title, 
 " A la Malade.^' His epigrams show many sub- 
 jects of the same kind. One of these is noted 
 as "translated out of the Spanish," another as 
 "out of the French." It was Waller, as we 
 may remember, who, in his verses to Sacharissa, 
 professed to look to the poet's immortality for 
 consolation, even though his lady should not 
 respond.^ Yet it was Waller who gave for 
 England the most definite statement of the 
 occasional poet's ideal. In his poem on "Eng- 
 lish Verse," he says: — 
 
 "This was the generous poet's scope; 
 And all an English pen can hope, 
 To make the fair approve his flame, 
 That can so far extend their fame. 
 
 Verse, thus designed, has no ill fate 
 If it arrive but at the date 
 
 ^ Supra, p. 347. 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 409 
 
 Of fading beauty, if it prove 
 
 But as long-lived as present love." * 
 
 John Suckling, clever, careless, and bold, 
 seems to have emulated Voiture, with a decided 
 leaning toward the work of Saint-Amant and 
 Theophile. His seriously gallant verses, though 
 frequent, are outnumbered by his mocking ones, 
 with their strong anti-Platonic tone. In seri- 
 ous vein he writes '^Upon the Black Spots worn 
 by my Lady D. E.," '^ Upon the First Sight of 
 my Lady Seimour," " Upon L. M. weeping,'' '^ To 
 my Lady E. C. — At her going out of England." 
 Boldly suggestive are his "' Dream " and his verse 
 dialogue ^' Upon my Lady Carhle's Walking in 
 Hampton Court Garden " ; and there is a group 
 of ^^ anti-Platonics'^ of a milder sort. His 
 works include the translation of a little French 
 poem of five stanzas, and the more than ques- 
 tionable '^ Proffered Love Rejected," which ap- 
 pears in another form among the poems of 
 Cotton, and is there called an '^ Epigramme de 
 Monsieur Des-portes."^ The fashion of im- 
 promptu verse-making, even among tavern 
 revelers like Saint-Amant's boon companions, 
 receives considerable confirmation from a scene 
 in Suckling's Tragedy of Brennoralt, acted before 
 1642. It is the second scene of the second act, 
 where Grainevert, Stratheman, Villanor, and 
 Marinel, '^cavaliers and officers" of the king of 
 Poland, are represented as drinking together, 
 
 ^ Chalmers, English Poets, viii. 69. 
 2 Ibid., vi. 504, 722. 
 
410 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 and composing verse toasts as they carouse. 
 One toast is addressed to a mistress; another 
 is "a camp-health, an a-la-mode one/' and 
 praises a rose in ornate verse beginning — 
 
 "Bright star of the lower orb, twinkling inviter. 
 
 }} 
 
 A third toast has for its subject a box on the 
 ear, given by a lady. 
 
 Alexander Brome has a few seriously gallant 
 verses, but goes even farther than Suckling in 
 his mockery, his favorite topic being the praise 
 \ of drink. Two songs are avowedly ^Hranslated 
 out of French," and the opening stanza of one 
 of these will suffice to indicate the spirit and 
 manner he is fond of. 
 
 "Now I'm resolv'd to love no more, 
 But sleep by Night, and drink by day : 
 Your coyness, Cloris, pray give o'er, 
 V And turn your tempting eyes away. 
 
 From Ladies I'll withdraw my heart 
 And fix it only on the Quart." ^ 
 
 There still remain a few names representing 
 more or less definitely this French influence. 
 The translations of Thomas Stanley were often 
 based on French originals. William Cart- 
 wright was the author of many occasional 
 verses; William Habington's Castara poetry, 
 old-fashioned and serious in its Platonizing, 
 may have drawn numerous impulses from the 
 vogue, despite his severe treatment of contem- 
 porary French verse, in his preface; Cowley's x/ 
 
 1 Works, 2d ed., London, 1664, p. 41. 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 411 
 
 love poems, whatever the model for their form, 
 were probably written to conform to fashion; 
 and Cotton, whose work continued well into 
 the Restoration period, frequently acknowl- 
 edges indebtedness to a French original. Even 
 the verse collection, of a miscellaneous and 
 questionable character, had its successors in 
 England. James Smith and John Mennes, 
 scholars and authors of the second rate, pub- \/ 
 lished in 1640 their Wits Recreations, a mass of ■ 
 epigrams, epitaphs, and fantastic poems, of all 
 sorts and from all sources. This they followed 
 in 1655 with the Musarum Delicice, and in 1658 
 with Wit Restored, in several select Poems. The 
 title of the second of these publications is sig- 
 nificant.^ The second and third give less atten- 
 tion to epigrams and epitaphs, and contain 
 many longer poems. There are numerous occa- 
 sional pieces in these collections, a few of them 
 being gallant ; but a large place is made for the 
 coarse and indecent. As both the compilers 
 were well-read men who had traveled con- 
 siderably, there is much reason to believe that 
 they had in mind the French collections of 
 pornographic verse already mentioned. 
 
 There is little further in the way of detailed 
 evidence for this vogue of vers de societe and its 
 attendant forms. It is scarcely a matter to be 
 established by detail. There was probably 
 little actual copying of individual pieces, be- 
 cause the French product, when published at 
 all, usually came to light late, sometimes after 
 
 * Cf. supra, p. 405, note. 
 
412 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 the death of the author. A few bits of transla- 
 tion have been noted ; one or two more may be. 
 An early specimen is culled by Mr. A. H. Bullen * 
 from John Attye's First Book of Airs, published 
 in 1622. This is the song, ^'On a time the 
 amoureuse Silvy/' translated from the French 
 musician, Pierre Guedron. Saint-Amant's fa- 
 mous sonnet, 
 
 " Assis sur un fagot, une pipe a la main/' 
 
 is said to have been the model for a sonnet 
 on Tobacco by Sir Robert Aytoun, although 
 this sonnet did not appear among his works 
 published in 1771.^ In the work of Sir Ed- 
 ward Sherburne appears ^^The metamorphoses of 
 Lyrian and Sylvia," which he translated from 
 Saint-Amant.^ Cotton's works abound in trans- 
 lations from the French, but most of these 
 represent the period after the Restoration. 
 
 It should be noted again that several of the 
 typical French poets of this period actually 
 visited English soil, although they seem to 
 have formed so few acquaintances and to have 
 carried away such wretched impressions that 
 there is little significance in their presence. 
 Theophile de Viau spent some time in England 
 when exiled from home because of his daring 
 satires. Boisrobert accompanied Monsieur and 
 Madame de Chevreuse when they attended the 
 
 * Bullen, Lyrics from Elizabethan Song Books, London, 
 1897, p. 161. 
 
 2 Cf. James Thomson, Biographical and Critical Studies, 
 London, 1896. ^ Chalmers, English Poets, vi. 613. 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 413 
 
 marriage ceremonies of Henrietta Maria. Saint- 
 Amant was in England twice: first in 1631, at 
 which time he wrote a poem celebrating the 
 excellence of Charles and his queen; and again 
 in 1644, when the Comte d'Harcourt went to 
 propose the mediation of France in English 
 affairs. Out of this second visit came the 
 Albion, caprice heroi-comique, expressing the 
 author's dissatisfaction with country and people. 
 Voiture too is said to have made a visit to Eng- 
 land. Yet, after all, the rational explanation 
 of the great English vogue of verse-making at 
 this period lies not in the imitation of individual 
 pieces or individual authors, but in the impulse 
 afforded by the new social conditions and their 
 various activities. 
 
 It is not within the scope of this study to 
 trace minutely the growth of the burlesque 
 genre until it became a distinct literary form, 
 with its two varieties, the travesty and the 
 mock-heroic. The word '' burlesque," as well 
 as the beginnings of the literary form, were 
 brought into France from Italy. ^ At first the 
 term was used in the vaguest possible way for 
 that which was broadly humorous or mocking.^ 
 It was technically specialized only after the 
 
 ^ The word was introduced from Italy by Sarasin, 
 according to Pellisson, Hist, de VAcademie Frangaise, 
 ed. 1672, p. 108. 
 
 2 Cf. E. Littre, Dictionnaire de la Langue Frangaise: 
 citations from D'Aubigne, Vie, p. 42; and La Satire 
 Alenippee, ed. 1677, p. 334; also Menage, Menagiana, 
 ed. 1729, pp. 291-292 and p. 384; and J, L, Quez de 
 Balzac's 29th critical dissertation. 
 
414 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 genre had settled into regular and recognized 
 lines. In Boileau's Art Poetique, begun in 1669 
 and published in 1674, the burlesque in the 
 narrower sense has its formal critical recep- 
 tion : — ■ 
 
 '^Au mepris du bon sens, le burlesque effronte 
 Trompa les yeux d'abord, plut par sa nouveaute: 
 On ne vit plus en vers que pointes triviales : 
 Le Parnasse parla le langage des halles ; 
 La licence a rimer alors n'eut plus de frein ; 
 Apollon travesti devint un Tabarin. 
 Cette contagion infecta les provinces, 
 Du clerc et du bourgeois passa jusques aux princes : 
 Le plus mauvais plaisant eut ses approbateurs ; 
 Et, jusqu'a d'Assouci, tout trouva des lecteurs." ^ 
 
 In the same volume with this rather sweeping 
 criticism appeared Boileau's own mock-heroic 
 poem, Le Lutrin, with the following distinction 
 I pointed out in the preface : — 
 
 "C'est un burlesque nouveau dont je me suis avise 
 en notre langue : car, au lieu que dans Tautre burlesque 
 Didon et Enee parlaient comme des harangeres et des 
 crocheteurs, dans celui-ci une horlogere et un horloger 
 parlent comme Didon et Enee/' ^ 
 
 n The burlesque and the mock-heroic, as they 
 developed, were rather intimately connected 
 with the mondaine spirit pervading France 
 in the seventeenth century. They were poetic 
 types erected out of the prevalent mass of 
 y' coarse humor and mocking satire, by Saint- 
 r Amant, Sorel, Scarron, and finally Boileau. 
 
 1 Chant i, 11. 81 sq. 
 
 2 (Euvres, ed. Amar, Paris, 1851, p. 222. 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 415 
 
 They were largely reactionary in their tone, a 
 cleverly wrought appeal to the worldly wise and 
 keenly critical men or women of esprit, who 
 were by nature hostile to extravagance and 
 what appeared to them bad taste; the same 
 people, in fact, who obtained pleasure from 
 anti-Platonic verses and other lyrics of the in- 
 dependent, mocking sort. Again, and almost 
 by paradox, these productions were in line with 
 the growing self-satisfaction among courtiers 
 and scholars of the period; the spirit that 
 dominated the later romances and made over 
 the greatest characters of history to conform 
 to existing notions of love and honor, the 
 spirit that proclaimed liberty for the translator 
 and prompted him to modernize his classics, the 
 spirit that even ventured to attack the world- 
 old supremacy of the ancients and locate them 
 in the mere childhooc} of human knowledge. 
 
 The significant work of the burlesque move- , 
 ment in France, a resultant and likewise a point \ 
 of departure, was Scarron's Vergile travesti, in 
 1648. Whatever may have been the literary 
 inspiration of this work, it was thoroughly in 
 keeping with the spirit of the free-spoken, 
 convivial gatherings, fashionable and talented, 
 that assembled daily about this brilliant in- 
 valid at his hotel de Vimpecuniosite. It is true 
 that Scarron did not take Virgil seriously; 
 but he still respected him/ and managed 
 
 ^ Cf. Scarron's letter to a father of the Church, quoted 
 by Jusserand, Introd. to Scarron 's Comical Romance, 
 p. vii. 
 
416 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 the grotesque elements of his own mocking style 
 with a restraint that never contemplated the 
 excesses of his imitators. The name of these 
 imitators was legion. Almost immediately they 
 went to work; and Virgil, Homer, Ovid, all the 
 classic poets available, fell victims again and 
 again to their misplaced energy.^ The rapid, 
 careless eight-syllable couplet, with its frequent 
 strained and feminine rhymes, had been used 
 in Scarron's travesty and was promptly accepted 
 as the regular burlesque metre, so that poems 
 came to pose as burlesques and seek popularity 
 from that caption, when they had not a thing 
 in common with the Vergile except verse form.^ 
 Such of the imitations as were really travesties 
 were generally characterized by a decided 
 lowering of tone and a corresponding increase 
 in scurrility. Scarron himself did nothing more 
 in the genre, his Roman comique, in 1651, be- 
 longing to the type of realistic romance rather 
 than burlesque. 
 
 In England, as in France, there had been, 
 through a long period of time, indefinite ap- 
 proaches to the burlesque manner; and as early 
 as 1640, these seem to have embodied many of 
 the characteristics of the genre developed later. 
 
 ^ A list of these travesties is given by Hanns Heiss, 
 'Studien tiber die burlesque Modedichtung Frankreichs 
 im XVII. Jahrhundert," in Romanische Forschungen, 
 1905. 
 
 ^ Cf. the statements of Pellisson, Histoire de I'Acad. 
 Fran^., ed. 1672, p. 108, where he mentions the publica- 
 tion in 1649 of La Passion de nostre Seigneur, en vers 
 Burlesques. These statements are quoted in Rymer's 
 Short View of Tragedy, 1693. 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 417 
 
 In the Musarum Delicice, compiled by John 
 Mennes and James Smith and published in 
 1655, there is a series of letters in burlesque 
 tone, with titles as follows : — 
 
 To Parson Weeks. An Invitation to London. 
 To a friend upon a journey to Epsam Well. 
 To a friend upon his Marriage. 
 In answer to certaine Letters. 
 The Answer. 
 
 The last of these bears the date January 10, 
 1640. In Wit Restored, compiled by the same 
 editors and published in 1658, there is another 
 group of letters of the same sort, this time 
 represented as written by Smith to Mennes, 
 when the latter was in command of a troop of 
 horse in the North against the Scots. A num- 
 ber of these letters bear dates, such as : Decem- 
 ber, 1640; December 24; December, 1640; 
 January, 1640-1. These letters all assume 
 the regular burlesque point of view, abound in 
 all sorts of coarse colloquialisms, and have 
 extravagantly strained rhymes, frequently 
 feminine. Indeed, they are all written in eight- 
 syllable rhymed couplets, so that the chief 
 thing lacking is the element of travesty. As 
 elsewhere noted,^ Smith and Mennes were men 
 of rather wide experience, so that the place 
 where they found the notion of this verse with 
 its various characteristics would be hard to 
 determine. Of course the spirit of the letters 
 had in it little of novelty, and there is a pos- 
 
 ^ Supra, p. 411. 
 
 2£ 
 
418 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 sibility that, without spcific suggestion, the eight- 
 syllable couplet may have presented itself to 
 them as a natural and convenient vehicle for 
 such material. This same couplet was employed 
 freely in the coarse satires of John Cleveland, 
 later a close friend of Samuel Butler. 
 
 A statement in Anthony a Wood's Athence 
 Oxonienses next demands attention. In his 
 discussion of John Denham he says : — 
 
 "In 1652 or thereabouts, he returned into England, 
 and being in some streights, ... he was kindly 
 entertain 'd by the earl of Pembroke at Wilton ; where, 
 and sometimes at London, he continued with that 
 count more than a year : In which time he did trans- 
 late one of Vergil's ^Eneids and burlesqu'd it, but 
 whether he ever published it, I know not." ^ 
 
 If this statement is correct, Denham occupies 
 an early place in the history of the burlesque 
 in England. His published work in transla- 
 tion, however, can in no way be regarded as 
 burlesque, and he expresses himself so strongly 
 regarding the burlesque fashion in France and 
 Italy, that there is a strong probability that 
 Wood's statement is not to be relied upon. 
 Denham's translation. The Destruction of Troy; 
 an Essay upon the second book of VirgiVs jEneis, 
 published in 1656 but written a number of 
 years earlier, was in fact worked out according 
 to his theory of modernizing the ancient classics,^ 
 a theory which he explains in the preface to this 
 work. In this preface he expresses himself 
 briefly regarding burlesque. Discussing his own 
 
 ^ Ed. BKss, ill. 824. ^ j^fra, p. 431 sq. 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 419 
 
 modernizing of Virgil, he says: ''and if this 
 Disguise I have put upon him (I wish I could 
 give it a better name) fit not naturally and 
 easily on so grave a Person, yet it may become 
 him better than that Fools-Coat, wherein the 
 French and Italian have of late presented him; 
 at least, I hope, it will not make him appear 
 deformed, by making any part enormously 
 bigger or less than life. . . ." ^ Thus it appears 
 how Wood may have confused Denham's ''mod- 
 ernizing" with the vogue of real burlesque, 
 which seems to have remained a vague thing 
 in the minds of many men. 
 
 In the collection, Wit Restored, in several 
 select Poems, already mentioned as appearing in 
 1658, James Smith published also his burlesque 
 piece, "The Innovation of Penelope and Ulysses, 
 a mock Poem." There seems to be no way of 
 fixing the date of writing this poem. It repro- 
 duces the characteristics already noted in 
 Smith's letters to Mennes, and adds the im- 
 portant element of literary travesty there want- 
 ing. This is definitely based on a classic 
 author, the writer explicitly stating his purpose, 
 
 "To sing this new Song, sung of old by Ovid." 
 
 It is the novelty of the undertaking for Eng- 
 land that seems to have particularly impressed 
 Smith and his friends. He gets a reference to 
 this into the title itself, " The Innovation of 
 Penelope and Ulysses " ; and various of the com- 
 mendatory verses prefixed to the poem in Wit 
 
 1 Poems and Translations, ed. London, 1709, p. 23 sq. 
 
420 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 Restored take pains to call attention to the 
 same point. 
 
 Unquestionably, despite the fact that he con- 
 fused the two types of burlesque generally dis- 
 tinguished, the great English exponent of the 
 form was Samuel Butler, the author of Hudi- 
 hras. At a comparatively early date he took 
 this type of poetry, then so popular across the 
 Channel, gave it an English subject of vital 
 importance, and exercised his own power and 
 originality of thought upon it, until a great 
 English poem was the result. The first part 
 was published in 1662 with the title : Hudihras, 
 The First Part. Written in the time of the late 
 Wars. The second part appeared the year 
 following, and the third as late as 1678. If the 
 explanatory line quoted above is accepted as 
 correct, the work falls largely within the scope 
 of this study, as representing an influence, prob- 
 ably French, operating before the full flood of 
 the Restoration. Since there is some question, 
 however, concerning the time when the poem 
 was begun, ^ it may be well to gather up what 
 little further information there is on this point. 
 
 The conventional statement on the matter is 
 that about 1650 Butler was in the employ of 
 Sir Samuel Luke in Bedfordshire, and there 
 drafted at least the first part of his poem, 
 modeling his hero upon the personality of his 
 employer, and drawing various details from Sir 
 Samuel's guests. Neither Audrey nor Anthony 
 
 ^ Cf. the opinion of A. Ramsey, in his edition of 
 Hudihras, London, 1846, p. 16. 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 421 
 
 a Wood, however, makes any mention of Sir^ 
 Samuel in his account of Butler, the information 
 noted being first suggested in an anonymous 
 life of this author prefixed to the edition of his 
 works in 1710. The biographer makes no 
 statement concerning Sir Samuel Luke, as 
 Butler's model, but merely states that when 
 in his employ Butler ^'is said to have composed 
 this loyal poem." Five years later there were 
 published two volumes of Butler's Posthumous i 
 Works, — practically none of them genuine, — 
 and in the second volume appeared a ^4<:ey to 
 Hudibras," said to have been obtained bv ^'the 
 learned Dr. Midgeley" from Butler's contem- 
 porary, Sir Roger L'Estrange. In this key, 
 amid a mass of detail positively absurd, Sir 
 Samuel Luke is named as the original of Butler's 
 doughty hero. These are the only known 
 sources for the statements above. 
 
 Since Butler's connection with Luke is rather 
 definitely attached to the question of the time 
 of the poem, attention may be called to a bit of 
 possible evidence that is often quoted. In the 
 first canto of the poem, Butler has Hudibras 
 say of himself : — 
 
 " 'Tis sung there is a valient Mameluke, 
 In foreign land yclep'd . . . 
 To whom we have been oft compar'd 
 For person, parts, address and beard; 
 Both equally reputed stout, 
 And in the same cause both have fought : 
 He oft in such attempts as these 
 Came off with glory and success. " * 
 
 ^ Canto i. 11. 903 sg. 
 
422 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 This certainly looks like an attempt by But- 
 ler to point out the original of his hero; and 
 the easy way in which the rather rare ten- 
 syllable couplet may be filled out by ''Sir 
 Sammy (or Sam'l) Luke "helps considerably to 
 make the general theory plausible. Of course 
 the best evidence of early composition should 
 be Butler's own statement in his title; but one 
 or two other points may be mentioned. Thus, 
 there occur in the first part of the poem numer- 
 ous descriptions of sects, conditions, and the 
 like, which were familiar during the Common- 
 wealth, and these Butler consistently phrases 
 in the present tense. ^ A reference to the French 
 in the third canto of the first part scarcely 
 seems to suggest the devoted post-Restoration 
 tone people sometimes profess to find in Hudi- 
 hras. 
 
 (I 
 
 And as the French we conquer 'd once 
 • Now give us laws for pantaloons, 
 
 The length of breeches and the gathers, 
 Port-cannons, periwigs, and feathers; 
 Just so the proud insulting lass 
 Array 'd and dighted Hudibras.'' ^ 
 
 Even after the Restoration, however, Butler 
 was not so wedded to courtly ways as to con- 
 done French imitation, as appears from his 
 poem on '' Our ridiculous imitation of the 
 French." ^ 
 
 ^ E.g. 11. 192 sq., descriptive of the religious sect of 
 Hudibras ; 11. 387-390, concerning Hudibras's dagger ; 
 11. 479 sq., of Ralph's religion. 2 jj 923 sq. 
 
 ^ Cf. Butler, Genuine Poetical Remains, ed. Thyer, 
 London, 1827, p. 98 sq. 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 423 
 
 As stated, the poem Hudihras is, from the / 
 critic's point of view, a strange confusion of ■ 
 types/ In spirit it is mock-heroic. Characters 
 presented to us as low, bigoted, and generally 
 unattractive, are portrayed, together with their 
 experiences, in an apparently exalted strain. 
 Their speeches, especially, rise to this manner. 
 Yet the verse is rapid and careless eight-syllable 
 couplet, with all kinds of extravagances in its 
 rhymes, and the lines display hosts of colloquial 
 and vulgar expressions, often as coarse as in 
 the extreme of burlesque. There is powxr and 
 vigor throughout, but the poem shows little 
 depth of feeling or delicacy of touch. It is 
 hardly to be treated as resulting from society 
 impulse; yet it represents a vogue that came 
 from France to England in the wake of the 
 culture migration. That the knowledge of this 
 form as an approved French fashion was then 
 pervading England may be inferred from the 
 next citation. 
 
 Very soon after the Restoration, Davenant's \ 
 The Play-house to he Let, was placed upon the ' 
 stage. ^ It consisted of four independent short ] 
 pieces, serving as the last four ''acts," with a ' 
 first act representing them to be the various 
 attempts of those who elected to occupy the 
 otherwise empty theater during vacation. Of 
 these pieces two are known to have been written 
 
 * Cf. Addison, in Spectator, no. 249. 
 
 ^ Halliwell, Dictionary of Old English Plays, mentions 
 it as "first acted in 1663." Cf. the discussion of the date 
 in Davenant's Works, ed. London, 1873, iv. 3. 
 
424 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 and offered among Davenant's musical plays 
 during Cromwell's time. Another is a version 
 in broken English of Moliere's Sganarelle, and 
 the last is a dramatic burlesque in eleven- 
 syllable couplets, with feminine rhymes through- 
 out, the subject being the amours of Antony 
 and Cleopatra. The date of writing this par- 
 ticular part is unknown, but it may also have 
 been composed before the Restoration. The 
 first act, no doubt written not long before the 
 time of presentation, provides some interesting 
 statements concerning burlesque. The poet 
 presenting the burlesque is in conversation with 
 those who have the house to rent : — 
 
 "Poet. — Wit will not do your work alone. 
 You must have something of a newer stamp to make 
 
 your 
 Coin current. Your old images of 
 Love and honour are esteem 'd but by some 
 Antiquaries now. You should set up with that 
 Which is more new. What think you 
 Of romances travestie? 
 
 Player. — Explain yourself ! 
 
 Poet. — The garments of our fathers you must 
 wear 
 The wrong side outward, and in time it may 
 Become a fashion. . . . 
 
 You shall present the actions of the heroes, 
 Which are the chiefest themes of tragedy, 
 In verse burlesque. 
 
 Player, — Burlesque and travestie ? These are 
 hard words, 
 And may be French, but not law-French. 
 Take heed, sir, what you say ; you may be questioned 
 
 for't. 
 We would do nothing sir but what is legal." 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 425 
 
 There follows a conversation regarding the 
 value of plays formally translated from the 
 French, and all agree that the speeches in them 
 are too long. Then: — 
 
 "Poet. — If I agree with you in finding your 
 Disease, it is some sign that I may know 
 Your remedy; which is the travestie, 
 I mean burlesque, or more t' explain myself, 
 Would say, the mock-heroique must be it 
 Which draws the pleasant hither i' th' vacation, 
 Men of no malice who will pay for laughter. 
 Your busy termers come to theatres. 
 As to their lawyer's chambers, not for mirth, 
 But, prudently, to hear ad^dce. 
 
 Player. — You'd take our house for poetry-bur- 
 lesque ? 
 
 Poet. — I would, and introduce such folly as shall 
 Make you wise; that is, shall make you rich." 
 
 It may be seen that by this time the popularity 
 of the various burlesque types was such as to 
 be appreciated by theater-goers. Of course the 
 influence of the Restoration was present in this. 
 Davenant's poet confuses the terms burlesque, 
 travesty, and mock-heroic, as the French prob- 
 ably still did at this time. That he speaks of 
 bmdesquing only romances and stage-pieces is 
 of little consequence at this point; stage pro- 
 duction is all he has in mind. 
 
 About this same time, it would seem, Dave- 
 nant wrote his descriptive poem in the burlesque 
 manner, " The Long Vacation in London." The 
 idea of a travesty being absent, the poem sug- 
 gests the general manner Df the letters of 
 Mennes and Smith, written twenty years 
 
 \ 
 
426 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 earlier. Of course there is a possibility that 
 Davenant's poem too belongs to the period 
 before the closing of the theaters. That Dave- 
 nant had high regard for the work of Scarron 
 "^i is shown by his comedy, The Man^s the Master, 
 \ acted in 1668, which is drawn from two comedies 
 of Scarron, Uheritier ridicule and Jodelet, ou 
 he maitre valet. ^ 
 
 From this time in England the burlesque 
 seems to have passed through a popularity and 
 corresponding decadence such as it had seen 
 in France. In 1664 Charles Cotton published 
 what purported to be a translation of the first 
 book of the Vergile travesti into English. In 
 the process of localizing, however, he lowered 
 the tone sadly, and may well have set a pattern 
 for his successors in the type. The piece was 
 reprinted in 1670, with the addition of the 
 fourth book. There is among Cotton's works a 
 burlesque letter, ''Upon the Great Frost," ad- 
 dressed to John Bradshaw, Esq. It is undated 
 and shows considerable general resemblance 
 to the Smith-Mennes correspondence.- Among 
 other works may be noted : — 
 
 James Scudamore, — Homer a-la-mode. A mock 
 Poem upon the first and second Books of Homer's Iliads. 
 Oxon., 1664. 
 
 John Phillips, — Maronides, or Virgil travestie, 
 being a new paraphrase upon the fifth hook of Virgil, 
 London, 1672. 
 
 Naso Scarronnomimus, — Ovidius exulans; or Ovid 
 
 ^ Cf . C. T. M. Schmerbach, Das Verhdltniss von Dave- 
 nants The Man's the master zu Scarrons Jodelet^ ou le 
 maitre valet. Halle, 1899. 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 427 
 
 travestie, a mock poem on five epistles of Ovid. London, 
 1673. 
 
 Cotton, — Burlesque upon Burlesque, or the Scoffer 
 Scoft, being some of Lucian's Dialogues, newly put into 
 English Fustian. London, 1675. 
 
 In this year the lowest ebb was reached, in the 
 scurrilous Mock Tempest of Thomas Duffet; 
 so that in 1683 Dryclen, localizing Soame's 
 translation of Boileau's Art Poetique, was able, 
 correctly enough, to apply to England all that / 
 Boileau had said against burlesque in France, 
 and to find English illustrations as substitutes 
 for the French ones. 
 
 In connection with this discussion of the 
 burlesque, some further attention should be 
 given to the conception closely related to it in 
 spirit, — the modernizing theory of translation 
 and the gradually developing contempt for the 
 ancients. At the root of the whole matter 
 seems to lie an unquestioned satisfaction with 
 the standards of the moment. Where the time- 
 honored classics fail to conform, they should be 
 made over; or if too extravagant, held up for 
 jest. If history fails to recount the amours 
 and heart-struggles of her heroes, they must 
 have had them anyway, and the romancer is 
 j ustified in supplying such e:k:per iences . Ancients 
 who must so constantly be made over to fit the 
 proprieties, can hardly have deserved the 
 praises less enlightened centuries have lavished 
 upon them. Obviously this was not the opin- 
 ion of all of France. Indeed, the list of those 
 who emphatically thought otherwise includes 
 
428 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 the names of Corneille, Racine, Boileau, Bos- 
 suet, practically all the group of great men 
 whose genius gave renown to the century. But 
 this must not blind us to the fact that public 
 taste, directed largely by individuals of inferior 
 ability — the romancers, the makers of bur- 
 lesques, the innovators generally — was in a 
 vigorous rebellion against antiquity.^ Barclay's 
 Euphormio, 1603, and the Fragments of Theo- 
 phile de Viau, in 1620, expressed opposition to 
 ) the worship of the ancients. In 1635 Bois- 
 robert, under the influence of Tassoni's Pensieri 
 j Diver si, published in 1612, embodied in his 
 \ formal address before the New French Academy 
 \ an attack upon the ancients on the ground 
 I that they lacked taste and delicacy.^ Perrot 
 ' d'Ablancourt, a rather zealous translator from 
 the classics, soon became convinced of the 
 need of modernizing these products to prevent 
 them from offending contemporary taste. 
 
 Even before 1660 these notions had a large 
 following in France. Besides the numerous 
 devotees of the Scudery romances, who must 
 have accepted the general principle, more 
 decided groups of disciples were found about 
 such men as Desmarets de Saint-Sorlin, with his 
 lately acquired religious bent,^ and the Abbe 
 d'Aubignac in his rival academy.^ ^The latter, 
 
 ^ Cf . H. 'RigSiVilt, Histoire de la quereUe des anciens et 
 des modernes, Paris, 1856, p. 49 sq. ^ Ibid., p. 70 sq. 
 
 ^ Cf. his Delices de l' esprit, 1658, and his epic Clovis 
 in 1657. 
 
 * D'Aubignac in his Discours au Roy, asking the 
 privilege of estabUshing his academy (1656) mentions 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 429 
 
 in a letter to D'Ablancourt, written December 
 27, 1661, has to say of translations : '^11 ne faut 
 jamais laisser un grand autheur avec cle pet its 
 defauts: quand il en a, il en faut soutenir les 
 foiblesses, relever les chutes, epurer les baga- 
 telles, nettoyer les t aches et aller tou jours au 
 plus parfait; il faut faire ce qu'il a voulu faire, 
 quand il ne Fa pas connu." ^ 
 
 With the other manifestations of this modern 
 and mondaine spirit, the new theory of trans- 
 lation found its way into England, although its 
 early adherents acknowledge no indebtedness 
 to France for it. It appears in mild form in 
 the 1650 edition of Howell's Epistolce Ho- '" 
 Eliance, in a letter dated from the Fleet Prison, 
 March 25, 1646. This letter, addressed to Sir 
 Paul Neale, concerns a translation from the 
 Italian just completed by Howell. After dis- 
 cussing the unsatisfactory and lifeless nature 
 of translation as compared to the original, he 
 says : — 
 
 "I have heard of an excess among Limners, call'd 
 too much to the Life, which happens when one aims 
 at Similitude more than Skill : So in version of Lan- 
 guages, one may be so over-punctual in words, that he 
 may mar the matter. The greatest fidelity that can 
 be expected in a Translator, is to keep still a-foot 
 
 those "qui sent attaches opinio, trement aux maximes 
 que les anciens ont laissees dans leurs ecrits, et ne veulent 
 rien chercher au dela." His idea of the ancients is 
 given at some length in his Conjectures academiques sur 
 Vlliade, which was not printed until 1715. Cf. Livet, 
 Precieux et Precieuses, pp. 203-204. 
 ^ Quoted in Livet, op. cit., p. 191. 
 
430 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 and entire the true genuine sense of the Author, 
 with the main design he drives at." ^ 
 
 Davenant's Gondihert, begun in 1646 in 
 France, and given to the public in 1651, was 
 represented by its author as a distinct reaction 
 against the authority of the ancients; and the 
 preface, addressed to Thomas Hobbes in 1650, 
 is full of suggestions of this independence. 
 Near the end of the reply by Hobbes, also 
 written in 1650, there are these significant 
 sentences : — 
 
 "Having thus made way for the admission of my 
 testimony, I give it briefly thus ; I never yet saw poem, 
 that had so much shape of art, health of morality, 
 and vigour and beauty of expression as this of yours. 
 And but for the clamour of the multitude, that hide 
 their envy of the present, under a reverence of an- 
 tiquity, I should say further, that it would last as 
 long as either the iEneid, or Iliad, but for one dis- 
 advantage; . . . The languages of the Greeks and 
 Romans (by their colonies and conquests) have put 
 off flesh and blood, and are become immutable, which 
 none of the modern tongues are like to be. I honour 
 antiquity, but that which is commonly called old time, 
 is young time. The glory of antiquity is due, not to 
 the dead, but to the aged." ^ 
 
 Both Davenant's preface and this reply were 
 written in Paris. 
 
 It was probably more than ten years before 
 the appearance of Gondihert that Denham had 
 made his modernizing translation of the second 
 book of the JEneid, but it was 1656 before he 
 
 ^ Familiar Letters, ed. Jacobs, London, 1892, ii, 544. 
 2 Chalmers, English Poets, vi, 372. 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 431 
 
 put this into print, with the preface in which 
 he explained his principles. This translation 
 and preface have been already noted as per- 
 haps confusing Anthony a Wood on the matter 
 of burlesque.^ Some of Denham's statements 
 follow : — 
 
 " I conceive it is a vulgar error in Translating Poets, 
 to affect being Fidus Interpres; let that care be with 
 them who deal in matters of Fact, or matters of Faith : 
 but whosoever aims at it in Poetry, as he attempts 
 what is not required, so he shall never perform what 
 he attempts ; for it is not his business alone to translate 
 Language into Language, but Poesie into Poesie; and 
 Poesie is of so subtile a Spirit, that in the pouring out 
 of one Language into another, it will all evaporate ; 
 and if a new Spirit be not added in Transfusion, there 
 will remain nothing but a Caput Mortuum, there 
 being certain Graces and Happinesses peculiar to 
 every Language, which gives life and energy to the 
 words; . . . And as Speech is the apparel of our 
 Thoughts, so are there certain Garbs and Modes of 
 speaking, which vary with the Times ; the fashion of 
 our Clothes being not more subject to alteration than 
 that of our Speech ; . . . and therefore if Virgil must 
 needs speak English, it were fit he should speak not 
 only as a Man of this Nation, but as Man of this 
 Age; and if this Disguise I have put upon him (I 
 wish I could give it a better name) fit not naturally 
 and easily on so Grave a Person, yet it may become 
 him better than that Fools-Coat, wherein the French 
 and Italians have of late presented him.'' ^ 
 
 Although Denham was not an English courtier 
 poet in the strict sense, it will be recalled that 
 
 ^ Supra, p. 418 sq. 
 
 2 Denham, Poems and Translations, ed. London, 1709, 
 p. 23. 
 
432 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 Y his tragedy Sophy, in 1642^ gives evidence of 
 Corneille's influence.^ Some critics have sug- 
 gested that Cooper^ s Hill has many things in 
 V common with Maynard's Alcippe,^ and it may 
 be added that Denham's verse, hke that of 
 Waller, shows the French reaction toward con- 
 ciseness and lucidity. 
 
 In the same year with Denham's preface, 
 appeared Cowley's, to his Pindaric Odes, then 
 first published. In this he says : — 
 
 ''We must consider in Pindar the great Difference 
 of Time betwixt his Age and ours, which changes as 
 in Pictures, at least the Colours of Poetry; the no less 
 Difference betwixt the Religions and Customs of our 
 Countries, and a thousand Particularities of Places, 
 Persons, and Manners, which do but confusedly appear 
 to our Eyes at so great a Distance. And lastly (which 
 were enough alone for my purpose) we must consider 
 that our Ears are Strangers to the Musick of his Num- 
 bers. . . . And when we have considered all this, 
 we must needs confess, that after all these Losses 
 sustained by Pindar, all we can add to him by our 
 Wit or Invention (not deserting still his Subject) 
 is not like to make him a Richer Man than he was in 
 his own Country. This is in some measure to be 
 apply'd to all translations; and the not observing of 
 it, is the Cause that all which ever I yet saw are so 
 much inferior to their Originals. The like happens 
 too in Pictures from the same Root of exact Imitation ; 
 which being a vile and unworthy kind of Servitude, 
 is incapable of producing anything good or noble. 
 I have seen Originals both in Painting and Poesie, 
 much more beautiful than their natural Objects; 
 but I never saw a Copy better than the Original, 
 which indeed cannot be otherwise; for Men resolving 
 
 1 Of. p. 383. 
 
 2 Cf. Edmund Gosse, From Shakespeare to Pope, p. 102. 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 433 
 
 in no case to shoot beyond the Mark, it is a thousand 
 to one if they shoot not short of it. It does not at 
 all trouble me that the Grammarians perhaps will not 
 suffer this libertine way of rendring foreign Authors, 
 to be called Translation ; for I am not so much enamour 'd 
 of the Name Translator, as not to wish rather to be 
 Something Better, tho' it want yet a Name.'' ^ 
 
 Chiabrera, Cowley's Italian predecessor in 
 the Pindaric, had recognized the differences 
 between the spirit of his original and that of 
 his own Italy, but his aim was rather to cele- 
 brate contemporary affairs by lifting them to 
 the heights of Pindar. Some close resemblances 
 may be noted between Cowley's discussion and 
 that of Denham, resemblances which may have 
 called out Bishop Sprat's defense of Cowley's 
 priority in the matter. In the Life of Cowley, 
 first published in 1G68, Sprat says : — 
 
 "This way of leaving Verbal Translations, and 
 chiefly regarding the Sense and Genius of the Author, 
 was scarce heard of in England, before this present 
 Age. I will not presume to say, that Mr. Cowdey 
 was the absolute Inventor of it. Nay, I know that 
 others had the good luck to recommend it first in 
 Print. Yet I appeal to you, Sir, whether he did not 
 conceive it, and discourse of it, and practice it as soon 
 as any man." ^ 
 
 From this point the modernizing spirit con- 
 tinued to grow, following the lines of its de- 
 velopment in France. Passing through the 
 period of the Restoration, it received fresh im- 
 pulses from across the Channel, and reached its 
 
 1 Cowley, Works, ed. 1710, i. 183-184. 
 
 2 Ihid., p. xxiii. 
 2f 
 
434 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 greatest triumph in the vogue of the heroic 
 plays and in the Enghsh controversy of the 
 Ancients and Moderns, which followed close 
 upon the similar discussion in France. Indeed 
 there was much of this spirit even in the Res- 
 toration fancy for modernizing Shakespeare and 
 his contemporaries to suit the refined tastes of 
 a later age. 
 
 One important literary fashion is left for dis- 
 cussion, that of Letter-Writing. In its begin- 
 ning this was a classic practice, in which men 
 wrote to real friends with a depth of thought 
 and finish of rhetoric that contemplated pub- 
 licity; in its Renaissance period, a Humanistic 
 following of Cicero or Seneca, in which pohsh 
 of style was the first requisite, and the letters, 
 addressed perfunctorily to acquaintances or 
 exalted superiors, were composed primarily 
 with the view of publication after the author's 
 death or even during his lifetime. In the six- 
 teenth century, vernacular tongues replaced the 
 Latin. A group of Italians, among them Aretino, 
 sought polish of style in emulation of Cicero; 
 while the Spanish, led by Guevara, strove after 
 the deeper content they professed to find in 
 Seneca. Montaigne in France was urged to 
 put the material of his Essais into epistolary 
 form, but declined.^ Pasquier took up the 
 form, and his letters, dealing chiefly with im- 
 portant happenings of the day, appeared from 
 1586 to 1615. He objected to the Italian letters 
 then current as too courtly and fulsome in 
 
 ^ Essais, bk, i, essay 39. 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 435 
 
 flattery, as well as empty of content. In his \ 
 wake came Balzac, Voiture, and the other 
 literary correspondents of the coteries, and with 
 them the Italian tradition was restored to 
 popularity.^ 
 
 So long a paragraph of introduction seems 
 justified in this instance, by the fact that so 
 many of these hues of activity exercised an 
 influence upon England. Cicero's letters, known ? 
 in the original by English Humanists, were ; 
 translated at least as early as 1620; and Seneca's 1 
 by 1639. Guevara's epistles were translated by 
 Edward Hellowes in 1574, and the year after I 
 appeared Geoffrey Fenton's Golden Epistles, 
 gathered as well out of the Remaynder of Antonio 
 de Geuvara^s Works as other authors Latin, 
 French, and Italian. Aretino and Pasquier i 
 were both very generally known; but with the j 
 knowledge of Balzac and Voiture arose a vogue 
 which rapidly crowded all the others into the » 
 background. 
 
 Letter- writing was a favorite literary amuse- 
 ment in the circles of the precieuses. There 
 was a public upon which no delicacy of compli- 
 ment or beauty of phrase would be lost, — a 
 public that would constantly demand the best 
 one had to give. Printing was a matter of no 
 consequence under such conditions, and the 
 letters were real enough in occasion and ad- 
 dressed to actual friends. The term " familiar," 
 
 ^ Cf . a good general discussion in the opening pages of 
 Georg Jiirgen's dissertation, Die EpistolcB Ho-Eliance, 
 Marburg, 1901. 
 
436 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 SO empty of significance among the Humanists, 
 could there be revitahzed. Amid this society 
 Balzac and Voiture, essentially different as they 
 were, stood side by side as the leaders in cor- 
 respondence. Just as Balzac's temperament 
 kept him for a long time aloof from the gayety 
 of the Hotel de Ramhouillet, so his literary style 
 avoided entirely the light badinage of society. 
 The letters are seldom to ladies, usually to per- 
 sons in high station, and are obviously conscious 
 of an audience. The line of thought tends 
 toward the serious and philosophical; the 
 rhetoric is polished, with an abundance of 
 lavish but stately compliment. Voiture 's let- 
 ters, while contemplating a public hearing, have 
 always a convincing tone of cordial familiarity, 
 whether they recount personal experience or 
 discuss public matters from the personal point 
 of view. There is no pompous rhetoric, but a 
 brilliant phrasing of warm human sympathy 
 or cleverly turned compliment. Sometimes the 
 tone is mocking, but never offensive. There is 
 much plausibility in the frequently repeated 
 /'distinction: ^'People praised Balzac; they 
 sought to imitate Voiture." 
 
 In England, after the decline of the Hu- 
 manists, the first letter-writer with serious in- 
 tent appears to have been Bishop Hall, whose 
 Six Decads of Epistles appeared 1607-1610, 
 with later editions in 1613, 1614, and 1615. 
 These letters, apparently under the influence of 
 Guevara, were full of moral precepts and dis- 
 cussions, and conferred upon their author the 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 437 
 
 ^ .. 
 
 title of ''The English Seneca."^ The next 
 printed collection of letters was that of James y 
 Howell, in 1645. In the meantime the in- 
 fluence of the French, especially of Balzac, had 
 seized upon England. In 1634 had appeared 
 The Letters of Mounsier de Balzac, Translated ^ 
 into English, according to the last edition. By 
 W. T[yrwhit], Esq. In his preface, ''the Trans- 
 lator to the Reader," Tyrwhit says : — 
 
 "finding his stile right eloquent, and altogether un- 
 afected, his conceptions high, and the whole Booke 
 richly adorned with great varietie of learning, appear- 
 ing almost in every Page: It raised no small desire 
 in mee to try how his way of writing would sute with 
 our language : . . . But I was not long left in peace 
 with this resolution, before certaine my noble friends 
 understanding I had travailed on this subject; did 
 importunately solicite me to put these Letters into 
 Print, perswading me I should herein performe no 
 unacceptable service to my Countrey, especially to 
 such who are unacquainted with the French Language." 
 
 That this "importunate soliciting" was based 
 on good judgment is revealed by subsequent 
 developments. In the Stationers^ Register for 
 March 15, 1636-1637, are entered : — 
 
 "The second parte of the Letters of Monsieur du 
 Balsac written by him in French and translated into 
 English by Sir R : B : '' 2 
 
 "A supply to the second parte or the third parte 
 of Mounseiur du Balsac Letters translated into English 
 by the said Sir R : B : " 
 
 * Jiirgens, op. cit., p. 17. ^ Sir Richard Baker. 
 
438 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 Under date of December 15, 1638, appears : — 
 
 " A Recuell or Collection of new Letters of Mounsieur 
 du Balzack being the fourth parte never before published 
 twenty of them translated out of Latyn and the rest 
 out of French into Enghsh." 
 
 Another edition of these collected letters was 
 printed in 1655, represented as '^ by Sir Richard, 
 and others." 
 
 Before proceeding to a discussion of Howell's 
 work, attention must be called to another sort 
 of published letter, then prevalent in England, 
 and perhaps having a bearing on the Epistolce 
 Ho-EliancB. The ^' handy letter- writer," with 
 its models of correspondence for all occasions, 
 was even then in demand. A dozen different 
 manuals of this kind appeared in little more than 
 half a century before Howell's letters, and sev- 
 eral of them enjoyed a number of editions. One 
 of these books, Angel Day's English Secretoriej 
 first issued in 1586, seems to have had a long 
 period of popularity and to have been well 
 known by Howell. 
 
 The first part of the Epistolce Ho-Eliance ap- 
 peared in 1645, three years after the author's 
 incarceration in the Fleet. It bore the title: 
 ^'Epistolse Ho-Elianse | Familiar Letters | Do- 
 mestic and Forren | Divided into | Six Sections | 
 
 Historical 
 Partly Political | Upon emergent Occasions | 
 
 Philosophicall 
 J. H. Esq." A more extended announcement 
 reads : — 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 439 
 
 ''These Letters, for their principall subject, contain 
 a Relation of those Passages of State that happened 
 a good part of King James His Raign, and of his 
 Majesties now Regnant : As also of such Outlandish 
 Occurrences that has reference to this Kingdom : 
 Wlierein ther goes along a Legend of the Authors life, 
 and of his severall employments, with an account of 
 his Forren Tra veils and Negotiations; wherin he 
 had occasion to make his addresses to these Personages, 
 and Persons underwritten.'' ^ 
 
 This announcement characterizes adequately 
 the epistles in the collection. It is followed by 
 some verses, ^'To the knowing Reader touching 
 Familiar Letters," in which the various excellent 
 possibilities of letters are enumerated. That 
 Howell was not unacquainted with the history 
 of the form is shown by these lines : — 
 
 "In Seneca's rich Letters is enshrined 
 Whatever the ancient Sages left behind : 
 Tully makes his the secret Symptoms tell 
 Of those Distempers which proud Rome bef el ; 
 
 * ^^0 ^^# fcfj *s^ 
 
 ^n ^^ ^2^ ^v 
 
 Great Antonine the Emperor did gain 
 More glory by his Letters than his Reign. 
 
 *^t^ ^£# ^fi 9^0 
 
 ^^ ^% ^^ ^tt 
 
 Aurehus ^ by his Letters did the same, 
 And they in chief immortalise his Fame." 
 
 In the third edition (1650) of the EpistolcB, 
 which by this time had grown to three volumes 
 or parts, dates were for the first time attached 
 to the various letters. As the opening letter 
 
 * A list of the names follows. 
 
 ^ A reference to Guevara's Golden Book of Marcus 
 Aurelius, in letter form. 
 
440 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 of the first' volume there was at this time intro- 
 duced an epistle to Sir J. S., with the date 
 July 25, 1625, several years later than those of 
 the series of letters previously beginning the 
 volume. This letter is a discussion of letter- 
 writing, and suggests matters of interest. The 
 criticism of French letter-writers is especially 
 severe : — 
 
 "Others there are among our next transmarine 
 Neighbors Eastward, who write in their own Language, 
 but their Style is soft and easy, that their Letters may 
 be said to be like Bodies of loose Flesh without Sinews, 
 they have neither Joints 'of Art nor Arteries in them ; 
 they have a kind of simpering and lank hectic Ex- 
 pressions made up of a Bombast of Words, and fmical 
 affected Compliments only : I cannot well away with 
 such sleazy Stuff, with such Cobweb-compositions, 
 where there is no Strength of Matter, nothing for the 
 Reader to carry away with him, that may enlarge 
 the Notions of his Soul. One shall hardly find an 
 Apothegm, Example, Simile, or anything of Philosophy, 
 History, or solid knowledge, or as much as one new 
 created Phrase, in a hundred of them : and to draw 
 any Observations out of them, were as if one went 
 about to distill Cream out of Froth; insomuch, that 
 it may be said of them, what was said of the Echo, 
 that she is a mere Sound and nothing else." 
 Then follows a particular thrust at. Balzac : — 
 
 "I return you your Balzac by this Bearer: and 
 when I found those Letters, wherein he is so familiar 
 with his King, so flat : and those to Richlieu, so 
 puffed with prophane Hyperboles, and larded up and 
 down with such gross Flatteries, with others, besides, 
 which he sends as Urinals up and down the World 
 to look into his Water for discovery of the crazy 
 Condition of his Body, I forebore him further."^ 
 
 * Howell, Familiar Letters, ed. Jacobs, i. 18. 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 441 
 
 Rather vigorous language this from an active, 
 somewhat hard-headed literary hack and royal 
 factotum, who could view the heights of Bal- 
 zac's finished rhetoric only from a considerable 
 distance, and whose attempts at gallant protesta- 
 tions present the empty and confusing phrase- 
 ology from which quotation has been made 
 elsewhere/ Evidently Howell's mind was not 
 entirely easy when he introduced this letter at 
 the head of his list. 
 
 Elsewhere in the epistle he goes at some length 
 into the theoretical classification of letters: 
 '^ Now, Letters, tho' they be capable of any Sub- 
 ject, yet commonly they are either Narratory, 
 Objurgatory, Consolatory, Monitory, or Con- 
 gratulatory. ..." This is very much in the 
 manner of Day's introduction to his English 
 Secretorie, where he classifies letters as ^'Hor- 
 tatorie, Dehortatorie, Laudatorie, Vituperatorie, 
 Suasorie, Petitorie, Monitorie, Accusatorie, Ex- 
 cusatorie, Consolatorie, Invective, and such 
 like"; and then proceeds to state the character- 
 istics of each class, and illustrate them by 
 approved epistolary models.^ But Howell gives 
 no sign of having for a moment intended a 
 "model letter-writer," and this theorizing is only 
 an afterthought. 
 
 A fairly reasonable line of explanation sug- 
 gests itself, but it is not exactly favorable to 
 Howell. Being interested from youth in the 
 
 * Supra, p. 339 sq. The letters in question appear 
 in ed. cit., ii. 414-415, 534, 558. 
 
 2 Angel Day, English Secretorie, ed. 1607, p. 3 sq. 
 
442 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 art of correspondence, he probably gave par- 
 ticular care to composing his numerous letters, 
 and kept copies of most of them. It is likely, 
 indeed, that he recognized the resemblance of his 
 matter to that of Pasquier, and modeled some- 
 
 > what upon his style/ The ^^ History of the French 
 Language," which he prefixed to his edition of 
 Cotgrave's Dictionary in 1650, was taken chiefly 
 
 ><f from Pasquier's Recherches. Upon his confine- 
 ment in the Fleet, Howell turned his attention to 
 literary hack-work. Balzac's letters must have 
 been popular in England at that time, both in 
 the original and in translation. Howell had a 
 vast collection of correspondence at command. 
 Why should he not profit by this popularity 
 and publish these letters of his ? He did so, and 
 the venture was successful. Between 1645 and 
 1650, however, people must have said some un- 
 pleasant things. That they sometimes did so 
 is clearly suggested by the comment of Wood, 
 in 1691, that Howell's writings were ^Wery trite 
 and empty, stolen from other authors without 
 acknowledgment, and fitted only to please the 
 humours of novices." ^ Whether in this par- 
 ticular instance they insinuated that Howell 
 had borrowed from Balzac and his friends, or 
 charged that he had profited by their popularity, 
 or instituted unpleasant comparisons between 
 him and them, is not to be discovered. At 
 any rate Howell vented his spleen against the 
 
 ^ This resemblance to Pasquier is suggested by Joseph 
 Jacobs in his edition of Howell's Letters, i. lix. 
 ^ Athenoe Oxon., ed. 1817, iii. 744. 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 443 
 
 Frenchmen and thus bore abundant testimony 
 to England's admiration of them at this time.^ 
 
 Howell had ardent admirers as well as severe 
 critics. Thus in 1664, Payne Fisher, in the 
 preface to Howell's Poems, says: ^'He teacheth 
 a new way of Epistolizing ; and that Familiar 
 Letters may not only consist of Words and a 
 bombast of Compliments, but that they are 
 capable of the highest Speculations and solidest 
 kind of Knowledge." John Evelyn, writing to 
 Lord Spencer, in 1688, recalls the adverse state- 
 ments of Wood: ^' James Howell published his 
 'Ho-Elianae' for which he indeed was laughed 
 at (not for his letters which acquainted us with 
 a number of passages worthy to be known). . . ."^ 
 
 The vogue of Balzac in England seems to have 
 continued for some years, giving way in time 
 before that of Voiture. There was a translation 
 of Balzac's treatise. The Prince, by Henry Greis- 
 ley, in 1648. Thomas Powell, who died almost 
 immediately after the Restoration, is credited / 
 by Wood with a translation, Recueil de novelles 
 Lettres, or the last Letters of Monsieur de Balzac. 
 In 1657, as we may gather from a letter of 
 that date in Loveday's Letters, it was consid- 
 ered a high honor to be characterized as "an 
 English Balzac." ^ 
 
 ^ It is interesting to note that Howell's phrase "pro- 
 phane Hyperboles," for Balzac's flatteries of Richelieu, 
 he has used elsewhere in a letter dated from Paris, 
 April 1, 1641, referring to the poetic flatteries applied to 
 the Cardinal. 
 
 2 Quoted in ed. Jacobs, i. 
 
 ^ Loveday, Letters, 4th ed., London, 1669, pt. i. The 
 title was not so much of a compliment in 1668; Voiture 
 
444 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 Sir John Suckling, who died in 1640, wrote a 
 number of letters, which seem to have been in- 
 tended for circulation, but were not published 
 for many years after his death. As in his verses, 
 he appears to follow Voiture, with a somewhat 
 broader tone of mockery and daring. Those 
 letters in which he is the serious lover abound 
 in graceful gallantry; but in many specimens 
 he affects the mocking spirit of the anti-Pla- 
 tonics. The elegance and wit of the clever 
 courtier are present everywhere. There is a 
 mere mention of Balzac in one of the letters.* 
 However popular Voiture's letters may have 
 been about the English court, they did not get 
 into translation until 1655, at the hands of John 
 Davies. 
 
 An interesting product of this vogue among 
 the courtiers is Sir Toby Matthew's collection of 
 letters, which did not appear in print until 
 1660, five years after his death. It was then 
 published with the title: ^^A Collection of Let- 
 ters made by S'' Tobie Matthews, Kt., with a 
 Character of the most excellent Lady, Lucy 
 Countess of Carleile: to which are added many 
 Letters of his own to several Persons of Honour 
 who were contemporary with him." Some of 
 the letters were probably from originals, others 
 mere epistolary exercises, in emulation of the 
 French models. Names and dates were re- 
 moved, and so far did Sir Toby's desire for 
 
 was then in vogue. Cf. Mrs. Evelyn's letter to Mr. 
 Bohun, May 21, 1668; cited by Jiirgens, op. cit., p. 16. 
 ^ Suckling, Works, ed. 1719, p. 83. 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 445 
 
 ingenuity and rhetorical excellence carry him, 
 that the general effect is again that of a manual 
 of polite correspondence, which in part it was. 
 As has been noted, ^ the '^ character" that ac- 
 companies the book is not one of the usual 
 English abstractions, but is a portrait after the 
 manner of the French romances. 
 
 The collections of letters by Robert Loveday 
 and Thomas Forde appear to have been modeled 
 on Howell's collection. Loveday's book, pub- 
 lished posthumously in 1659, indicates this even 
 in the title: ^'Loveday's Letters, Domestick 
 and Forrein, to several persons, occasionally 
 distributed in subjects Philosophicall, His- 
 toricall, and Morall." Forde 's Familiar Let- 
 ters, published a year later, contain one epistle 
 full of praise addressed to J. H., apparently 
 Howell himself. Regarding a proposed cor- 
 respondence between them, he says: ''I am 
 not ignorant that all kind of Learning hath been 
 wrapped up in Letters. And I assure you, 
 Sir, I shall, in the enjoyment of yours, think 
 myself little less honoured than I do Lucillius 
 by Seneca's.^ 
 
 In many ways the most attractive English 
 collection of the period was written without 
 the remotest thought of publicity, and did not 
 appear in print until very recently.^ Dorothy 
 Osborne, writing to Sir William Temple, to 
 
 ^ Supra, p. 351. 
 
 ^Familiar Letters, ed. 1600, p. 85. 
 ^ Letters from Dorothy Osborne to Sir William Temple 
 (1652-1654), ed. E. A. Parry, London, 1888. 
 
446 MINOR LITERARY FORMS 
 
 whom she was then betrothed, displays a re- 
 markable charm of manner, grace of style, and 
 acuteness of thought. But she too was a 
 devotee of French literary forms, to which she 
 makes constant reference in her letters; and 
 may well have acquired some of her ease and 
 sprightliness of style from a familiarity with 
 French models. She is a worthy predecessor 
 of Madame de Sevigne. 
 
 This study cannot close without mention , 
 of the correspondence of our English coterie- 
 leader, 'Hhe Matchless Orinda," with her 
 favorite friend Poliarchus. The letters in the 
 collection were written from one to four years 
 after the Restoration, but the circle in which 
 ^Jihey were inspired was in existence some time 
 before.^ Mile, de Scudery, after whom Mrs. 
 Phillips seems usually to have modeled, carried 
 on an extensive correspondence with her nu- 
 merous friends,^ and it is this, perhaps, that ; 
 Orinda had in mind in inaugurating her series 
 of letters. But Mile, de Scudery's epistolary 
 style is rather easy, simple, and direct, with 
 very little attempt at lofty eloquence or lavish ^ 
 compliment.^ Mrs. Phillips, however, must have 
 conceived of such correspondence on the basis 
 of the Scudery romances, for it is the spirit and 
 manner of these that is constantly giving color 
 to her letters. Of course only a part of the 
 
 ^ See chap. vii. 
 
 2 Cf. Rathery et Boutron, Mile, de Scudery, sa vie et 
 sa correspondence. Paris, 1873. 
 
 3 Cf. her letters to Godeau, op. cit., pp. 210-240, 249- 
 254, 271-272. 
 
MINOR LITERARY FORMS 447 
 
 letters go so far as this, and it is possible that 
 certain of the extreme "precieuses, both in France 
 and England, made a practice of indulging in such 
 correspondence. But many of the letters suggest 
 an almost direct influence from the romances. 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 Conclusion 
 
 The plan adopted for this study has had the 
 effect of subordinating^ often perhaps to an un- 
 fair degree, numerous unrelated details of French 
 influence in English literature. It has likewise 
 placed emphasis upon the progress of certain 
 literary types or lines of activity, with little 
 attention, thus far, to the entire significance of 
 the French influence at various stages of its 
 history. In apology it may be said that the 
 plan made itself, as one line of influence or ac- 
 tivity after another rose out of the tangle of 
 Elizabethan literary effort, representing a vital 
 factor in the complicated process. The four- 
 score years that make up the actual scope of 
 the study are not so long a period, nor is the 
 chronology of the writers involved so intricate, 
 that there is any real difficulty in summing up 
 the content of French literary influence at any 
 point desired, or in its successive stages. 
 
 For twenty years from the accession of Eliza- 
 beth, there was little evidence of English interest 
 in France, apart from numerous translations of 
 the writings of John Calvin, and occasional 
 borrowings from Marot among the makers of 
 eclogues. Then came the community of inter- 
 
 448 
 
CONCLUSION 449 
 
 est and effort involving Sidney and Spenser and 
 their little following, — a community animated 
 in at least one of its enterprises, and perhaps in 
 its whole conception, by the example set by the 
 French Pleiade and its later adherents. The 
 classic versifying of this group of English inno- 
 vators was quickly allowed to decline. But 
 the encouragement and practice of these kindred 
 spirits were largely instrumental in furthering 
 three literary forms in England: the French- 
 Senecan tragedy, the sonnet, and the long re- 
 ligious poem. The first of these was out of 
 place in the England of that time, and was given 
 up with some reluctance early in the next 
 century. It may have played its part in urging 
 regularity of form upon the successful dramatic 
 product. The sonnet enjoyed immense popu- 
 larity in the last fifteen years of the century. 
 Italian models exercised chief influence over 
 this development, but in numerous cases there 
 is positive evideng^e of direct impulse from 
 French specimens and of the introduction of 
 French peculiarities. Ronsard and Desportes 
 were particularly well known. "^ 
 
 Sidney and his following were emphatically 
 Protestant. The' period of their earliest en- 
 deavors was one of great significance to all of 
 that faith, and France was for years the battle- 
 ground of the religious conflict. Besides the 
 documents related directly to the struggle, there 
 also came from France to England the impulse 
 to color regular literary forms with the ideals 
 and doctrines of Protestantism. In the sonnet 
 2g 
 
 ^ 
 
450 CONCLUSION 
 
 this vogue came to England somewhat confused 
 with the similar tendency resulting from the 
 Catholic Reaction; but in other forms, such as 
 the long poem of Biblical narrative, the influ- 
 ence of France was direct, and on the basis of 
 style is hardly mistakable. The effect of the 
 Semaines of Du Bartas, both in French and 
 translated, appears to have been far more sig- 
 nificant than has been generally supposed. 
 Both in spirit and in style, this work was in 
 harmony with tendencies already prevalent in 
 England, and only emphasized and exaggerated 
 these and spread them broadcast. Various 
 adherents of the Sidney circle in its later days 
 were affected by this poetry. Not Spenser 
 alone, but Spenser's disciples, felt its influence. 
 In Scotland there was a parallel line of depend- 
 ence, encouraged by King James VI., and no 
 doubt partly effective later in producing the 
 Doomesday of the Earl of Stirling. Other verse 
 products of the seventeenth century reveal in- 
 debtedness to Du Bartas; and Donne, Quarles, 
 and even Milton may with some safety be 
 reckoned in his extensive following. 
 
 With the new century, the power of the 
 Essais of Montaigne became manifest. Even 
 before Florio's translation was published, Eng- 
 lishmen were familiar with the work. After 
 publication, this became an abundant store- 
 house, readily accessible to all who sought speci- 
 mens of philosophical speculation, illustrative 
 incident, or citation of authority. Not all who 
 drew upon it kept to the English version^ as 
 
CONCLUSION 451 
 
 many preferred the more lucid style of the 
 original. " ^Sgsazs^_were__^opid ar form s of 
 c ompos ition 'iiLj England for a numBer ot yeafs7 
 largely on account of Montaigne's example, and 
 his work furnished a model by which most of 
 the writers worked. About the time of the 
 Restoration, when the work of Montaigne's i 
 interpreter Pascal came into English hands, ' 
 interest revived once more in the Essais. In- 
 deed it is but fair to suppose that in England, 
 as in France, they had prepared men's minds 
 for the favorable reception of Pascal's doctrines. 
 Some time before 1600, Rabelais's work ap- 
 pears to have been known and utilized in Eng- ' 
 land, not as an inspiration to further work of 
 the sam^e type, but rather as a model and en- • 
 couragement to those drawn toward coarse 
 realism, scurrilous invective, or crudely fantastic 
 methods of expression. Various dramatists, 
 including Shakespeare, seem to have found 
 minor suggestions in the adventures of Gar- 
 gantua and Pantagruel. It was Nash in the six- 
 teenth and Taylor the Water Poet in the seven- i 
 teenth century, however, to whom the spirit 
 and methods of Rabelais appealed most, al- 
 though neither man acknowledged obligation 
 to him, and Taylor explicitly denied acquaint- 
 ance with French. Rabelais, like Montaigne, 
 did not pass out of men's knowledge toward the 
 close of the period. Rather, acquaintance with 
 him made English minds receptive to the new 
 French importation of burlesque products. , 
 Not until this later time did Rabelais appear in 
 
452 CONCLUSION 
 
 a recognized English translation, the work of 
 Urquhart and his successor Motteux. 
 
 As the reign of James I. drew to a close, these 
 two, Montaigne and Rabelais, were the only 
 significant French authors exercising appreciable 
 influence in England. The classic tragedy, en- 
 couraged by Lady Pembroke, had disappeared; 
 sonnets, however inspired, had lost popularity; 
 and the following of Du Bartas and Sylvester 
 had scattered toward obscurity. Yet French 
 books were being widely read and some were 
 being translated, while England followed closely 
 the details of French political affairs, often by 
 means of English renderings of important docu- 
 ments. To minds predisposed to pastoral ro- 
 mance, by familiarity with the Arcadia in par- 
 ticular, had come one or more translations of 
 D'Urfe's Astree, which was then being so sin- 
 cerely admired at home. The new King Charles, 
 romantic even in his wooing, brought to Eng- 
 land, as his queen, Henrietta Maria, princess of 
 France, young, full of spirits, and imbued with 
 the ideals encouraged by the Astree and domi- 
 nant in the Hdtel de Ramhouillet. 
 
 This marriage, as has been seen, may be held 
 largely responsible for a group of potent literary 
 influences which almost immediately became 
 operative in England. The nobility of England 
 had only to overcome an initial prejudice, to be 
 thrown into vital contact with the life and ac- 
 tivities of France. If against their will, they 
 found themselves molded into a social structure 
 modeled in some measure at least after the 
 
CONCLUSION 453 
 
 precieuse coteries of Henrietta's native land, 
 with a premium placed on the minutiae of gal- 
 lantry, the phraseology of badinage, and the 
 clever turns of light occasional verse. Masques 
 and pastoral plays were promptly encouraged. 
 The revived Platonism cultivated in the circle 
 of Madame de Rambouillet, and distorted and 
 exaggerated by the femmes savantes among her 
 imitators, was quickly recognized by English 
 courtiers as an essential featm-e of this influence. 
 It reacted variously in different places, produc- 
 ing serious devotees and mocking opponents, 
 and lent color to a considerable number of Eng- 
 lish masques and dramas. Vers de societe was | 
 assiduously cultivated among the courtiers, 1 
 much of it dealing with this Platonism from one 
 point of view or another. Literary correspon- 
 dence was attempted, based on French models. 
 There even arose several aspiring coterie leaders j 
 in England, similar to the numerous hourgeoise } 
 imitators of Madame de Rambouillet. 
 
 The French romance achieved a remarkable 
 vogue in the first half of the seventeenth cen- 
 tury. The pastoral romance gave way to the x 
 heroic, and larger and less possible adven- j 
 tures were introduced into the artificial atmos- 
 phere already saturated with exaggerated 
 sentiment. The spirit of this new type in- j 
 fluenced both drama and narrative poem, and ' 
 penetrated easily into the later circles of the 
 precieuses. With equal freedom it passed into 
 England. There the French romances were 
 eagerly read in the original or in the frequent 
 
 I 
 
454 CONCLUSION 
 
 translations. Various plays colored with this 
 romantic character found their way to the stage 
 while the theaters were yet open; and were still 
 printed and read when these were closed. Here 
 and there, Englishmen attempted original ro- 
 mances in their own language. The heroic 
 poem was attempted, even before the type was 
 popular in France, and introduced this same 
 spirit into the windings of epic narrative. In- 
 deed there was little wanting in England, years 
 before the Restoration, toward the production 
 of the heroic drama afterward given such promi- 
 nence by Dryden. The exaggerated sentiment, 
 the exalted dignity of characters, the subordina- 
 tion of everything to love, the pageantry of a 
 stage full of activity, the tendency to flights of 
 eloquence, — all these were present and familiar 
 enough in earlier plays. An unrestricted theater 
 and the use of rhymed couplets appear to mark 
 the chief distinction; and even the latter was 
 supplied in Davenant's operatic pieces. 
 
 Other features of Restoration literature were 
 clearly anticipated some time before the recall 
 of the Stuarts. The burlesque and the mock- 
 heroic, partly reactionary, partly the natural 
 result of freedom in making over great historical 
 events and personages, found their way into 
 English literature soon after they began to 
 flourish in France. The new theory of transla- 
 tion, which took liberties with classic literature 
 to modernize it for the general reader, found 
 many adherents among English writers. Indeed 
 the whole controversy of the Ancients and 
 
CONCLUSION 455 
 
 Moderns, soon to rage bitterly in both countries, 
 was entirely prepared for in pre-Restoration 
 England, as it was in France at the same period. 
 Even the first steps toward English opera, and 
 a preliminary appearance of women on the 
 stage were ventured by Davenant under his 
 privilege from the Commonwealth. 
 
 Thus it appears that the fourscore years in- 
 volved in this study, however much their 
 literary hegemony w^as Italian, were never en- 
 tirely free from prominent and significant lines 
 of French influence. In the first glow of Italian 
 inspiration, these were the accessory impulses 
 added in transition. Then certain great figures 
 appeared in France, whose work appealed par- 
 ticularly to the English genius and was drawn 
 upon extensively to influence English creative 
 effort. By the time of the accession of Charles, 
 Italian impulses had lost their effectiveness, so 
 that the French influence brought in with the 
 queen found little to dispute its sway in the 
 court party, where alone literature was still 
 cultivated with any particular zeal. The exile 
 of- the Stuarts and the leaders of this party really 
 encouraged French domination by the actual 
 contact afforded with life and thought across 
 the Channel. But even before the exiles re- 
 turned triumphant in 1660, the developments 
 noted above as essentially French had already 
 appeared on English soil as features of English 
 literary activity. 
 
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V 
 
 
 APPENDIX A 
 
 TRANSLATIONS ' 
 
 1556. Calvin, The Catechisme or Manner to teache 
 
 children the Christian religion. Other eds. 
 1560, 1563, 1564 (Edin.), 1575 (Edin.), 1578, 
 1580, 1582, 1594. 
 
 1557. Don Anthony de Guevara, The Diall of Princes. 
 
 Translated from the French version. (Thomas 
 North.) Revised ed. with fourth book, The 
 favoured Courtier. 1568. 
 
 (1560). Calvyn, Sermons. 
 
 (1560). Calvyn, Two Sermons. 
 
 1560 (?). Calvin, An Admonicion against Astrology 
 ludiciall and other curiosities, that raigne now 
 in the world. (G[oddred] G[ilby].) 
 1560. Calvin, Sermons upon the Songe that Ezekias 
 made. 
 
 1560. The Civilitie of Childehode, with the discipline 
 
 and institution of Children. (Thos. Paynell.) 
 (1561). Calvyn, Two bookes. 
 (1561). Calvin, Four Sermons. 
 
 1561. Calvin, Four godly e sermons agaynst the polution 
 
 of idolatries, . . . 
 (1562). The perfett newes out of Fraunce. 
 
 1562. A Complaint of the Church, against the tiranny 
 
 . . . in France . . . 
 
 ^ This list of French material, chiefly translations from 
 French works or French versions, makes no claim to complete- 
 ness. It grew out of the investigations detailed in the chap- 
 ters, and was compiled from various sources. Such works as 
 Arber's Reprint of the Register of the Stationers' Company and 
 Hazhtt's Handbook and Bibliographical Collections formed the 
 basis of the compilation. In many instances titles have been 
 abbreviated, but the spelling of names has usually been left 
 as it was found. Dates of entry and names of translators, where 
 noted, are printed in parentheses. Unless stated otheri^ase, 
 the place of pubUcation may be assumed to be London. 
 
 471 
 
472 APPENDIX A 
 
 1562. Calvin, The Institution of Christian Religion. 
 (T. N.) Other ed. 1579. 
 
 1562. Theo. de Beza, An Oration made . . . in the 
 
 'presence of the King . . . 
 
 1563. The Secretes of the Reverende Maister Alexis of 
 
 Piemount. (Wm. Warde.) Other eds. 1566, 
 1568, 1569. 
 
 1564. The translation of a letter written by a Frenche 
 
 Gentilwoman to another . . . upon the death 
 of the . . . Ladye, Elenor of Roye. (Henry 
 Myddelmore.) 
 
 1564. Theo. de Beza, A Discourse containing the Life 
 
 and Death of John Calvin, with Testament 
 and Last Will and the Catalogue of his 
 Books. (I. S.) 
 
 1565. Ane Brief Gathering of the Halie Signes, Sac- 
 
 rifices, and Sacramentis institutit of God for 
 the Creation of the worlde. (ane Faithfull 
 Brother.) Edinburgh. 
 
 1565. Certayn and tru good neus, fro the syege of the Isle 
 
 Malta, wyth the goodly vyctorie wyche the Chris- 
 tenmen . . . have obtayned agaynst the Turks. 
 Gaunt. 
 
 1566. Pierre Boaystuau, Theatrum Mundi. (John 
 
 Alday.) Other eds., 1574, 1581 (1587). 
 (1567). Treasurie of Amadis of Fraunce, from the French 
 
 version. (Thomas Paynel.) 
 Second Book of Amadis de Gaule. (L[azarus] 
 
 P[yott]), 1595. 
 Books 3 & 4. Dated 1618. Folio 1619. First 
 
 four books (1589). 
 Book 5 (Francis Kirkham), 1664. 
 Book 6 (Francis Kirkham), 1652. 
 Amadis of Gaul, Bks. 2-12 (1594). 
 
 1567. Geffray Fenton, Certaine Tragicall Discourses. 
 
 Other ed. 1579. 
 , 1569. The Pleasaunt and wittie Plaie of the Cheastes 
 
 ' " with Instrucions to learne . . . and to plaie it 
 
 wel. (J. R.) 
 (1570). Calvyn, Comentary upon the psalmes. 
 1570. Antonio Corrano, Tableau de VCEuvre de Dieu. 
 1570. A Discourse of the Civil Wars and Late troubles in 
 
 France. (Geffray Fenton.) 
 (1571). An oration pronounced before the Frynshe 
 kynge. 
 
APPENDIX A 473 
 
 1571. The Foreste or Collection of Histories. . . . (Thos. 
 
 Fortescue.) Other ed. 1576. 
 
 1572. Histoire de Marie Royne d'Escosse. Touchant 
 
 la conjuration faicte contre le Roy & I'adultere 
 commis avec Comte de Boihwel, histoire vraye- 
 ment tragique. (Printed abroad; sold at 
 Edin.) 
 
 1572. Estienne Pasquier, Monophylo : a philosophical 
 discourse and division of Love. (Geffray 
 Fenton.) 
 
 1572. Morgan Philippes, L'Innocence de la Tresil- 
 lustre, treschaste et debonnaire Princesse, 
 Madame Marie Royne d'Escosse . . . 
 
 1572. " One of the Abbey of Saint Vincent in Fraunce," 
 
 A Booke of the Arte and Maner, howe to plant 
 and graffe trees, . . . set stones and sowe Rep- 
 ines . . . (Leonard Moscall.) Other eds. 1575, 
 1590, 1596. 
 
 1573. King Charles IX. of France, The Edict of the 
 
 French King, for the appeasing of the troubles 
 of his Reabne. 
 
 1574. A forme of Christian pollicie. (Geffray Fenton.) 
 
 1574. Eurebe Philadelphe, Le Reveille-Matin des 
 
 Francois et de leurs Voisins. Edinburgh. 
 
 1575. A Mervaylous discourse upon the lyfe, deedes, and 
 
 behavior of Katherine de Medicis. 
 1575. Prince Francis, The Protestation of the Most 
 
 High and Mightie Prince Frauncis. 
 1575. Golden Epistles, Contayning varietie of discourse 
 
 both Morall, Philosophicall and Divine. In 
 
 part from Guevara, Some from French. 
 
 (Geffray Fenton.) 
 
 1575. Anth. de Guevara, A Looking-Glass for the Court. 
 
 Original in Spanish. (Anthony Alaygre, tr. 
 into Fr.) (Sir Francis Briant knight, tr. into 
 Eng.) 
 
 1576. The Lyfe of the most Godly, valeant and noble 
 
 capteine . . . Jasper Colignie Shatilion, . . . 
 
 Translated out of Latin. (Arthur Golding.) 
 1576. Pierre de la Place, A Treatise of the Excellencie 
 
 of a Christian man, and how he may be knowen 
 
 .... (L. Tomson.) 
 1576. The Mirrour of Madness, or a Paradoxe, main- 
 
 tayning Madness to be most excellent. (James 
 
 Sanford.) 
 
474 APPENDIX A 
 
 (1577). Calvyn, The Commentaries uppon the first booke 
 
 of Moyses called Genesis. 
 (1577). Calvyn, The Commentaries uppon the prophet 
 Esaie. 
 The booke of the revelation of the prophet Esaie. 
 (1608.) 
 (1577). John de I'Espine, A treatise of Christian righteous- 
 ness. (John Field.) 
 (1577). Ffoure straunge and lamentable Tragicall his- 
 tories. (R. Smj^the.) 
 1577. King Henry III. of France. The Edict or Proclor- 
 mation set forthe by the Frenche king upon the 
 pacifying of the trouble in Fraunce, . . . 
 (Arthur Golding.) 
 1577. Theo. de Beza, A Tragedie of Abraham's Sacri- 
 fice. (Arthur Golding.) 
 1577. Francis de Tlsle, A Legendarie, Conteining an 
 aynple Discourse of the life and behaviour of 
 Charles Cardinal of Lorraine. 
 
 1577. Philip de Mornay, The Defence of Death. Con- 
 
 tayning a moste excellent discourse of life and 
 
 death. (E[dward] A[ggas].) 
 (1578). Calvin, Lectures upon the Prophete Jonas. 
 
 (N. B.) 
 (1578), Cahdn, A Commentarie upon Josue. 
 
 1578. A Christian Discourse upon certaine poynts of 
 
 Religion. Presented unto the most high and 
 puissant Lorde, the Prince of Conde. (John 
 Brooke.) 
 1578. Politique Discourses, treating of the differences and 
 inequalities of vocations. (-^gremont Rat- 
 cliff e.) 
 1578. Pierre du Ploiche, A treatise in Englishe and 
 French right necessarie and profitable for all 
 young children. (Dewes?) 
 1578. Remberte Dodvens, A Newe Herball or Historic 
 of Plantes. Original in Dutch. Translated 
 from French version. (Henry Lyte.) 
 (1579). Daniel Toussaint, L'exercice de Vame fidele, a 
 scavoir, prieres et Meditations pour se conso- 
 ler en toutes sortes des afflictions, . . . 
 (1579). P. Viret, Ye Lordes supper and against ye 
 
 masse. 
 (1579). Calvin, Twenty two sermons upon a psalm. 
 (1579). Treize Sermons de Monsieur J. Calvin Traitans 
 
APPENDIX A 475 
 
 de U election gratuite de Dieu en Jacob et de la 
 r election d'Esau. 
 (1579). Calvin, Psycopancecia. A Treatise of ye dwell- 
 ings of ye soule after yt departeth from ye 
 bodye. 
 (1579). Calvin, Four sermons of matters profitable for our 
 tym,e with an exposicon of the 87 psalme. 
 
 1579. Calvin, Sermons Upon the X Commandements 
 of the L awe. (J[ohn] H[armar].) 
 
 1579. Theo. de Beza, A Little Catechisme. 
 
 1579. Plutarch, Lives of the Noble Grecians and Ro- 
 manes. From the French of Amyot. (Thos. 
 North.) Another ed. enlarged, 1603. 
 
 1579. The Praise and Dispraise of Women. (John 
 Allday.) 
 
 1579. An Apology or defence for the Christians of France 
 which are of the Evangelicall or reformed reli- 
 gion, for the satisfying of such as wil not live in 
 peace and concord with them. (Sir Hierom 
 Bowes.) 
 
 1579. David Chambre, Histoire Abbregee de tous les 
 Roys de France, Angleterre et Escosse, mise 
 en ordre par forme d' Harmonic; contenant 
 aussi un brief discourse de Vancienne alliance 
 & mutual secours entre la France & VEsrosse. 
 
 1579. Antwerpes Unitye. An Accord or Peace in Reli- 
 
 gion and Governement. 
 
 (1580). Calvin, Sundry sermons touchinge the birthe, pas- 
 sion, deathe, resurrection, ascension and last 
 cummynge of our Lord Jhesus Christ . . . 
 
 (1580). Calvin, Three proposit ons or speeches. (T. W.) 
 
 1580 (?). Mons. Fountaine, A Catechisme and playne 
 
 instruction for children which prepare theselves 
 
 to communicate in the holy supper. (T. W.) 
 
 1580. Jacques Cartier, A shorte and brief narration of 
 
 the two Navigations and Discoveries to the 
 
 Northweast partes called New Fraunce. (John 
 
 Florio.) 
 1580. Prudens Choiselat, A Discourse of House- 
 
 bandrie ... (R. E.) 
 1580. Translations from the French in Humphrey Gif- 
 
 ford's Posie of Gilliflowers. 
 (1581). A Ballad entitled the Entertainemente of the 
 
 Frenchemen. 
 (1581). A familiar Christian instruccon. 
 
476 APPENDIX A 
 
 (1581). Theo. de Beza, XIIII holy psalmes chosen forth 
 of the new and old testament. 
 
 (1581), Calvin, Commentaries uppon bothe the epistles to 
 the Corinthians, on all Paules epistles and on 
 Deuteronomy and upon Esay. 
 
 (1581). Calvin, A Commentary uppon the epistle to the 
 Galathians. 
 
 (1581). Nicholas Nicholay Dauphinois, The Naviga- 
 tions, Peregrinations and Voyages made into 
 Turkey. 
 
 (Thos. Washington.) 1585. 
 1581. Jacques Bellot, Le Jardin de Vertu et Bonnes 
 Moeurs plein de Plusieurs Belles Fleurs & 
 riches sentences avec le sens d'icelles, recueillies 
 de plusieurs autheurs & mises en lumiere. 
 1581. Ten books of Homer's Iliades. Based on a 
 
 French verse translation. (A. H[all].) 
 1581 (?). The History (Mystory) of the Most Noble and 
 valyant Knyght Arthur of Little Britaine. Trans- 
 lated from the French. (John Bourghcher, 
 Knight, Lorde Berners.) 
 
 1581. Jean Cartheny, The Voyage of the Wandering 
 
 Knight. Translated from the French. 
 
 (W[m.] G[oodyear].) Other eds. 1550 (?), 
 
 1607, 1620. 
 (1582). Calvin, Against the annabaptistes. 
 (1582). Theo. de Beza, Predestination, 
 
 1582. Theo. Beza, Christian meditations upon eight 
 
 Psalmes of the Prophet David. (J. S.) 
 
 1582, The joyful and royal entertainment of the right high 
 
 and mightie prince Frauncis the Frenche Kings 
 
 only brother, , . . (Leonard Gibson.) 
 (1583). Calvin, Praiers used at the end of his Readings 
 
 upon Ho see . , . (John Fielde.) 
 (1583). Anthony Ffytzherbet, L'office et Authorite de 
 
 Justices de peas. (Law French.) 
 (1583). Pierre Viret, Metamorphose Christienne fait par 
 
 Dialogues. 
 (1583), Pierre Viret, Le monde et L'empire, et le monde 
 
 Deynoniacle fait par Dialogues. 
 (1583), De la Popelliniere, Les Trois Mondes. 
 
 1583. Bonad venture de Periers, The Mirrour of Mirth, 
 
 and pleasant Conceits . . . (R. D.) 
 1583. Steven de Maison Neufve Bordelois, The Pleas- 
 ant and Delectable History of Gerileon of Eng- 
 
APPENDIX A 477 
 
 land. Second part, 1592. (A. Munday.) 
 First and third parts. (1599.) 
 1583. R. Crompton, De commun bank et ores enlarge 
 cybien avec les estatutes faitz Decylus son temps 
 comme avec Divers cases de comen loy. (Law 
 Fr.) 
 
 (1585). Calvin, The actes of the apostles. 
 
 (1585). Lamentations of the prophet Jeremye with a para- 
 phrase upon the same. (Ff. S.) 
 
 (1585). Praiers and christian consolations. (G. Copelin.) 
 
 1585. King Henry III. of France, A Declaration set 
 
 forth by the Frenche kinge, shewing his pleasure 
 
 concerning the new troubles in his Realme. 
 
 (E. A.) 
 
 1585. A Declaration and Protestation, published by the 
 
 king of Navarre, the L. Prince of Conde, and 
 
 the L. Duke of Montmorency concerning the 
 
 peace concluded with the house of Lorrayn . . . 
 
 1585. Richard Bellewe, Les Ans Du Roy Richard Le 
 
 Second. 
 (1586). Book of Pretie Conceiptes, taken out of Latin, Fr. 
 
 Dutch and Eng. Other eds. 1585 (?), 1615, 1630. 
 (1586). L'Histoire D'Aurelio et Isabelle. (To be pr. in 
 
 London in French, Ital. and Eng.) 
 
 1586. Martin Cognet, Politique Discourses upon Truth 
 
 and Lying. (Sir Edward Hoby.) 
 
 1586 (?). An Aunswere to the League: Written by a 
 French Gentleman. 
 
 J1586. Pierre Erondelle, A Declaration and Catholick 
 exhortation to all Christian Princes to siiccour 
 the Church of God and Realme of France. 
 (E. A.) 
 
 1586. King Henry of Navarre, Three Letters. (E. A.) 
 
 1586. A most straunge, rare, and horrible murther com- 
 mitted by a Frenchman . . . 
 
 1586. Le vrai purtraict d'un ver M onstreux qui a este 
 trouve dans le coeur d'un cheval qui est mart en 
 la ville de Londres le 17. de Mars. 
 
 1586. La Clef des Champs, pour trouver plusieurs Ani- 
 maux, tant Bestes qu'Oyseaux, avec plusieurs 
 Fleurs & Fruits. 
 
 1586. Pierre de la Primaudaye. The French Aca- 
 demic wherein is discoursed the institution of 
 manners, . . . (Thos. Bowes.) Five eds. by 
 1614. Second part of The French Academic, 
 
478 APPENDIX A 
 
 pr. 1594 & 1603. Third volume of The French 
 
 Academie,pr. 1601. Four books complete, 1618. 
 (1587). Discourses Des Dissencions et confusions De la 
 
 Papaute. 
 (1587). King Henry III. of France, The Ffrench kinges 
 
 edict touching the Pacificacion of the Troubles of 
 
 his Realme. 
 (1587). An oration latelie pronounced by the Ambassa- 
 
 dours of the protestant Prynces of Germanye 
 
 unto the French kynge . . . 
 (1587). Responce a la profession defoy publiee contre ceux 
 
 de Veglise reformee. 
 (1587). Le magnificent Du pape et De Sainte mere eglise 
 
 Romayne. 
 (1587). La main Chrestienne aux tombez. 
 (1587). Traicte pour ohter La Crainte de la mort et la f aire 
 
 desirer a I'homme fidele. 
 (1587). Claude Colet, The Famous Pleasant and Delight- 
 ful History of Palladine of England. Trans- 
 lated from the French. Other eds. 1588 
 
 (A. M.), 1664 (A. M.). 
 1587. A Letter written by a French Gentleman [S. C. P.] 
 
 to a friend of his at Rome . . . 
 1587. Lord de la Noue. The Politicke and Militarie 
 
 Discourses . . . (E. A.). 
 1587. Louise Labe, Debat entre Amour et Folic. (Robt. 
 
 Greene.) 
 1587. A Brief e discourse of the merveylous victorie gotten 
 
 by the king of Navarre against those of the holy 
 
 League. 
 1587. M. Laudonniere, A Notable Historic containing 
 
 foure voyages made by certayne French cap- 
 
 taynes unto Florida. (R. H[akluyt]). 
 1587. Theo. Beza, Sermons on the three first chapters of 
 
 the Canticles. (John Harmar.) Oxford. 
 1587. P. de Mornay, A Worke concerning the trewnesse 
 
 of the Christian Religion. (Sir Philip Sidney 
 
 & Arthur Golding.) Other eds. 1592, 1604. 
 1587. The pictures of a yonge man and a nurse. 
 (1587). Frederick de Vinciolo, Les singulieres Pour- 
 
 traicts et ouvrages de L'ingerie. 
 (1588). Que Valleance D' Angleterre est plus Duisible De 
 
 Valleance entre France et VHispagne. 
 (1588). Auscuns articles proposez par les chefs de la ligue en 
 
 I'assemblee De Nancye en Januier 1588 pour 
 
APPENDIX A 479 
 
 estre arrestez en la generalle de Mars pro- 
 chain. (To be translated into English.) 
 
 (1588). Lettre D'un Gentilhome Catholique Ffransois a 
 messieurs De La Sorhonne De Paris. (To be 
 translated into English.) 
 
 (1588). Premier volume du Recuell contenant les chases 
 memorables advenues soubs la ligue. Qui s'est 
 faicte et elevee contra la Relegion Reformee your 
 Vaholir. (To be translated into English.) 
 
 (1588), De L'authorite Du Roy, et Crimes De Lez 
 Maieste. 
 
 (1588). M. T. [J.] L'Espine, A very Excellent and Learned 
 Discourse touching the Tranquilitie and Conten- 
 tation of the Minde. (Ed. Smyth.) 1592. 
 (1588). Du Bartas, Premiere Semaine. (Sir Philip Sid- 
 ney.) (For complete list of translations of Du 
 Bartas, see p. 152 sq.) 
 
 1588. A Caveat for ^France, upon the present evils that it 
 now suffereth. (E. Aggas.) 
 
 1588. King Henry III. of France, A Declaration of the 
 kings pleasure published after his departure 
 from Paris. (E. A.) 
 
 1588. A Discourse upon the present state of France. 
 
 1588. A necessary Discourse concerning the right which 
 the house of Guyse pretendeth to the Crowne of 
 France. (E. A.) 
 
 1588. A true Discourse of the Armie which the King of 
 Spaine caused to be assembled in the Haven of 
 Lisbon . . . (Daniel Archdeacon.) 
 
 1588. Discours politique, ires excellent pour le temps 
 present; compose par un gentilhomme Frangois 
 contre ceulx de la Ligue, . . , 
 
 1588. M. de Bellieure, Harangue faicte a la Royne 
 d' Angleterre. 
 
 1588. Palmerin D'Oliva. Written in Spanish, Italian 
 and French and translated from them into 
 English. (A. M.) Other eds. 1579 (second 
 part), 1637. 
 
 1588. A True report of the Taking of Marseilles by the 
 favourers of the league togither with the releve 
 therof by the kings faith full subiects. (E. A.) 
 (1589). Deux Traitez, L'un de la guerre I'autre du Duel, 
 au Roy de Navarre. (To be translated into 
 English.) 
 (1589). Jacques Hurault, Des Offices D'estat avec un 
 
480 APPENDIX A 
 
 sommaire des strategemes. (To be translated 
 
 into English.) 
 (1589). A Frenche mans songe made upon the deathe of the 
 
 French kinge. In English. 
 (1589). Henry III. of France, Le vray 'Agnus DeV pour 
 
 desarmer le peuple Frangois. 
 (1589). The second Collection conteyning the history of the 
 
 most notable thinges happened under the league. 
 (1589). Discours brief mais tressolide, monstrant claire- 
 
 ment qu'il est . . . necessaire an Roy de s'allier 
 
 au Roy de Navarre. In French and English. 
 (1589). The French history menconninge the outrage under 
 
 the name of Wynnynge Sainct James street. 
 (1589). A Letter sent to the good townes that are in obedience 
 
 to the kinge. 
 (1589). De PEspine, A Treatise of faythe. 
 (1589). Traite pour consoler les malades, et les Asseurer 
 
 contre les frayeurs et apprehensions de leurs 
 
 peches, et de la mort. (To be translated into 
 
 English.) 
 (1589). Examen pacifique de la doctrine des Huguenots ; 
 
 provant contre les Catholiques Rigoureux. In 
 
 French and English. 
 (1589). A comparison of the English and Spanishe Na- 
 tion. (R. Ashley.) 
 (1589). Lettres Patentes, de Declaration Du Roy, pour la 
 
 Remise de la assemblee generate . . . 
 1589. Newes sent unto the Ladye Princesse of Orange. 
 
 (I. E.) 
 1589. A Letter, written by afrench Catholicke gentleman. 
 1589. William de Beliay, Instructions for the Warres, 
 
 . . . discoursing the method of Militarie Dis- 
 cipline. (Paule Ive.) 
 1589. King Henry of Navarre, A Letter to the three 
 
 estates of Fraunce: . . . (G. R.) 
 1589. Lord de la None, The Declaration of the Lord de 
 
 la Nou^ upon his taking Armes for the just 
 
 defence of the Townes of Sedan and lametz . . . 
 
 (A. M.) 
 1589. A Discourse upon the Declaration, published by 
 
 the Lord de la Noue. 
 1589. An Admonition given by one of the Duke of 
 
 Savoy es Councel to his Highnesse, Tending to 
 
 disswade him from enterprising against France. 
 
 (E.A.) 
 
APPENDIX A 481 
 
 1589. Advise given by a Catholike Gentleman to the 
 Nohilitie & Commons of France, to ioyne to- 
 gether and take armes . . . against theeves and 
 robbers, ... (I. Eliote.) 
 
 1589. The Contre-League and answere to certaine letters 
 sent to the Maisters of Renes ... (E. A.) 
 
 1589. King Henry III. of France, The French Kinges 
 Declaration upon the Riot, Felonie, and Rebel- 
 lion of the Duke of Mayenne, . . . 
 
 1589. Kings of France & Navarre, The Declarations 
 as well of the French king as of the king of 
 Navarre, Concerning the Truce agreed upon be- 
 twene their maiesties . . . 
 
 1589. A Politicke Discourse most excellent for this 
 time present: Composed by a French Gentle- 
 man. 
 
 1589. A True Discourse of the most happy victories ob- 
 tayned by the French king. (T. D.) 
 
 1589. King Henry III. of France, A Letter from the king, 
 to his Court of Parliament of Burdaux, touching 
 the death of the Duke of Guyse. 
 
 1589. John Fregeville, The Reformed Politicke. 
 
 1589. The Restorer of the French Estate ... 
 (1590). Thecopieof a lettre sent into England . . .wherein 
 is set forthe the good successe of the kinges 
 maiesties forces against the liguers and the 
 prince of Parmas power. 
 (1590). The Decree of the courte of parliament of Nor- 
 mandiefor the seasinge of ye rebelles goodes, and 
 two canticles touchinge the said Vyctorye. 
 (1590). Deploration De La mort dufoy, Henry Troisiesme, 
 et Du Scandale qu'en a L'eglise. (To be trans- 
 lated into English.) 
 (1590). Discours au vray de ce qui s'est pasee en Varmee. 
 Conduitte par sa maieste Depuis son advene- 
 ment a la courone iusques a prinse de fauxe 
 bourge de Paris. In French and English. 
 (1590). Les Lauriers Du Roy, Contre les foudres pratiques 
 
 par I'Espagnol. In French and English. 
 (1590). Sommaire Discours au vray De ce qui est advenu 
 en Varmee Du roy tres christien, Depuis que le 
 Due de Parma sest ioynt a celle des enemies lus- 
 que au 17 du Septembre envoy ez par sa maies- 
 tie au Monsieur De Beavoir. 
 (1590). Discours veritable des horribles meurtres et massa- 
 
482 APPENDIX A 
 
 cres comis et perpetrez de sang froid, par les 
 
 troupes de Due de Savoy . . . 
 (1590). King Henry IV. of France, The Frenche hinges 
 
 lettre to monsieur de Vernue touchinge the 
 
 vyctorye againste the rehelles and leagers. 
 (1590). Memoires de Ce qui et advenu en L'armee du roy. 
 
 (To be translated into English.) 
 (1590). King Henry IV. of France, The oration and 
 
 declaracon of Henrie . . . 
 (1590). Ce qui est advenu en la retraicte De Due de Parma 
 
 Depuis le 20 Novemhris Jusques au 27 Dudict 
 
 mois 1590 Avec les Novelles d'Auphine. In 
 
 French and English. 
 (1590). Les Rodomontades Du Capitaine Viques, and a 
 
 letter of a Frenche gent to my lady Jacquet Cle- 
 ment. 
 (1590). A brief Instruction profitable and necessarie for 
 
 such as delight in planting of gardens, . . . 
 1590. John Taffin, Of the Markes of the Children of God 
 
 and of their Comforts in Afflictions . (Anne 
 
 Prowse.) 
 1590. An Abstract of the proceedings of the French 
 
 king . . . Written by a French Gentleman. 
 1590. The letters Patients of the Kings Declaration for 
 
 the referring of the generall assemblee of the 
 
 Princes, . . . 
 
 1590. Newes from Rome, Spaine, Palermo, GenevcB and 
 
 France. With the miserable state of . . . 
 
 Paris, and the late yeelding uppe of sundrie 
 
 Towns of great strength unto the King. 
 (1591). Description Veritable Des Batailles victoires et 
 
 Trophees Du Due De Parme. In French and 
 
 English. 
 (1591). Response a la Supplicacon Contre celux lequel 
 
 faisant semblant De Doner advis au Roy de ce 
 
 faire Catholic veult exciter ses bons subiectes 
 
 a rebellion. 
 
 1591. A Discourse Uppon a Question of the Estate of this 
 
 time. (E. A.) 
 1591. Bertrand de Loques, Discourses of Warre and 
 
 single Combat. (I. Eliot.) 
 1591. A True Declaration of the Honorable Victorie 
 
 obtained by the French king in winning of 
 
 Noyan, . . . 
 1591. King Henry IV. of France, The kings Declara- 
 
APPENDIX A 483 
 
 tion. Importing a Revocation of all such 
 Letters for Ennoblishment as have not been veri- 
 fied in the Chambre of accounts of Normandy. 
 (E. W.) 
 
 1591. Le vray Discours de la victoire merveilleuse obtenue 
 par le Roy de France et de Navarre Henry 4 
 . . . Dress e et envoy e par dega par un des 
 principaux Officiers de sa Maieste. 
 
 1591. True Newes From one of Sir Fraunces Veres Com- 
 panie. Concerning Delftes-Isle and sundry other 
 townes . . . yielded to the Generall . . . 
 
 1591. King Henry IV. of France, Ordinances set 
 foorth by the king for the rule and governement 
 of his Maiesties men of warre. 
 
 1591. Johii de TEspine, Comfort for an afflicted Con- 
 science . . . (Peter Allibond.) 
 
 1591. Perpetuall and Naturall Prognostications Of the 
 
 Change of weather. (From Ital. by I. F. To 
 be pr. in Ital., Fr., and Eng.) 
 
 (1592). Discours de ce qui s'est passe de puis le partement 
 du Roy treschrestien pour venir rencontrer le 
 due De Parme . . . (To be translated into 
 English.) 
 
 (1592). Three Treatises: Le Ffrancophile, Le Doux 
 Satyric, La primiere Phillippique. (To be 
 pr. in English.) 
 
 (1592). Rabelais (?), Gargantua his prophesie. 
 
 (1592). M. M. Boiardo, Histoire de Roland Vamoureaux 
 comprenant les Chevaleureux faictes d'armes et 
 d' amours Devisee en trois livres. (To be trans- 
 lated from a French version.) 
 
 1592. A Discourse of the Great overthrow given by the 
 
 French king unto the Leaguers in Poictiers, . . . 
 1592. An Excellent Discourse upon the now present 
 
 estate of France. (E. A.) 
 1592. A lournall, wherein is truly sette downe from day 
 
 to day, what was doone and worthy of noting in 
 
 both the Armies, . . . (E. A.) 
 1592. Good newes from Fraunce. A True Discourse of 
 
 the winning of sundry cheefe Townes, . . . 
 1592, Philip de Mornay. A Discourse of Life and 
 
 Death. (Countess of Pembroke.) Other eds. 
 
 1600, 1606, 1607. 
 1592. Robert Garnier, Antonius, a Tragcedie. (Count- 
 
 tess of Pembroke.) 
 
484 APPENDIX A 
 
 1592. Confutation of the Popish Transubstantiation. 
 
 (Peter Allibond.) 
 (1593). Le Thresor et Manuel Des Prieres. (To be 
 
 translated into English.) 
 (1593). Du Vaiz, The holie philosophic with many other 
 
 treatises of pietie. 
 (1593). Articles accordez pour la Treve generale. (To be 
 
 pr. in English.) 
 (1593). M. de Thevines, A Lettre dc monsieur De The- 
 
 vines (and) a parlement held at Chaalons. 
 (1593). La Fleur de lice etc. 
 
 1593. A Proposition of the princes, prelates, . . . pro- 
 
 pounded to the Duke of Mayenne, . . . 
 
 1593. Remonstrances To the Duke de Mayne . . . 
 
 Wherein, . . . are discovered divers priveties, 
 concerning his proceedings and affayres. (Ant- 
 [hony] Ch[ute].) 
 (1594). The Jesuyt displaied. (E. A.) 
 (1594). Rabelais (?), The historic of Gargantua. 
 
 1594. Odet de la None, The Profit of Imprisonment. 
 
 (Joshua Silvester.) 
 
 1594. Louis le Roy, Of the Interchangeable Course, or 
 Varietie of things in the whole World. (R[obt.] 
 A[shley].) 
 
 1594. The Order of Ceremonies observed in the anoint- 
 ing and Coronation of the most Christian king 
 of France & Navarre, Henry III. (E. A.) 
 
 1594. Robt. Garnier, Cornelia. (Thos. Kyd.) 
 (1595). The third book of the Historic of Prince Palmerin 
 
 of England. Translated from the French 
 
 version. Other eds. — First part, 1616 (A. M.). 
 
 Second part, 1616 (A. M.). 
 (1595). Harangues Militaires et Condons De Princes 
 
 Capitaines, . . . 
 (1595). The Cakephachisme Doctrinall and confession of 
 
 the liguers faithe. 
 (1595). Michaell, Lord of Mountene, The Essays of 
 
 Michaell Lord of Mountene. (John Florio?) 
 
 (See p. 266.) 
 (1595). Les Diverses Lessons D'Anthonie Du Verdier, 
 
 Sieur De Varr Prunas. [Vauprivaz.'] 
 
 1595. Court of Parliament, The Decree of the Court 
 
 . . . against John Chastel . . . , upon the 
 Parricide by him attempted against the kings 
 person. 
 
APPENDIX A 485 
 
 1595. An Answere to the last Tempest and Villanie of 
 the League, upon the slanders . . . against the 
 French king. (T, H.) 
 
 1595. A State Discourse upon the late hurt of the French 
 king. (E, A.) 
 
 1595. The Historic of France : The Foure First Bookes. 
 
 1595. A Pleasant Satyre or Poesie: Wherein is dis- 
 covered the Catholicon of Spayne and the chiefe 
 leaders of the League. 
 
 1595. Jacques Hurault, Politicke, Moral and Martial 
 Discourses. (Arthur Golding.) 
 
 1595. The famous and renowned History of Primaleon 
 
 of Greece, . . . Translated from the French 
 version. Third Part (1607). Another ed. 1619. 
 (A[nthony] M[unday].) 
 
 (1596). J. Piscator, Aphorismes of Christian Religion, or 
 a[n] . . . abridgement of John Calvines institu- 
 tions . . . 
 
 (1596). Alexander Syluain, Epitomes De Cent histoires 
 Tragicques partie extraictes des Actes des Re- 
 mains et autres. 
 
 (1596). The Historye of Sir Mervyn . . . Translated 
 out of French. 
 
 1596. Jacques de Lavardin, The Historic of George 
 
 Castriot, surnamed Scanderherg, King of 
 
 Albanie. (Z. I.) 
 1596. Romes Monarchic, Entituled the Globe of Re- 
 nowned Glorie . . . (E. L.) 
 1596. The History of Phillip de Commines Knight, Lord 
 
 of Argenton. (Thos. Danett.) Another ed. 
 
 1614. 
 1596. The Delightful History of Celestina the Faire. 
 
 Translated from the French. (Wm. Barley.) 
 (1597). Placart et Decret public en Espagne par le Roy 
 
 Phillippe sur le changes et levees d' argent par luy 
 
 faite avec les marchandes. Translated from 
 
 Spanish into French and English. 
 (1597). Recueil des choses memorables avenues en Ffraunce 
 
 sous le regne De Henry II, . . . (To be 
 
 pr. in English.) 
 (1597). The Historye of the late troubles of Fraunce under 
 
 Henry III of France and Poland and Henry IV 
 
 of Ffraunce and Navarre. 
 (1597). Bonaventure de la Perriere, The Mirrour of 
 
 Policie. 1599. 
 
486 APPENDIX A 
 
 (1597). The fifth hooke of the last troubles of Ffraunce con- 
 teininge ye historie of the most memorable 
 things . . . 
 (1597). Jean de Serres, A generall Inventory of the his- 
 tory of France, beautified by the conference of the 
 Churche and the Empyre. 1611. Continued 
 by Peter Mathew from 1598 to 1610, and 
 again to 1622 by Edward Grimeston. Pr. 1624. 
 
 1597. The Theatre of Gods Judgements. (Th. Beard.) 
 Other eds. 1612, 1648. 
 
 1597. Margaret of Valois, Heptameron. Another ed. 
 1654 (Robt. Codrington). 
 
 1597. Madame Maulette, Vertues tears for the losse of 
 the most Christian King Henry III of France, 
 and the untimely death of . . . Walter Devo- 
 reux. (Jervis Markham.) 
 
 1597. The Mutable and wavering estate of France, from 
 the yeare of our Lord 1460, untill the yeare 1595 
 . . . Collected out of sundry, both Latin, Ital- 
 ian and French Historiographers. 
 
 1597. A Famous tragicall discourse of two lovers, Affri- 
 can and Mensola . . . (Tuscan into French 
 by Anthony Guerin ; French into English by 
 Jo. Goubourne.) 
 
 1597. Jean du Bee, The Historie of the Great Emperour 
 
 Tamerlan. (H. M.) 
 
 (1598). The first part of The Historie of Durine of Greece. 
 Translated out of French. (H. W.) 
 
 (1598). Le Cabinet de Saines Affections. (To be pr. in 
 English.) 
 
 (1598). The Articles and conditions of peace between the 
 high and mightye prynces Phillip kinge of 
 Spayne, and Henry the IV the French king. 
 
 (1598). De L' Institution, usage, et Doctrine, Du Saint Sac- 
 rament De L' eucharistie Du I'eglise Ancienne, 
 . . . (To be translated into English.) 
 
 1598. An Historical Collection of the most Memorable 
 
 Accidents and Tragicall Massacres of France 
 
 under the Raignes of Henry 2 to Henry 4. 
 1598. The honorable overthrow of the Duke of Savoyes 
 
 Troopes of Soldiers neere Aiguebelle in Savoy e. 
 
 (W. P.) 
 1598. Sonets des Grands Exploicts Victorieux de hault 
 
 et puissant Seigneur Maurice Prince d'Orange. 
 
APPENDIX A 487 
 
 1598. Aristotle, Politiques, or Discourses of Govern- 
 
 ment. (From Greek into French by Loys Le 
 Roy. French into Enghsh by I. D.) 
 
 (1598). Thresor des Remedies secretes pour les malades des 
 femmes. (To be translated into English.) 
 
 (1599). King Henry IV. of France, Edict du Roy et Decla- 
 ration sur les precedents Edicts et Pacification. 
 (To be translated into English.) 
 
 (1599). Marot et de Beza, Les CL. Pseaumes de David 
 mises in Rimme Ffrancoise. (In French only.) 
 
 (1599). Phillippe de Mornaye, Response A Uexamen du 
 docteur Boulenger par laquell sont Justifices les 
 allegations par Luy pretendues faulses et veri- 
 fiees ses calomnies contre La preface du Liure de 
 La Sainte eucharistie. (To be translated into 
 English.) 
 
 (1599). Philip de Mornay, A booke of Meditations upon 
 the CI psalme. (Thos. Wilcox.) 
 
 (1599). J. Piscator, Of Mans justification before God. 
 Two booke opposed to the sophismes of Robt. 
 Bellarmine Jesuite. 
 
 (1599). Philip de Marnix, The first tome or tablet of the 
 differences of Religion . . . 
 
 (1599). Henry Stephan [Estienne], The preparatif trea- 
 tise to the Apologie for Herodotus. 
 
 1599. A breefe Treatise of the vertue of the Crosse : And 
 
 the true manner how to honour it. 
 1599. King Henry IV. of France, The Speeche which the 
 French king made to the Lords of Parliament 
 ... (H. W.) 
 1599. Du Bartas (?), The Miracle of the Peace in France 
 Celebrated by the Ghost of the Divine Du Bartas. 
 (Joshua Sylvester.) 
 1599. A True Discourse of a cruell Fact committed by a 
 Gentlewoman towardes her husbande, her father, 
 her Sister and two of her Nephews. 
 1599. Le Chev. de I'Escale, A Woman's Worth, de- 
 fended against all the men in the world. 
 (1600). Suite De Vinventaire general de L'istoire de 
 
 France. (To be translated into English.) 
 (1600). De Mornay, De L' Institution de La Saincte Eu- 
 charistie de nostre Seigneur. (To be translated 
 into English.) 
 (1600). Plutarch, The Morall Woorkes of Plutarque. 
 Translated from the French version. 
 
488 APPENDIX A 
 
 (1600). L. Annseus Seneca, Opera. (To be translated 
 out of French and Latin.) 
 
 (1600). Thresor des chartes. Contenant les tableaux de 
 tous pays du monde enrichi de belles descrip- 
 tions et nouvellement mys en lumiere, (To be 
 translated into English.) 
 
 (1600). Michael de Montaigne, The Essayes or Morall, 
 Politike and Militarie Discourses of La: 
 Michael de Montaigne . . . (John Florio.) 
 1603. Other eds. 1613 and 1632. 
 
 1600. Charles Stevens & John Liebault, Maison Rus- 
 tique, Or, the Countrey Farme. (Gervase 
 Markham.) Another ed. 1616. 
 
 1600. A Discourse of the Conference holden before the 
 French king at Fontainebleau, . . . 
 
 1600. King Henry IV. of France, The kings Declaration 
 and Ordinance containing the cause of his warre 
 against the Duke of Savoy . . . 
 
 1600. Mart. Fumee, The Historic of the Troubles of 
 Hungarie: ... (R. C.) 
 
 1600. The Oracle of Savoy; Containing the predictions 
 
 made for truth to the Duke of Savoy as concern- 
 ing the Estate of Fraunce. 
 
 (1601). The Conversion of eight learned personnages 
 within the kingdom of Ffraunce . . . (W. B.) 
 
 (1601). A true discourse of the occurrences in the wars of 
 Savoy. (E. A.) 
 
 (1601). The wonderful adventure above all others of the 
 ages past and present whiche conteineth a Dis- 
 cours touchinge the succes of the king of Portu- 
 gall . . . synce his voiage of Aphrique . . . 
 
 (1601). H. Belon, The treasure of a Christian soule. 
 (Victor Chantrell.) 
 
 (1601). Artimedorous, Les Jugements des Songes Astro- 
 nomiques des songes, par Artimedorus, plus Le 
 livre d'Auguste Niphus, Des Divinations et 
 Augur es par Anthoine Du Moulin. (To be 
 translated into English.) 
 
 1601. Henry Constable, Refutation de Vecrit de Maistre 
 
 Daniel Tilenus contre le Discours de Monsieur 
 VEvesque d'Eureux, touchant les Traditions 
 Apostoliques. Pr. at Eureux. 
 1601. A True Discourse of the whole occurrences in the 
 Queenes voyage from her departure from Flor- 
 ence, until her arrival at Marseilles. (E. A.) 
 
APPENDIX A 489 
 
 (1602). Le franc et veritable discours au Roy sur Le re- 
 stablissement qui Lui est demand e pour Les 
 Jesuites. (To be translated into English.) 
 
 (1602), King Henry IV. of France, Lettres patentes Du 
 Roy. Contenant Defenses faites a toutes per- 
 sonnes de quelque qualitie . . . (To be 
 translated into English.) 
 
 (1602). S. de La Broue, Preceptes of horsemanship. 
 1602. A True and perfect Discours of the practises and 
 
 Treasons of Marshall Biron : . . . 
 1602. Antoine Arnauld, Le franc Discours. A Dis- 
 course, presented . . . to the French king, 
 in answer to requests made for the restoring of 
 the Jesuits into France. 
 1602. John Crispen, The Estate of the Church, with 
 the Discourse of Times . . . (Simon Pat- 
 rike.) 
 
 1602. Etienne Pasquier, The Jesuites Catechisme. 
 
 1603. Jean Hot man, The Ambassador. 
 
 1603. Sr. Pelletier, Discours Politicque, a tres-hault & 
 tres-puissant Roy lacques premier. 
 
 1603. A True and Admirable Historic of a Mayden of 
 Confolens in the Province of Poictiers; that 
 for the space of three yeares and more hath lived 
 and yet doth without receiving either meats or 
 drinke . . . (Anth. Munday.) 
 
 1603. Theo. de Beza, Maister Bezces household Prayers. 
 ? Theo. de Beza, A brief e and piththie summe of the 
 
 Christian faith made in forme of a confession. 
 (R. F.) 
 
 1604. The Voluntarie Confession and Severall Recanta- 
 
 tions, of foure great learned men . . . 
 (1605). Prosopopee de la Pyramide Du Palais de Paris. 
 
 (To be pr. in English.) 
 (1605). Calvin, A Commentary on the whole epistle to the 
 
 Hebrues. 
 (1605). Mornay, An Answer e to a booke published by the 
 
 Lord Bysshop of Eureux uppon a Conference 
 
 held at Fountaine Bleau. (Moole.) 
 
 1605. Pibrac, The Quadrains of Guy de Faur, lord of 
 
 Pibrac. 1605. (Sylvester.) 
 1605. A Way of reconciliation of a good and learned 
 man, touching the true nature and substance of 
 the body and blood of Christ in the sacrament. 
 (Elizabeth, Lady Russell.) 
 
490 APPENDIX A 
 
 1605. Jerome Bignon, Briefe, hut an effectual Treatise of 
 the Election of Popes. 
 
 1605. Pierre de Loier, A Treatise of Specters or straunge 
 
 Sights, Visions and Apparitions appearing 
 
 sensibly unto men . . . 
 (1606). Pierre Charon, Of Wisdom. (Samson Len- 
 
 nard.) Other eds. 1620 (?), 1630, fourth ed. 
 
 1670. 
 (1606). The French Inventory. 
 
 1606. Rene de Lucinge, The Beginning, Continuance 
 
 and Decay of Estates. (I. F.) 
 
 1606. Miracles lately wrought by the intercession of the 
 
 Glorious Virgin Marie at Montaigu, . . . 
 (Robt. Chambers.) Antwerp. 
 
 (1607). The Considerations of the soule necessary for every 
 Christian. (N. B. G.) 
 
 (1607). Heberman, Prieres Chrestienes. 
 
 (1607). A Report of the play at Lyons by the Jesuites 
 Certified by a French factor to his master . . . 
 Probably pr. 1607. 
 
 (1607). OUenix du Mont-Sacre, The Pastoralles of Ju- 
 lietta. (Gervase Markham.) Another tr. by 
 Robt. Tofte, Honour's Academy, or the Fa- 
 mous Pastoral of the Fair Shepherdess Julietta, 
 1610. 
 
 1607, The Jesuites Commedie. Acted at Lyons in 
 
 Fraunce. 
 
 1607. Jean Goulart. Admirable and Memorable His- 
 
 tories of our time. (Ed. Grimeston.) 
 (1608). Du Bartas, The Historic of Judith in Forme of a 
 
 Poeme. (Thos. Hudson.) Pr. Edinburgh, 1584. 
 (1608). The Taxe of the pope shop. (In Latin and French, 
 
 to be translated into English.) 
 (1608). An Epistle of Lady Gratiana, . . . to the Ladys 
 
 of France touchinge her conversion frome popery 
 
 to the true profession of the gospell. 
 
 1608. The Conversion of a most Noble Lady of Fraunce 
 
 • • • 
 
 1608. Henri Estienne, A World of Wonders, or an In- 
 troduction to a treatise touching the conformitie 
 of ancient and modern wonders, ... (R [ich- 
 ard] C[arew].) Edinburgh, 
 (1609). The French kinges Statute touchinge the prohibi- 
 tion and punishment of single and. private corn- 
 bates. 
 
APPENDIX A 491 
 
 (1609), Nova Francia or The Description of yat parte of 
 newe France which is one continent with Vir- 
 ginia. 
 
 1609. Pierre du Moulin, Heraclitus. (R. S.) Pr. at 
 Oxford. (1619.) 
 
 1609. Philip de Mornay, Teares, For the Death of his 
 Sonne. Unto his wife Charlotte Batiste. (John 
 Healey.) 
 
 1609. A. I. J[uris] C[onsult], Catholique Traditions. 
 
 (L[ewis] 0[wen]). 
 ? Du Plessis Mornay, Le Pape -des Huguenots. 
 
 (John FeUde.) 
 (1610). Remonstrance a Messieurs de la cour de Parle- 
 
 ment sur le Parricide Commis en la Personne du 
 
 Roy Henry le grand. (To be translated into 
 
 English.) 
 (1610). Anti-Mariana or a confutacon of Marianes opinion 
 
 touchinge the killinge of kinges. 
 (1610). Moulin, Theophilus or Love Divine, . . . 
 
 (Richard Goringe.) 
 
 1610. A.T., A Letter of a Catholike Man beyond the seas, 
 
 written to his friend in England. Including 
 another of Peter Colon Priest, . . . 
 
 1610. Pierre du Moulin, Defense de la Foy Catholique 
 contenue au Livre de Trespuissant & Sere- 
 nissime Roy laques I, Roy de la grand' Bre- 
 tagne & d'Irlande. C outre la Response de 
 F. N. Cceffeteau . . . (John Digby.) 
 
 1610. George Brisset, The Apologie . . . Written 
 upon consideration of the inhumane murther of 
 the late French king. 
 
 1610. The Copie of a Letter written from Paris . . . 
 Declaring the maner of the execution of Francis 
 Ravaillart, . . . 
 
 1610. The Hellish and horrible Councell practiced and 
 used by the lesuites . . . when they would have 
 a man to murther a king. 
 
 1610. Sieur de Pelletier. A Lamentable Discourse upon 
 the paricide and bloudy assasination committed 
 on the person of Henry the Fourth. 
 
 1610. A Discoverie of the most secret and subtile prac- 
 tises of the Jesuites. 
 
 1610. The Funerall Poinpe and Obsequies of the Most 
 mighty and puissant Henry IV. 
 
 1610. George Brisset, A Letter Apologeticall of George 
 
492 APPENDIX A 
 
 Brisset : . . . wherein are set downe the reasons 
 that moved him to turne to the Reformed. Pr. 
 at Edinburgh. 1616. 
 
 (1611). Moulin, The Sacramente of the Lordes supper. 
 
 (1611). Histoire de la mort deplorable de Henry Quatrieme, 
 (To be translated into English.) 
 
 (1611). J. Bede, Le Droit des Rois contre le cardinall 
 Bellarmyn et autres Jesuites. (To be trans- 
 lated into English.) 
 
 (1611). The Golden Cabynett of true treasure. 
 
 (1611). Cayer de Ceux de L' assemble de Saumur, 1611. 
 
 (1611). Honore D'Urfe — The History of Astrea. 1620. 
 (John Pyper.) 1657-1658. 
 
 (1611). Peter Boyssat, The History of the knights of the 
 order of Saincte John of Jerusalem. 
 
 (1611). A Treatise of the dissolucon of Marriage by reason 
 of the coldnes and insufficiency eyther of the man 
 or woman. 
 
 1611. Anti-Coton, Or A Refutation of Cottons Latter 
 Declaratorie . . . for the apologizing of the 
 Jesuites Doctrine, touching the killing of kings, 
 ... (G. H.) 
 
 1611. A Discourse to the Lords of the Parliament. As 
 touching the Murther . . . of Henrie the 
 Great . . . 
 
 1611. The French Herald summoning all true Christian 
 princes to a generall croisade for a holy warr 
 against the great Enemy of Christendome and 
 all his slaves . . . 
 
 1611. The Jesuites Pater Noster Given to Phillip III 
 king of Spaine for his new yeares gift this 
 present yeare. (W. I.) Oxford. 
 
 1611. Countesses of Derby & Cranborne, Lady Clif- 
 ford, Three Precious Teares of Blood, Flowing 
 from the wounded harts of three great French 
 ladies . . . for the Murther of . . . Henry 
 the Great. 
 (1612). Instruccon de la Communion que tous vraies 
 fideles ont avec leur chef Jesus Christ par la 
 participacon au sacrament du Corps et du sang 
 d'icelui. (To be translated into English.) 
 (1612). A relation of the Duke de Mayenne his ambassage 
 into Spayne for the accomplishment of the 
 Mariage of Lewis the 13, the French king with 
 th' Infant of Spayne. 
 
APPENDIX A 493 
 
 (1612). A Congratulacon to Ffraunce upon the happy 
 alliance with Spayne dedicated to the Queene. 
 
 (1612). Discours veritable de ce qui s'est passe en la ville 
 de Troyes, sur les pursuittes faites par les 
 Jesuites pour a'y establyr depuis Van 1603, 
 iusques au mois de Juillet 1611. (To be trans- 
 lated into English.) 
 
 (1612). Les Feux de Joye de la Ffraunce sur les pompes et 
 magnificences faites a Paris pour Vheureuse 
 Allyance de son Roy avec l' Infanta d'Espagne. 
 (To be translated into English.) 
 
 (1612). Description et representation de toutes les victoires 
 tant par eau que par terre, lesquelles Dieu a 
 Octroiees aux nobles, des Provinces Unies du 
 Pais bas souz la Conduite et gouvernement de 
 son excellence le prince Maurice de Nassau. 
 (To be translated into English.) 
 
 (1612). John de L'Espine, The Anatomic of the Churche. 
 (Lymon Vegheiraan.) 
 
 (1612). John de L'Espine, Of the Confessions of synnes 
 and afflictions. (Lymon Veghelman.) 
 
 (1612). Le livre de trois filz des Roys cest a savoir de 
 Ffraunce d' Angleterre et D'Escosse, . . . (To 
 be translated into English.) 
 
 (1612). Lettre de Monseigneur V illustrisses cardinall Du 
 Perron, Envoyee a monsieur Casaubon estant en 
 Angleterre. (To be translated into English.) 
 
 (1612). Les Metamorphoses d'Ovide de nouveau traduytes 
 en Ffrancois avec XV discours contenans l' ex- 
 plication morale des fables. (To be translated 
 into English.) 
 
 (1612). Pierre de la Marteliere, Plaidoye. (To be 
 
 translated into English.) 
 1612. Louis de Mayerne-Turquet, The Generall His- 
 toric of Spaine . . . (Edward Grimeston.) 
 1612. George Thompson, The Hunting of the Romay.ie 
 
 Beast. 
 1612. The Life and Death of Lewis Gaufredi: . . . 
 1612. P. MatthieU; The Heroyk Life and deplorable 
 death of the most Christian King Henry the 
 Fourth. (Ed. Grimston.) 
 The Trophies of the Life and Tragedy of the Death 
 of Henry the Great in verse. (Sylvester.) 
 1612. Jacques Guillemeau, Child- Birth, or the Happy 
 Delivery of Women. 
 
494 . APPENDIX A 
 
 (1613). A Co'pie of the letter Denunciatory sent by the great 
 Turke to Sigismond . . . 
 
 1613. Peter du Moulin, The Accomplishment of the 
 prophecies of Daniel and the Revelations. (John 
 Heath.) Oxford. 
 
 1613. King Louis XIII. of France, The French Kinges 
 Declaration and Confirmation of the Proclama- 
 tion of N^ antes ... (J. B.) 
 
 1613. King Louis XIII. of France, The Kings Declara- 
 tions iipon his Edicts for Combats ... (E. A.) 
 
 1613. Lord of Rosny, A Letter from the Lord of Rosny, 
 Great Treasurer of France to the Queene Regent 
 of France. Concerning the resignation of his 
 Offices. (E. D.) 
 
 1613. Jean de Meun, The Dodochedron of Fortune. 
 
 (Sir W. B.) 
 (1614). The Parliament of Vertues Royal (Summoned in 
 France; but assembled in England). (Joshua 
 Sylvester.) 
 
 1614. Pet. Ayrault. A Discourse for Parents' Honour 
 
 and Authority over their children. (John 
 Budden.) 
 (1615.) St. Francis de Sales, An Introduction to a devout 
 life. Other eds. 1622 (I. Y.), 1637, 1669. 
 
 1615. Remonstrances made by the Kings Maiesties Am- 
 
 bassadour unto the French King and the Queene 
 his mother, . . . Concerning the marriages 
 with Spaine . . . 
 
 (1616). Articles de la suspension D'armes accordez entre 
 les deputez du Roy et Monsieur le prince, et 
 Publicacon de la paix sorbs de bon plaiser de 
 Roy et de Monsieur le prince de Cundee. (To 
 be translated into English.) 
 
 (1616). Newes from Fraunce or declaration of 2 Con- 
 vertes, Mary Bonyvett, the other Monsieur M. 
 de Tertre Lord de la Mothe. 
 
 1616. La Liturgie Angloise. 
 
 (1617). The Association of the state of France. 
 (1617). A Remonstrance of the Princes {the Dukes of Ven- 
 dome and Mayenne) to the French Kinge. 
 
 1617. The Association of the Princes of France, with the 
 
 Protestations and Declarations of their Alle- 
 giance to the king. 
 1617. King Louis XIII. of France, The French Kings 
 Declaration against the Dukes of Vendosme and 
 
APPENDIX A 495 
 
 Mayenne, the Marshall of Bouillon, the Mar- 
 ques of Ccenure, the President le lay, and all 
 who affect them. 
 
 1617. The Ghost of the Marquesse d'Ancre, with his 
 Spirits attending him. 
 
 1617. The French luhile . . . 
 
 1617. King Louis XIII. of France, The Letter of the 
 French king to the Parliament of Roan . . . 
 
 1617. The Oration made unto the French king by the 
 Deputies of the National Synode of the Reformed 
 Churches of France upon the death of the 
 Marquesse d'Ancre, . . . 
 
 1617. A True Relation of those things that have been done 
 in the Court of France since the death of the 
 Marshall d'Ancre, . . . 
 
 1617. Sir Dudley Carlton, Speech . . . made in the 
 A ssembly of the Lords the Estates Generall of the 
 united Provinces of the Low Countries . . . 
 
 1617. Marshall d'Ancre, The Last Will and Testament. 
 
 1617. Sieur de Mailliet, Balet de la revanche du m,espris 
 d' Amour. Dance devant la Royne de la 
 Grande Bretaigne. 
 
 1617. Sieur de Maillet, A la Louange Du Serenissime 
 
 Roy de la Grande Bretaigne. 
 (1618). Francis Mougniot, A Resolution of Doubles. 
 (Coxe.) 
 
 1618. Newes from France. Or a relation of a marvellous 
 
 and feerfull accident of a disaster, which hap- 
 pened at Paris . . . 
 (1619). Articles concluded and agreed upon by the Lordes 
 
 the Cardinalles De la Rochefoucauld and de 
 
 Bethune, in the name of the King of France to 
 
 the quene Mother. 
 (1619). King Louis XIII. of France, The Kinge of France 
 
 his letter to the Duke of Espernoun and his 
 
 answer thereunto. 
 (1619). Louis XIII. of France, The French kings letter 
 
 to his mother, the 17th of March, 1619. 
 (1619). Marie de Medicis, Two letters of the Queene Mother 
 
 to the French kinge, as also four More to the 
 
 Chancellour, Keeper of the Scales, president 
 
 Jannin, and Duke de Mayenne. 
 (1619). Chancellor of France, Letter to the Queene Mother 
 
 the 17th of March 1619; one other unto her, the 
 
 I8th of March. 
 
496 APPENDIX A 
 
 (1619). The Oration of the French Amhassadour to the 
 States concerning Barnevelt, with their answere 
 there unto. 
 
 (1619). Pierre de Moulin, Bouclier de la foy, ou Defense 
 de la confession de foy des Eglises Reformes du 
 Royaume de France, contre les obiections du 
 saint Arnoux Jesuite. (To be translated into 
 English.) 
 1619. Newes out of France : Concerning great troubles 
 likely to ensue, by occasion of the departure of 
 the Queene Mother from Blois . . . 
 
 1619. The Remonstrance made by the Queene mother of 
 
 France, to the Kinge her Sonne, . . . 
 
 (1620). P. de Mournay, The shield and reward of the 
 faithful or a meditacon upon Genesis 15 chap. 
 verse 1. 
 
 (1620). Francis de Croy, The Three Conformities or the 
 harmony and agreement of the Roman church 
 with Gentilisme, Judaisme and antient heresies. 
 (Wm. Harte.) 
 
 (1620). Perspective Spectacles of Special use. Divers 
 meditacons in French and English. (J. Sylves- 
 ter.) 
 
 1620. King Louis XIII. of France, A Declaration Made 
 
 and published by the king of France, Whereby 
 the Princes, Dukes and Barons therein named 
 are all proclaymed Tray tors, . . . 
 
 1620. The Late Newes from France : Being an important 
 
 Remonstrance or admonition to the king of 
 
 France, . . . 
 (1621). John Tassin, An Exhortation to love and good 
 
 workes. (C. C.) 
 (1621). A true Portracture of the Cittie of Rochelle. 
 (1621). Frangois Voilleret, Le Prcau des fleurs meslees, 
 
 Contenant plusieurs et differends discourses, 
 
 ensemble maintes sentences ditz notables des 
 
 Ancients, et autres curieuses reserches. In 
 
 French and English. 
 
 1621. A Declaration made by the Reformed churches of 
 
 France and the Principalitie of Beam, concern- 
 ing their uniust persecution by the Enemies 
 of the Estate and of their Religion. 
 1621. Newes from France. A true relation of the great 
 losses which happened by the lamentable acci- 
 dent of fire in the Citie of Paris. 
 
APPENDIX A 
 
 497 
 
 1621. King Louis XIII. of France, Letters Patents made 
 by the French king declaring his intent touching 
 those of the Reformed Religion. 
 
 1621. De Nicholas and John Sacharles, The Reformed 
 Spaniard . . . (Translated from Latin to 
 English. A French edition entered in 
 1622.) 
 
 1621. M. de Vrillac, An Epistle sent by Monsieur de 
 Vrillac Advocate in the Parliament of Paris, to 
 Monsieur de Vrillac his Father, upon the occa- 
 sion of his conversion. (C. C.) 
 
 1621. J. Guillemard, A Combat betwixt Man and Death. 
 (Edw. Grimeston.) 
 
 1621. Simon Goulart, A Learned Summary Upon the 
 famous Poeme of William of Saluste Lord of 
 Bartas. (T. L[odge] D. M. P.) Another ed. 
 1638. 
 
 1621. The Wise Vieillard or Old Man. 
 
 (1622). Sam'l Durant, Meditation Pour Les Eglises re- 
 form ees de Ffrance, sur les Afflictions de ce 
 dernier temps. (To be translated into Eng- 
 lish.) 
 
 (1622). Pierre Gosselin, The Misteries of the fathers 
 Jesuits. 
 
 (1622). Andre we Rinett, Twelve Meditations or homilies 
 of divers misteries of our Redemption upon Divers 
 select passages of Holy Scriptures. 
 
 (1622). Action de graces, en forme de meditation faite a 
 Dieu sur la vie redonnee a se enfans par le 
 benefice de la Paix. (To be translated into 
 English.) 
 
 (1622). Du Vair, The 1st, 2d, and 3d Booke of Con- 
 stancy. 
 
 1622. The Fourth of November. The Peace of France. 
 
 Or, the Edict, with the Articles of Peace, granted 
 by the French King . . . 
 
 1622. Denis de Refuges, A Treatise of the Court, Di- 
 gested into two Bookes . . . (John Rey- 
 nolds.) 
 
 1622. The Honour of Ladies. (Abraham Darcy.) 
 (1623). Jean Perrin Lionnois, History des Vaudois di- 
 visee in trois parties la premiere est de leur 
 origine la seconde de Vaudois appelles Albegois 
 La troisieme le doctrine et discipline . . . 
 (To be translated into English.) 
 
498 APPENDIX A 
 
 (1623). A Catholique Judge. (Sir A. S.) 
 
 (1623). Peter du Moulin, A Preparacon to sufferings for 
 
 the Gospele of Jesus Christ. (Darcy.) 
 (1623). P. D. M., De Uaumosne et Charite. (To be 
 
 translated into English.) 
 1623. Andrew Favine, The Theater of Honour and 
 
 Knighthood. 
 1623. The Catholike Moderator. 
 1623. The Legend of the Jesuites . . . 
 1623. The Requests Presented unto the French king, by 
 the General Deputies of the Reformed Churches 
 of France . . . 
 
 1623. The State- Mysteries of the Jesuites, By way of 
 
 Questions and Answers. 
 (1624). Arrest du: conseil privy du Roy Donne le 27 
 
 Septemhre 1624 pour les universitez de France 
 
 jointes in cause, . . . (To be translated into 
 
 English.) 
 (1624). Wm. Camden, Annates Rerum Anglicarum et 
 
 Hibernicarum, Regnante Elizabetha . . . (Pr. 
 
 in Latin, 1615; in French, 1623; English tr. 
 
 from the French by Ab. Darcy. Other English 
 
 eds. 1630, 1635.) 
 
 1624. Thos. Scott, The Spaniards perpetuall designes 
 
 to an universall Monarchic. 
 1624. Pierre du Moulin, The Elements of Logick. 
 (Nath. De-Lawne.) 
 
 1624. Sr. de Chevalier, The Ghosts of the Deceased 
 
 Sieurs de Villemor and de Fontaines. A most 
 necessarie Discourse of Duelle ... 3d ed. 
 (Tho. Heigham.) Cambridge. 
 (1625). Johnathan de Sainct Hernin, Essayes and ob- 
 servacions. 
 
 1625. Barclay, Argenis. Translated out of Latin. 
 
 (K. Long.) Other eds. 1629 (Sir R. de Guys), 
 1636. 
 
 1626. King Louis XIII. of France, The French Kings 
 
 Edict upon the Peace which it pleased his 
 Majestic to grant unto all those of the Reformed 
 Religion . . . 
 
 1626. John Cameron, An Examination of those plausible 
 Appearances Which seem to commend the 
 Romish Church, and to prejudice the Reformed. 
 (Wm. Pinke.) Oxford. 
 
 1626. Nicholas Caussin, The Holy Court, or the Chris- 
 
APPENDIX A 499 
 
 tian Institution of Men of Quality. (Sir Thos. 
 Hawkins.) Paris. 
 3d vol. in 1634, 4th vol. 1638. 
 (1627). The true historye of the tragique loves of Hippolito 
 
 and Isabella. 
 1627. Duke of Buckingham, A Manifestation or 
 Remonstrance . . . Containing a Declara- 
 tion of his Maiesties intention for this present 
 Arming. 
 
 1627. David Echlin, V Adieu Au Monde de David 
 
 Echlin, Medecin de la Royne, aage enveiron de 
 soixante ans . . . 
 (1628). Leonard Marande, The Judgement of humane 
 actions. (J. Reynolds.) 
 
 1628. The Apologie of the Reformed Churches of France 
 
 . . . (John Reynolds.) 
 
 1628. Articles of Agreement made betweene the French 
 King and those of Rochell, upon the rendition 
 of the Towne. 
 
 1628. Henri, Due de Rohan, A Declaration of . . . 
 Containing the justnes of Reasons and Motives 
 which have obliged him to implore the Assistance 
 of the king of Great Britaine and to take armes 
 for the defence of the Reformed churches. 
 
 1628. David Echlin, Echlin par le Grace de Dieu resus- 
 
 cite Avec le Paraphrase Latin, par V Autheur 
 
 mesme. 
 (1629). Pierre du Moulin, Prieres et Meditation del Ame 
 
 fidele. (To be translated into English.) 
 (1629). A Treatise of Artiflcall Fire Workes bothe for 
 
 warres and Recreation. (Tho. Mathus.) 
 (1629). Ambrose Parry, Workes. (Geo. Baker.) 
 
 1629. French Court Ayres with their Ditties. (Ed. 
 
 Filmer.) 
 
 1630. P. du Moulin, The Anti Barbarian: . . . 
 (1631). Hugh Crashaw, True Religion explayned and 
 
 defended against the arch enemies thereof in 
 these tymes. (Francis Coventry.) 
 (1631). Des Traditions et de la Perfection et Sufjiciance de 
 V Escriture Saincte. (To be translated into 
 English.) 
 (1631). The honest man or the art to please in Court. 
 1632. Nicolas Caussin, The Christian Diurnal. (Sir 
 
 Thos. Hawkins.) Paris. 
 1632. P. Mathieu, Unhappy Prosperitie Expressed in 
 
500 
 
 APPENDIX A 
 
 the Histories of /Elius Seianus and Philippa 
 the Catanian. (Sir Thos. Hawkins.) Another 
 ed. 1639. 
 
 1632. Jean de Serres, The Sweete Thoughts of Death and 
 
 Mternity. Paris. 
 1632-3. Jean-Pierre Camus, A Draught of Eternitie. 
 (M. Car), Do way. Also, The Spiritual Direc- 
 tor disinterested. Doan. 
 
 1633. Jean A. DuPlessis, Emblema Animoe or Morall 
 
 Discourses reflecting upon Humanitie. (J. 
 M[axwell].) 
 
 (1634). Arrest of the Court of Parliament whereby the 
 pretended Marriage of Monsieur with the Prin- 
 cesse Margarett of Lorraine is declared not 
 valuably contracted. 
 
 (1634). Lettres Patentes de Declaration du Roy, pour la 
 Reformation du Luxe des Habits et Reglement 
 d'iceux. (To be pr. in French and Eng- 
 lish.) 
 
 1634. J. L. Guez, Sieur de Balzac, Letters. (W. 
 
 T[yrwhyt].) Other eds. 1638, 2 and 3 parts 
 (Richard Baker), 1638, 1639, 1655 (Baker), 
 1658. 
 1634. C. N., A Saxon Historic, of the Admirable Adven- 
 tures of Clodoaldus and his Three Children. 
 (Sir T. H[awkins].) 
 
 1634. Pierre du MouUn, Treatise of the knowledge of 
 
 God. (Robt. Codrington.) 
 (1635). Sr. Featley, La M alette de David, ou sont en- 
 closes trente deux excellentes Prieres . . . Re- 
 cueillies des oeuvres du Sr. Featley, Docteur en 
 Theologie & Mises en Francois par Guillaume 
 Herbert. 4th ed. pr. 1644. 
 
 1635. M. Boudier, History of the Serrail & of the Court 
 
 of the Grand Seigneur, Emperour of the Turkes. 
 
 (E. G.) 
 1635. A Relation of the Devill Balams Departure out of 
 
 the Body of the Mother Prioresse of the Ursuline 
 
 Nuns of London. 
 1635. Scipio du Plesis, The Revolver, or Curiosities of 
 
 Nature. 
 (1636). David Primrose. A Treatise of the Sabath day 
 
 distinguished into four partes. (Doctor Prim- 
 rose.) 
 (1636). Youths Behaviour, or Decency in Conversation 
 
APPENDIX A 
 
 501 
 
 amongst Men. (Francis Hawkins.) 4th ed. 
 pr. 1646; 6th, 1654; 10th, 1672. 
 1636. Jean Desmarets de Saint SorUn, Ariana in Two 
 Parts. Another ed. 1641. 
 
 1636. A Wittie Encounter betweene M. du Moulin and 
 
 M. de Balzac . . . Wherein they deliver 
 
 things weighty and important both in Religion 
 
 and State. (A. S.) 
 (1637). Abridgement of the life of Henry the Great the 
 
 Fourth of that name king of Fraunce and 
 
 Navarre. 
 (1637). Peter Matthieu, Historicall and State observa- 
 
 cions upon the life and service of Monsieur 
 
 Villeroy. (Sir Tho. Hawkins.) 
 (1637). The Palsgraves protestation. 
 
 1637. M. Gombaukl, Endimion. (Richard Hurst.) 
 
 Another ed. 1639. 
 (1638). Cyrano de Bergerac, The Comical History of the 
 
 States and Empires of the Worlds of the Moon 
 
 and Sun. (A. Lovell.) 1687. 
 (1638). Du Bosq. The Secretary of Ladies or a new 
 
 collection of Letters. 
 (1638). Histoire de Larrons or the history of theeves. 
 
 (P. G.) 
 
 1638. Balzac, a Recueill or collection of new Letters 
 
 . . . being the fourthe parte . . . (Thos. 
 
 Powell.) 
 1638. C. N., The Unfortunate Politique. (G[eorge] 
 
 P[icot].) Oxford. 
 1638. P. Corneille, The Cid. (Jos. Rutter.) Another 
 
 ^ ed. 1650. 
 1638. Etienne Binet, The Lives and singular vertues of 
 
 Saint Elzear, Count of Sabran, and of his Wife. 
 
 (Sir Thos. Hawkins.) Paris. 
 1638. Vital d'Audiguier, Love and Valour; one port 
 
 of the unfained story of Lisander and Caliste. 
 
 (W[illiam] B[arwick].) 
 1638. J. P. Serres, Alarum for Ladyes. (Thos. Haw- 
 kins.) Paris. 
 1638. Don Garcia, The Sonne of the Rogue, or the 
 
 Politick Theefe . . . (Original in Spanish. 
 
 Translated from French into English by W. M.) 
 (1639). Boisrobert, The History of Annaxander and 
 
 Orazia. (Wm. Duncomb.) Other ed. 1657. 
 
 (W. G.) 
 
502 APPENDIX A 
 
 1639. Monsieur Du Boscq, The Compleat Woman. 
 (N. N.) 
 
 1639. Marie de Medicis, A Declaration of the Queene 
 Mother of the most Christian King. Contain- 
 ing the reasons of her departure out of the 
 Low-Countreys. 
 
 1639. John Peter Camus, Admirable Events : Selected 
 out of Foure Bookes. (S[usan] du Verger.) 
 
 1639. P. de la Serre, The Mirrour which flatters not. 
 (T. Gary.) 
 
 1639. Jean Puget de la Serre, Histoire de V Entrance de 
 
 la Reyne Mere du Roy tres-Chrestien, dans la 
 
 Grande- Bretaigne. 
 (1640). Peter du Moulin, The Anatomy of the Masse. 
 
 (James Mountaine.) 
 (1640). The French Margarites or flowers of Eloquence. 
 
 (Ffrancis Halsey.) 
 (1640). Le Sieur Verdier, Seven bookes of the Romant of 
 
 Remantes. 
 
 1640. J. P. de la Serre, The Secretary in Fashion. 
 
 (John Massinger.) 5 editions by 1673. 
 1640. L'Abb6 Desfontaines, The Second Part of the 
 Cid. (Jos. Rutter.) 
 
 1640. Duke of Rohan, The Complete Captain, or, An 
 
 Abbridgement of Ccesar's warres ... (J. 
 C[ruso].) Cambridge. 
 
 1641. Duke of Rohan, A Treatise of the Interest of the 
 
 Princes and States of Christendome. (H. H.) 
 1641. Margaret of Valois, The Memorialls of Margaret 
 deValoys. (Robt. Codrington.) Another ed. 
 1663. 
 
 1641. Father Basil, The Converted Capuchin, Or the 
 
 Recantation of Father Basil, after he had con- 
 tinued nigh forty yeares a Fryer of that Order, . . . 
 
 1642. The Ecclesiasticall Discipline of the Reformed 
 
 Churches in France. 
 1644. Joh. de la Fontaine, The pleasant Fountain of 
 Knowledge. (Wm. Backhouse.^) 
 
 1644. Isaac de Caus, Nouvelle Invention de Lever Veau 
 
 plus hault que sa source . . . 
 
 1645. A Brief Relation of the present Troubles in Eng- 
 
 land. (Thos. Tully.) Oxford. 
 
 ^ According to the authority of Wood, Athen. Oxon. (ed. 
 Bliss, iii. 576) he also translated The Complaint of Nature, and 
 The Golden Fleece by Solomon Trisniosin. 
 
APPENDIX A 503 
 
 1645 (?). Isaac de Caus, Hortus Penbrochianus. 
 
 1647. M. le Roy, Sieur de Gomberville, The History of 
 
 Polexander in five Bookes. (Wm. Browne.) 
 
 1648. J. F. Senault, A Paraphrase upon Job. (Henry, 
 
 Earl of Monmouth.) 
 1648. Nicholas Caussin, The Christian Diary. (Sir 
 Thos. Hawkins.) Cambridge. Other ed. 1649. 
 
 1648. M. de Balzac, T/ie Pnnce. (H[enry] G[reisley].) 
 
 1649. Votilley, Le Parnasse amour eaux. (A poem.) 
 
 Orleans. 
 
 1649. M. de la Mothe de Vayer, Of Liberty and Servi- 
 tude. (John Evelyn.) 
 
 1649. Margaret of Navarre, The History of the Most 
 Illustrious Lady Queen Margaret Daughter to 
 Henry II . . . (Robt. Codrington.) 
 
 1649. J. Francis Senault, Man become guilty, or the 
 
 corruption of his nature by Sin; also The Use 
 of the Passions. (Earl of Monmouth.) 
 
 1650. Senault, The Christian Man: or the Reparation 
 
 of Nature by Grace. (Henry Greisley.) 
 1650. Rene des Cartes, The Passions of the Soule, In 
 three Books. 
 
 1650. John Peter Camus, The Loving Enemie, or, a 
 
 famous true History. (Major Wright.) 
 
 1651. A Character of England. (A pretended transla- 
 
 tion, by John Evelyn, of a French original.) 
 
 1651. The Roy all and Delightfull Game of Picquet. 
 
 1652. La Calprenede, The Famous Romance of Cas- 
 
 sandra. (Sir Charles Cotterel.) 
 The complete work printed 1661, 1676, 1725. 
 Books 1 to 3 (A Person of Quality). 1652. 
 1652. George de Scudery, Ibrahim, or the Illustrious 
 
 Bassa. Whole Work, ia Foure Parts. (Henry 
 
 Cogan.) 
 1652. The Loves and Adventures of Clerio & Logia. 
 
 (Fra. Kirk man.) 
 1652. John Peter Camus, Natures Paradox; or The 
 
 Innocent Imposter. (Major Wright.) 
 
 1652. Peter le Moyne, The Gallery of Heroick Women. 
 
 (Marquesse of Winchester.) 
 
 1653. Hugh-PauUin de Cressy, Exomologesis ; or a 
 
 FaithfuU Narration of the Occasion and 
 Motives of the Conversion . . . Paris. 
 1653. Bp. Gervais of Grasse, The Life of the Apostle 
 St. Paul. 
 
504 APPENDIX A 
 
 1653. Rabelais, Works, bks. 1 & 2. (Thos. Urquhart.) 
 1653-4-5. M. de Scudery, Artamenes or the Grand 
 Cyrus. (F. G.) 
 
 1653. T, Corneille, The Extravagant Sheepherd. (T. R.) 
 
 Another ed. 1654. 
 
 1654, La Calprenede, Cleopdtre. Translated as Hy- 
 
 men's Prceludia: or Love's Masterpiece. 
 Parts 1 & 2 (R. Loveday). Part 3 (R. L.), 
 1655. Parts 4 & 5 (John Coles), 1656. 
 Parts 6 & 7 (J. C), 1658. Part 8 (J. Webb), 
 1658. Parts 9 & 10 (J. D.), 1659. Parts 
 11 & 12, 1659. 
 
 1654. M. de Scudery, Curia Politice, or the Apologies of 
 Sever all Princes ... (E. Wolley.) An- 
 other ed. 1673. 
 
 1654. M. de Scudery, A Triumphant Arch, erected and 
 consecrated to the Glory of the Feminine Sex 
 . . . (J. B.) 
 
 1654. Charles Sorel, The Extravagant Shepherd, or the 
 history of the Shepherd of Lysis. (John Da vies 
 of Kidwelly.) Another ed. 1660. 
 
 1654. Treatise against the Principles of Descartes. 
 (John Da vies.) 
 
 1654. Manzinie, Discourses upon several subjects. 
 
 (From Italian into French by Scudery, into 
 English by a Lady.) 
 
 1655. M. de Moulines (Ch. Sorel), The Comical History 
 
 of Francion, wherein the variety of vices that 
 abuse the age are satyrically limn'd in their na- 
 tive colours. 
 1655. The Letters of Voiture. (John Da vies.) 
 1655. P. Corneille, Polyeuctes, or the Martyr. (Sir Wm. 
 Lower.) 
 
 1655. Ceriziers, The Innocent Lord, or the Divine Provi- 
 
 dence, the Incomparable History of Joseph. 
 (Sir Wm. Lower.) 
 
 1656. Ceriziers, The Triumphant Lady, or the Crowned 
 
 Innocence. (Sir Wm. Lower.) 
 1656. P. Corneille, Horatius, A Roman Tragedie. (Sir 
 
 Wm. Lower.) 
 1656. A Relation of the Life of Christina Queen of 
 
 Sweden. (J[ames] H[owell].) 
 
 1656. The Accomplished Woman. (Walter Mon- 
 
 tague.) 
 
 1657. Louis Combache, Sal, Lumen and Spiritus Mundi 
 
APPENDIX A 505 
 
 Philosophici, or the Dawning of the Day, Dis- 
 covered by the Beams of Light . . . (R. T.) 
 
 1657. The Holy Practices of a Divine Lover: or The 
 Sainctly Idiots Devotions. Paris. 
 
 1657. Pascal, Les Provinciates : or, the Mysterie of 
 Jesuitisme, discovered in certain Letters, . . . 
 
 1657. Scarron, Novels. (John Da vies.) 3 pub. sepa- 
 rately in 1657, 4 others in 1662, and the whole 
 collected in 1667. 
 
 1657. Choice French Proverbs. (Edw. Leigh.) 
 
 1658. Cyrano de Bergerac, Satyrical Characters and 
 
 handsome Descriptions in Letters, . . . 
 
 1658. Margaret de Valois, The Grand Cabinet-Counsels 
 Unlocked. (Robt. Codrington.) 
 
 1658, Frangois Perrault, The Devill of Mascon. Or, a 
 true Relation . . . (P. de Moulin.) Ox- 
 ford. 
 
 1658. Jean de Silhon, The Minister of State, wherein is 
 shown the true use of Modern Policy. (Henry 
 Herbert.) 
 
 1658. M. de Marmet, Entertainments of the Cours : Or, 
 Academical Conversations . . . (Thos. Saint- 
 serf.) 
 
 1658. The French Gardiner : . . . (John Evelyn.) 
 
 1659. The History of the English and Scotch Presbytery. 
 
 Villa Franca. 
 1659. Quinault, The Noble Ingratitude. (Sir Wm. 
 
 Lower.) The Hague. 
 The Amorous Phantasme. (Sir Wm. Lower.) 
 
 The Hague. 
 1659. Magdalen de Scudery, Cleila, a Romance. (John 
 
 Da vies.) 
 1659. A Further Discovery of the Mysteries of Jesuitism. 
 
 (John Da vies.) 
 1659. Journal of Proceedings between Jansenists and 
 
 Jesuits. (John Da vies.) 
 
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APPENDIX B 513 
 
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 517 
 
 
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518 APPENDIX B 
 
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APPENDIX B 519 
 
 
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APPENDIX B 
 
 523 
 
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 05 
 
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 531 
 
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 533 
 
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 APPENDIX C 
 
 I 
 
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APPENDIX C 
 
 535 
 
 1^ 
 
 o 
 
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536 APPENDIX C 
 
 
 lis 
 
 
 •^ 2 02 . •> CO .. +3 
 
 <i^ ^ 3 <3j r^ ^, 2 ' 
 
 !? ^ o «2 2 iS 
 
 > n o3 ^ ^-g'^ 
 
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 |-^5|§l|||gl|5 III S|'l 
 
 2i^'^'^d'*^^d''2 t^'T? a< d rH <i^ "^^ p£^ 
 
APPENDIX C 
 
 537 
 
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 O 
 
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 X2 -M q ;_ «2 
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 APPENDIX C 
 
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 545 
 
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INDEX 
 
 Ablancourt, Perrot d', 428 sq. 
 Abrige de I'art poetique, 57, 67. 
 Academie de Poesie et de 
 
 Musique, 54, 69 sq. 
 Accademia della Nuova Poesia, 
 
 53, 69. 
 Aglaura, 338 sq. 
 Alexander, Sir William, 26, 
 
 42 sq., 86 sq., 186, 202 sq., 
 
 218, 317, 366, 450. 
 Amadis de Gaul, 13, 50. 
 Anatomy of Melancholy , 298 sq. 
 Antiquitez de Rome, 118, 
 
 120 sq. 
 Anionic, 76, 79 sq. 
 Arcadia, 43, 50, 60, 110, 317, 
 
 365 sq. 
 Arcadian Rhetorike, 34, 40 n., 
 
 51, 174. 
 Aretino, Pietro, 227, 229, 
 
 434 sq. 
 Artamene, 392, 397 sq. 
 Ascham, Roger, 55. 
 Astree, 310, 318, 365 sq., 370, 
 
 452. 
 Astrophel and Stella, 109 sq. 
 Athence Oxonienses, 418. 
 Aubignac, Abb6 d', 428 sq. 
 Audiguier, Vital d', 320, 368 
 
 sq., 377, 390. 
 
 Bacon, Francis, 221, 244 sq., 
 
 268, 276 sq. 
 Baif, Jean Antoine de, 52, 
 
 69 sq., 98 sq. 
 Balzac, Jean L. de, 435 sq., 
 
 440 sq. 
 
 Barclay, 369, 428. 
 
 Barnes, Barnabe, 129, 132 sq., 
 
 175, 242. 
 Bartas, Du, 5, 14, 24, 49, 53, 
 
 67, 74 sq., 86, 98, 134 sq., 
 
 145 sq., 450, 452. 
 Bassompierre, 320. 
 Beaumont, Francis, 346. 
 Bellay, Joachim du, 45 sq., 
 
 91 sq., 118 sq. 
 Belleau, Remy, 96. 
 Bembo, 93. 
 
 Bergerac, Cyrano de, 377 sq. 
 Beze, Theodore de, 74, 
 Billy, Jacques de, 98, 135. 
 Blount, Edward, 6. 
 Boileau, 414, 427. 
 Boisrobert, 345, 412, 428. 
 Boyle, Roger, Earl of Orrery, 
 
 394 sq. 
 Braithwaite, Richard, 258 n. 
 Brandon, Samuel, 85. 
 Breton, Nicholas, 26, 41 sq., 
 
 62, 186, 197 sq. 
 Britannia's Pastorals, 201 sq. 
 Brome, Alexander, 410. 
 Brome, Richard, 386. 
 Browne, Sir Thomas, 259 sq., 
 
 303 sq. 
 Browne, Wilham, 186, 201 sq. 
 Burton, Robert, 298 sq. 
 Butler, Samuel, 16, 418, 420 
 
 sq. 
 
 Calendar of State Papers, 15. 
 Calprenede, La, 390 sq., 397 sq. 
 Calvin, John, 12, 149 sq., 448. 
 
 555 
 
556 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Camtis, Bishop J. P., 378, 
 
 390. 
 Carew, Thomas, 346, 351, 
 
 407 sq. 
 Carey, Henry, Earl of Mon- 
 mouth, 392 sq. 
 Cartwright, Wilham, 338, 341 
 
 sq., 347 sq., 351, 382, 410. 
 Cassandra, 390 sq. 
 Castiglione, 324. 
 Cavendish, Margaret, Duchess 
 
 of Newcastle, 350, 359 sq. 
 Challenge at Tilt at a Marriage, 
 
 316. 
 Chamberlayne, William, 389. 
 Cheke, Sir John, 55, 69. 
 Chiabrera, 433. 
 Christs Victorie and Triuiwph, 
 
 198 sq. 
 Churchyard, Thomas, 175. 
 Cicero, 434 sq. 
 Cid, Le, 376 sq. 
 Cleopatra, 39, 61, 79 sq. 
 Cleopatre, 392, 398. 
 Cleveland, John, 185, 347, 
 
 418. 
 Cloria and Narcissus, 393 sq. 
 Cogan, Henry, 391. 
 Colin Clout, 34. 
 Constable, Henry, 113, 129 sq. 
 Corneille, Pierre, 373, 376 sq., 
 
 402, 432. 
 Corneille, Thomas, 400. 
 Cornwallis, Sir William, 266 sq. 
 Cortegiano, II, 308, 312. 
 Cor5^at, Thomas, 251 sq. 
 Cotgrave, Randle, 9. 
 Cotterel, Charles, 353 sq., 
 
 390 sq. 
 Cotton, Charles, 307, 409, 411 
 
 sq., 426. 
 Cowley, Abram, 208, 213 sq., 
 
 349 sq., 375, 383, 410, 432 sq. 
 Cynthia's Revels, 317. 
 Cypress Grove, A, 294 sq. 
 
 Daniel, George, 217, 331, 348 sg. 
 Daniel, Samuel, 25, 33 sq., 
 
 39 sq., 73, 80 sq., 113 sq., 
 
 186, 268. 
 Davenant, Wilham, 328 sq., 
 
 334 sq., 351, 371, 384 sq., 
 
 388, 395 sq., 401, 423 sq., 
 
 430, 454 sq. 
 Davideis, 213 sq. 
 Davies, John, 354 sq., 358 sq., 
 
 398 sq., 444. 
 Davies, Sir John, 171 sq. 
 Daxdes, John, of Hereford, 26, 
 
 41 sq., 186 sq., 218. 
 Day, Angel, 438, 441. 
 Defence of Ryme, 33, 40, 73. 
 Defense of Poesy, 39, 66 sq., 
 
 71 sq., 75 sq., 107 sq. 
 Deffence et Illustration de la 
 
 Langue Frangoyse, 52, 91. 
 Delia, 40, 63, 114: sq. 
 Denham, John, 383, 418 sq., 
 
 430 sq. 
 Desportes, PhiUppe, 53, 92, 
 
 95, 97, 116 sq., 124 sq., 129 
 
 sq., 409, 449. 
 Diana, 130 sq. 
 Digby, Sir Kenelm, 369 sq. 
 Divine Poems, 208 sq. 
 Donne, John, 178 sq., 218, 226, 
 
 259, 316, 450. 
 Doomesday, 202 sq. 
 Drayton, Michael, 125, 138 sq., 
 
 186, 193 sq., 218. 
 Drumimond, William, of Haw- 
 
 thornden, 7 sq., 202 sq., 
 
 206 sq., 293 sq., 316, 366. 
 Dryden, John, 217, 396, 427. 
 Duplessis-Mornay, 49, 61, 150, 
 
 154. 
 Durant, Gilles, 134. 
 Dyer, Edward, 25 sq, 
 
 E. K., 31. 
 EUzabeth, Queen, 7. 
 
INDEX 
 
 557 
 
 Endymion, 319, 375 sq. 
 Essayes of a Prentise in the 
 
 Divine Art of Poesie, 141. 
 Estienne, Henri, 48, 52, 65, 
 
 96. 
 Evelyn, John, 443. 
 
 Faerie Queene, 29, 41, 199 sq., 
 
 211. 
 Faithful Shepherdess, 316, 327, 
 
 367, 371. 
 Fletcher, Giles, 137, 198. 
 Fletcher, John, 316, 327, 
 
 367 sq., 386. 
 Fletcher, Phineas, 172, 199 sq. 
 Florio, John, 266 sq., 281 sq., 
 
 289, 450. 
 Forde, Thomas, 445. 
 Fraunce, Abraham, 25, 34 sq., 
 
 73, 107, 174. 
 
 Gargantua, 219 sq., 224 sq. 
 Gamier, Robert, 79 sq. 
 Gascoigne, George, 57, 104. 
 Gifford, Humphrey, 105. 
 Glapthorne, Henry, 380 sq. 
 Goffe, Thomas, 324 sq., 370. 
 Gombauld, 319, 375 sq. 
 Gomberville, 390. 
 Gondibert, 388, 430. 
 Gongora, 178. 
 Googe, Barnabe, 104. 
 Gorboduc, 75. 
 Gre\alle, Fiilke, 25, 30, 49, 
 
 82 sq. 
 Guevara, 434 sq. 
 Guicciardini, 269. 
 Guilpih, Edward, 226. 
 
 Habington, Wilham, 261, 330 
 sq., 340, 346, 379, 410. 
 
 Hall, Joseph, 175, 226, 246 sq., 
 436 sq. 
 
 Hamlet, 283 sq. 
 
 Harrington, Sir John, 174. 
 
 Harrington, Lucy, Countess of 
 
 Bedford, 315 sq. 
 Harvey, Gabriel, 25 sq., 33, 
 
 37 sq., 55 sq., 72, 102, 171, 
 
 229, 232 sq. 
 Have with you to Saffron 
 
 Walden, 232 sq. 
 Hawkins, Sir Thomas, 372. 
 Hay, Lucy, Countess of Car- 
 
 Usle, 350 sq. 
 Hecatompathia, 105 sq. 
 Henrietta Maria, 3, 314 sq., 
 
 318 sq., 344 sq., 365, 371, 
 
 406, 413, 452 sq. 
 Henry of Navarre, 3, 46. 
 Heptameron, 12, 60. 
 Herbert, Sir H., 370. 
 Herbert, Lord, of Cherbury, 
 
 5, 16, 185, 347. 
 Herrick, Robert, 351. 
 Histrioniastix, 326, 333. 
 Hobbes, Thomas, 430. 
 Holyband, Claude, 9. 
 Holy Roode, The, 188, 190 sq. 
 Hotel de Rambouillet, 310 sq., 
 
 318 sq., 331, 404 sq., 436, 
 
 452. 
 Howard, Henry, Earl of 
 
 Surrey, 103. 
 Howell, James, 4, 9, 261, 327 
 
 sq., 339, 351, 395, 429 sq., 
 
 438 sq., 445. 
 Hudibras, 420 sq. 
 Hudson, Thomas, 206. 
 
 James I., King, 7, 86, 141, 150 
 sq., 156 sq., 218, 315, 450. 
 
 Jamyn, Amadis, 95. 
 
 Jonson, Ben, 207, 223, 241 sq., 
 260, 286 sq., 316 sq., 322 sq., 
 375. 
 
 Judith, 146. 
 
 Kinaston, Francis, 383 sq. 
 King, Harry, 185. 
 
558 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Kirkman, Francis, 391. 
 Kyd, Thomas, 81 sq. 
 
 Lady Alimony, 261, 342 sq. 
 
 Lady Errant, The, 341 sq. 
 
 Languet, Hubert, 47 sq. 
 
 Lenten Stuff e, 235 sq. 
 
 Licia, 137 sq. 
 
 Lodge, Thomas, 113, 121 sq. 
 
 Loveday, Robert, 398 sq., 
 
 443, 445. 
 Love's Labour's Lost, 237. 
 Love TricU^, 317. 
 Lower, Sir William, 401 sq. 
 Lucian, 240. 
 
 Malherbe, 404. 
 
 Malipieri, 97) 
 
 Margaret of Navarre, 58 sq. 
 
 Marino, 178, 213. 
 
 Marot, Clement, 104 sq., 448. 
 
 Marston, John, 176, 289. 
 
 Massinger, Phillip, 367 sq., 
 
 371, 386. 
 Matthew, Sir Tobey, 351, 444 
 
 Matthieu, Pierre, 372. 
 Maynard, 404, 432. 
 Measure for Measure, 284. 
 Mennes, John, 411, 417 sq., 
 
 419 sq. 
 Meres, Francis, 225. 
 Microcosmos, 188 sq. 
 Milton, John, 208, 215 sq., 450. 
 Miroir de I'dme pecheresse, 7, 
 
 60. 
 Mirror for Magistrates, 104. 
 Mohere, 401, 424. 
 Monarchicke Tragedies, 86 sq. 
 Montague, Walter, 325 sq., 
 
 371, 401. 
 Montaigne, 24, 265 sq., 434, 
 
 450 sq. 
 Montgomery, Alexander, 141 sq. 
 Mont-Sacr6, Ollenix du, 367. 
 
 More, Sir Thomas, 221. 
 Motteux, Pierre, 262. 
 Mulcaster, 57. 
 Muses Elizium, 193 sq. 
 Muses Sacrifice, The, 188, 
 
 191 sq. 
 Musophilus, 40. 
 
 Nash, Thomas, 155, 221, 227 
 
 sq., 451. 
 New Inn, The, 322 sq. 
 
 Olive, 91 sq. 
 
 Osborne, Dorothy, 391, 395, 
 
 445 sq. 
 Overbury, Sir Thomas, 14. 
 
 Palladis Tamia, 225. 
 Pandora, \1\ sq. 
 Pantagrueline Prognostication, 
 
 224, 228, 230. 
 Parthenissa, 394 sq. 
 Parthenophil and Parthenophe, 
 
 132. 
 Pascal, Blaise, 451. 
 Pasquier, Etienne, 6, 434 sq., 
 
 442. 
 Pastorale de Florimene, 374. 
 Pembroke, Countess of, 25, 32, 
 
 41, 50 sq., 58 sq., 76 sq., 186, 
 
 452. 
 Pepys, Samuel, 361. 
 Petrarch, 100. 
 Philips, Mrs. Catherine, 350, 
 
 353 sq., 400, 446 sq. 
 Phillis, 126 sq. 
 Philotas, 43, 81, 88. 
 Pibrac, 135 sq., 157. 
 Pierce Penilesse, 231. 
 Platonic Lovers, The, 330, 334 
 
 sq. 
 Pleiade, La, 51 sq., 145 sq. 
 Prynne, WilUam, 326, 333. 
 Purple Island, 199 sq. 
 Puttenham, George, 112. 
 
INDEX 
 
 559 
 
 Quarles, Francis, 208 sq., 450. 
 Quinault, 387, 402. 
 
 Rabelais, Frangois, 24, 67, 
 
 219 sq., 451 sq. 
 Baleigh, Sir Walter, 289 sq., 
 
 306. 
 Rambouillet, Mme. de, 309 sq., 
 
 405, 453. 
 Ramus, Peter, 69. 
 Regrets, 92, 118 sq. 
 Religio Medici, 259 sq., 303 sq. 
 Return from Parnassus, 120, 
 
 140, 177. 
 Romant of Romants, 382. 
 Ronsard, 5, 46, 92, 94, 98 sq., 
 
 124, 128, 142 sq., 449. 
 Rutter, Joseph, 332, 374, 376. 
 
 Saint-Amant, 345, 405 sq., 
 
 409, 412. 
 Saint-Sorlin, 375, 428. 
 Salisbury, Thomas, 208. 
 Salvatorino, 97. 
 Scarron, 402, 415 sq., 426. 
 Scud^ry, Georges de, 373, 387. 
 Scud^ry, Mile, de, 322, 361 sq., 
 
 391 sq., 397 sq., 400, 428, 
 
 446. 
 Semaines, Les, 146 sq., 450. 
 Seneca, 76 sq., 88 sq., 434, 
 
 449. 
 Serafino dell' Aqmla, 96, 103, 
 
 178. 
 Session of the Poets, 326, 
 
 352. 
 S6vign6, Mme. de, 446. 
 Shakespeare, William, 139, 
 
 223, 237 sq., 280 sq., 434, 
 
 451. 
 Shepheardes Calendar, 29, 31, 
 
 36, 45 sq., 66, 104, 138. 
 Shepherd's Paradise, 325 sq. 
 Shirley, James, 317, 333 sq. 
 Shoemaker's Holiday, 243. 
 
 Sidney, Philip, 2, 4, 23, 25 sq., 
 38 sq., 46 sq., 56, 66 sq., 71 
 sq., 107 sq., 139, 154 sq., 
 218, 317, 365 sq., 449 sq. 
 
 Smith, James, 411, 417 sq., 
 419 sq. 
 
 Smith, Sir Thomas, 69. 
 
 Soothern, John, 111. 
 
 Sorel, Charles, 400. 
 
 Spenser, Edmund, 25 sq., 38, 
 44 sq., 57, 66 sq., 120 sq., 
 139, 167 sq., 199 sq., 211, 
 449 sq. 
 
 Sprat, Bishop Thomas, 433. 
 
 Stanley, Thomas, 410. 
 
 Stanyhurst, Richard, 73. 
 
 Stationers' Register, 12, 156, 
 224, 226, 266, 269 sq., 366, 
 369, 376, 381, 437 sq. 
 
 Stemmata Dudleiana, 29. 
 
 Stuart, Mary, 2. 
 
 Sturm, John, 54 sq. 
 
 Suckling, John, 326, 338 sq., 
 341, 346, 351, 378 sq., 390, 
 407, 409, 444. 
 
 Sylvester, Joshua, 152 sq., 195 
 sq., 452. 
 
 Tarleton's News out of Purgor- 
 
 tory, 124. 
 Tasso, Torquato, 167. 
 Tassoni, 428. 
 Taylor, Jeremy, 354 sq., 357 
 
 sq. 
 Taylor, John, 208, 212, 221, 
 
 248 sq., 302 sq., 451. 
 Temple of Love, 328 sq. 
 Temple, Sir WilUam, 262, 391, 
 
 445 sq. 
 Tempest, The, 282. 
 Ten Tragedies of Seneca, 76. 
 Theatre for Worldlings, 44 sq., 
 
 104. 
 Tofte, Robert, 367. 
 Tottel's Miscellany, 103. 
 
560 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Treatises on Monarchy and 
 Religion, 84. 
 
 Uranie, L', 145 sq., 150 sq. 
 Urfe, H. d', 310, 324, 365 sq., 
 
 370, 452. 
 Urqiihart, Thomas, 225, 261, 
 
 452. 
 
 Van der Noodt, 44 sq. 
 Vergidemiarum, 14, 67, 137, 
 
 175, 226. 
 Vergile Travesti, 415 sq. 
 Viau, Theophile de, 345, 405, 
 
 409, 412, 428. 
 
 Vittoria, Colonna, 58, 64. 
 Voiture, V., 345, 404, 406, 
 409, 435 sq., 443 sq. 
 
 W. D., 320, 369, 390. 
 Waller, Edmtind, 346 sq., 351, 
 
 408, 432. 
 Warton, Thomas, 175. 
 Watson, Thomas, 105 sq. 
 Webster, John, 240 sq. 
 Willan, Leonard, 385 sq. 
 Wits, The, 337 sq. 
 Wood, Anthony h, 418, 421, 
 
 443. 
 Wyatt, Thomas, 103. 
 
 OF T^ 
 OF 
 
VITA 
 
 Alfred Horatio Upham was born March 2, 
 1877, at Eaton, Ohio. His education, begun 
 in the public schools of that village, was con- 
 tinued at Miami University, Oxford, Ohio, 
 from which he received the degree A.B. in 
 1897 and A.M. in 1898. During the years 
 1897-1900 he was employed as Instructor in 
 I^atin and Greek in the same institution. Two 
 years were then spent in graduate study at 
 Harvard University, where he received the 
 Master's degree in 1901. From 1902 to 1905 
 he was Professor of English in the Agricultural 
 College of Utah. In 1905-1906 he was Uni- 
 versity Fellow in Comparative Literature at 
 Columbia University, undertaking then the 
 studies that have resulted in this dissertation. 
 Since that time he has been Professor of English 
 at Miami University. 
 
ii--7 
 
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