' '' ' •' ' Î .**''• *'rera«a iliats 
 
 Dister of Persia under the late Mahmood Shah. 
 C'rSrji'a {liatsing by a Persian Artist. 
 
 FaONTiePiKn 
 
CAKAVAN JOURNEYS 
 
 AND 
 
 WANDERINGS 
 
 PERSIA, AFGHANISTAN, TURKISTAN, 
 AND BELOOCHISTAN; 
 
 WITH 
 
 HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE COUNTRIES LYING BETWEEN 
 
 RUSSIA AND INDIA. 
 
 BY J. P. FERRIER, 
 
 FORMERLY OF THE CHASSEURS d'AFRIQUE, AND LATE ADJUTANT-GENERAL 
 OF THE PERSIAN ARMY. 
 
 ffraitslatrb from llje tf^nginul ïlnpublisl^cîr ^lannstript 
 By CAPT. WILLIAM JESSE. 
 
 EDITED BY H. D. SEYMOUR, M. P. 
 WITH ORIGINAL MAP AND WCCPCUTS. 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 LONDON: 
 JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. 
 
 1857. (^ 
 

 < 
 
 LONDON-: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STUKET, 
 AND CHARING CROSS. 
 
 \J]J 
 
TO MY ANCIENT COMRADES, 
 OF 
 
 THE 1st EEGIMENT OF CAKABINEERS 
 
 AND 
 
 THE 2nu REGIMENT OF CHASSEURS D'AFRIQUE. 
 
 J. P. FERRIER. 
 
 Pondichcrry, 1856. 
 
 ^.O.U/Î 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 a 2 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The Travels presented in this volume to the public 
 contain, it is believed, the latest accounts by an 
 European of the countries of Central Asia. A part of 
 the route is wholly new, and has never before been 
 described. The author, M. Ferrier, is a French officer 
 at present holding a government appointment at Pondi- 
 cherry, who, born of respectable parents, enlisted as a 
 private soldier, and served with distinction in Africa, 
 where he gained the rank of " Maréchal de logis." 
 
 In remembrance of these campaigns he has dedicated 
 his book to his ancient comrades of the Carabineers 
 and Chasseurs d'Afrique. About sixteen years ago 
 M. Ferrier was selected, with other French officers, to 
 go to Persia to drill and organize the Persian army — 
 the English detachment,* which had been previously 
 employed on that duty, having left the country, when 
 diplomatic relations with the government of the Shah 
 were suspended in 1839. M. Ferrier served in Persia 
 for many years, and received the honorary rank of 
 Adjutant-General of the Persian army. 
 
 He at length got into trouble from his known opposi- 
 tion to Russian interests, and, as he believes, through 
 the intrigues of the Russian ambassador, was removed 
 from his post. He returned to France in 1843, visiting 
 
 * Several of the officers belonging to was Envoy to Herat during the Afghan 
 
 this detachment subsequently rose into war; and Sir Henry Rawlinson, after 
 
 notice. Sir Justin Shell held for ten successively filling the posts of Political 
 
 years the important post of Minister in Agent at Candahar and in Turkish 
 
 Persia ; Colonel Farrant was Chargé Arabia, has been recently appointed to 
 
 d'Affaires at Teheran during a period of the East India Direction. 
 great difficulty ; Major D'Arcy Todd 
 
vi PREFACE. 
 
 on his way all the Russian provinces to the south of the 
 Caucasus. 
 
 M. Guizot was then first Minister in France, pursuing 
 a temporizing peace policy, so that M. Ferrier entirely 
 failed to get his alleged complaints against the Persian 
 government attended to. After waiting several years 
 in France in vain attempts to obtain the assistance of 
 the government, he again, in 1845, turned his steps 
 eastwards, determined to seek his fortunes in Lahore, 
 where several of his countrymen were serving under 
 the Regency which had succeeded the death of Runjeet 
 Singh and the murder of Shere Singh. He staid a 
 short time in Bagdad, and then set out upon his 
 journey for Lahore, through Persia and Afghanistan. 
 
 At this point the following Narrative begins. It de- 
 tails with spirit and liveliness his journey through Persia 
 till he reached the territories of Yar Mohamed ; and 
 here the more important part of the book commences, 
 because henceforward the countries through which he 
 passed are little known. There is probably no part of 
 the world, not excepting the interior of Africa, which 
 is so dangerous and inaccessible to the European 
 traveller as Afghanistan and the countries of Central 
 Asia. It is curious to read a Frenchman's account of 
 Herat seven years after the celebrated siege, and four 
 years after our evacuation of Afghanistan. It is satis- 
 factory to find from an impartial witness the respect in 
 which the English name is still held in these countries, 
 and the grateful remembrance which the people enter- 
 tain of the many acts of benevolence and kindness per- 
 formed by our distinguished countrymen while there. 
 
 The graphic account of the interviews of M. Ferrier 
 with that shameless politician, but most able ruler, 
 Yar Mohamed, will also be found characteristic and 
 instructive. 
 
. PREFACE. vu 
 
 From Herat M. Ferrier tried to penetrate to Lahore 
 by Balkh and Cabul, and here takes us over ground 
 only partially known. Baffled in his attempt to pass, 
 Mdien at no great distance from Cabul, he strikes 
 through the Hazarah country to the west by a route 
 which no Afghan dare travel, and where no Euro23ean 
 had hitherto set foot, till he nearly reached the ancient 
 town of Gour. Here he Avas again stopped, and sent 
 back to Herat. 
 
 After resting from his labours, although warned of 
 the danger of attempting it, he now set out to try and 
 reach India through Southern Afghanistan, by Girishk 
 and Candahar, and it is only w^onderful, after reading 
 his jDerilous adventures, to find that he was enabled to 
 return alive from these inhospitable lands. 
 
 This part of the journey is particularly interesting, 
 because he fell in here with many traces of the previous 
 English occupation. He passed the post-houses we 
 had erected : he met the chiefs who had either har- 
 rassed us in our misfortunes, or stood boldly by us in 
 time of danger. His life was probably saved at Girishk 
 by one whose good-will we had gained ; and at Candahar 
 he saw the unburied remains of one of our surest and 
 best friends, slaughtered in his own garden, in tardy 
 vengeance for the assistance he had rendered us during 
 the Afo-han war. 
 
 o 
 
 M. Ferrier's account of the grand river Helmund, 
 which disappears in the Lake Seistan ; his description of 
 the country of Seistan, and of the wild Belooches, is clear 
 and ably written, interspersed as the Narrative always 
 is with exciting personal adventure, and traits of the 
 character of the natives, such as could only be obtained 
 by one who travelled alone, and like a native himself. 
 
 These parts of Candahar and Seistan are particularly 
 interesting to us, because, since the port of Kurrachee 
 
Vin PREFACE. 
 
 in Siiide was improved and the fair established about four 
 years ago, considerable traffic has sprung up with these 
 countries ; and it is probable that in a few years our 
 intercourse with them will be much increased. It is 
 said that of late years they have been principally sup- 
 plied with English manufactures by way of Petersburg, 
 since steam-communication has been established on the 
 Volga and the Caspian, and even, I believe, the Aral 
 Sea.* If such be really the case, there can be no doubt 
 that Kurrachee may offer a successful competition, as 
 it is on the coast of the countries to be supplied ; and 
 the longer sea-voyage from England would be cheaper 
 than the route through Russia, which requires tedious 
 land-carriage and a constant change of the means of 
 transport. The probable reason that the Russian has 
 hitherto had an advantage is, that there has been no 
 port on the coast of Beloochistan or Sinde, and English 
 merchandise could only penetrate into Central Asia 
 from the south, either by the Persian Gulf, Bombay, 
 or Calcutta. The Talpoor dynasty in Sinde, which pre- 
 ceded our occupation of the province, shut up the 
 mouths of the Indus and the ports of Sinde against 
 commerce, as the surest means, in their opinion, of 
 preserving their country against annexation ; conse- 
 quently the large commerce which once flourished there 
 is only just beginning again to spring up. The esta- 
 blishment of the port of Kurrachee ; the rail which is 
 being now laid down from that point to Koltree on the 
 Indus ; steam-navigation on the Indus ; the railroad 
 from Moultan to Lahore, which must be made in a few 
 years ; the projected railroad across Mesopotamia, cor- 
 responding with a line of steamers from the Persian 
 Gulf to Kurrachee ; and the roads across the Himalaya 
 Mountains, opening routes into Thibet and China, must 
 
 * See Mr. Auurews's work on the Sinde railway. 
 
PREFACE. ix 
 
 gradually draw down to the ports of Sinde a large 
 portion of the commerce of the great Asiatic table- 
 land. 
 
 Some of the first countries to be influenced are 
 Beloochistan and Afghanistan ; and therefore every 
 information concerning them, as to their productions, 
 population, and the temper of the people and their 
 rulers, is a subject of great and increasing interest. It 
 is in these countries of Central Asia that we shall have 
 for some years to come to fight a pacific battle with 
 Russia ; a battle which friends may fight, in which the 
 struggle will not exhaust but invigorate the combatants ; 
 where the object of contention is as to who shall bring 
 to the nations of Asia the manufactures of the civilised 
 world ? who shall stimulate them most to send in 
 return the productions of their own fertile countries ? 
 
 I had the pleasure of meeting M. Ferrier in 1846, 
 at Teheran, soon after he had returned from his dan- 
 gerous adventures. The next time I saw him was at 
 Pondicherry, in 1854, when he showed me his MSS., and 
 I offered to take charge of, and try to get an English 
 publisher for a translation of them. They formed two 
 volumes, of which the first, containing the Narrative, is 
 now presented to the public ; the second, a History of 
 the Afghans, with Traditions collected in the Country, 
 will follow, should the first be well received. 
 
 The excellent translation of them is due to the labours 
 of Captain Jesse, who has bestowed great care upon it. 
 I have been greatly assisted in revising the volume for 
 the press by Sir Henry Rawlinson, whose great profi- 
 ciency in ancient and modern Eastern lore, and special 
 acquaintance with Afghanistan from having been poli- 
 tical agent at Candahar during the Afghan war, made 
 his assistance invaluable. My warmest thanks are due 
 to him for baving been good enough to look over the 
 
X -• PREFACE. 
 
 work of an unscientific, but very observant traveller, 
 and for having enabled me, from his communications, to 
 furnish the notes marked " Ed." 
 
 Sir John Login, who was surgeon to the British 
 Mission at Herat, under Major Todd, and is now tlie 
 guardian of the Maharajah Duleep Singh, most kindly 
 looked over the part relating to Herat, with which he 
 is so w^ell acquainted, and the notes marked " L.", as 
 well as an Appendix, are contributions from his stores 
 of knowledge. 
 
 These competent witnesses declare M. Ferrier's 
 AYork to be, in their opinion, most accurate and 
 faithful. 
 
 Extracts from the MSS. were read at the meeting of 
 the British Association at Liverpool, in 1854, and Sir 
 Roderick Murchison, in his observations upon them, said 
 that he considered the work a valuable addition to our 
 knowledge of the important countries of which it treats. 
 
 I do not hold myself responsible for the opinions ex- 
 pressed by the Author, es|)ecially upon political sub- 
 jects ; neither do I profess an agreement with some of 
 them. They are given from a French point of view, 
 differing from that generally taken in England, but 
 are always expressed in most friendly terms towards 
 our countrymen, doing them ample justice. It appears 
 to me always desirable, in order to form a correct judg- 
 ment, to hear the statements of others, even though we 
 may be inclined to disagree with them. 
 
 I now commit the book to the candid judgment of 
 the reader, believing that it shows acute observation, 
 conscientious care, and considerable reading; which 
 latter accomplishment is surprising when we consider 
 the active life of the Author, and his few opportunities 
 for consulting books. — The Editor. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Author leaves Bagdad — Object of his journey — Necessity for concealment 
 
 — Scene with his servant's creditors — Nasse'li Florès — Fortifications of 
 Bagdad — Bakubah — The caravan — The Author's costume — The necessitj^ 
 for wearing it — Mollah Ali — Sheraban — Description of the jovial Mollah 
 
 — His opinion of his countrymen — Appearance of the country — Kuzil 
 Robat — Ancient walls — Kanaki — The MoUah's opinion of Mussulman 
 pilgrims — His love of brandy and sausages — The private and Caravanserai 
 Shah — The bazaar at Kanaki — Bandit population — Advantages of an 
 Eastern dress — Caravan travelling — Kind feeling of the Mollah — Adam's 
 forks preferred to silver ones — Marauders — Kusra Shireen — The Mollah 
 all courage — The Bilbers appear — The Mollah all fears — The attack — 
 The Mollah found where he should not have been — Description of Kusra 
 Shireen — Euins near it — The legend connected with them — The site of 
 the ancient Oppidam .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Page 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Serpeul — Attack on the Jafs — Attacked by the Jafs — Persian honour — 
 Shah Abbas Khan — His vile conduct to the foregoing tribe — Official mal- 
 versations — Karund — Mountain road — The Sindjavis — Conduct of the 
 Princess — Scene of confusion — Iliate apathy — Mollah All's opinion of 
 these nomads — Relation of Mahomedan sects to one^another — The pass of 
 Karund — Arrival at that town — The inhabitants — Revolt of the Karun- 
 dians — Reason for this — Horrible treachery — Crime committed with 
 impunity — Haroonabad — Mahed-asht — Kermanshah — Mohamed Ali 
 Mirza — Abbas Mirza — Kurdish troojis — Decay of Kermaiishah — Persian 
 army — Emir Mohib Ali Khan — Bad administration — Flocks of the 
 Kurds — Horses of the province — Carpets — Cakes of Manna — Revenues 
 — Tak-el-Bostan — Ivan's villany — Bêsitoon — The Kerkha river — Ex- 
 tensive ruins — Inscriptions — The Persian caravan — Kungawar — Mount 
 Nahavend — Fortress of Kungawar — Battle here in 641 a.d. — Fine 
 pastures — The site of ancient Ecbatana — Arrian — The tomb of Hepha\s- 
 tion .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..14 
 
xii CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Saliadabad — Walled villages — Fanatical Mollahs — Hamadan — Highway- 
 men — Small respect for the Church — Effects of poison — A French homœo- 
 pathist — How treated by his General — Mode of pmiishment — Historical 
 associations of Hamadan — The tombs of Esther and Mordecai — Descrij> 
 tion of Hamadan — Inhabitants — Prince Khan Lar Mirza — Sertip Ferz 
 UUah Khan — An united family — The Author meets an old acquaintance 
 
 — A visit to Ferz UUah Khan — Persian morality — An importunate Seid 
 
 — The Author robbed — Caravanier's reason for not commencing a journey 
 on a Thursday — Veracity of muleteers — Persian servants — Bibikabad — 
 Zereh — Noovaran — Flourishing villages — Rich country — Appropriation 
 of public revenues — Persian superstition — Tame fish . . . . Page 33 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Shemereen — Koshgek — The peak of Demavend — Khanabad — Rabat Kerim 
 
 — Irrigation — Modes of travelling in Persia — A royal Firman — Travelling 
 on horseback — With a Mehmendar — His mode of proceeding — Travelling 
 with a caravan — The Djilo-dar — The Persian and his ass — Mules and 
 muleteers — Persian rule of faith — Ab-dookh — Caravanserais — Teheran 
 
 — View approaching the city — Melancholy reilections — Blighted prospects 
 
 — General Se'mineau — Doctor Jacquet's indiscretion — Village of Shah 
 Abdul Azim — The Author discharges his servant — The consequences — 
 Joins a caravan of pilgrims on their way to Meshed .. .. ..45 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Hissar-emir — The ruins of Phages — El Boorj — Antique coins — Tomb of 
 Bibee Sherabanon — Legend connected with this lady — Plain of Verameen, 
 rich and fertile — Eywanee-Keij — Irrigation — Vultures — Description of 
 a caravan of pilgrims — How collected — The Chief Syud — Abject reve- 
 rence for him — His evening sermon — Fanatical brutality — Kishlak — 
 Defile of Sirdaree — Military position — Kohi-tuz or salt mountains — Po- 
 sition of the Caspian Straits — Erroneously laid down — Arrian's description 
 of the site — Dch-nemuck — Ferooz-koh — District of Ich — Aredan — 
 Bricks of salt — Lasjird — Military position — Fortifications — Semnoon — 
 Description of the town — Its ancient history — Effects of irrigation — 
 Eear-guard of Bessus — Arriau — Scene in the kebab-shop — Advantages 
 and disadvantages of wearing a native dress — The constellation of happy 
 import — The lame Dervish — Monsieur Ferrier taken before the Governor 
 — The satisfactory result .. .. .. .. .. .. .,54 
 
CONTENTS. xiii 
 
 CHAPTEE VI. 
 
 Aheei^'on — Goocheh — Daniglian — Description of it — Position of Heca- 
 tompylos — Persian legend — History of the Parthiaas — Opinion of the 
 Kazee of Herat — District of Komiis — Decline of Damghan — Arab 
 minarets of burnt brick — Citadel — Shah Eokh — Deh-mollah — Whirl- 
 Avind — Effects of it — Meimandoos — Attention of Soliman Khan — The 
 merchant arrested — Persian justice — Shah-rood — Description of this 
 town — Important place — Manufactures here — Bostam — Fertility of 
 this district — Good horses — Shah-rood and Bostam coveted by Eussia — 
 Hecatompylos — The pilgrim pilferer — Scene in consequence — The 
 French botanist — Privations — Meyomeed — Turcomans — Miyane Dasht 
 
 — Abbasabad — Georgian colony — Muzeenoon — Attacked by the Turco- 
 mans — Eussian and Persian slaves at Khiva — HorriliTe fate of General 
 Bekevitch — Atrocities of the Khivians — Mouravieffs account of 
 them Page 68 
 
 CHAPTEE VII. 
 
 Turcoman preparations for a foray — Mode of training their horses — Singular 
 kind of forage — Forced marches — Arrangements before attacking a 
 caravan — Wretched fate of the prisoners — Turcoman cruelty — Eeprisals 
 
 — Turcoman mode of fighting — Monsieur Ferrier's opinion of the Turco- 
 man as a soldier — The comical consequences of a defeat — Honour amongst 
 thieves — Geographical position of the Turcomans — The Khirgah — The 
 three principal tribes — Their origin and similarity to the Uzbeks — Mental 
 and physical characteristics of the Turcomans — The women, and their 
 value as wives — A Turcoman excuse for kidnapping the Persians — 
 Turcoman religion — The way to reduce these hordes — Mode adopted by 
 Shah Abbas — Simple fare of these tribes — Their treatment of horses — 
 The steppes of Turcomania — The breed of horses — Introduction of Arab 
 blood by Tamerlane and Nadir Shah — Breed of the Hazarahs and Uzbeks 
 
 — Extraordinary journeys performed by the Turcoman horses — The price 
 of them in the steppes — Cavalry horses in France — Bad system of breeding 
 there — The veterinary art in Turcomania — Diseases of horses , . 83 
 
 CHAPTEE VIII. 
 
 Extensive ruins near Muzeenoon — Alayar Khan — Ancient caravanserai — 
 Mehr — Large herds of deer — Villages — Subzawar — Arab town — 
 Pi'osperous appearance of Subzawar — Invaded by the Afghans in 1721 — 
 The Author hires a new servant — Zaffouroonee — Aridity and fertility — 
 Euined caravanserai — The largest in Persia — Cufic characters — Legend 
 respecting the builder — The merchant and his saffron — Nishapoor — 
 Description of the town — History of it — Turquoise-mines in the neigh- 
 bourhood — ■ Visit to the Governor-General of Khorassan — Courteous 
 
xiv CONTENTS. 
 
 reception by Assaf Doiilet — Porsinn politics — Mohamed Hasscin Khan — 
 A present from the Governor — Amazement of tlie pilgrims — Turning 
 the tables — Derrood — Beauty of the country — Picturesque village — 
 Turgoveh — Mountain road — The Mollah and the trout — Mountain 
 scenery — Splendid view — Jugkerk — Gipsies .. .. Page 99 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The city of Meshed — Gold and silver mines — The pilgrim's reason why 
 they are not worked — Altercation with the custom-house officer — The 
 General's visitors — Afghan manners — Moliamed Wali Khan — Agreeable 
 acquaintances — Hospitality of the Persians — The Author robbed — The 
 ancient Thous — History of Meshed — Its commercial importance — 
 Population — Persecution of the Jews in 1839 — Burial grounds — The 
 Khiabane — Commerce of Meshed — Carpets — Stone-qnarrics — The great 
 mosque — The Hindoo's justification for entering it — Dr. Wolf — Stoddart 
 and ConoUy — The Author advised not to proceed — Peasons for not taking 
 that advice — Fight between the townspeople «and the troops — Escorted 
 out of the town — Leaves Meshed .. .. .. .. .. 116 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Turokh — Shock of an Earthquake — Sangbut — The offensive Camel — Toll 
 on Women — Hedireh — Variety of Partridges — Mahmoodabad — Tamer- 
 lane the Destroyer — The sedentary Dervish — Fertile district of Shehr- 
 noon — Hazarah horses — Toorbut-ishak-Khan — Toorsheez — Toorbut 
 Sheikh Jamee — Kariz — Celebrated melons — Wild asses a delicacy — 
 Kussan — The army of Ahmed Shah annihilated — The Heri-rood — Geo- 
 graphical error — Consequences of turning a stream — Pay of a Sirdar — 
 Environs of Kussan — Forest of Shevesh — Game — Rosanuck — Gorian — 
 Shekwan — Anticipated reception by Yar Mohamed . . . . , . ] 34 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 Herat — Early reception — The officer on guard — The Sertip Lai Khan — 
 His daring feat at the siege of Herat — Monsieur Ferrier is sent to his 
 house — Orders of Yar Mohamed — Visit from the Doctors — Their mode 
 of treatment — Cyanate of Mercury — The Bayaderes and the wine cup — 
 Visit to Yar Mohamed Khan — His reception of the Author — Persists in 
 taking hiiri for an Englishman — Result of the conference — Policy of Yar 
 Mohamed with the English — Asiatic characteristics — The Khan's en- 
 gineering tactics at the siege — Yar Mohamed's policy — His confidants — 
 His power — Protection to the Eimaks — Probable result of this — The 
 Vizier's administration of justice — Security of the public roads — Taxation 
 at Herat — Measures taken for the Khan's personal safety — His origin and 
 rise to power — His son Syud Mohamed Khan — Competitors for the throne 
 — Mirza Nejef Khan — Other Sirdars .. .. .. .. ,. 144 
 
CONTEîs'TS. 
 
 CHAPTEE XII. 
 
 Excursion in the environs — Uzbeks from Kundooz — Descendants of 
 Alexander the Great — The Greeks — Of the Asiatic Dynasties — The sites 
 of ancient cities — Artakoana, Aria Metropolis, and Sous — Ihe seven 
 sie3;es of Herat — Tooli Khan — Massacre by Ghengis Khan — Tamerlane 
 — Obeid Khan — Herat sacked by the Uzbeks — Fortitied by Shah Eokh 
 Mirza — The actual position of Herat — The fortifications — The citadel — 
 Improvements by the English engineers — Population before the siege and 
 after — Yar Mohamed's acts at this time — His subsequent conduct — Per- 
 sian cities as readily rebuilt as destroyed — Devastation at the siege of 
 1838 — The bazaars — The architect and the cupola — Public buildings at 
 
 ■ Herat Page 162 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The palace of Bagh-shah — Beautiful view from thence — Gazer-gah — Tomb 
 of Khojah Abdullah Insah — The advantage of being buried within its pre- 
 cincts — Column of white marble — Mausoleum of a Mongol princess — 
 Probably executed by an artist in the time of Tamerlane — Arabesques of 
 Geraldi, an Italian, employed by Abbas Mirza — The mosque at Musclla — 
 Sultan Hussein and Shah Piokh great ])atrons of architecture — Mausoleum 
 of the latter — Ruins at the foot of the mountains near Herat — Religious 
 customs — The value of them — The cunning of the Mollahs — Thaleh- 
 bengy — Ancient temple of the fire- worshippers — Site of the ancient city 
 of Herat — Yar Mohamed's English garden — Pouzbagh — Climate — 
 Productions ■ — Men capable of bearing arras — Afghan ideas of lùu'opean 
 history — The Author's imprisonment — Opinions of the jieople — The 
 Author released . . . . . . . . . . . . . , ..176 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 General Ferrier leaves Herat — Advice of Yar Mohamed — Execution of a 
 Taymoonee chief — Horrible scene in the bazaar at Herat — Afghan mo- 
 rality — Purwana — Kooshk-robat — Kooshk-assaib — Chingoorek — Tiir- 
 chikh — Encampment of Hazarah Zeidnats — Their origin and history — 
 District of Kaleh-nooh — Kerim-dad Khan — Defeated by Yar Mohamed 
 — Cloth made from the wool of the camel and goat — Hazarah hor-ses — 
 Intrigues of Kerim-dad Khan — His contingent — The Jumshidies — 
 Murder of Yar Mohamed's envoy — Mingal — Origin of the Tajiks — Phy- 
 sical characteristics of the Hazarahs — Their women soldiers — Village of 
 Moorghab — Abdul Aziz Khan — Friendly reception by him — The Moor- 
 ghab river — Fever — The Firooz-Kohis — Their chiefs — Kaleh-Weli — 
 The Kapchaks — Eïmaks — Their military strength — Charchembeh — 
 Kaissar — Khanat of MeimSna — Military force — Departure of Feiz Mo- 
 hamed — Oiiinion of him .. .. .. .. .. .. 188 
 
xvi CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP TER XV. 
 
 KafiSr-Kalcli — Precautions — Rabat Abdullah Khan — Gipsies — SLibber- 
 ghan — Irrigation and cultivation — Rustem Khan — A ske(ch of this 
 chief — Siege of Andekhooye — Local politics — Rivalry and intrigues of 
 the chiefs of Turkistan — Andekhooye — Akhcheh — Mcilik — Cholera 
 there — Balkh — Advice of the two Hazarahs — The Author continues 
 with them — Cuneiform inscriptions — History of Balkh — Fidelity of 
 the two Hazarahs — The Emir of Bokhara — Mazar — Mosque there held 
 in great reverence — Khulm — Uzbek politics — Army of Khulm — The 
 river of that name — Report of Englishmen being in prison at Mazar and 
 Khulm -^ Sepoys of the Cabul army — An unpleasant dose — The Mir 
 AVali and Dost Mohamed — The war between these two chiefs — Cause of it 
 — Akbar Khan and the slave girl — Asiatic curiosity — Heibak — Kanjeli 
 Uzbeks — Korram — Advice and discretion of the two Hazarahs .. Page 200 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Kartchoo — Mountains of the Paropamisns — Alayar Beg — Receives the 
 Author in his tent — Assassination of Saduk Khan — Despair of the Author 
 
 — The Hazarah Tartars — Kaissar Beg — Hazarahs of the East — The 
 principal chiefs of this tribe — Military force of each — The Sirdar Hassan 
 Khan ben Zorab — Strength of his army — Description of the country — 
 Afghan inroads — Tamerlane and the Hazarahs — Quintus Curtius — The 
 Berbers — Dehas — Beautiful carpets — Tracts of grass — Sirpool — Mah- 
 mood Khan the Governor — Military force — Monsieur Ferrierwell received 
 by this chief — Mahmood Khan desirous of an alliance with the British 
 Government — Description of the country through which the Author is going 
 
 — Quick travelling — E'imak dogs — Fertile valley — Rock inscriptions 
 and bas-reliefs — Mountains — Description of Boodhi — Di v Hissar — Defile 
 
 — Steppe — The Scherai — Their habits — Idol temple — Timour Beg 
 
 — Delicate attentions .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 217 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Singlak — Singular excavations in the rocks — The legend connected with 
 them — Quarrel between the Hazarahs and Firooz Kohis — Unsuccessful 
 attack by the latter — Courage of the Tartar women — Their military capa- 
 bilities — Alteration in the Author's route — Kohistani-baba— Highest ele- 
 vation of the mountain range — Magnificent view — Valley commencing at 
 the sources of the Dehas — The Ser Jingelab and Tingelab — The Siah Koh 
 and Sufeid Koh — Course of the Heri-rood — Coins fovmd in the ruins of 
 Karabagh — Hassan ben Zorab — Encampment of Kohistani-baba — The 
 silent Agha — Deria-derré — Picturesque scene near a lake — The province 
 of Gour — The tribe of the Taymoonis — Their military force — Wily policy 
 of Yar Mohamed Khan — Ibrahim Khan — The value of seven Korans — 
 Spirited conduct of this Khan — The Author in a diiïiculty — Osman 
 Khan 234 
 
 I 
 
CONTENTS. xvii 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 The Author leaves for Zerni — Stonn in the mountains — Afghan faith — 
 Ancient capital of Gour — History of the province — The Sirdar Hahib 
 UUah Khan — The Author detained — The mountain of Chalap-dalan — 
 The ancient towns of Kaleh Kaissar, Kaleh Sigeri, and Fakhrabad — De- 
 struction committed by Yar Mohamed's troops — Inhabitants of the Paropa- 
 misus — The Eïmaks — Admirable horsemanship of their women — The 
 necessary qualification Ijefore they marry — Eïmak women dreaded by the 
 Afghans — Mineral riches — Geographical features — Difficulty in de- 
 scribing this country — Its inhabitants — Abinevane — Author obliged to 
 separate from the faithful Hazarahs — Bad traits of Afghan character — 
 Narbend — Tarsi — Herat — Kind reception by Yar Mohamed — Prepara- 
 tions for departure to Kandahar — Interesting account of Captain ConoUy's 
 servant — Letters of Yar Mohamed to Dost Mohamed and Akbar Khan 
 
 Page 246 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 The Author leaves Herat — Shabith — Inundations of the Heri-rood — Mode 
 of preventing them — Continuation of the Siah Koh — Steppes between 
 Herat and Kandahar — Adreskau' — Caravanserais built by the English — 
 River of Adreskan — Called by various names — Description of it — Eoute 
 of an army going to Kandahar — Kash-jabaran — Irruption of Afghans 
 into the Author's tent — Scene there in consequence — The friend of man 
 in Afghanistan — A nice specimen of this country — Diplomacy of the 
 Author — Piascality of Mons. Ferrier's escort — The Mesek — Ab-Kourmeh 
 — Cool impudence of Jubbur Khan — Necessity for submission — Scarcity 
 of water — Fever and thirst — Thermometer in the shade — Military posi- 
 tion — Rascally exactions — Afghan character — Miserable condition of 
 the Author — Gurm-ab — The hot wind — Jubbur Khan again — The 
 plain of Bukwa .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ,. 261 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Tax upon travellers — Camp of Noorzyes — Another scene in a tent — 
 Curiosity and questions — Why the European's skin is white — The limits 
 of Iliate hospitality — Haji-Ibrahimi — A night with the nomads — Their 
 dish called kooroot — The Persian Kesht — Attack of the Noorzyes — 
 Hatred existing between Afghan tribes — Character of the Afghan — In- 
 capable of amelioration — Habits of the Eïmaks — Washeer — Afghan 
 instincts — Mode of calculating time — The Persian talker — The Author 
 enters the territory of Kandahar — Crosses the Khash-rood — The Wall of 
 Washeer — The advantages of hospitality — More troubles — What a 
 European is in the eyes of an Afghan — The Author turns cook — Impru- 
 dence of travelling with trunks — Treachery of the new guide — Attack 
 upon Mons. Ferrier and his servants — Character of the Parsivans — Bia- 
 
 . bânak. .. .. ,. ., .. .. .. .. .. 275 
 
 b 
 
xviii CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTEE XXI. 
 
 Arrival at Mahmoodabad — The Moonshee Feiz Mohamed — Interview with 
 Mohamed Sedik Khan — The scene at his house — His personal appearance 
 
 — Ferrier's spirited conversation with him — The Englishman with green 
 eyes — Sedik Khan demands the Author's notes — The Khan's specioiis argu- 
 ments — His cunning conduct when alone with the Author — Places Ferrier 
 in confinement — Character of Sedik Khan — His administration — English- 
 men arrested in Kandahar — English prisoners sold to the Turcomans — 
 Attempt of one at Girishk to communicate with the Author — The messenger 
 returns from Kandahar — Ferrier still detained — Journal — Vile conduct 
 of the Khans — The Moonshee's opinion of Ferrier's position — Singular ter- 
 mination of a marriage — Visit from an Afghan Khan — He proposes a plan 
 of escape — Brutality of the guard — Unpleasant reflections — Erroneous 
 opinion respecting the Afghans — Sir Alexander Burnes — Insults of the 
 soldiers — The Author leaves Mahmoodabad — Arrives at Girishk — Occu- 
 pied by the English in 1841 — Courage overcomes prudence — The Author 
 in prison here .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Page 291 
 
 CHAPTEE XXII. 
 
 Eeturn of the messenger from Kandahar — Further delay — The Khan turns 
 thief — Khak-i-choupan — Khoosk-i-Nakood — Tomb of the Imaum zadeli 
 
 — Haouz — Sufferings of the Author — Takht Sinjavi — The Urgund-ab 
 river — The old town of Kandahar — The climate and productions — The 
 present town — Inhabitants — Trade of Kandahar — Population — History 
 of the city — Alexander the Great — Anecdote of its Arab conquerors — 
 Yacoub ben Leis — Mahmood the Ghuznehvide — The Tartar conquests — 
 Kandahar taken by Baber — By the Persians — Sultan Hussein Mirza — 
 Kandahar taken by Shah Abbas — Afterwards by Jehanghir — By the 
 
 Tzbeks — By Nadir Shah — Kandahar becomes the capital of Afghanistan 
 — The family of the Mohamedzye — Ferrier enters Kandahar — Lai Khan 
 sends him a pilau — Description of the Author's abode — Fate of Mirza 
 Mohamed Wall — Villanous act of Sedik Khan — Liberality of the English 
 
 — The Author in better quarters — Interview with Kohendil Khan — De- 
 scription of the Sirdar — Afghan politics — The Sirdar's opinion of the 
 Russians and the English — Of the Persians — Persists in thinking the 
 Author an Englishman — Opinions on European Governments — The Sir- 
 dar's advice to the Author .. .. .. .. .. .. 314 
 
 CHAPTEE XXIII. 
 
 Sikhs and Afghans — Intended league against the English — The result of it 
 
 — English policy in the north of India — The power of Russia and England 
 
 — The political morals of Asiatics — English government advantageous to 
 the natives — The fruits attendant upon Russian conquests — Sketch of 
 them — Her conduct in Poland — Encroachments in Asia — Universal do- 
 
 I 
 
CONTENTS. xîx 
 
 fuinion — Peter the Great — Enssian interference at Herat — Attempt to 
 make the Turks their vassals — Administration of the Russians in their 
 colonies — Christian population in the province of Erivan — Contrast between 
 England and Russia — Reflections on the conduct of these Covernments — 
 Imprudence of the English at Cabul — The Afghan opinions of the English 
 after the occupation — The Author's opinion on British administration of 
 India — Tabular statement of the English possessions — The conquests of 
 Russia .. .. ■ .. .. .. .. .. .. Page 335 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Remarks on the annexation of the Punjab to the British possessions — Shere 
 Sing, the predecessor of Runjeet — Origin of the Sikh kingdom — The army 
 disciplined by foreign officers — Their advice to Rimjeet — Policy of the 
 British Government towards him — Karrack Sing — Nahal Sing — Murders 
 at Lahore — Peshora Sing — Treaty with Dost Mohamed of Cabul — The 
 Maharanee Chanda — Murder of Peshora Sing — Revolt of the Troops — 
 The Maharanee proceeds to the camp — Her brother's just punishment — 
 The Maharanee returns to the palace — Gholab Sing refuses the throne — 
 The Maharanee again in power — Sketch of the campaign in the Punjab — 
 Murder of Messrs. Vans Agnew and Anderson — Fight at the ford of 
 Ramnuggur — Battle of Chillian wallah — Battle of Goojerat — Reflec- 
 tions 346 
 
 CHAPTEE XXV. 
 
 The Author taken ill — His sufferings at this time — Singular disease of Mo- 
 hamed Azim Khan — Visit of his brother to the Author — Monsieur Terrier's 
 dinners improve — Murder of one of his guards — The Author's reflections 
 on his ovm. fate — Attacked with Cholera — The knowing soldier-priest — 
 Dreadful mortality in the town — Fanaticism of the Mollahs — Protection 
 afforded to Monsieur Terrier by Kohendil Khan — Attack upon the Author's 
 house — Gallant conduct of the soldiers — Advance of the troops sent by 
 the Sirdar — Defeat of the mob — Monsieur Ferrier escorted from the town 
 
 — Arrives at Girishk — Lai Khan's explanation of the riot at Kandahar — 
 The Author again confined — Rascally conduct of Sedik Khan — Monsieur 
 Ferrier leaves Girishk — Boundaries of the Belooches — Nigiari — Mian- 
 ]nishteh — Benader Kalan — Hazar-juft — Affray with the villagers there — 
 The Author returns to Girishk — Zirok — Biabanak and Paiwak — Washeer 
 
 — Koh i Duzdan — Ibrahimi and Shiaguz — Short commons — Tlie escort 
 and the shepherd — Morality of an Afghan horseman — Their gossip wlien 
 travelling — Treatment of their horses — A cool hand — Khoormalek — 
 Crypts at Shiaguz .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 361 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 The Author leaves Khoormalek — Arrives at Furrah — Wretched quarters — 
 Visit of the Governor Mollah Mahmood Akhond-zadeh — His kindness to 
 Mons. Ferrier — Departure of Mirza Khan — Marvellous heat at Furrah — 
 
 b 2 
 
XX CONTENTS. 
 
 The Governor's fear of the cholera — The fortifications of Furrah — Ancient 
 liistory of that town — The modern town — Siege by Nadir Sliah — Re- 
 moval of the population by Sedik Klian — Remarkable clianges in the cities 
 of Central Asia — State of the country — Aversion to taxation — Banks of 
 the Furrah-rood — Military position of Furrah — Letters of Yar Mohamed 
 to Mous. Ferrier — Preparations for departure — The Author and his escort 
 leave the town — Kariz-makoo — Description of the escort — Khoospas — 
 Description of the country — The fetid marsh — Khash — Geographical 
 errors — The Khash-rood — The wild ass — A nice dish for a hungry man 
 
 — Shâh-aziz-Khan — Shâh-aboo-thaleb Page 387 
 
 CHAPTEE XXVII. 
 
 Helmund — Belooche encampment — Imprudent conduct of Assad Khan — 
 Serious consequences resulting from this — Flight of the Afghans — At- 
 tacked by the Belooches — The Author and his party cross the river — Fight 
 amongst the tamarisk bushes — The Author in the mêlée — The party 
 conceal themselves in some ruins — A council of war — The result not 
 agreeable to Assaf Doulet — Night march on the banks of the Helmund — 
 Bondebar — Guljeh — Bafts on the river — Halt at Poolkee — Difficultly of 
 ascertaining distances — The bread of Seistan — Value of wheat in tliat 
 country — Jehanabad — The tower of Alemdar — Canals, on the Helmund 
 
 — Extraordinary musquitos — Mohamed Reza Khan — Ali Khan, the mur- 
 derer of Dr. Forbes — Amazing superstition of this scoundrel — Hospitality 
 of Beza Khan — Descendants of the ancient Persians — Jelalabad — Curious 
 forage for horses — Sekooha — Duration of things in Seistan — Ser 
 Jadda — ■ Zerdabad — Laush Jowaine — Shah Besend Khan — Strategical 
 point between Persia and Kandahar — Local polities — Fortress of Laush — 
 Military force of this district .. .. .. .. .. .. 404 , 
 
 CHAPTEE XXVIII. 
 
 The district of Laush — Ancient inhabitants of Seistan — Arrian's mention of 
 this country — The state of it in the days of Alexander — Geographical 
 description of it at the present time — Origin of the word Seistan — Course 
 of the Helmund river — Inhabitants on its banks — Tlie cultivation and 
 pastures on them — Navigable from Girishk to its mouth — Bafts on this 
 and other Eastern rivers — The Aria Balus — Description of the Seistan 
 lake — The affluents of this lake — Language of the Belooches — Charac- 
 teristics of that tribe — Their religious faith — The Beer Kisri — Gross 
 superstitions of the Belooches — Their love of thieving — Their excuse for 
 this vice — Etymology of their name — Description of their life wiien en- 
 camped — Number of armed men they could bring into the field — Their 
 courage superior to that of the Afghans — Their singular mode of keeping 
 touch when fighting — The Author arrives at Furrah — Surprise of the i 
 Mollah Akhond-zadeh — Itineraries to several parts of Bersia — Furrah to • 
 Nishapoor by Toon — Furrah to Semnoon by Tubbus — Description of the 
 latter town — Beerjoon to Kerman by Khubhes — The city of Ghayn — 
 The Author leaves Furrah — Khosh-ava — Jeja — Singular request of a \ 
 
 I 
 
CONTENTS. xxi 
 
 lady of this place — Subzawur — Ruins at Subzawur — Legend of the inha- 
 bitants — The fort of Subzawur an important military post — Position attri- 
 buted to Subzawur erroneous — The Shah Thamasp put to death here by 
 Xadir Shah — Adreskan — Shabith — Roozbagh . . , . Tage 424 
 
 CHAPTEE XXIX. 
 
 Arrival of Monsieur Ferrier at Yar Mohamed's residence near Herat — Is re- 
 ceived by the Sirdar Habib Ullah Khan — The Author makes the acquaint- 
 ance of Fethi Klian — Description of that nobleman — His liberal and kind 
 conduct to the Author — Interview with Yar Mohamed — Asiatics arrested 
 at Cabnl for Europeans — Assad Khan rewarded by Yar Mohamed — 
 Visitors at Ullah Khan's — The Axithor proceeds to Herat — Unfortunate 
 accident to the Sirdar — A dear glass of vinegar — Scene at the Sirdar's 
 house — The prayer over the broken leg — The doctors disagree at Herat as 
 elsewhere — A singular plaster — The bone-setters — The Sertip Lai 
 ^Rfohamed Khan — The two physicians — Monsieur Ferrier's mistake — 
 The dream of Goolam Kader Khan — The genii of cholera — Jew doctors of 
 Herat — Merchants of India in that city — Remarkable efl'ect of a ] air of 
 pantaloons — Statistics on the military forces of Central Asia — Geogra- 
 phical inaccuracies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 445 
 
 CHAPTEE XXX. 
 
 Invasion of India by a Russo-Persian array — Manuscript of Sir Alexander 
 Burnes — Military colonies of the Russians between the Embah river and 
 Lake Aral — Advance from the Oxus — Passage from the Work of Sir A. 
 Burnes — ]\Iarch of the Russian army by the Moorgaub and Merv — Opi- 
 nion of General Mouraviev on a Russian invasion of India — Advance on 
 the side of the Caspian, and march of the Russian army through Khorassan 
 
 — Facility of provisioning their army — Advance from Herat by the Haroot- 
 rood, the Helmund, and the Urgund-ab — Position on the Indus — Russian 
 communications in their rear — Line of operations — Probabilities of a revolt 
 in British India — European and Sepoy troops — Impediments of the Eng- 
 lish army — Qi\alifications and strength of the invading force — The opi- 
 nions of authors on this subject — Reply to the Khan of Khiva — Recent 
 battles in India — Tactics of the English in the event of an invasion of that 
 country — Advance upon Kandahar — Effects of English diplomacy — State 
 of the roads in the countries of the Hazarahs and E'imaks — Facility in 
 obtaining supplies — Routes through Central Asia to Cabul and Kandahar 
 
 — Country near the Bolan Pass — Desert between Khelat and the Helmund 
 
 — Afghan politics — Disputes for the throne of Cabul — Opinions respect- 
 ing Dost Mohamed's children — Kohendil Khan — His apprehensions of 
 the English — State of the Government at Kandahar — Succession to the 
 throne — Children of the Sirdars — Yar Mohamed — Succession to the 
 sovereign power at Herat — The probable results of Afghan politics — The 
 policy of Sir A. Burnes — Conduct of the Directors of the East India Com- 
 pany — The Czar's motto — Advance of the Russians into Turcomania in 
 1852 — Author's opinions ,. .. .. .. .. ,. 457 
 
xxii CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 Preparations upon departure — The Author receives his passport from Yar 
 Mohamed — Leaves Herat — Shekwan — Kussan — Yar Mohamed's letter 
 to Dad Khan — Turcomans on the road — Kariz — Toorbut Sheik Jam — 
 Mahmoodabad — Hedireh — Herds of deer — Singbest — Arrival at Meshed 
 
 — Reflections on the Author's journeys — Advice to travellers in Central 
 Asia — Old acquaintances — Mollah Mehdi and Dr. "Wolf — Hussein Khan 
 Hashi — A Russian Spy — The Author leaves Meshed — Conduct of a Rer- 
 sian official — Fidelity, how looked upon in Persia — Sherifabad — Corpses 
 on their way to Kerbelah — A preservative against every evil — Kadumgah 
 — Persecutions of the Ghebers by the Imaum Reza — His foot-iwint on the 
 rock — Nishapoor — Dreadful state of that town from cholera — Zaffourou- 
 nee — Difficulties of the road from snow — Subzawar — Mehir — Muzee- 
 noon — Abbasabad — Meyomeed — Shah-rood — Deh-mollah — Damghan 
 
 — Grievances of the Serbas — Treatment by their colonel — Goosheh — 
 Semnoon — The Author meets with the English chargé d'affaires — Lasgird 
 
 — Quarrel with the Hazarahs — Dehnemuck — Kishlak — Ey wanee Key 
 
 — Katoor-abad — Teheran . . . . . . . . . . Page 484 
 
 APPENDICES. 
 
 Appendix (A.) — On Luristan. — Extracts from Major Rawlinson's Notes on 
 a March from Zohab to Khuzistan .. .. .. 498 
 
 (B.)— Extract of Letter from Mr. McNeill to Viscount Pal- 
 merston .. .. .. .. .. .. 507 
 
 (C.) — Sir A. Burnes's description of Balkh ., ., ,. 510 
 
 (D.) — Accounts by Mr. Eiphinstone and Sir A. Burnes of the 
 Kaffirs of the Hindoo Koosh .. .. .. .. 512 
 
 (E.) — Account of Beloochistan, by the late Sir H. Pottin- 
 ger, G.C.B 517 
 
 (F.) — Memorandum on the Political Relations of the English 
 Mission with Herat, by Sir J. Login .. .. 522 
 
 Note. — Certain Appendices are referred to in the body of the Work, which 
 there has not been time to prepare for insertion. — Ed. 
 
 » 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Haji Mibza Aghassi, Prime Minister of Persia under the late 
 
 Mahmood Shah .. ,. .. .. .. Frontispiece. 
 
 View of Bagdad, and the Bridge of Boats across the Tigris, 
 
 taken from Suleiman Mirza's House .. to face page 1 
 
 A Persian Gentleman with a Bottle in his Hand. Fiom a 
 
 Drawing by a Persian Artist .. .. .. .. .. 151 
 
 Map of Persia and Afghanistan .. .. .. .. at the End. 
 
i 
 
CARAVAN JOURNEYS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The author leaves Bagdad — Object of his journey — Necessity for concealment 
 — Scene with his servant's creditors — Nasséli Florès — Fortifications of Bag- 
 dad — Bakubah — The caravan — The author's costume — The necessity for 
 wealing it — Mollah Ali — Sheraban — Description of the jovial Mollah — His 
 opinion of his countrymen — Appearance of the country — Kuzil Eobat — 
 Ancient walls — Kanaki — The Mollah's opinion of Mussulman pilgrims — His 
 love of brandy and sausages — The private and Caravanserai Shah — The bazaar 
 at Kanaki — Bandit population — Advantages of an Eastei-n dress — Caravan 
 travelling — Kind feeling of the Mollah — Adam's forks preferred to silver 
 ones — Marauders — • Kusra Shireen — The Mollah all courage — The Bilbers 
 appear — The Mollah all fears — The attack — The Mollah found where he 
 should not have been — Description of Kusra Shireen — Ruins near it — The 
 legend connected with them — The site of the ancient Oppidam. 
 
 In the spring- of the year 1845, after a stay of sixteen months at 
 Bagdad, I decided upon trying my fortune beyond Persia, in the 
 countries yet imperfectly known of Central Asia. I did not conceal 
 from myself the risk I was about to run in undertaking a journey 
 which the majority of Orientals with whom I had conversed re- 
 specting it considered as likely to end fatally for me. To justify 
 their apprehensions, they referred to the recent deaths of Stoddart 
 and Conolly, setting before me the most fearful pictures of the 
 cruelty of the Afghans, who, having recently escaped from the 
 short-lived dominion of the British rule, were wholly devoid of 
 pity for all Europeans on whom they could lay their hands. I 
 saw nothing, however, in these representations to induce me to 
 alter my determination, and feeling prepared for whatever might 
 happen, and sure that my resolution would not fail me, I said to 
 myself, like the Mahomedans, " What is written, is written : we 
 cannot struggle against destiny ; may mine be accomplished." 
 
 Fearing that my intention to pass through the states of Mohamed 
 Shah, the King of Persia, might become known, and thus create 
 
i ;,.; . :îsASSÉLI florès. Ctiap. I. 
 
 serious difficulties cand even dangers (for I had been obliged to leave 
 that country by order of the government, in consequence of in- 
 trigues against me), I gave out that I was returning to France by 
 Mosul, and obtained from Nejib Pasha, the governor of Bagdad, 
 a hoyourdi, or passport, to travel in that direction. Having 
 divested myself of my European habiliments, and assumed a light 
 Arab costume, I addressed myself to a man attached to a caravan, 
 with whom I agreed to hire his mules for one tomaun* as far as 
 Kcrraanshah, and quitted Bagdad at sundown on the 1st of April, 
 1845. 
 
 I had scarcely left the gates of the city ere I met with my 
 first annoyance. For more than a year I had had in my service an 
 Armenian named Ivan, whom I had previously known at Teheran ; 
 he was a strong fellow, sharp and intelligent, but a consummate 
 scoundrel, and an unparalleled boaster. This fellow had travelled 
 amongst the Turcomans with the unfortunate Nasseli Florès, who 
 was assassinated by the Emir of Bokhara ; he had also visited 
 Herat and some of the neighbouring provinces, and it was this that 
 induced me to keep him in my service, although I was aware that 
 he was a dangerous man, a wrangler, obstinate, and a greedy 
 thief. However, as I should have found the same vices in any 
 other Persian servant, though perhaps in a less degree, but 
 without his useful qualities, I gave up the idea of dismissing 
 him, which I had thought of doing, persuaded that if he did not 
 kill me himself, he would certainly not let any one else do so. 
 
 I was on the point of leaving the city by the gate of Mosul, and 
 in the act of mounting a half-laden mule, when, as I have said, 
 my troubles commenced, for Ivan introduced me to half-a-dozen of 
 his creditors, who declared they would not allow him to leave till 
 he had paid their bills, amounting to five tomauns. I sent them 
 all to the devil, and left Ivan to settle with them ; but as he was 
 in possession of the secret of my journey, which I could not conceal 
 from him, he took for granted 1 should not dare to be very hard 
 upon him, and that on no account would I leave him in Bagdad, 
 where he might divulge my projects. This was indeed the fact, 
 but I did not wish to appear to give way at the first specimen of 
 his knavery, so I mounted my beast, and left, pursued by the 
 disappointed creditors, one of whom hung on by my bridle, 
 
 * Ten shillings. 
 
 1 
 
Chap. I. FORTIFICATIONS OF BAGDAD. 3 
 
 another by ray pack, while a third seized the tail of the innocent 
 beast I rode, stopped me short, and reduced me to the sad ne- 
 cessity of letting fall a shower of blows upon them to rid myself 
 of their importunities. Grumbling and growling they speedily 
 withdrew, and I was not sorry to hear them bestowing upon Ivan, 
 and with usury, the drubbing they had received from me. But 
 before he could come up to entreat me to help him out of this 
 dilemma, half his beard was gone, and thinking he had received 
 sufficient punishment I made terms with his creditors, he giving 
 them up a gun, and I advancing him two and a half tomauns. 
 We now started by a magnificent Eastern moonlight, and crossed 
 the desert plains, which on all sides surround the city of the 
 Caliphs : some ruins, and a village half-way to Bakubah, were the 
 only objects that attracted my attention. A journey of nine hours 
 brought us at day-break to the left bank of the Dialla, on which 
 were ruins and over a considerable extent of ground. 
 
 The fortifications of Bagdad have been built with so little judg- 
 ment, and are so much out of repair, that it would be impossible 
 to defend the city against any serious attack. Its real defence 
 on the side of Persia is on the Dialla ; and here again there is 
 another disadvantage — the right bank of the river, by which the 
 enemy would advance, is higher than the left, by five and twenty 
 or thirty feet, and is covered with gardens filled with tree^ which 
 would much facilitate the approach to and passage of the river : 
 though it is true the besieged might occupy these gardens them- 
 selves, still the absence of a bridge, by w^hich to retreat in case 
 they were beaten, would oblige them to use great caution in 
 adopting that kind of defence. 
 
 Bakubah is a small town, with a bazaar and mosque ; it was 
 formerly of great importance, being the point where several much 
 frequented roads meet ; but bloody wars and Mussulman apathy 
 have brought it to a state of decay from which there is little 
 1 chance of its ever recovering. There are now not more than 
 seven or eight hundred houses. The town is surrounded by 
 numerous gardens, in which the palm, orange, lemon, pomegranate, 
 and mulbeiTy trees flourish, and the immediate neighbourhood 
 produces crops of all kinds of grain. 
 
 The caravan I joined had been assembling in small parties at 
 Bakubah for several days, and the detachment to which I belonged 
 was the last. For this they waited before they set out to travel 
 
 B 2 
 
4 . MOLLAH ALL Chap. I. 
 
 through the country between Bakubâh and Karund, the first station 
 within the Persian frontier, for there were four dangjerous spots 
 to pass. Nothing now prevented our departure, and I was glad 
 enough, as dehiy might create difficulties, and I was anxious to 
 leave Turkey before any arose at Bagdad. Persia, it is true, 
 might be still more insecure ; but then I had a better chance of 
 eluding those who were ill-disposed towards me, by changing, 
 according to circumstances, the direction of my route. 
 
 Our caravan wiis composed of more than seven hundred persons, 
 the greater portion being Persian pilgrims returning from the 
 holy city of Kerbelah, and amongst them were the Princess 
 Fakhrct Doulet, aunt of the Shah of Persia, some princes, her 
 brothers, and other lords attached to the court of Teheran. I 
 recognized many who had not the same advantage with me, so 
 much had my Arab dress, and a long beard dyed black after the 
 Persian manner, disguised me. Speaking Persian as well as they 
 did, I passed unnoticed in the crowd as a Greek merchant from 
 Mosul. Prudence induced me to keep the strictest incognito, 
 as I was entering Persia withovit leave, and without any definite 
 object ; and the intrigues of my enemies, and particularly the most 
 implacable one, Mirza Abul Hassan Khan, the foreign minister, 
 might misrepresent my motives to the Shah, and place me in a] 
 false and very unpleasant situation. Persia is a despotic country, 
 where steel and poison play a great part, so that I took care in 
 travelling to preserve my simple name of Yusuf, and to conceal 
 myself as much as possible. 
 
 Though only the 2nd of April, the heat was intense ; the 
 centigrade thermometer stood at 35° in the tent, and the flies and 
 musquitos left us no peace. 
 
 I had resolved to isolate myself as much as possible from the 
 rest of the caravan, in order to avoid indiscreet questions, although 
 I could not resist the polite advances that were made me by five 
 or six of the pilgrims, amongst whom was a certain Mollah Ali, 
 quite a modern Rabelais, Short, fat, with an open rubicund 
 face, and a most sociable disposition, it was always his turn to 
 speak ; he knew a little of every thing, and was listened to with 
 pleasure, even when he undertook to sing his own praises, which 
 was not seldom, but he did this in a manner so droll and so witty, 
 that it was impossible to resist the uproarious laugh which his 
 eccentric sallies always provoked. From the first he declared he 
 
Chap. I. SHERABAN. 5 
 
 would be my friend, and from that moment he never ceased doing" 
 his utmost to prove to me the sincerity of his impromptu affection ; 
 always gay and original, I passed many a happy day in his 
 company. 
 
 Sheraban, April 3rd — seven parasangs* — ten hours — a level 
 road — and the country much intersected by canals, for the 
 purposes of irrigation. — There were many villages on both sides 
 of us, but the beautiful crops, still standing, were much injured by 
 clouds of locusts. The day had scarcely dawned when I was 
 made somewhat uneasy by recognizing the prince Tiraour Mirza,t 
 whom I had known at Bagdad, and who accompanied as far as the 
 frontier his aunt, the Princess Fakhret Doulet This prince had 
 been exiled from Persia ever since his father, Ferman Ferman, for- 
 merly Governor of the province of Fars, had aspired to the crown. 
 He eyed me closely, but without being able to recollect me in my 
 humble attire ; his manner, however, showed that he suspected 
 some mystery, for he followed me perseveringly, until I eluded 
 him in the crowd, where I found my new friend, Mollah Ali, 
 whose cheerful gossip soon made me forget my fears. 
 
 This singular follower of Islam was one of the most extraordi- 
 nary of Mussulmans : superstitious, and orthodox to the very roots of 
 his hair, with his countrymen, to whom he never ceased preaching, 
 and always reprimanded sharply for any religious short comings, 
 when alone with me he set no bounds to his toleration and self- 
 indulgence. " Look at these sons of the infernal regions " 2^î'dar 
 sukhta, he used to say ; " at each moment they invoke the 
 
 * A pamsan^' is about three miles and was struck by him. The Arabs, irri- 
 
 a half, more or less in different dis- tated, made a general attack, in which 
 
 tricts. Timour fell, bravely fighting, and 
 
 f Timour Mirza was one of the Per- was can-ied into Bagdad for dead from 
 
 sian princes who were in England some a spear-wound through his lungs, from 
 
 years ago, and who have lived ever since which he however recovered. The 
 
 at Bagdad on small pensions from the Arabs have a great superstition about 
 
 English Government. Timour means killing or wounding any person of 
 
 ' Lion ' in Arabic, and this prince is a chief's family, and in their own quar- 
 
 worthy of the name, for his courage is rels the chiefs are generally shut up in 
 
 celebrated. He has had frequent melees a tent while the tribe fights. The at- 
 
 Avith the Arabs, who come sometimes up tack on Timour Mirza, they thought, 
 
 to the gates of Bagdad. On one occasion, brought ill luck upon them; their 
 
 inl 846, he was surprised by a party while sheep and camels died ; disease attacked 
 
 out hawking. At first, the Arabs know- their families, and, for a longtime after- 
 
 ing him, would only have taken some wards, they used to send in deputations 
 
 plunder, until one of their number ap- to the prince to induce him to remove 
 
 proaching the prince too familiarly, the fancied curse from them. — Ed, 
 
6 KUZIL ROB AT. Chap. I. 
 
 name of God, of Ali, and the lioly Imaums, and yet they never 
 cease to disobey their commands. What hypocrites! pretending 
 poverty, but having their clothes lined with gold ducats all the 
 while, and don't give me an obolus in spite of all the pains I 
 take to keep them in the right way, and make the good seed 
 grow in their hearts. As to promises, they have storehouses of 
 these that are never empty. In the morning, when we arrive 
 at our halting place, I often have to cook my pillau myself, and, 
 without any respect for my sacred character, they allow my hands 
 to be degraded by the low labours of the kitchen, instead of 
 assisting and feeding me. Ah ! you Younans * are much more 
 humanized ; all men are your brothers, and yet these dogs look 
 upon you as impure ; but I, though I am a Mussulman, am far 
 from sharing this stupid notion, and to prove it to you, I come 
 to-night to settle myself with you in a retired corner, and we'll 
 mess together — what say you ? do you agree ?" 
 
 The intention of the Mollah was very evident. He wished to 
 hang upon my hooks. But his amiable character, and metapho- 
 rical language, so thoroughly pleased and amused me, that I 
 accepted his proposition, and from that night we chummed to- 
 gether, to the great despair of Ivan, who had to receive his 
 reiterated orders, which he dared not disobey. 
 
 There are from two hundred and fifty to three hundred houses 
 in Sheraban, and many of them are crowned by five or six 
 nests of storks. I never saw so many of these birds as in this 
 place. 
 
 Kiizil Bobdt, April 4th — four parasangs — six hours. — We 
 travelled during an hour and a half through the plain, gradually 
 rising, and then crossed a mountain of sand and gravel, the western 
 side of which was covered with immense rounded blocks of stone. 
 It took us an hour and a half to pass this mountain, when we 
 descended into a plain, pretty well watered, with here and there 
 some fine pastures. 
 
 On arriving at Kiizil Robat, my friend the Mollah very nearly 
 broke his neck by a fall ; he and his mule rolled one over the 
 other, until they were brought up by a stinking marsh, in which 
 some wild ducks were dabbling, that flew off with loud cries. 
 Thinking this accident a warning from heaven not to go through 
 
 The Persian name for the Greek subjects of the Sultan. 
 
 1 
 
CiiAP. I. MUSSULMAN PILGRIM CARAVAN. 7 
 
 the village, Mollah Ali insisted on going round it to arrive at our 
 encampment, and I went with him, as it gave me an opportunity 
 of seeing the walls. These were made of thick layers of earth, 
 placed one on the other, and hardened ; they appeared very 
 ancient, and were of considerable extent. On the eastern side we 
 remarked a gate built of burnt bricks like those at Babylon, and 
 these certainly dated before Islamism had become the religion of 
 this country. Kiizil Robat contains four hundred and fifty houses. 
 
 Kanaki, April 5th — four parasangs — six hours — across a plain 
 varied by low hills. 
 
 A caravan of Mussulman pilgrims is very dull society for a 
 Christian traveller ; for amongst them he is always sure to meet with 
 the greatest fanatics. " These dogs," as their countryman Mollah 
 Ali called them, although covered with vermin and smelling of 
 rancid butter enough to suffocate one, used to run out of the way 
 to let me pass, keeping to windward as if the air were tainted by 
 my Christian presence. Even by paying heavily, I could not have 
 obtained the smallest service from the crowd of beggars, almost 
 naked, who followed the caravan on foot : from these ragamuffins 
 I endured the greatest insults, which I was obliged to put up 
 with. The pilgrims deafen one with the repetition of their pious 
 vociferations, for the sole purpose of impressing their hearers 
 with a great idea of their holiness, which it is quite allowable to 
 question. They regularly recite the five prayers prescribed by the 
 Koran, and every time the appointed hour comes round, the 
 caravan stops until they have finished. I was the only person who 
 did not join in their devotions ; for my rascal Ivan, although a 
 Christian, accommodated himself to the customs of all nations : he 
 prayed to Jesus with his co-religionists, to Mahomet with the 
 Mussulmans, to the divine fire with the Ghebers — in short was never 
 embarrassed by any creed, as he was conversant with the extei'nal 
 forms of all religions, and practised them alternately, according to 
 the company in which he found himself. Standing therefore as I 
 did aloof at the hours of prayer, many an angry scowl was cast 
 upon me, and many unpleasant remarks were directed against me ; 
 but the consideration with which Mollah Ali treated me, and the 
 tenacity with which he defended me, had a certain eflfect upon 
 these fanatics, for they were afraid of incurring his displeasure by 
 molesting me. My friend failed not to let me understand by the 
 most direct allusions, made in the most flowery terms, how happy 
 
8 KANAKI— BANDIT POPULATION. Chap. I. 
 
 I ought to think myself in the enjoyment of his protection under 
 the circumstances, and how proper it woukl be if 1 comforted his 
 stomach after such speeches with a glass of wine or brandy — a 
 request that I willingly acceded to : the Mollah even ate one of 
 my pork sausages, swearing by Allah, that at Bagdad, where I 
 bought mine, they were all made of beef, and " even if they were 
 made of pork," he added in a low tone, " the sin would not be 
 such a wonderful sin to eat one on a journey, where the privations 
 are so great." He then confidentially owned to me that he could 
 not understand why the Prophet had forbidden this innocent food, 
 and commented on the Koran, in such a manner as to make light 
 of his transgression. 
 
 Kanaki is a small town of a thousand houses ; the entrance to it 
 is by a paved street, which crosses the town, and terminates at a 
 fine bridge of burnt brick of nine arches, leading to the suburb 
 situated on the right bank of the Dialla, where there is a splendid 
 caravanserai: the caravanserai- shah is open to travellers gratis; 
 in those which are the property of individuals, the traveller pays a 
 trifling sum to the dalan-dar, or porter, for admittance. The 
 caravanserai-shah at Kanaki is in the centre of a square surrounded 
 by low booths which form the bazaar. Here are always to be 
 found crowds of the pillaging population of the neighbourhood, 
 both Arabs and Kurds : the Jaf elbows the Sindjavi ; the Bilber 
 finds himself by the side of the Bachtiyari and the Lour ;* and this 
 assemblage of types of races so different is very strange and 
 picturesque. Ferocity, and instincts the most uncultivated and 
 energetic, were depicted on almost every countenance. Every one 
 
 * The Jaf are a very large tribe, khui'is in the cuneiform inscriptions, 
 
 dependent on Turkey, and numbering Their manners and language have 
 
 about 25,000 families, who inhabit in scarcely changed since the days of 
 
 winter the plains of Sulimauiah and Cyrus. They retained their iudepend- 
 
 Zohab, and in summer migrate to the ence till about 1840, when they were 
 
 mountains of Ardelan. They are the conquered and decimated by the Persian 
 
 most warlike and unruly of all the Government, and their chiefs kept in 
 
 Kurdish tribes. perpetual imprisonment at Teheran. 
 
 The Sindjavi are a tribe of Kurds de- The Lour is the inhabitant of the 
 pending upon Persia, who alternately province of Luristiln, a Persian pro- 
 inhabit the mountains of Kermanshah vince joining the pashalik of Bagdad on 
 and the plains upon the Turkish frontier. the East, and extending to the Bachtiyilri 
 They do not number more than 2000 mountains.— Consult Baron de Bode's 
 families. Travels in Luristan, London, about 1 844; 
 
 Bachtiyari. The name of a great Per- and Sir H. Eawlinson's Memoir, Trans, 
 
 sian tribe inhabiting the mountains be- Geogr. Soc. 1839, from which an ex- 
 
 tween Shuster and Ispahan. They are tract is given. — See App. A. 
 named narir^^o^ns by Strabo, and Patis- 
 
Chap. I. ADVANTAGES OF EASTERN DRESS. 9 
 
 was armed to the teeth, and the majority of them come here rather 
 to find out what opportunity is likely to present itself of plundering 
 a caravan than for any honest purpose : perhaps there is not a 
 m-eater set of vagabonds on the face of the earth, I cannot 
 help, however, admiring the air of dignity with which these men 
 wear their wretched rags, that contrast so strangely with the 
 richness and beauty of their arms : one bandit, whose clothes 
 would not have sold literally for sixpence, had a gun of great 
 value ; the long damascened rifle barrel was of the finest work- 
 manship, but the lock was bad ; both the lock and barrel were 
 fixed to the stock by bands of silver, ornamented with gold and 
 precious stones. Some fine lances, which I also saw, were made 
 of a long, hard, and flexible reed, but they did not seem to me 
 very handy. At Kanaki it would be imprudent to go for a moment 
 unarmed, or to lose sight of one's baggage ; for men, women, and 
 children crowd round travellers with one single object, that of 
 robbing them ; they rarely retire without having got something, 
 and if they are superior in number, raise a shout at a signal 
 agreed upon, rush upon their victims, and strip them in open day. 
 A pleasant occurrence of this kind had taken place about eight 
 months before, after which Nejib Pasha of Bagdad detached 
 400 Albanians to protect the bazaar, and though they were 
 strong enough to prevent robberies, they winked at them on re- 
 ceiving a proper consideration. 
 
 I had now worn my simple Arab shirt for several days, and 
 quickly discovered its advantages over an European dress, for it 
 contributed to my security and ease, and saved me many a tomaun. 
 Our European clothes, tight, in bad taste, and, as an Oriental con- 
 siders them, indecent, if they have by chance the merit of pro- 
 curing a certain consideration on the part of Persian functionaries, 
 do most decidedly attract the insults of the children and lower 
 orders, and make the wearer a mark for every kind of extortion. 
 For economy also there is nothing like an Arab robe : it costs 
 five shillings, and will last for two or three years : we may with 
 good reason take an example from the simplicity of Oriental 
 habits, and repress among ourselves an excessive luxury in dress. 
 Never, I must confess, did I feel more at my ease than in my 
 simple shirt of coarse linen, mounted on my mule, which carried 
 all that was necessary for my wants. Without being, quite as 
 lightly clothed as Diogenes, the reforms in my wardrobe had 
 
10 KUSRA SHIREEN— BILBERS. Chap. I. 
 
 been considerable ; the same mule carried my whole equipment, a 
 simple saucepan, a small iron stove, and a felt carpet, which, 
 doubled in two, served me for a bed and covering. Ivan was not 
 so easily accommodated, and seemed humiliated to serve a master 
 who made such a sorry figure. He revolted at the idea of riding 
 a mule for which I paid only half price, because, besides his 
 precious person, it carried two bales of American cotton. On 
 arriving at Kanaki he boucrht a horse with some tomauns of which 
 he had cheated me, and began to play the gentleman, even with 
 Mollah Ali, whom he no longer obeyed without much remonstrance. 
 Luckily my friend was good natured, and made the best of every- 
 thing. Each day, on reaching our encampment, he was the- first to 
 dig a cooking place, and prepared our simple pillau ; when it was 
 ready we each attacked it with our fingers, without the aid of 
 either spoons or forks, and after two or three days I acquitted 
 myself as well as if I had eaten in this manner all my life. 
 Really, whatever European etiquette may teach us, this Eastern 
 fashion has its advantages, and now that I am once more amongst 
 people who consider their civilisation superior to that of the 
 Persians, I often regret being obliged to use a pointed instrument, 
 for I enjoyed certain dishes much more when I carried them to 
 my mouth with the assistance of my fingers. 
 
 We were on the watch the whole night we passed at Kanaki : 
 but in spite of our vigilance the marauders contrived to steal 
 several beasts and their loads. Our pleasure was great when at 
 sunrise we left this inhospitable place. 
 
 Kusra Sliireen, April 6th — five parasangs — six hours. — The 
 country for the first four parasangs wild and undulating, the last 
 cultivated and irrigated from the waters of the Dialla. Two days 
 before we reached this, a brigade of Persian cavalry cantoned at 
 Serpeul, under the orders of the Sertip Shah Abbas Khan, had a 
 bloody engagement with the nomadic Bilbers on the road we had 
 to pass ; killing several of them, and making many prisoners. The 
 general opinion, therefore, was that the defeated Bilbers would 
 revenge themselves on the first caravan that came their way, and 
 before leaving Kanaki every one looked to his arms. " What is 
 written, is written," however, being the Persian motto, the caravan, 
 as on other days, divided itself into small detachments, which 
 followed one another at considerable intervals, consoling them- 
 selves with the words Khooda Kerim, God is merciful. Ob- 
 
 i 
 
Chap. I. KUSRA SHIREEN. 11 
 
 serving our scattered line of raarcli, I begged Mollah Ali to 
 exert his influence and rally round us a hundred men, but my 
 eccentric companion answered me only by a look at once dignified 
 and droll. His eye kindled, his nostrils distended, and assuming 
 a warlike air, he put himself in the attitude for throwing the 
 "jereed," and thus apostrophised me: " What have you to fear, 
 as long as you are with me ? Are you ignorant that my reputa- 
 tion extends over every Mussulman country, and who is the dog 
 that dare to expose himself to the edge of my sabre ? Cease your 
 fears, my friend : whatever happens, trust in me." Notwithstanding 
 this assurance, I kept close to some armed horsemen, who were 
 with the women and the loaded mules, the detachments in front 
 and rear being out of sight. Suddenly Ivan called out, " Sahib, 
 duzd amadest ! " Master, here are the robbers ! At this excla- 
 mation Mollah Ali looked round, with a quivering lip, and seeing 
 no one, said, " Merdké, Oh man, why disturb the calm we were 
 enjoying? may God forbid it! Kliooda né Kounedl keep your 
 visions to yourself, hold your stupid tongue, and cease to agitate our 
 minds." But Ivan persisted, and he was correct, for he showed 
 us the heads of men looking over the tops of some little hillocks on 
 our right. Our scouts immediately galloped to the front, the 
 women and children offering invocations to Allah, and all the 
 Imaums were sent to the rear ; in an instant the mules were un- 
 packed, the bales of merchandise ranged in a circle to serve as 
 a breastwork, and we waited the attack. When our scouts thought 
 our defensive dispositions sufficiently complete, they retreated in 
 good order, and joined us. The Bilbers, about three hundred in 
 number, followed them, but at a respectful distance, firing out of 
 shot, which we answered by a shower of balls, that likewise fell 
 short : both parties continued this amusement for three quarters of 
 an hour, until the Shah's aunt came up with her brothers and 
 numerous escort, when the brigands dispersed in all directions. 
 Mollah Ali, who had disappeared at the beginning of the fray, 
 was, after some minutes' search, discovered under the litter of one 
 of the women, ensconced between two bales of English cloth. 
 Frightfully pale, and his tongue and throat so dry he could not 
 speak, the holy man was some time before he recovered. I 
 watched him afterwards as he walked amongst the various gi-oups 
 of pilgrims, relating his adventures, and heard him frequently pro- 
 nouncing a pompous eulogy on his own valour. 
 
12 KUSEA SHIREEN. CiiAr. T. 
 
 Kusra Shireen, a small village of twenty-eight houses, with a 
 caravanserai-shah in pretty good condition, is situated on the 
 side of a mountain, at the foot of which flows the Dialla. This 
 is an abominable place, and the inhabitants, a rascally set, form 
 part of the rabble who lie in wait for travellers at Kanaki. 
 Provisions sell here at an exorbitant price, that is to say, when 
 there are any ; for generally there is nothing to be had, and it is 
 prudent always to lay in a stock at the preceding stage. In the 
 rare times of plenty there are only eggs, sour milk, bad black 
 bread, and barley and straw, which the inhabitants purchase in 
 other places and re -sell to travellers ; Kusra Shireen produces 
 nothing but flints, which cover the ground six inches deep. 
 
 This village is situated at the western extremity of a large town 
 in ruins, and the enceinte, which is clearly to be traced, forms a 
 long square of at least a league in length on the shortest front. 
 Numerous portions of wall and remains of edifices, which must 
 once have been very magnificent, are still standing ; many of these 
 were built of enormous blocks of hewn stone, and this must have 
 been a very important city, for the ruins extend over a distance of 
 twelve miles. The Persians, who delight only in the marvellous, 
 have not failed to write a host of legends on this locality, most of 
 them in honour of the beautiful Shireen and her lover Ferhad, the 
 famous sculptor, to whom they attribute the most gigantic works. 
 They say this amorous artist cut an aqueduct in the living rock, 
 five parasangs in length, the ruins of which are still visible, ex- 
 tending from the foot of the mountains to the town, and filled it 
 with milk for his favourite courser, which was lodged in the 
 palace of his beloved. Shireen, who is such a favourite with 
 Persian authors, lived in the beginning of the seventh century, 
 and was the favourite of the Sassanide king, Khosroo Purviz, but 
 she nevertheless responded to the advances of the sculptor Ferhad. 
 Khosroo was not ignorant of the fact, and promised Ferhad to 
 yield him the object of his love if he could bring into the plain 
 the abundant waters which flowed from the mountains, and were 
 lost amongst them, or at their base. Ferhad immediately set to 
 work, and this labour, which all supposed impossible, was ac- 
 complished with complete success by the artist, and nearly 
 terminated, when the King, foreseeing that he would lose his 
 beautiful mistress, sent a messenger to Ferhad to inform him of 
 her death. The unhappy man was at that moment on the summit 
 
 i 
 
CiiAP. I. KUSRA SHIREEN. 13 
 
 of a precipice, and in his despair cast himself into the abyss at 
 his feet, and terminated his existence. As for the beautiful 
 Shireen, although the poets say that she passionately loved Ferhad, 
 yet they make her poison herself some time after, not for him, but 
 partly for grief at the death of Khosroo, and partly to escape from 
 the unhallowed love of his son and successor Sirsez. All the 
 ancient monuments in Persia, of which the origin is unknown, 
 are exclusively attributed by the Persians either to Ferhad or 
 to Roostem, 
 
 It is not necessary that I should give the Persian version of the 
 origin of Kusra Shireen. No doubt it had been built many ages 
 when Ferhad lived ; it is indeed impossible to attribute its con- 
 struction to the Persians at all, because they never used hewn 
 stone. In the most ancient times, as now, they always employed 
 brick dried in the sun, and occasionally burnt brick, and this is 
 the reason we find no vestige of the monuments that originally 
 existed in the great Persian cities, the very sites of which are now 
 an object of doubt among the learned. If I may be allowed 
 to hazard an opinion, I should say that the ruins of Kusra Shireen 
 might be those of the city of Oppidam, which is placed by ancient 
 authors in the Zagros mountains, between Opis and Ecbatana, 
 and was founded by a colony of Boeotians, who followed Xerxes 
 into Persia. 
 
14 SERPEUL. Chap. II. 
 
 CHAPTEE II. 
 
 Serpeul — Attack on the Jafs — Attacked by the Jafs — Persian honour — 
 Shah Abbas Khan — His vile conduct to the foregoing tiibe — Official malver- 
 sations — Kai'und — Mountain road — The Sindjavis — Conduct of the Princess 
 
 — Scene of confusion — lliate apathy — Mollah All's opinion of these nomads 
 
 — Relation of Mahomedan sects to one another — The pass of Karund — Arrival 
 at that town — The inhabitants — Revolt of the Karundians — Reason for this 
 
 — Horrible treachery — Crime committed with impunity — Haroonabad — 
 Mahed-asht — Kermanshah — Mohamed Ali Mirza — Abbas Mirza — Kurdish 
 troops — Decay of Kermanshah — Persian army — Emir Mohib All Khan — 
 Bad administration — Flocks of the Kurds — Horses of the province — Carpets 
 
 — Cakes of Manna — Revenues — Tak-el-Bostan — Ivan's villany — Bêsitoon 
 
 — The Kerkha river — Extensive ruins — Inscriptions — The Persian caravan 
 
 — Kungawar — Mount Nahavend — Fortress of Kimgawar — Battle here in 
 641 A.D. — Fine pastures — The site of ancient Ecbatana — Arrian — The tomb 
 of Hephœstion. 
 
 Serpeul, April 7th — four parasangs — five and a-half hours. — Before 
 leaving KusraShireen we fell into fresh difficulties, which were nearly- 
 ending in a more tragic manner than those of the previous day. 
 The Sertip Shah Abbas Khan, commanding the Persian cavalry 
 quartered at Serpeul, had made an expedition in the month of March 
 against the Jafs. This tribe inhabited a territory, the posses- 
 sion of which had been previously claimed by the Shah of Persia 
 and the Sultan ; but as the Persians occupied it in force, they re- 
 mained in possession and enjoyed the revenues. The present 
 attack on the Jafs was made on account of some pretended 
 depredations which the latter had committed, and their refusal to 
 pay tribute. The Persian cavalry fell suddenly upon their camp, 
 sabring the Jafs, and pillaging everything they could lay their 
 hands on. Thus surprised, they had only time to leap on their 
 horses and secure the safety of their women and children, aban- 
 doning to the assailants their tents and flocks, and leaving in their 
 hands the bodies of seven men killed upon the spot. They were, 
 however, able to carry off the greater part of their wounded, and 
 only seventeen were taken into Serpeul by Shah Abbas Khan with 
 the rich booty he had captured. We heard this at Kusra Shireen, 
 and as the Jafs were in the neighbourhood, many of the pil- 
 
 1 
 
CiiAP. II. PERSIAN HONOUR. 15 
 
 grims with myself thought it prudent to retire within the walls of 
 the caravanserai ; but the Princess Fakhret Doulet, believing her- 
 self sufficiently safe under the protection of her numerous suite, 
 and the near neighbourhood of the Persian cavalry, did not think 
 it necessary to adopt this precaution, but pitched her tents on the 
 banks of the river. This imprudence was nearly costing her 
 dear. It was by the greatest chance that in the middle of the 
 night she received information that Mohamed Beg, the chief of 
 the Jafs, was advancing with six hundred horsemen to carry her 
 off; and she and her escort had scarcely rejoined us in the 
 caravanserai, and barricaded the door, when the Jafs appeared, 
 crowning the eminences which commanded our retreat. A fusillade 
 immediately opened upon us, but as harmless in its results as that 
 of the day before with the Bilbers : it continued till day-break 
 without any one being either killed or wounded. Ibrahim Pasha, 
 Governor of Zohab, who was with the Princess, was then sent out 
 to parley with Mohamed Beg, when they came to the following 
 terms : — Mohamed Beg engaged to escort the Princess and her 
 suite as far as Serpeul, on condition that when she reached that 
 town she would intercede with Shah Abbas Khan for the restora- 
 tion of the Jaf prisoners, and all the property and flocks he had 
 carried off. Mohamed Beg executed his engagement faithfully, 
 and conducted us to Serpeul, but the Princess was no sooner in 
 safety than she showed herself far less sensitive to the value of a 
 promise than the Jaf chief, for she shut herself up in her tent, 
 refused to receive him, and told him if he did not instantly re- 
 tire, she would order Shah Abbas Khan to make him. 
 
 The Persians are famous for treachery, and this is well known ; 
 but I am bound to say, in justice to those who formed our caravan, 
 that they were indignant at the base conduct of the Princess, and 
 declared loudly that Shah Abbas Khan had invented the delin- 
 quencies of the poor Jafs, because he wanted an excuse for 
 plundering them, and to make the Shah believe that he was a 
 brave, zealous, and intelligent officer. The pilgrims assured me 
 that the Jafs, far from pillaging any caravans, contributed, on 
 the contrary, to the safety of the road ; for, occupying as they did 
 the contested ground between Persia and Turkey, they had a 
 positive interest in expelling from this district all desperadoes, 
 and putting down disturbances which might otherwise compromise 
 them. Tlie tribute had been faithfully and regularly paid, but 
 
16 KARUND. Chap. IL 
 
 as Shah Abbas Khan wished to double it for his own benefit, 
 they had refused his unjust demand. Such was the lawless trans- 
 action that took place at Serpeul, and such are of daily occurrence 
 in all parts of the Persian empire. With so bad a system, how 
 can this country recover from its present state of impoverishment 
 and decay? The subordinate officers pillage and divide the fruits 
 of their peculations with the ministers who retain them in their 
 places, because they profit by their iniquity. The most unfor- 
 tunate portion of the Persian population, namely, the labouring 
 classes, are always the most ill-treated, and their complaints never 
 reach the foot of the throne until they have been so transformed 
 and falsified as to draw upon them fresh persecutions instead of 
 procuring the justice they seek. Finding it impossible to obtain 
 this, they take the matter into their own hands when opportunity 
 offers, and the thousand miseries which they bear in silence 
 become at length so insupportable that many a bloody episode is 
 the result. Nevertheless the Shah thinks his people happy. Un- 
 fortunate Persia ! wretched Persians ! 
 
 The road from Kusra Shireen to Serpeul is undulating, the 
 surface arid and stony. The caravanserai-shah, at the latter place, 
 is bad, and occupied by a detachment of Persian cavalry who re- 
 fused to admit us within its precincts ; a dozen huts are built 
 against it, and in these provisions are sold ; the river Dialla flows 
 near the caravanserai, which is spanned by a bridge that gives its 
 name to the place. I was now on the Persian territory. 
 
 Karund, April 8th — seven parasangs — eleven hours and a-half. 
 After three hours' travelling through meadows, in a valley watered 
 by several streams, we left on our right the high mountains of 
 Louristan, covered with tufts of trees and still capped with snow. 
 Our road lay across some others on our left : the oak, lime, beech, 
 and elm were thinly scattered on their summits amongst various 
 kinds of wild fruit trees and brushwood. The road, though not 
 particularly steep, is very difficult, on account of the many blocks 
 of fallen rock, and the flints which cover it so thickly, — it was 
 with infinite difficulty the horses picked their way. Besides these 
 impediments an accidental circumstance considerably delayed our 
 progress. 
 
 The road from the base to the summit of the mountain was 
 crowded with beasts of burden and flocks belonging to the tribe of 
 Sindjavis ; they were migrating from the plain, which becomes arid 
 
 I 
 
Chap. II. SINDJAVIS. 17 
 
 in summer, to settle for a time in the mountain pastures. Their 
 baggage and four thousand tents were carried by camels, horses, 
 oxen, mules and asses, which barred our way at every step. The 
 Princess and the Persians paused not at these obstacles, but 
 breaking their way through the multitude, upset everything be- 
 fore them. Their shouts, the lamentations of the Sindjavis, the 
 screams and tears of the women and children, the bellowing of 
 oxen, neighing of horses, braying of asses, barking of dogs, 
 bleating of sheep and goats, and crowing of cocks, gave a most 
 strange character to the scene. This avalanche of Persians, 
 clashing with the heterogeneous mass, threw many of the laden 
 animals over the precipice, and it was piteous to see the young 
 lambs, kids and calves, attached to some of the loads, dashed 
 to pieces as they rolled down the ravine. I could not com- 
 prehend the resignation of these unfortunate Iliates, who, strong 
 enough to have overpowered us in the twinkling of an eye, 
 submitted to the destruction of their property without daring 
 to utter a word of remonstrance. This, however, they did, and 
 called down the blessings of heaven upon the royal lady and her 
 ill-conditioned escort. 
 
 I could not refrain from expressing my sentiments on this 
 subject to Mollah Ali, who had scarcely recovered his powers of 
 speech, so much had terror impaired it at the time w^e were 
 attacked by the Bilbers. His native air, however, and the variety 
 of scenes presented to us in the midst of the Sindjavi migration, 
 had restored him to his normal condition. " How," he replied, 
 " can you pity these brutes ? they can only be compared to the 
 beasts of the forest, — they are quite as savage. These nations are 
 Mussulman only in name ; they say no prayers, they perform no 
 ablutions, they do not fast, and they refuse tithe to the Mollahs. 
 I am convinced that to exterminate them would be an act infinitely 
 pleasing to God and to the Prophet. I grant you that the women 
 might be spared to supply the harems, where they would learn 
 something good. To think otherwise of these miscreants would be 
 to provoke the wrath of Heaven." And there is no doubt that the 
 opinions of my friend the Mollah were held by every Persian in 
 our caravan ; the Sindjavis being looked upon as belonging to a 
 sect that is only nominally Mussulman, which is sufficient to put 
 them out of the pale of the law in the opinion of these fanatic 
 I c 
 
18 
 
 KAEUND. 
 
 (îiiAr. U. 
 
 pilgrims. In those countries in which Islamism is divided into 
 various sects, the state of the people in relation to each other is 
 almost inconceivable : they are all irreconcilable enemies, though 
 they occasionally fraternize. 
 
 In spite of the obstacles we encountered, three quarters of an 
 hour brought us to the top of the mountain, and the first step of 
 the ascent to the great table-land of Central Asia was accomplished. 
 Thence we traversed a country, sometimes undulating, but more 
 frequently level, by a defile much wooded, and very fatiguing to 
 our animals on account of the stones which covered the road. In 
 the middle of the defile we came to a caravanserai-shah, at the 
 extremity of the forest ; beyond it the valley expands to the 
 width of about two miles, and contains extensive pastures, on 
 which the nomadic tribes pitch their innumerable tents during 
 the summer months : here and there might also be observed a few 
 villages.* 
 
 Having left the forest, we pursued our way for two hours and 
 a half along the valley, when we arrived at Karund, a large town 
 of eleven hundred houses. Here we found a caravanserai- shah 
 surrounded with gardens. The inhabitants of this place are Ali 
 illahi, worshippers of Ali, whom they consider as God ; they eat 
 
 * Since I wrote this journal the Per- 
 sians have bound themselves by the 
 treaty of Erzeroom, in 1848, to restore 
 Zohab and SerpCd to the Turks. The 
 mountain of Karund, the most natural 
 boundaiy between the two states, has 
 been pointed out by the special commis- 
 sioners as the frontier to be recognised 
 in futiu'e by both nations ; but, in my 
 oj)inion, this division will only compK- 
 cate the question, instead of setting it at 
 rest, and for this simple reason: — This 
 border is inhabited by a nomadic popu- 
 lation, who are unable to maintain their 
 flocks unless they can, for the five cold- 
 est months of the year, resort to the 
 pastures of the jilain which has been 
 ceded to the Turks : during the seven hot 
 months it is indispensable they should 
 remove to the pasturage of the moun- 
 tains to replace that which is dried up 
 in the plain. The district, therefore, 
 will probably be deserted, it being a 
 physical imjjossibility that the tribes 
 
 should maintain their flocks when de- 
 prived of tlie right of moving from one 
 country to the other; or else this right 
 ought to be conceded to them, and 
 tlien Turks and Persians will equally 
 seek to levy tolls upon these Iliates, 
 which will give rise to interminable 
 diiferences. 'J'he Persians under Ma- 
 homed Ali Mu'za undertook the govern- 
 ment of the plain, simply to put an 
 end to such feuds; and, though taking 
 it from them might to a certain ex- 
 tent satisfy the Sultan's self-love, it 
 will most surely create endless diffi- 
 culties for his government. 
 
 For a trifling expense the Shah might 
 fortify the pass of Karund, and his 
 frontier on that side would then be very 
 diflicult to attack; but Persian money 
 is seldom spent for the purposes of 
 jjublic utilitj^, and these important 
 works will no more be executed by I 
 Nasser Eddin Shah than they were by 
 his late father Mahmoud Shah. 
 
Chap. IT. REVOLT OF THE KARUNDIANS. 19 
 
 pork, drink fermented liquors, never pray, never fast in Rhamazan, 
 and are cruel and savage in their habits. Although almost always 
 in revolt against Persia, it is scarcely possible to subdue them : 
 therefore these feuds are compromised, and never thoroughly 
 repressed by force ; if this is resorted to, they immediately 
 abandon their dwellings and take refuge in the mountains, where 
 a Persian army cannot follow them. The tax levied upon the 
 people of Karund is very trifling, though their territory is rich ; 
 the tribute was reduced in 1842, in consequence of a revolt which 
 recalls the memory of the Sicilian Vespers, and caused the 
 greatest sensation in Teheran. I was there when the news 
 arrived, and the following is the account that was then given of 
 the event* 
 
 A young man of Karund having prevailed upon a girl belonging 
 to a neighbouring village to leave her father's roof and live with 
 him, afterwards refused to pay the indemnity customary in such 
 cases, to induce the parer.t to give up his right to his daughter. 
 On this he made a complaint to Hadji Khan Sheki, of the tribe 
 of Shirvan, Governor of Kermanshah, who sent some farra- 
 ches, revenue officers, to receive the indemnity ; but the inha- 
 bitants of Karund attacked them, and in the end drove them 
 out of the village. This was followed by another visit from a 
 stronger party of farraches, but the second expedition fared no 
 better than the first. Hadji Khan then marched against the 
 
 1 . * The following is Colonel Rawlin- of adoration in some particular part of 
 
 'son's account of the singular religion of Kui-distan. Baba Yadgar was one of 
 
 'the Ali Illahi sect : — *'This faith," he these. The whole of the incarnations 
 
 Isays, " bears evident marks of Judaism, are thus regarded as one and the same 
 
 ; singularly amalgamated with Sabfcan, person, the bodily form of the divine 
 
 iChi-istian, and Mahometan legends. manifestation having alone changed ; 
 
 The tnnib of Baba Yadgar, in the Pass but the most perfect development ia 
 
 'of Zardah, is their holy place ; and this supposed to have taken place in the 
 
 'at the time of the Arab invasion of persons of Benjamin, David, and Ali. 
 
 Persia was regarded as the abode of Tlie Spanish Jew, l^enjamin of Tudela, 
 
 lElias. The Ali-Illahis believe in a sue- seems to have considered the whole of 
 
 |ces8iou of incarnations of the Godhead, these Ali-Illahis as Jews ; and it is pos- 
 
 lunounting to lOiJl ; Benjamin, Moses, sible that in his time their faith may 
 
 jElia.s, David, Jesus Christ, Ali aud his have been less corrupted. . . , Amaria 
 
 I utor Salman, a joint development, tlie also, where the false Messias David 
 
 itmam Hossein, and the Haftan (the Elias appeared, with whose story the 
 
 |ieven bodies) are considered the chief English reader is now familiar, was cer- 
 
 !)f their incarnations: the Ilaftan w^ere tainly in the district of Holwan." — 
 
 [even Pirs, or spiritual guides, w'ho lived Journal of lïoi/al Geographical Society, 
 
 In the early ages of Islam, and each, vol. ix. p. 3G.— Ed. 
 voi's])ip[)cd as the Deity, is an object 
 c2 
 
 ! I 
 
20 REVOLT OF THE KA.RUNDIANS. Chap. II. 
 
 rebels with five hundred men and four pieces of cannon, not only 
 to punish them for this breach of custom, but also to collect the 
 arrears of tribute, which had been of several years' standing. This 
 occurred in the depth of winter ; and as the Karundians could not, 
 without danger of being frozen, avail themselves of their usual 
 retreats, they adopted a different system. When the governor 
 approached the city they went out in a body to meet him, 
 entreated his pardon, and promised that if it were granted, they 
 would pay thrice the sum demanded of them ; Hadji Khan, glad 
 to conclude the affair without bloodshed, granted their request and 
 entered the town. He was lodged in one of the best houses with 1 
 a suite of ten persons ; his soldiers were dispersed amongst the 
 inhabitants, who showed them every possible kindness, and wearied ! 
 with their hard day's march through the snow, soon sunk into \ 
 profound slumber. At midnight a single shot was fired : it was ' 
 the signal agreed upon by the Karundians to fall upon andj 
 slaughter their unsuspecting victims, and they did so. The^ 
 governor, who had not retired to rest, alarmed his attendants and 
 had time to barricade the house ere the rebels reached it : for ten ; 
 hours he defended it successfully ; for his people never threw away 
 a shot, and each time a piece was discharged one of the Karun-, 
 dians bit the dust. Seeing themselves thus decimated without 
 obtaining any result, they determined to set fire to the besieged 
 house, which being partly built of wood as well as the houses near 
 it, was soon in flames. 
 
 Hadji Khan, however, was resolved to die the death of a soldier, 
 and had no idea of remaining there to be burned without revenge. 
 Supported by his ten devoted followers, he rushed out of the house 
 like an infuriated lion, and fell upon his brutal assailants ; but his 
 heroic courage availed him not against the fearful odds — he was 
 surrounded, and, after a desperate struggle, fell to rise no more. 
 The Persian Government displayed its usual feebleness by for- 
 bearing in any way to punish these cut-throats : they were par- 
 doned, and the amount of their tribute reduced. It is thus that 
 the certainty of impunity relaxes all the ties of obedience ir 
 Persia : there is no medium there ; and when useless severity is nor 
 employed, the most dangerous weakness is exhibited. 
 
 I heard afterwards that the Persian Government had gooc 
 reasons for not punishing the Karundians, for though the foregoing 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 CAUSES OF THE REVOLT, 
 
 21 
 
 report of Hadji Mirza Aghassi,* the Prime Minister (who was in 
 the habit of constantly deceiving the Shah), was entirely false, it 
 was nevertheless this report which was inserted in the Persian 
 archives by the tevarik-neuvis, historian, of the Kajars, to serve 
 hereafter as an historical document, connected with the reiarnino- 
 dynasty ; and for that reason I have left it in my journal. This 
 incident is a striking proof how necessary it is to receive Persian 
 statements with caution, even in books on the most important 
 subjects : venality or fear, or both, so often lead to the distortion 
 of facts, that it is very unusual to find an author who has the 
 corn-age to tell the truth ; neither is it easy to ascertain it. There 
 is no free press in the country ; communication with different and 
 distant places is exceedingly bad, or there is none at all ; and the 
 despotism of the Government will not suffer any event to be made 
 known, but in the manner, and at the time, that best suits its 
 own purposes, so that the verification of any report is extremely 
 difficult, if not hopeless. There were not five persons in Teheran 
 who knew within the year how the massacre of the Karundians 
 really happened, nor did I, until some time had elapsed. Hadji 
 Khan Sheki had no complaint to make against the Karundians 
 other than that they were unwilling to pay their taxes, and 
 this determined him to march against them with 800 men, 
 of whom 300 were Goolâms,t of Turkish origin : these he 
 
 * This remarkable man, whose por- 
 trait forms the frontispiece, was a na- 
 tive of Erivan, and, consequently, a 
 Russian subject. He was tutor to the 
 late Mohammed Shah, and when the 
 pupil ascended the throne the tutor 
 became his prime minister, and re- 
 mained so till his death. He was a 
 man of ability, but rapacious and cruel ; 
 the great offices of state and governor- 
 ships of provinces were always sold by 
 him, and, as the purchasei-s were sure 
 of a very short tenure, they were al- 
 I lowed to oppress the people in a fearful 
 I manner. The army was nearly nominal, 
 I as the men lived in then- villages and the 
 ■ officers pocketed their pay. The Rus- 
 1 siaus were naturally paramount under 
 , such a minister, who used, when any- 
 I thing displeased him, to say, " I am 
 I not a Persian, I am a Russian ; and if 
 , the king does not want me, I will order 
 I my mule and ride back to my native 
 
 place, Erivan." During all the time of 
 his ministry, English influence was re- 
 duced to the lowest ebb. — Ed. 
 
 t Gholam means properly slave, and 
 the term is now applied to a kind of 
 inferior civil officer or policeman, 
 answei'ing to a " cavass " in Tiu-key ; 
 several of these are attached to each 
 European embassy in Persia. The 
 Shah has also a number attached to his 
 person who are called Golami Shah : 
 these form a kind of body-guard. 
 
 The Russians use theh- Gholams only 
 for posting purposes, to accompany 
 members of the embassy, and have a 
 body of Cossacks for escort. The 
 English Gholams are used for escort 
 and also for jjosting purposes, as the 
 regular native Indian cavalrj' who used 
 to form the escort of the English am- 
 bassador was discontinued during the 
 mission of Sir Gore Ouseley, which 
 lasted from 1812 to 1818.— Ed. 
 
22 CAUSES OF THE REA^OLT. Chap. II. 
 
 took into the village, leaving the 500 Kermansliah infontry in 
 a caravanserai and huts amongst the gardens, at about a cannon 
 shot from the place. Many of the inhabitants, foreseeing there 
 would be bloodshed, sent their wives and daughters into the 
 mountains, though in the depth of winter ; others, less prudent or 
 less fearful, kept them at home. From the time of his arrival 
 Hadji Khan manifested every intention to act with severity, and 
 at once levied the tax and demanded provisions for his troops. 
 The tax upon the inhabitants, which he had already heavily 
 increased, became doubly vexatious, owing to the avidity of his 
 subalterns, each of whom played the tyrant over the master of the 
 house in which he was quartered, who dared not offer the slightest 
 resistance, though they also savagely ill-treated the women. 
 
 As for the governor, he sent some of his servants to seize and 
 carry off one of the most beautiful girls in the village, but when they 
 arrived at the house they found her ftither there : indignant and exas- 
 perated, he defended his child and wounded the foremost soldier, but 
 his comrades coming up, they seized the unhappy man and carried 
 him before the Khan, who, with his own dagger, gave him more 
 than twenty wounds, and afterwards swore by the beard of the 
 Shah that he would, as soon as day broke, strangle half the 
 people in the village. The old man vainly begged forgiveness ; 
 the monster continued inexorable ; and the Karundians, driven to ; 
 despair, rushed to the public square, and there, by an oath, to 
 break which would, in their opinion, expose them to eternal con- 
 demnation, swore to fight their ruthless enemies to the last gasp. 
 They then dispersed, fell upon the drunken and sleeping Goolams, 
 and slaughtered them like sheep. The governor, warned of the 
 fact, barricaded himself in his quarters, and died as related by 
 the infamous Hadji Mirza Aghassi. 
 
 As to the troops in the caravanserai, they belonged to the same 
 province as the Karundians, and did not disguise their sympathy 
 in their cause, so that when ordered to advance to the support of 
 their rascally chief, they marched up so slowly as entirely to secure 
 the victory to the unhappy townspeople. These troops returned 
 to Kermanshah without having received the smallest insult, while 
 of the Turks not one ever left the place. The people who 
 are designated Turks by the Persians, are those subjects of the 
 Shah who inhabit the province of Azerbaijan, because they all 
 speak the Turkish language : they are abhorred in the other pro- 
 
CuAi>. II. HAROON-ABAD— MAIIED-ASriT-KERMANSnAn. 23- 
 
 vinccs where Persian is s})oken ; less, however, on account of the 
 difference of language, than because they furnish the greater number 
 of the soldiers in the regular army. They tyrannize over and 
 outrage the population in every way wherever they are quartered. 
 
 The people whom Europeans call Turks, and M-ho are governed 
 by the Sultan, receive in Persia, and all other parts of Asia, the 
 name of Osmanlis. 
 
 When I was at Kariind the centigrade thermometer marked 
 but 16 degrees of heat in the shade ; at Bakubah, eight days 
 before, it indicated 35. 
 
 Haroon-abad, April 9th — four parasangs— seven hours. An 
 easy road along the valley, varied occasionally by low wooded hills. 
 This village is situated nearly at the rise of one of the sources of 
 the river Kerah : its population inhabit it only in the summer ; 
 in the winter they resort to the plain to escape the intense cold. 
 About sixty houses and a caravanserai-shah constitute the village 
 of Haroon-abad. 
 
 Mahed-asht, April 10th — five parasangs — seven hours and a half. 
 For the first three quarters of an hour the road, which was level 
 and good, crossed the plain of Karund ; afterwards turning sud- 
 denly to the east it led into the mountains, and was for the next 
 hour very steep ; it then came out upon a superb plain, in which 
 stood Mahed-asht, a village of eighty houses ; by it flows a little 
 river in which are found an amazing number of tortoises : there 
 are many villages amongst the rich pastures of this plain. 
 
 KermansMJi, April 11th — three parasangs— five hours wending 
 our way through valleys and mountains to the foot of those against 
 which the town stands. Numbers of gardens line the gorge which 
 lies west of the city. The walls are in ruins, and the moat much 
 encumbered with their débris, so that it is now an open town. 
 Under Feth Ali Shah, it was the capital of a large province, and 
 the residence of his eldest son Mohamed Ali Mirza, Governor- 
 General of Persian Kurdistan. This prince was the son of a 
 Georgian slave, and for that reason his father determined to 
 deprive him of his right to the crown at his death, and transfer it 
 to his second son Abbas Mirza, Governor of Azerbaijan, whose 
 mother was of the royal tribe of Kajars.* But Mohamed Ali 
 
 * The Kajars are the tribe to which They are one of the seven Turkish 
 the reigning family of Persia belong. tribes which supported iShah Ismail, one 
 
24 
 
 KUEDISH TEOOPS. 
 
 ClIAP. II. 
 
 Mirza protested ao^ainst his father's decision, and declared in a 
 solemn audience at Teheran, in the presence of all his brothers, 
 that after his parent's death the sword alone should decide between 
 him and Abbas Mirza, Having said this, he mounted his horse and 
 returned to Kermanshah, where he devoted himself to the organisa- 
 tion of such an army as should enable him to execute his threat 
 and render his claim triumphant.* 
 
 The Kurds, who serve in considerable numbers in Mohamed 
 Ali Mirza's army, are a warlike race, and possessed of every 
 quality that belongs to a good soldier. They were trained by ex- 
 cellent French officers, such as Messrs. Court and Devaux, and 
 would well bear comparison with the troops of Abbas Mirza, who 
 were trained by English officers sent to him by the East India 
 Company, f 
 
 The province of Kermanshah benefited much by the disunion 
 between the royal brothers, for Mohamed. Ali, feeling the necessity 
 of 'attaching the population to his interests, administered the affairs 
 of his government in a truly paternal manner. Ilis charities had 
 enriched the town, and the people lived in the enjoyment of plenty. 
 Unhappily they were driven out of it by the tyranny of his suc- 
 
 of the fii'st kings of the SufFavean dy- 
 nasty, about A. D. 1500, when he raised 
 the sect of the Shiahs to importance, 
 and made their belief the national reli- 
 gion of Persia. "Shiah" means sect 
 in Persia, and the name given them as 
 a reproach he took as a title. The only 
 material point of faith in which they 
 differ from the Smiuis is their belief 
 that Ali, the companion, son-in-law, 
 and nephew of Mahomet, ought to have 
 immediately succeeded the Prophet in- 
 stead of Aboubekr, Omar, and Osman. 
 The greater number of the ancestors 
 of Shah Ismail had been " Soofis " or 
 philosophical deists, and Malcolm sup- 
 poses that he raised the sect of Ali 
 because he thought it necessary that 
 holy raptures in which tlie devotional 
 men of his time and family indulged, 
 should have some object more compre- 
 hensible to the mass of his countrymen 
 than the abstract contemi^lation of the 
 Deitj'. The names of the other Turkish 
 tribes who supported Shah Ismail were 
 Oostajâloo, Shândoo, Nikâlloo, Bàhàr- 
 loo, Zûlkudder, and Afifsliàr. 
 
 Aga Mohammed Khan, 1794, was 
 the first monarch of the Kajar dynasty, 
 and at that time the tribe were princi- 
 pally settled in the neighbourhood of 
 Astrabad, where they still remain.— See 
 Malcolm's History of Persia. — Ed. 
 
 * But fate, which delights in foiling 
 the cleverest combinations, annihilated 
 the hopes of these two, in many re- 
 spects worthy, princes. They both 
 died before their father, — Mohamed 
 Ali Mirza of cholera, as he was on the 
 point of possessing himself of Bagdad ; 
 Abbas Mirza of a mysterious disorder', 
 just at the moment of his victorious 
 entry into Herat. 
 
 t The English officers principally em- 
 ployed in disciplining the Persian troops 
 under Abbas Mirza were Sir Henry 
 Lindsay Bethune, Capt. Christie, Major 
 Hart, and Colonel Shee. The two first 
 have left an enduring reputation through 
 the country, and a few years ago the 
 traveller was still often asked in the 
 villages of Georgia and Armenia whether 
 Lindsay Sahib was still alive and well. 
 — Ei>. 
 
CuAP. II. KURDISH TROOPS. 25 
 
 cessors, who considered nothing but their personal interests. Now 
 the splendid bazaars of Kermanshah are deserted ; nine tenths of 
 the shops are shut ; and if some unlucky fellow, imagining the 
 possibility of gaining a trifling profit, exposes a few goods, his 
 venture rapidly disappears under the hands of an undisciplined 
 soldiery, who give themselves up to every description of excess, 
 certain that they do so with impunity. The terror they inspire is 
 such, that when the inhabitants quarrel amongst themselves they 
 dare not apply to thé ordinary tribunals, being forced by the 
 serbas, soldiers of the Persian infantry, to make them the arbiters 
 of their differences. It is needless to say that there is no appeal 
 from their decision, and that they generally end like the fable of 
 the lawyer, the oyster, and the two clients. 
 
 The Emir Mohib Ali Khan, Governor of the province of Ker- 
 manshah, is the General whose ignorance and cowardice so often 
 caused the failure of the Persian arms under the walls of Herat, in 
 1838 ; but he belongs to the family of Makoo, who are patron- 
 ised by the first minister, and thus it is that in the eyes of the 
 Shah his vices are transformed into virtues, that he has attained 
 one of the highest military appointments, and governs one of the 
 finest provinces of Persia. The evil would not be quite unbearable 
 if this personage contented himself with taking double, or even 
 three times the amount of taxes due from the inhabitants, but he 
 has completely stripped them. The misery is frightful wherever 
 his jurisdiction extends : the peasantry have hardly bread to eat, 
 and when they complain of their grievances at Court and endeavour 
 to obtain justice, they are treated as rebels, condemned to be 
 oastinadoed, and Mohib Ali Khan remains their governor.* 
 
 This bad policy has produced its fruits : three-fourths of the 
 population have emigrated ; the townspeople to Azerbaijan, and 
 
 ♦ M. Ferrier's account is but too stomach which was unnaturally swollen 
 
 true. When I was at Kermanshah, in — a half-starved child is a horrible 
 
 184rt, I witnessed the most disti'essiug sight. In one street I passed through 
 
 spectacle I ever beheld. The province in the town, the people were lying on 
 
 was fearfully oppressed by this fiend in each side at the last ga^^p of death from 
 
 human shape, Mohib Ali Khan, who starvation. I never shall forget one 
 
 had bought its government from Hadji whole family, father, mother, and se- 
 
 Mirza Agassi. He had coolly seized veral children, lying together in a heap, 
 
 what every man possessed, and had vmable to move from inanition. I %\Tote 
 
 driven away their flocks and herds an account of this state of things to 
 
 to his own estates at Makoo near Ara- the English embassy, at Teheran, but 
 
 rat. The people were picking gi-ass I believe no effort of any kind was 
 
 in the fields to eat, and the children made to check the atrocities committed, 
 
 were naked and emaciated, except the — Ed. 
 
26 CARPET MANUFACTURE. Chap. II. 
 
 the nomads to Turkey. A great diminution in the revenue of 
 the province has been the result ; but Mohib Ali Khan gives himself 
 very little uneasiness about that, and levies from those who remain 
 as great an amount as they formerly paid, including in short the 
 sum previously obtained from those who have escaped from his 
 exactions. This state of things is the more unhappy because 
 Kermanshah is a peculiarly productive part of Persia. The moun- 
 tains are as much so as the plains, and on these pa tures 
 hundreds of thousands of sheep can be reared. The Kurds of 
 these mountains in a great degree supply the capital, whither each 
 spring- they take as many as 70,000 sheep. A great number also 
 go to Turkey, and everything indicates that it is to the latter 
 country that the nomads of Kermanshah will eventually send 
 the whole of their flocks destined for sale. The horses of this 
 province are esteemed, and have much Arab blood ; but their 
 form is more developed, the neck is strong, chest full, and they 
 are as well adapted for draught as for the saddle. 
 
 The carpets* of Kermanshah are a manufacture which adds much 
 to the wealth of the province : none can be more rich, soft, and 
 beautiful ; the patterns are in perfect taste, and the colours most 
 brilliant ; but these are not their only merits, for they are cheap and 
 very durable. These carpets are made in the villages, and in the 
 tents of the nomadic tribes, generally by the women and the 
 children. Here there is no complicated machinery : four stakes 
 fixed in the ground, which serve to twist the woollen thread, form 
 the simple mechanism employed in weaving these beautiful carpets. 
 Manna,t guzengébine, abounds in the province of Kermanshah ; 
 the Persians mix it with flour and sugar, and make it into little 
 cakes ; these they consider great dainties, and export them to all 
 
 * Persian carj^ets are justly cele- Herat, and there are some splendid 
 
 brated fur tlie beauty of the patterns, ones in the Chehil Minar, at Ispahan, 
 
 the fineness of the wool, and the dura- one of which is 140 feet long and 70 
 
 bility of the colours — vegetable dyes — feet wide. Large numbers were ex- 
 
 greeu not made elsewhere, conjecture ported to England through Trebizonde 
 
 saffron and indigo. Some of them before the late war, and they were 
 
 fetch high prices, as (U. or 8/. for one sold nearly as cheap in London as in 
 
 2 yds. square, in the country itself. Persia, owing probably to the course of 
 
 The finest are made at. Senna, and there trade. — Ed. 
 
 is a famous manufacture carried on at f It is a deposit by a green fly on the 
 
 Ferahoim,uear Teheran, which belonged back of the leaf of the ilwarf oak. It is 
 
 to the late Sirdaj- Baba Khan. Carpets very accurately described by Diodorus 
 
 of any size can be ma<le there. Tlie Sieulus.— Ed. 
 finest carpets of all used to be made at 
 
 1 
 
Chap. II. TAK-EL-BOSTAN. 27 
 
 parts of Asia. The revenues of the provhice of Kermanshah, 
 which now only consists of five districts, amount to— from the taxes 
 60,000 tomauns, from tlie customs 13,000 tomauns, raakinj^a total 
 of about 35,000/. 
 
 At Kermanshah I left the caravan with which I had travelled 
 from Bagdad. The Princess Fakhret Doulet continued her way to 
 Senna to visit one of her sisters, and the other pilgrims took each 
 the road that led to his own home. My friend Mollah Ali also 
 left, to my great advantage on the score of provisions in general, 
 and brandy and sausages in particular. Nevertheless I could not 
 refrain from regretting his cheerful society and satirical jokes, 
 which made him almost necessary as a travelling companion, after 
 having once enjoyed them. He went on to Bouroojird, his country, 
 and I never saw him again. 
 
 I had scarcely entered the caravanserai at Kermanshah M^hen I 
 found a caravan ready to leave for Hamadan. Accordingly I 
 hired mules at the rate of five sahebkrans each,* and as it was still 
 early I mounted a horse, which in half an hour carried me to the 
 magnificent bas-reliefs at Tak-el-Bostan, one parasang and a half 
 from the town. These are splendid works of art, and well worthy 
 of a visit ; but their history has been commented upon by so many 
 authors, and amongst them by Sir John Malcolm, who has given 
 so detailed and learned a description of them, that, confessing ray 
 incompetence on this subject, I must refer such of my readers as 
 may desire to have an exact description of the sculptures of 
 Tak-el-Bostan to the work of that admirable historian of the 
 East. I would merely mention that these bas-reliefs were executed 
 by command of Baharam IV., the Yaranos IV. of Roman history, 
 who lived at the commencement of the fifth century, and who, as 
 it is said, was the founder of Kermanshah. 
 
 I remained here during the 12th, and was attacked early in the 
 morning by violent bowel complaint, which reduced me in less 
 than an hour to such a deplorable state of weakness that I found 
 it impossible to stand. I attributed this indisposition to two cakes 
 of manna that I had eaten the previous evening ; but I discovered 
 subsequently, and without the least room for doubt, that my 
 illness was the result of poison, which my servant had happily with- 
 out effect mixed with ray food — I had only escaped death because 
 
 * A sahebkran about equals in value one shilling 
 
 k 
 
28 BESITOON. Chap. II. 
 
 the dose was too small. This poison is made from a plant of an ashy 
 white colour, found in the mountains of Kurdistan ; the powder, 
 to which the leaves are reduced after they have been dried in the 
 sun, is tasteless. Taken even in a very small dose, it will some- 
 times to a person of lymphatic temperament cause immediate death. 
 In the first instance a slight colic is felt, and this is succeeded by 
 excessive weakness, which goes on gradually increasing till life 
 is extinct ; sometimes its effects are prolonged for several years. 
 It is said that amongst the women of the harems particularly this 
 subtle agent is frequently used. As during the succeeding days I 
 took only light chicken broth, which was made in my own pre- 
 sence, my gentleman did not find a second opportunity of practising 
 upon my unfortunate stomach ; not that he was any way dis- 
 inclined, for at Hamadan he boasted publicly of the attempt he 
 had made upon my life. Seeing that I carefully concealed my 
 identity in Persia, he hoped to get rid of me without much noise, 
 and seize what little property I had ; for probably no one would 
 have cared to inquire what became of me, and if at a later period 
 any investigations had been made there would have been nothing to 
 prove the guilt of Ivan. 
 
 Besitoon, April 13th — six parasangs — nine hours by an easy 
 and level road, leaving on our right, at a great distance, the 
 mountains of Louristan still covered with snow, and having very 
 close to us on our left those of Kurdistan, which consist of masses 
 of naked rock, without one inch of alluvial soil. When I left 
 Kermanshah, I was so extremely weak that I was obliged to be 
 lifted on my mule, and had I not been strapped to the pack I 
 should certainly have fallen twenty times before we arrived at the 
 next halt. At an hour's ride from Kermanshah, we crossed the 
 Kerkha, sometimes called the Kerah, by a handsome brick bridge, 
 also the Kara-su, which falls into the Shat-ul-Arab,* and is pre- 
 sumed to be the Gyndes of the ancients. Near the bridge is a 
 caravanserai-shah in ruins. Four hours' march from here the 
 mountains gradually approach each other, and form a defile, at the 
 entrance of which were strewed large blocks of marble, an^ amongst 
 these were the capitals of columns sculptured in an artistic manner 
 — they had doubtless ornamented an edifice, the foundations of 
 
 * Literally, "river of the Arabs :" ai)plied to the united streams of the Tigris 
 aud Euphrates below Korna. — Ed. 
 
Chap. IT. 
 
 BESITOON. 
 
 29 
 
 which, composed of courses of hewn stone, are still, though level 
 with the ground, easily distinguished ; from their dimensions it 
 may be concluded that they are the remains of a temple or some 
 other small structure. Besitoon is a little village of eighteen houses 
 with a caravanserai-shah. The rocky mountains at the foot of 
 which it stands are covered with bas-reliefs, which the Persians 
 attribute to the chisel of their famous sculptor Ferhad. A de- 
 scription of them is to be found in Sir John Malcolm's ' Persia.'* 
 Enormous marble capitals of columns are also to be seen at 
 Besitoon : they are of the most finished workmanship ; one of the 
 largest bas-reliefs against the mountain side, and about the height 
 of a man, has been disfigured by Fatteh Ali Shah. These ancient 
 bas-reliefs, and the cuneiform characters on them, have been 
 defaced by his orders, and the latter replaced by an inscription 
 highly eulogistic of that sovereign ; those which are at a higher 
 
 * The following is a summary of Sir 
 H. Rawliuson's account of the geo- 
 graphy of Besitoon : — " D'Auville first 
 suggesbed the identity of this place with 
 the Baghistane of the Greeks, and there 
 are good grounds from the ancient 
 notices of this place for suiiposing him 
 to be cori'ect. Etymologically con- 
 sidered the evidence is even more strik- 
 ing. Baghistane signifies the Place of 
 Gardens, and the name appeal's to have 
 been given from the famous pleasure- 
 grounds, ascribed traditionally to Semi- 
 ramis. Bostan has the same significa- 
 tion, and is only a contraction of the 
 former word; and the gi'eat range of 
 mountains boimding the plain of Kir- 
 manshah, and called by the geographers 
 Jabali Besitoon, preserve, in the Tak-i- 
 Bostan at one extremity, the title which, 
 at the other, has been corrupted into 
 Besitoon. The descriptive evidence now 
 remains. The precipitous rock, 17 stadia 
 high, facing the garden, the large spring 
 gushing out from the foot of the preci- 
 pice and watering the adjoining plain, 
 and the smoothening the lower part of 
 the rock, all convey an accurate idea of 
 the present appearance of Besitoon ; but 
 what are we to say of the sculptures of 
 Semii'amis, and the inscription iuSyriac 
 characters, which have wholly disap- 
 peared. Thei-e are now only two tablets 
 at Besitoon — the one nearly destroyed, 
 which contains a mutilated Greek in- 
 
 scrijition, declaring it to be the work 
 of Gotarzes; the other a Persepolitan 
 sculpture, adoi'ned with nearly 1000 
 lines of cuneiform writing, exhibiting 
 the religious vows of Dai-ius Hystaspes, 
 after his return from the destruction of 
 Babylon, on the revolt of its Udpati, or 
 Governor Nebukadnazzar, the son of 
 Nebunit. We have no reason to sup- 
 pose that either of these can represent 
 the sculptures ascribed to Semiramis; 
 yet besides Ctesias, Isidore also men- 
 tions the statue and pillar of Semiramis 
 at Baptane. To solve all difficidties it 
 may perhaps be admitted that the sculp- 
 ture did really exist in the lower pai't 
 of the rock, scarped by the Assyrian 
 Queen; and that Khosroo Parviz, when 
 he was preparing to make the scarped 
 surface the back wall of his palace, 
 and for that purpose began to excavate 
 deeper in the mountain, destroyed the 
 sculptures, and removed all fui'ther trace 
 of them. With regard to the pillar of 
 Semiramis, it is very cuiious that an 
 Oriental writer of the 15th century 
 should describe the rock of Besitoon 
 from his own observation, as though it 
 were sculptured in the form of a min- 
 areh, or minaret. Certainly nothing of 
 the kind now remains. The ruined 
 buildings of Besitoon, like those of the 
 neighbourhood, are of the Sassanian 
 age." — Journal of Itoijal Geographical So- 
 ciety, vol. ix. p. 114, 
 
no SANNAII—KUNGAWAn— MOUNT NAIIAVEND. Chap. IT. 
 
 elevation on the rock owe their preservation to the difficulty there 
 would be in reachino- them. The little river Garmi-ab, one of 
 the affluents of the Kara-su, passes by Besitoon, and fertilizes all 
 the district through which it runs ; this is covered with beautiful 
 meadows and numerous villages surrounded by magnificent 
 orchards, which have ])rocured for it the name of Baghistan, country 
 of gardens, which it is known to have borne from the earliest ages. 
 
 SannaJi, April 14th — four parasangs — six hours and a half. 
 The road runs through beautiful valleys covered with pasture, 
 well watered, and rich cultivation, in the middle of which are seen 
 numerous prosperous villages. Sannah contains five hundred 
 houses, surrounded by fruitful gardens of immense size. There is 
 no caravanserai -shclh here, but my muleteer procured me a good 
 lodging in the house of one of the inhabitants. The Persian 
 caravaniers are the best in Asia, and the worst are those of Arab 
 origin ; nothing can equal the idleness, carelessness, ignorance, 
 and coarseness of the latter. The caravan I joined at Ker- 
 manshah was less numerous than the one with which I tra- 
 velled from Bagdad : it consisted only of twenty beasts of burden, 
 a circumstance much to my satisfaction. Notwithstanding the 
 desire I felt to travel alone, I could not remember without regret 
 my jovial friend Mollah Ali : ray new companions were but poor 
 substitutes for him— they consisted of six stupid muleteers, though 
 good fellows on the whole ; my rascal Ivan and two Mollahs 
 followed, accompanied by a subaltern of some sort, who played 
 the part of their factotum. The Mollahs, like my friend Ali, 
 wore white turbans, a close gown, and long beards ; but what a 
 difference between them and him ! These fellows were dirty, and 
 stunk like Capuchins : their eyes always sought either earth or 
 heaven, never turning in any other direction, except obliquely ; 
 and their expression indicated as much bigotry as hypocrisy. 
 Morally and physically they seemed to me equally ugly. Luckily 
 they always avoided my impure person, an insult of which I took 
 advantage by invariably keeping to windward, and thus my infidel 
 breath was, to their great disgust, wafted to them. 
 
 Kungmvar, April 15th — four parasangs— six hours and a half 
 — aci'oss valleys, plains, and mountains, covered with a vegetation 
 as luxuriant as that we travelled through yesterday. — After four 
 hours' journey we arrived at a declivity, from which we suddenly 
 came in view of Mount Nahavend, with its dazzling coronet of 
 
Chap. TT. NAHAVEND— r.OUROOJTTîD. 31 
 
 snow. The town, which gives the name to this mountain, is on 
 the other side of its summit. In ancient times this was a strong 
 and very important plate, often mentioned in Persian annals, and 
 is about fifteen leagues south-west from Hamadan. It was at 
 Nahavend,* in G41 a.d. (Hejira21), that the celebrated battle was 
 fought, in whi.ch the troops of the Caliph Omar, commanded by 
 the Arab chief Neman, who was there slain, defeated the Persians 
 in the reign of Yezdijerd, one of the Sassanide princes. This 
 monarch, shortly after his defeat, was killed by a miller of Merv, 
 with whom he had taken refuge. The dynasty of the Sassanides 
 had reigned in Persia 415 years ; it became extinct with Yezdijerd, 
 and Persia then fell under the dominion of the Caliphs, who 
 compelled the population to embrace Islamism. The Turks 
 liavnig seized upon Nahavend, Shah Abbas retook it in 1002, 
 when he destroyed the fortifications ; from that time it has been 
 gradually falling into decay, and has now only one thousand houses. 
 Bouroojird, another town situated a little more to the south-east, 
 is the capital of a small government which bears its name, and 
 contains about 12,000 souls, amongst whom are many fanatical 
 Syuds, Mollahs, and others — the governor is usually a prince 
 of the blood Here are the finest pastures in Persia, for which 
 reason the Shah has always some cavalry cantoned here. A 
 quarter of an hour from Kungawar we crossed a small river by a 
 brick bridge of four arches, and, after a slight ascent, arrived 
 at the town of Bouroojird. This is situated at the back of a 
 mountain, which shelters from the north a remarkably beautiful 
 plain, on the pastures of which are reared numerous and excellent 
 horses of Arab blood. The caravanserai-shah at Kungawar is 
 in ruins. A mosque here is supposed by some travellers to have 
 been a temple of the ancient Ghebers ;t the foundations of the 
 interior wall are built of enormous blocks of granite, and rise six 
 feet above the ground ; these are surmounted by broken columns, 
 also of granite, but partly concealed by clay and stones, with 
 
 * The town of Nahavend is built just upon which the place is built, and is 
 
 at the foot of the north-east range of supported by immensely solid mud 
 
 hills, upon some cragrgy points. In the walls from without, rising at least 100 
 
 centre of the town rises the citadel, a feet high. — Ed. 
 
 most imposing-looking structui'e, and f For Ghebers, and the emigration 
 
 really of some strength. It crowns the of a portion of them to India, see 
 
 top of the highest of the craggy points Appendices. 
 
32 SITE OF ECBATANA. Chap. II. 
 
 which the inhabitants have endeavoured to repair a portion of the 
 walls. Other antique remains, particularly columns, are scattered 
 here and there over the mountain, and in the ruined fortress 
 which crowns an eminence at the back of the town. All the 
 materials that could be moved have been used in the construction 
 of modern buildings. 
 
 Surrounded by these numerous proofs of the grandeur of the 
 edifices of bygone centuries, which the ruins at Kungawar pre- 
 sented to me, the various opinions respecting the position of the 
 ancient Ecbatana were recalled to my mind. Reading Arrian 
 again attentively, I felt that I might now be standing on the site 
 of that city, and for these reasons : — Though the majority of writers 
 suppose Hamadan to be the ancient Ecbatana, that modern city 
 contains no monuments or ruins which can justify this opinion, and 
 those who have sought to establish the identity of the position of the 
 two towns support their assertions by conjecture only, destitute 
 of real proof. That Hamadan should have been as it were 
 transported from Ecbatana twelve parasangs farther east, may 
 appear possible, for we see a similar instance with regard to 
 Persepolis, reproduced in the town of Shiraz, which has arisen 
 twelve parasangs more to the south. But here the point that we 
 have to prove is the spot on which stood the palace of Déiokès, 
 and I cannot for a moment conceive that it ever occupied the little 
 hill, now known by the name of Musella, outside the town of 
 Hamadan ; whereas the eminence on which stands the old fortress 
 of Kungawar was, by its extent and its commanding situation, 
 far more likely to have been chosen as the site of the palace of 
 the Median king. However, this proof would not have appeared 
 to me conclusive, if Arrian had not furnished us with another 
 corroborative of mine. 
 
Chap. ITT. SAHADABAD-WALLED VILLAGES. 33 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Saliadabad — • Walled villages -r- Fanatical Mollahs — Hamadan ■^- Highwaymen 
 
 — Small respect for the Church — Effects of poison — A French homœopathist 
 
 — How treated by his General — Mode of punishment — Histoi-ical associa- 
 tions of Ihxmadan — The tombs of Esther and Mordecai — Description of Ha- 
 madan — Inhabitants — Prince Khan Lar Mirza — Sertip Ferz Ullah Khan — 
 An united family — The author meets an old acquaintance — A visit to Ferz 
 Ullah Khan — Persian morality — An importunate Seid — The author robbed 
 
 — Caravanier's reason for not commencing a journey on a Thursday — Ve- 
 racity of muleteers ■ — • Persian servants — Bibikabad — Zereh — Noovaran — 
 Flourishing villages — Rich country — Appropriation of public revenues — 
 
 — Persian superstition — Tame fish. 
 
 Sahadabad, April IGtli — six parasangs — seven hours and three 
 quarters, by an easy road, through a plain, in which were villages, 
 cultivation, and meadows, as on the preceding days. About half 
 way, the river, or rather a marsh, is crossed by a brick bridge of eight 
 arches ; there is also a watercourse on this side of Sahadabad. This 
 is a large town of eight hundred hearths ; there are also bazaars ; 
 it extends one parasang in length, at the foot of the Elwund the 
 road divides it into two parts, and it is surrounded on all sides 
 by innumerable walled orchards. From Karund to Sahadabad 
 the walled villages, situated on the crests of eminences, or rather 
 artificial mounds, are very numerous ; the practice of enclosing 
 them has existed in Persia from time immemorial, and became 
 general during the civil wars of the last century. The supreme 
 authority was so badly maintained, and passed from hand to hand 
 so rapidly, that the Persian Khans cared little for it ; they were 
 pretty nearly absolute in their own fiefs, and their principal occu- 
 pation was to pillage each other. As a sudden onslaught was their 
 usual system of attack, these walls became necessary for defence, 
 : and to give them a chance of living in comparative security. 
 I In the course of this stage I witnessed the most charming effects 
 \ of the mirage, but unfortunately I was in a condition too subdued 
 ' lo enjoy them, for the poison which the scoundrel Ivan had given 
 
 I me at Kermanshah had reduced me to a pitiable state. The two 
 
 II Mollahs, my travelling companions, were little disposed to show 
 
 I D 
 
34 IIAMADAN. Chap. III. 
 
 me any compassion"; on the contrary they cursed me, because the 
 passers by, ignorant that I was not a Mussulman, and observing 
 my cloth coat cut Persian fashion, with which I had replaced my 
 Arab shirt since I had been ill, salaamed me, rather than them- 
 selves, who cut a most shabby figure under their tattered and 
 filthy clothes. One of these priests, a fat, sullen looking fellow, 
 who was always muttering texts of the Koran, and apostrophizing 
 God and the Prophet, as we entered every village, or when 
 travellers passed, was silent when there was no one to hear him. 
 On entering Sahadabad he was half suffocated with passion to see 
 that his mummery was little heeded, while I received many a 
 salute. Afraid to make a direct attack upon me, he turned in 
 a rasfe towards Ivan and said, " Servant of the damned, how is 
 it that your infidel master monopolizes the salaams, and leaves so 
 few for me, a true believer ?" and then raising his eyes to heaven, 
 exclaimed " O God, Ya Khooda, what dirt have I eaten in 
 travelling with this son of perdition ! " 
 
 Hamadan, April 17th — six parasangs — ten hours. — The road 
 crosses the mountains of Elwund. Leaving at midnight, we wound | 
 round the most elevated peak of this chain to reach the pass, 
 and once at the summit, could distinguish, by the light of the 
 moon, the mountains of Loristan and the country through which 
 we had travelled the preceding days picturesquely spread out 
 behind us. The ascent was difficult, and took us two hours. 
 Descending on the other side, our road lay through the bed of 
 a torrent now nearly dry, in which were rolling stones and pieces 
 of rock that brought the mules on their knees at every step. 
 One must live in Persia, where the life of a man is so little 
 thought of, even one's own, to expose oneself to the chances 
 of a broken neck on such roads. The governor of the province, 
 Khan Lar Mirza, a brother of the Shah, had placed a few soldiers 
 in an old caravanserai which stands in the defile, about four hours 
 from the pass ; but being neither paid nor fed, they left their post 
 and retired each to his home, without any one troubling himself 
 about their desertion — this spot is now the resort of the brigands) 
 whose robberies they were sent to repress, and the government' 
 takes no further notice of them. I learned at Hamadan that' 
 these fellows had established themselves there with the governor's 
 knowledge, who shared the spoils which they levied upon travellers.' 
 I had been warned that we should meet the rogues, but was told 
 
CiiAP. III. HIGHWAYMEN. 35 
 
 they were honest in their way, and that we should get out of 
 their clutches without any very gTeat damage to our purses. And 
 so it proved, for on our arrival at the caravanserai we found a 
 dozen of them there, and were desired to halt ; they were all 
 armed, and could have cleared us out completely, for the gun I 
 carried was the only one amongst us. However, they behaved very 
 well, and driving men and beasts together, counted us all, and 
 levied a contribution upon us at the rate of three shillings a head. 
 Happy to be let off at this price, I paid my quota without mur- 
 muring, for which I received the compliments of the individual 
 who appeared to be the chief and Demosthenes of the band. But 
 the fat Mollah was not disposed to pay, and obstinately refused 
 to satisfy the demands of these gentlemen who impudently styled 
 themselves the rah-dars or guardians of the road. He invoked 
 Ali, and a thousand other such sanctities, and reminded them of 
 his sacred calling, offered them indulgences, talked to them of the 
 mercy of God, of Paradise, of Hell, and a host of other things of 
 the same kind, in which the rah-dars seemed to put very little 
 faith. At length the Mollah was so obstinate that they laid him 
 on his back, emptied his pockets, and dismissed him with a shout. 
 I now thought he was rid of them, but the captain having spied 
 his large turban, and fancied it would with advantage replace his 
 own worn out sash, seized it and the money that was hidden 
 within its folds, without fiirther parley, leaving the unfortunate 
 servant of the Prophet bald and half clothed, and in a state of 
 despair which gave them very little concern. I did not laugh, 
 but I must confess to my shame that I felt uncommonly inclined 
 to do so. 
 
 We were two hours and a half descending the mountain before 
 we caught a glimpse of Hamadan,* This town is not seen until 
 the traveller has reached the last ridge of the range ; from that 
 
 * It is impossible to conceive a more May: "Ah! sir," he said, "the ah' is 
 
 i charming situation, a country better well, the trees are well, our horses are 
 
 ; suited to live happily in, than Hamadan well ; it is only poor Iran (Persia) that 
 
 I and its neighbourhood. The countiy is sick." 
 
 , is undulating, the soil rich, the water Very sick she has been a long time, 
 
 , good, the climate singularly clear, and if her regeneration be effected, 
 
 • healthy, and bracing ; with picturesque it will be by the middle classes of 
 I mountains at hand for retirement during the highly gifted Persian nation, who 
 
 • the heats of summer. I shall never are fully aware of their present melan- 
 j forget the observation of the postmaster choly condition, and are not corrupted 
 . as I rode out of Hamadan, on the way in their morals like the nobles. — Ed. 
 
 ' to Kermanshah, one lovely morning in 
 
 I d2 
 
36 PERSIAN GRATITUDE. Chap. III. 
 
 point its aspect is picturesque. Its position is happily chosen ; the 
 ;ij)pr()ach to it is througii a richly cultivated country, and numerous 
 })lantations and gardens, which are watered by the streams that 
 descend from the glaciers of Elwund. It was time that I should 
 reach the town, for I could then scarcely keep on my mule. I 
 resolved on leaving Ilamadan as soon as a caravan was ready, 
 but the pitiable state of my health forced me to remain a few days 
 to recruit. I was frequently obhged to lie down, and even 
 then fainted away ; the fruitless efforts that I made to vomit left 
 scarcely any life in me, and, though I had swallowed only milk 
 and broth for several days, I felt as if I had a fire in my intes- 
 tines. These symptoms led me to suspect that I was the victim 
 of my rascally servant, but 1 could not prove it ; besides, I 
 wished to preserve my incognito as long as I remained in Persia, 
 and in the mean time I had the consolation of knowing that I 
 could leave him behind me here. 
 
 There was at this period a French homoeopathic doctor residing 
 at Hamadan, who paid me several visits, and whose treatment, 
 though it did not cure me, enabled me to continue my journey. 
 My countryman was attached to a battalion of infantry, recruited 
 amongst the tribe of Kara-guzloo in this province, and had been | 
 robbed, under most atrocious circumstances, two months before ; 
 the villains bound him, and, with a dagger at his throat, obliged 
 him to tell where his money was concealed. His wife, an Arme- 
 nian of Hamadan, they thrust into a kind of oven, in which the 
 ashes were still alive. His own general, who was in his debt for 
 arrears of pay, was the thief, and these arrears M. Jacquet had. 
 pressed him for, when he took this mode of providing the money 
 for the purpose — plundering the poor fellow of his twenty years' 
 savings, and that too from a man who had cured him of a disease 
 which the Persian doctors thought must end fatally. But grati-. 
 tude is not a Persian virtue : such conduct in a Sertip* is not 
 uncommon, and, according to the standard of morals in that 
 country, scarcely a crime, especially as the sufferer was an infidel ; 
 on the contrary, such a deed would be considered as rather 
 pleasing in the eyes of God than otherwise. M. Jacquet subse- 
 quently applied to the French Ambassador at Teheran for redress, 
 
 * Sertip comes from " ser," head, and " tope," clump of trees ; " tépé," a heap 
 "tip," a clump of spears. — Compare of earth. Sanscrit root. — Ed. 
 
CuAi'. III. TOMBS. 37 
 
 who replied that his position at the court of the Shah was rather 
 doubtful, and that he had better temporize, so that, to obtain 
 relief, he was driven to seek the assistance of the Russian Ambas- 
 sador, Count de Modem, who brought the affair to a satisfactory 
 conclusion.* I was at Hamadan when an officer came there, with 
 orders from the Persian government to make due inquiry into 
 this matter, who, with the consent of Prince Khan Lar Mirza, 
 hamstrung an individual suspected of having participated in the 
 theft. He died under the punishment, but not before he had 
 pointed out the real criminal, swearing upon the Koran that the 
 Sertip Ferz Ullah Khan had ordered certain parties to commit 
 the robbery. To punish such a chief seemed impossible to the 
 Persian government, but the representations of Monsieur de 
 Medem obliged them to indemnify the doctor. 
 
 Persian writers attribute the foundation of Hamadan to Jem- 
 shid, a king of the Pichdadian dynasty ; it has many times 
 been the capital of Persia. There are not any monuments or 
 ruins in it that could be looked upon as having belonged to 
 Ecbatana, which, as we know, was the town of Déiokès, called by 
 the Persians Kay Kobad, and by the Jews Arphaxad. Jemshid 
 reigned 700 years b.c. A little towards the east, and out of the 
 town, is a small eminence, now called Musella, said by various 
 authors to have been the spot on which stood the palace of the 
 Median kings. I have already remarked that I do not agree in 
 that opinion, and for the reasons I have stated. There are no 
 traces of a royal palace ; pieces of pottery, and portions of fortifi- 
 cations constructed of sun-dried bricks, are the only remains 
 that I observed. 
 
 In the centre of Hamadan is the tomb of All Ben Sina, and not 
 far from it are those of Esther and Mordecai,t which are held in 
 
 * Both, in Persia and Turkey the best which will never be carried into efiFect. 
 
 advocates with the respective govern- — Ed. 
 
 mcnts ai-e always the Russians. They f These tombs are most singular and 
 
 understand the Oriental character bet- interesting to visit. The traveller, un- 
 
 ter than ourselves, and do not get de- less told, would never know they were 
 
 ceived as wedo. As the centi'al govern- tombs. You enter by a low door, and 
 
 ment is very weak in these countries, it the tombs occupy the whole of the in- 
 
 is extremely difficult to get any pro- ternal space to the ceiling, leaving only 
 
 mise executed. The llvissians are well a very narrow passage for walking round 
 
 awai'e of this fact, and watch every the huge stove-like looking construc- 
 
 affair of theirs, until what they want has tion in the middle. Literally, not an inch 
 
 actually been done; while we are con- is left on the whitewashed walls on which 
 
 tented to gain a concession on paper, the Je\vish pilgrims of a thousand years 
 
 have not inscribed their names. — Ed. 
 
38 rorUIiATION OF HAMADAN. Chap. III. 
 
 great veneration by the Jews of this town, and kept in a perfect 
 state of repair. On the dome over these tombs is an inscription, 
 of which the following is a translation : — 
 
 " On Thursdcay the 15th of the month of Adar, in the year of the creation 
 of the world 4474, the building of this temple over the tombs of Mordccai and 
 Esther was finished by the hands of the two benevolent brothers Elias and 
 Samuel, sons of the late Ismael of Kachan." 
 
 It is now, therefore, nearly eleven centuries and a half since 
 this monument was constructed. The tombs are made of a 
 rather hard black wood, which has suffered little from the effects 
 of time. They are covered with Hebrew inscriptions, still very 
 legible, of which Sir John Malcolm has given the following 
 translation : " At that time there was in the palace of Suza a 
 certain Jew, of the name of Mordecai : he was the son of Jaïr 
 of Shimei, who was the son of Kish, a Benjamite, for Mordecai ji 
 the Jew was the second of that name under the King Ahasuerus, 
 a man much distinguished among the Jews, and enjoying great 
 consideration amongst his own people, anxious for their welfare,^ 
 and seeking to promote the peace of all Asia." 
 
 The bazaars of Hamadan are very beautiful and spacious and 
 always crowded ; numerous caravanserais are close at hand ; there 
 arc also many mosques and public baths. This town is of great 
 commercial importance, and has a population of 50,000 souls.-; 
 Its manufactures in copper are in repute. Several streams of 
 water descending from the mountains, and passing near the town, 
 contain gold, which the inhabitants, particularly the Jews, collect 
 in skins by washing, but in a clumsy manner. They earn about 
 a shilling a day, but with a better system could no doubt 
 gain more. Many streets in Hamadan, and certainly several 
 parts of the town, are closed by great gates which are open only ' 
 from sunrise to sunset. This is an excellent custom, and adds 
 much to the security of the honest portion of the inhabitants in 
 troublous times, or for the purposes of police. The vicinity of 
 Hamadan to the mountains of Elwund is an advantage, on account ' 
 of the numerous fresh and cool streams which temper the heats of 
 summer ; but it has also a disadvantage, for the summits of this , 
 range constantly attract a dense mass of clouds, which prevents . 
 the air from circulating freely in the town, where the atmosphere ; 
 is heavy and unhealthy. I was informed of there being some hot 
 
CHAr. III. rOrULATION OF IIAMADAN. 39 
 
 springs at the foot of the hills about one parasang fi-om the town, 
 and near them a bas-relief of the Sassanide epoch, but my state of 
 health prevented me from visiting either. 
 
 The plain which surrounds this town is covered with villages, 
 the cultivation good, and cheapness and abundance are the result. 
 The population of the province of Hamadan may be divided into 
 three distinct classes — military, religious, and mixed. The first 
 consists of the tribe* of Kara-guzloo, one of the most brave and 
 warlike in Persia, and a branch of that of Sham- loo, which was 
 brought from Syria, in Media, by Tamerlane — this class is more 
 numerous than the other two. The second is composed of an 
 infinity of Syuds and Mollahs, who seem to have a marked predi- 
 lection for this province, most of the villages in which have been 
 given to them in fief by the government. The third class, the 
 smallest, consists of merchants, tradesmen, workmen, and agricultu- 
 ral labourers. Though quite an exceptional case in Persia, the Shah 
 has appointed a separate officer over each of these classes, fearing 
 to put too much power in the hands of one person by intrusting to 
 him all three. Prince Khan Lar Mirza is governor of the town, 
 and the villages inhabited by mixed tribes. Hadji Mirza Ibrahim, 
 a person of considerable influence, and a native of Hamadan, is at 
 the head of the Syuds and Mollahs, et hoc genus omne, and the 
 Sertip Ferz Ullah Khan, who plundered my countryman, is 
 the chief of the tribe Kara-guzloo and commandant of the 
 military force of the province. The latter consists of three 
 regiments of infantry, commanded by his nephews Mahmood 
 Khan, All Khan, and Reschid Khan ; the first is married to a 
 sister, and the second to an aunt, of Mohamed Shah. The apple of 
 discord was thrown into the Sertip's family with the princesses of the 
 blood, for these, being powerful at court, take every opportunity of 
 placing their husbands in opposition to their uncle, each hoping 
 thereby that some successful intrigue may procure for hers the 
 command of the tribe. It was not without design that the Shah 
 
 * Persia resembles the Highlands of from Turkey and even Russia, where the 
 
 Scotland, in being divided among feeling is thoroughly democratic; that 
 
 tribes, the chiefs of which command is to say, Turks and Russians cannot 
 
 great respect. Persia is a thoroughly feel or undeistand why, because the 
 
 aristocratic country, where high birth father has been distinguished, the son 
 
 and polished manners are much con- should be respected. — Ed. 
 sidered. In this point it differs much 
 
40 THE SERTIR Chap. III.- 
 
 gave these princesses in marriage to the Khans of Kara-guzloo, that 
 tribe being one of those whose opposition he has most reason to 
 fear ; it has never joined in any foreign intrigue, and he showed 
 his judgment in connecting himself with its chiefs. 
 
 A few days sufficed to improve my health, and I profited by 
 this to pay a visit to my countryman M. Jacquet, who lived at the 
 village of Chevereen, about a parasang from the town. On the road 
 I met Colonel Mahmood Khan, which annoyed me not a little, for 
 we had been acquainted a long time, and I thought he might 
 inform the authorities of my whereabouts. Deceived however by 
 my beard and the change in my dress, he did not recognise me, 
 though, nevertheless, he fancied he had seen me before. The 
 same evening on my return I met him again, but this time the 
 vagabond Ivan, who was in front of me and drunk, from the 
 potations in which he had indulged at Chevereen, betrayed my 
 incognito, and, when we met, the colonel reproached me for doubting 
 his friendship, and made me promise to breakfast with him at his 
 house at Chevereen on the following morning. Accordingly I 
 went, and met there his brother Aman Ullah Khan, whom I had 
 known several years, and his cousins Shefi Khan and Metel Khan. 
 These young inen are the chiefs of their tribe, agreeable and 
 intelligent, and as brave as Roostem. Shefi Khan especially is 
 considered a remarkable man amongst his countrymen. On the 
 following day Mahmood Khan introduced me to his uncle Ferz 
 Ullah Khan as an European traveller on his way to Teheran, 
 but without mentioning my name or the object of my journey. 
 The Sertip was a man of from forty to forty-two years of age, 
 sickly, morose, and careworn-looking, but affecting great polite- 
 ness and suavity of manner. Like his nephews he has the 
 reputation of being brave and resolute ; I found him very intelli- 
 gent, and his remarks on the advantages and disadvantages of 
 European and Persian civilization, and the comparisons he made 
 between them, surprised me. But what astonished me more was 
 to hear him the next minute saying the very contrary to another 
 visitor, and appearing as narrow-minded and ignorant as any of 
 his countrymen. When his acquaintance left, I expressed my 
 astonishment at so sudden a change in his sentiments. " Pigeon 
 with pigeon, falcon with falcon," he replied: "with you I was 
 sincere ; to hold the same language with a Persian would be to 
 play the dupe. It is not that we are deficient in intelligence, but 
 
 É 
 
Chap. III. THE SYUDS. 41 
 
 in morality. In Persia a straightforward and honest man passes for 
 a fool, whereas roguery is taken for intelligence." Such is the 
 opinion which Persians entertain of themselves, though few would 
 avow it as frankly as Ferz Ullali Khan — as to my own opinion 
 I can but confirm his. 
 
 On arriving this day at the Sertip's house, I found several Syuds 
 with him, who were doing their best to talk him out of some money, 
 and, unless one has witnessed the fact, it is impossible to conceive 
 the impudence of these descendants of the Prophet ; they are the 
 veriest bloodsuckers of the people, who are obliged to keep them 
 at their own expense. Nothing can equal their arrogance, but so 
 sacred is their origin in the eyes of Mussulmans, that, generally 
 speaking, they are afraid to refuse their demands, intolerable as 
 they may be. One of these Syuds was disgustingly dirty and the 
 most uncivilised ignorant brute I had yet seen. Presuming on Ins 
 descent as a Syud, he took his seat above the Khan, whom he 
 menaced with all the wrath of Heaven if he did not give him ten 
 tomauns, which he required, to pay for finishing the building of his 
 house. When breakfast came, he, without ceremony, plunged his 
 filthy hands into the same dish with the Khan, who seemed by no 
 means pleased to have him as a guest, and especially to be obliged 
 to eat with him ; but he was a Syud, and the Sertip resigned himself, 
 thouo-h unwillingly, to the observance of established customs. 
 Breakfast over, the holy man pocketed the ten tomauns, and was, I 
 thought, going to retire. The saying, however, that the more you 
 have the more you want, was never better illustrated, for the 
 rogue was not yet satisfied ; he wanted a cloak for himself, some 
 linen for his sons' pantaloons, and five quintals of corn for bread. 
 When he heard these accumulated demands the Khan could no 
 longer suppress his anger, and launched out with such a volley of 
 the vernacular, that I feared for a moment the illustrious blood of 
 the Prophet would scarcely protect his descendant from a hearty 
 application of the stick, in addition to the other donations. At 
 length the Sertip cooled down, but he was evidently annoyed that 
 this scene should have occurred in my presence, and, to put an end 
 to it, said to the sacred beggar, " Enlist, and I will then take care 
 of you and your family, otherwise don't come here any more and 
 annoy me with demands which I certainly shall not satisfy." 
 The Syud seemed to lay these hard words very little to heart, for 
 he quietly turned to me and said, " Sahib, you must have a very 
 
42 THE MULETEER. Chap. 111. 
 
 bad opinion of us Persians, to see how cruelly they treat the 
 descendants of their holy Prophet. In your country how do they 
 look upon the clergy ?" " Why, like dogs," said the Khan, giving 
 me no time to reply. "It appears that the constellations are 
 not favourable to-day," said the Syud rising ; " I shall return 
 to-morrow." " Go to the devil," muttered the Sertip between his 
 teeth, as he accompanied his agreeable guest towards the door, 
 adding, when he had disappeared, " So long as we submit to the 
 moral influence of these fellows we shall continue to eat dirt." 
 
 I had determined, as a matter of prudence, not to discharge 
 Ivan till the day of my departure ; but, having discovered that he 
 had robbed me of ten tomauns, I started him at once, and engaged 
 another Annenian, of the name of Melkom, in his place. Detemiined 
 to be revenged, he went to the governor and gave information of 
 my being in the town, the object of my journey, and my anxiety 
 to keep it secret ; but Mahmood Khan stood my friend, other- 
 wise, disagreeable consequences might have ensued. Never- 
 theless I thought it as well to leave as soon as possible, and 
 requested the muleteer of whom I had hired my beasts to hasten 
 his departure ; but this was not so easy, for he was in no hurry, 
 and, on one pretence or other, always broke his word. The other 
 travellers had not joined, the hour was not propitious, or he was 
 detained by some official ; but on the 24th, being fairly tired with 
 his humbug, I demanded the return of my deposit upon the mules. 
 But he had still one more excuse, and that I could not but admit 
 was imperative ; he was obliged by the law of the Prophet to 
 sleep with his wife on Thursday night, the non-compliance with 
 which would enable her to claim a divorce ; to object therefore 
 was impossible, and I waited accordingly till Friday evening. 
 What a book is the Koran ! it legislates equally for the conduct of 
 the sovereign, and the most minute details of domestic life ; every 
 thing is anticipated, indicated ; this possibly precautionary mea- 
 sure of the Prophet's was intended to mitigate the effects of poly- 
 gamy. 
 
 Europeans in Persia should be on their guard against the lies 
 and shuffling of the muleteers, who always swear by everything 
 holy and unholy that they will start without fail at a fixed hour, 
 and, as they seize upon the traveller's baggage, it is nine chances 
 to one that he is put to much unnecessary inconvenience in the 
 interval, for leave they never do at the appointed time. The best 
 
Chap. III. NOOVAEAN. 43 
 
 mode of proceeding is never to pay anything in advance until 
 the first stage is accomplished, and to keep your baggage to the 
 last moment in your own possession. As to servants in Persia, 
 they are the concentrated essence of idleness and dishonesty. With 
 them time counts for nothing ; " what is not done to-day can be 
 done to-morrow," is their motto ; if you complain they have 
 neglected your affairs, they tell you that they have their own to 
 attend to ; and in an European establishment I verily believe 
 three-fifths of the household expenses go into the pockets of 
 these knaves. In spite of this, domestic service is, in Persia, 
 considered a most honourable occupation. The Shah is the servant 
 of God, and is in his turn served by his nobles, who, in like 
 manner, are served by others, and so on to the lowest step of the 
 social ladder. The nature of the occupation is not considered 
 important ; a cook and a public functionary are much upon a par. 
 Our caravan was at length marshalled and ready to leave, and we 
 started for 
 
 Bibik-abad, April 2Gth — distant seven parasangs — nine hours 
 and a half, by an easy road, through a well-cultivated country, 
 over which were scattered many villages. Bibik-abad contains four 
 hundred houses, and is situated in the middle of a vast and rich 
 plain. A heavy storm of thunder, lightning, and rain broke a 
 short distance ahead of us to-day, and was the first exception to 
 the fine weather we had all the way from Bagdad. I resumed my 
 Arab dress before leaving Bibik-abad. 
 
 ZereJi, April 27th — five parasangs — seven hours and a half — 
 country well irrigated. We travelled during the night, and my 
 mule nearly tumbled into a dry well. Zereh is a little village of 
 two hundred and fifty houses, and near a stream of very good 
 water, a rare thing in Persia. 
 
 Noovaran, April 28th — nine parasangs — twelve hours — for the 
 first three by a level road across a plain ; the remainder through 
 the mountains, by a stony and bad one, the soil for the most part 
 arid, except near Noovaran. This place is situated in a valley 
 near a small river ; on its banks are many large and handsome 
 villages ; a few are inhabited by Armenian Christians. Noovaran 
 contains fi'om eight to nine hundred hearths, and is surrounded by 
 vineyards and orchards, which are exceedingly productive, and a 
 source of great profit to the villagers. The Shah gave this 
 splendid village in fief to his brother-in-law, the Sirdar Khan, 
 
44 TAME FlSIl. Chap. 111. 
 
 Baba Khan ;* it is to be remarked that twelve or fifteen Persian 
 nobles, the prime minister beiii^ at their head, have practised upon 
 the easy disposition of their sovereign to monopolize the most fruitful 
 parts of Persia. The same thing may be said of the customs : the 
 revenues from the former of these sources are not intended simply 
 for their own personal benefit, but to pay and feed the troops, and 
 to nnxintain in complete efficiency the public establishments of 
 the country. This Sirdar has, for instance, the command of 
 10,000, the half of whose pay he appropriates to himself. 
 At the end of each year, although the revenues in his hands 
 far exceed the payments for which he is responsible, he always 
 contrives to make it appear that the government is several 
 thousand tomauns in his debt.f 
 
 The heat this day was intense, but towards evening a storm 
 of rain burst over us, and, though it drenched me to the skin, 
 delivered us from myriads of flies, which generally settle on the 
 animals and baggage, and, but for such storms, would travel from 
 one end of Asia to the other. I saw at Noo varan a large fishpond, 
 so full that it was impossible to plunge one's hand in without 
 touching a fish. They were each about two pounds in weight, and 
 so tame that they came and fed out of my hand. Expressing my 
 great surprise at their being in such numbers, a bystander 
 accounted for it as follows : " You must know that once upon a 
 time the inhabitants of Noovaran committed some great crime, when 
 the genii turned them into fish ;" and, said he, " were any one to 
 eat them he would certainly die." When I told him that I fully 
 intended to have one for dinner, great was his consternation, but 
 he was somewhat pacified when I boasted that I was possessed of 
 a talisman ; nevertheless, when he saw me actually devour, with 
 good appetite, one of the finny criminals, he retired, evidently with 
 the firm conviction that I was a sorcerer or something of the kind.J 
 
 * Everytliing has been resumed by J A few years after, when I was at 
 
 the present Shah, probably to be thrown Ispahan, I had an attack very like cho- 
 
 away even on less deserving favourites. lera after having eaten the roe of the 
 
 t This system explains the demand same kind of fish, of which I had not 
 
 of several millions of francs which Baba partaken at Noovaran. It was perhaps 
 
 Khan made upon the Persian treasury in ignorance of the fact that the roe 
 
 at the death of Mohamed Shah in 1848. was poisonous that the story had its 
 
 His successor Nasser Eddin Shah then origin, and the choleraic effects upon 
 
 played, it is true, the bankrupt with the people and their love of the mar- 
 
 his officers, but he dared not do this vellous were turned to account by 
 
 to Baba Khan, because in his character some shrewd Mollah to serve the pur- 
 
 of Russian subject it was not advisable poses of mystification, 
 to meddle with him. 
 
Chap. IV. SHEMfillEEN— KOSIIGEK. 45 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Sliemereen — Kosbgek — The peak of Demavend — Khauabad — Rabat Keiiin 
 
 — Irrigation — Modes of travelling in Persia — A royal Firman — Travelling ou 
 liorseback — With a Mehmendar — His mode of proceeding — Travelling with 
 a caravan — The Djilo-dar — The Persian and his ass — Mules and muleteers 
 
 — Persian rale of faith — Ab-dookh — Caravanserais — Teheran — View 
 approaching the city — Melancholy reflections ■ — Blighted prospects — General 
 Sémineau — Doctor Jacquet's indiscretion — Village of Shah Abdul Azim — • 
 The author discharges his servant — The consequences — Joins a caravan of 
 pilgrims on their way to Meshed. 
 
 SiiEMEREEN, April.29th — three parasangs — five hours and a half — 
 across the mountains, and hy a good road. Villages, orchards, and 
 cultivation succeed each other almost without intermission ; the 
 vine and the walnut are in greater immbers than any other trees. 
 Shemereen contains one hundred and fifty hearths, and is situated 
 on the side of a mountain. The great heat and the storm of the 
 preceding day were followed on this by a keen wind. 
 
 Koshgek, April 30th — five parasangs — seven hours and a half — 
 across the mountains by an easy road : an uncultivated country, 
 with a scanty population for the first part ; in the last two parasangs 
 a few pretty villages lie right and left of the road. The peak of 
 Demavend is distinctly to be seen two hours before arriving at this 
 halt, distant forty-five parasangs. A few years before I had seen 
 it at Kohrood, a village on the road to Ispahan, distant fifty-four 
 parasangs or eighty-one leagues. Koshgek is a village of a 
 hundred and fifty houses. The inhabitants are of the Beijat 
 tribe of nomads. 
 
 Khanabad, May 1st — six parasangs — nine hours — through a 
 plain. A few villages are seen in the distance, and the tents of 
 wanderingf tribes. Khanabad has two hundred hearths. The water 
 here is very brackish. 
 
 Rabat Kerim, May 2ud — eight parasangs — twelve hours — 
 through an extensive plain with hills here and there ; on the last that 
 we crossed is a ruined caravanserai of stone, built by Shah Abbas. 
 This spot is a favourite haunt of the tribe Shah Sevends, who 
 
46 MODES OF TRAVELLING. Chap. IV. 
 
 frequent these plains, and sometimes pillage the caravans. Rabat 
 Kerim is a large village of nine hundred houses : there is a 
 caravahserai-shah, the only habitable one between Hamadan and 
 this place. The water of the river Kerech, which is excellent, 
 irrigates the soil in the neighbourhood. It has been mentioned 
 that the water at Khanabad is very brackish. This is frequently 
 the case in some parts of Persia, where the privations of Eastern 
 travelling are very great. 
 
 Those who have plenty of money and can afford to be robbed, 
 and are disposed to submit with patience to such treatment, may 
 travel in comparative comfort. If the object is to proceed rapidly, 
 that is to say thirty or forty leagues a day, a royal firman, or an 
 order from a governor-general, is necessary to obtain post-horses.* 
 These are kept only on the great roads which lead to the capitals 
 of provinces. If the traveller rides his own horses he may 
 accomplish about ten or twelve leagues a day ; mules can be hired 
 anywhere, and the muleteers are always ready to accompany the 
 traveller in any direction or to any distance : in this manner ten 
 leagues will be an average day's journey. 
 
 Sometimes, and by special permission, rarely granted, the 
 government authorizes ministers, nobles, and strangers of import- 
 ance to take the private horses of the villagers, if there are none 
 at the post ; but this plan is very expensive. The various towns 
 near the frontiers, from which there are roads to the capital, and 
 on which post-horses are stationed, are Khoi, Resht, Astrabad, 
 Meshed, Kerman, Shiraz, and Kermanshah. At the post-stations 
 the proper number of horses, as a matter of course, is not kept up, 
 and a bribe is necessary to bring out the few wretched Rozinantes 
 they have. 
 
 Foreign ambassadors, and European travellers of distinction, 
 
 * Travelling in Persia by post is very from Tabreez to Teheran, that at the 
 agreeable and cheap. An order is easily last stage from Teheran, there were no 
 obtained by a European traveller to use horses in the post-house, and those 
 the post-horses kept up by the govern- which had just brought us 30 miles 
 ment, for which nothing is charged, and carried us easily the same day into 
 a backsheeh of a couple of crowns or the capital, another 30 miles; so that 
 shillings, contents the " suriji" at the we reached the gates just before they 
 end of the stage, generally from 20 were closed at sunset. Col. Rawlinson 
 to 30 miles long. Sometimes the once rode 100 miles on the same post- 
 horses are very bad, but generally they horses, waiting of course to bait at the 
 are quick little Persian riding horses, different stages, and was nin away with 
 that canter pleasantly through the long for the last 5 miles. — Ed. 
 plains. I remember once on riding 
 
e'liAP. IV. CARAA^AN TRAVELLING— THE DJILO-DArw 47 
 
 arc generally favoured by the g-overnment with the attendance of 
 a mehmendar, whose rank varies according to that of the person 
 he is appointed to travel with. The English and Russians have 
 in their treaties determined the rank of the mehmendars who are 
 to accompany their ambassadors. This officer is responsible for 
 all losses, accidents, and vexations that may happen' to the person 
 confided to his care ; he rides forward to prepare all things 
 necessary for his comfort and accommodation, which, by the terms 
 of the firman, every village at which the party halts is obliged 
 to provide gratis. On his arrival at a town or village the 
 mehmendar sends for the mayor, the Ket-Khoda, to whom he 
 briefly gives his orders to furnish the articles required, and, by way of 
 commencement, instals himself in the best house in the place ; he 
 then proceeds to the mosque or principal square, where he takes 
 his seat with his kalioim, or water-pipe, and is soon surrounded 
 by the crowd of persons who have been invited to supply his wants. 
 These individuals assure him emphatically that they are wholly 
 unable to provide him with anything ; they have neither wood, sheep, 
 butter, bread, &c., and that they are poor devils not worth a 
 copper. The mehmendar deigns not to reply, but gravely smokes 
 his kalioun, gravely listens to all they say, and gravely smokes 
 again ; for all the world he would not let his pipe go out. In 
 Persia this is a very serious affair, to which great importance is 
 attached. But no sooner has the last whiff of smoke floated away 
 from his lips than he slowly rises from his carpet, and begins 
 to lay vigorously about him with his stick on the refractory 
 supplicants, who make off with cries and curses upon those who 
 thus unjustly despoil them of their goods. Should unnecessary 
 delay take place, the stick of the mehmendar is again put in 
 requisition which rarely fails to produce the desired effect. The 
 quantity of provisions thus forcibly levied is generally much 
 greater than can be consumed ; in this case the mehmendar sells the 
 remainder and pockets the amount. 
 
 No greater misery can be conceived than that of travelling with 
 a caravan, the désagrémens of which are many and various. The 
 ordinary muleteers are the greatest liars upon earth, and annoy 
 you in every possible way. The djilo-dar, he who has or holds 
 the bridle, or chief muleteer, is a very diflPerent character. He 
 is generally an intelligent honest man, is familiar with the roads, 
 the towns, villages, and habits of the various tribes of the 
 
43 CARAVAN TKAYELLING. Chap. IV. 
 
 countries through whioh he journeys. Merchants often place 
 hu'ge sums of money in his hands for transit, and I have never 
 knownone of them betray his trust. His horses or mules are 
 usually sound and in good condition, and it often happens that a 
 djilo-dar owns from thirty to fifty of each. The lower orders 
 travel on asses, on which they place enormous loads. It is true 
 that when they arrive at a halt they take the greatest possible 
 care of them ; not only do they feed them well, but curry-comb 
 them, wash them, shampoo their legs, twist and pull their noses, 
 ears, and tails, and talk and pray for them— no father can have 
 more affection for his child than a Persian has for his ass. Once 
 in motion, the caravan breaks into small parties of ten or twelve 
 persons ; that of the djilo-dar is at the head of the column, and 
 there, in front of all, he puts his best beast, to set an example 
 to the rest by her steady and sustained pace. This mule is 
 always gaily caparisoned, the harness covered with embroidery 
 and other varieties of decoration, in addition to the bells which 
 give notice of the approach of the caravan. After these detach- 
 ments comes the merchandize, also carried by mules, and those 
 travellers who have only half, nay, sometimes only a third of an 
 ass, for there is often a triple partnership, ride and tie — the foot 
 passengers bring up the rear. All halts and hours of march 
 are determined by the djilo-dar. If there is no caravanserai, he 
 selects the camping-ground, and the goods are ranged under his 
 orders, in a circle or a square, round which the travellers sleep ; 
 the space within is reserved for the horses and mules, which are 
 tethered to a long pole. The djilo-dar is, as he well need be, 
 an active fellow, for he has sometimes to look after five or six 
 hundred mules, their burdens and their drivers, who are ten 
 thousand times more troublesome than their beasts. When the 
 halt is made, he announces the hour of departure for that day or 
 the next morning ; he also regulates the pace, or stops the 
 caravan, by various cries, which are passed from mouth to mouth 
 along the road. 
 
 When a caravan is attacked by robbers, the Persian muleteers, 
 if armed and having the advantage of position and numbers, 
 generally defend themselves wdth spirit ; but if there is any doubt 
 as to the probable result, they think only of their mules, cut the 
 harness, throw off the loads, and, leaving the merchandize to its fate, 
 gallop off as hard as they can go. It is curious, but, when these 
 
 i 
 
Chap. IV, PElîSTAN RULE OF FATTII. 40 
 
 scenes take place, the mules seem instinctively to scent the danf^er, 
 and show it by their energ-y and rapid strides, in singular contrast 
 to their usually quiet and regular pace. A caravan of mules or 
 horses, on an ordinarily paved road, will carry from four to five 
 hundredweight, and with that burden will get over one parasang 
 in an hour and a half, but in the desert, for instance between 
 Meshed and Bokhara, or in the mountains, as in the Mazanderan, 
 the distance travelled will not be so great in the same time. 
 Delays not unfrequently occur, for the Persian muleteer is most 
 exact in his observance of the exterior forms of his religion, 
 which, however, is rather a proof of his hypocrisy than his morality, 
 for I am convinced that, generally speaking, he more often prays 
 to God to help him to cheat and pilfer his customers than to 
 entreat his assistance in keeping him in the right path. But be 
 this as it may, it is curious to see them, at the hour of prayer, 
 running in front of the caravan to go through these forms. 
 Sometimes there is no water with which to perform their ablutions. 
 In that case a handful of earth serves the purpose of purification 
 — dirt, not water ! With this they rub their faces and hands, 
 and, reciting their namaz like so many parrots, and in a language 
 which they don't understand, resume their journey. With them, 
 as with us, faith and forms can alone save them. When the latter 
 are strictly performed, and they rigidly observe the fast of the 
 Rhamazan, they think they have a right to commit every species 
 of rascality and crime, and without being in any way called upon 
 to give an account either in this world or the next. This does 
 not apply to muleteers only, but it may be said to be the Persian 
 rule of faith : everything for their creed and nothing for morals. 
 
 Provisions are to be obtained at almost every village ; but if 
 they are at a great distance from one another, or it is at the 
 period of the year when the Persians keep their horses on green 
 food, that is, between May and July, the caravan rarely encamps 
 near the towns, and then the djilo-dar gives notice, and the tra- 
 veller lays in a stock. Poultry, eggs, and milk are to be had in 
 most villages ; but rice for the pillau, the best and most nutritious 
 food in Persia, is not always to be met with. Ab-dookh, a 
 favourite dish with the Persians, and very refreshing, is not at all 
 suited to the stomach of an European, and should be carefully 
 avoided. The caravanserai-shahs are handsome buildings, but 
 the filthy habits of the Persians make them very disagreeable. 
 
 E 
 
r)0 TEHERAN. Chap. IV. 
 
 Teheran, May Srd — six parasaiigs — nine hours — by a level 
 road, but frequently traversed by the runs of water which irrigate, 
 the country. The villages are numerous on both sides of the i 
 road. The rascal Ivan had so completely divulged my projects at 
 Ilamadan that the muleteers of our caravan kiîew that I was 
 going to Herat. I also discovered that the fellow had given my ! 
 servant Melkom a letter, addressed to the Russian Minister at the | 
 capital, informing him of my arrival. As the Count de Medem was 
 one of my persecutors, it was fortunate for me that I had an 
 opportunity of laying hands upon the letter, and destroying it. I 
 had intended, on reaching Teheran, to hire a lodging in the city, 
 but subsequent reflection induced me to change my mind, for I 
 did not wish to be seen, or to give umbrage to the French 
 Ambassador. He thought my presence might embarrass him ; 
 and though the manner in which he had supported my claims j 
 upon the Persian Government, as well as the result of such | 
 support, were far from satisfactory to me, it was not a sufficient i 
 reason for my complicating the matter further. He had acted in ! 
 the interests of France, and it had always been my practice to \ 
 make my own subservient to those of ray country. ' 
 
 We arrived at Teheran as the first rays of the sun tinged, with ; 
 softened crimson hues, the village of Shimeran, picturesquely , 
 situated at the foot of the Elboorz, and in the foreground the 
 Kasr Kajar, or Palace of the Kajars, with its splendid syca- 
 mores, under the protecting shade of which I had frequently 
 walked, and endeavoured to escape the many annoyances I experi- ; 
 enced in the city. The harvest, an abundant one, was being ; 
 gathered in ; peasants on horses, mules, and asses, with various | 
 productions, fruit, and vegetables, were already on their way to j 
 market ; and the great messenger of day, suddenly emerging in j 
 dazzling brilliancy from behind the bold outline of the peak of j 
 Demavend, threw over this springtide picture a bright and cheerful 
 character, in striking contrast with the anxiety and sadness that . 
 oppressed me. Melancholy, indeed, were the reflections which ( 
 mem ry suggested to my mind as I approached the city of the \ 
 Shah. A high military rank and the favours of the Sovereign j 
 had been conferred upon me, but in endeavouring to serve France ; 
 I had lost both the one and the other ; and instead of receiving, j 
 as I ought to have done, the support of those who then directed 
 the councils of my country, I was neglected and abandoned to my 
 
Chap. IV. SHAH ABDUL AZIM. 51 
 
 fate. Now I entered Teheran in disguise, my face half concealed 
 by a bandage, to make my incognito complete. Fortune is truly 
 an inconstant jade, and intense is the folly of those who put any 
 faith in her favours. Deeply agitated and dejected, my heart 
 for a few minutes gave way to grief, and my mind dwelt upon 
 my blighted prospects ; but this soon passed, my courage gained 
 the ascendant, and I had need to preserve it intact to assist and 
 support me in the great struggle with adversity in which I was 
 about to engage. 
 
 On reaching the outskirts I put up at a caravanserai, south of 
 the city, and outside the gate of the Shah Abdul Azim. There, 
 despite my precautions, I was recognised as an European, but, 
 thanks to the state of my wardrobe and the poverty of my 
 baggage, I escaped all inquisitive inquiries, and directly I had 
 taken possession of my filthy apartment I wrote a note to General 
 Semineau, one of my friends, to inform him of my arrival, and 
 requested him to send me a few books and some other things I 
 was in want of. The General, regardless of the consequences a 
 visit to me might bring upon him, was soon at my side, and the 
 information I obtained from him determined me to leave Teheran 
 as soon as possible. Doctor Jacquet had written to a friend there, 
 and mentioned my arrival at Hamadan, adding, luckily, that I 
 had taken the road to Tabreez. The Government knew, perhaps, 
 that I had gone in some other direction. Desirous, however, 
 that they should lose all trace of me, and a caravan starting from 
 Meshed, I agreed with the djilo-dar of it, and at once made a 
 bargain with him for two mules, at the rate of twenty-five krauns* 
 each. Accordingly, on the following day we left Teheran, and 
 proceeded to the rendezvous at the large village of Shah Abdul 
 Azim, situated about a parasang and a half from the city. Here 
 are bazaars, baths, a caravanserai-shah, and a royal resi- 
 dence. The streets are large and planted with trees, and a 
 spring of good water flows through them ; there is also a hand- 
 some mosque, named after the Imaum who is buried within its 
 precincts. This adds much to the prosperity of the place, for the 
 tomb is visited by pilgrims from all parts of Persia ; every Friday 
 the pious portion of the inhabitants of Teheran come here to 
 offer up their prayers. The village of Shah Abdul Azim is built 
 
 A hrann equals in value a shilling. 
 
52 PERSIAN SERVANTS. Ciiai'. 1Y. 
 
 amongst the ruins of the ancient city of llhages, or Rhé, of which 
 I have already made mention when referring to Arrian's p]xpedi- 
 tlon of Alexander. 
 
 The last traces of civilization were left behind me in the Persian 
 capital, and I now took my solitary way towards those distant 
 and inhospitable countries in which my acquaintance had prophe- 
 sied I should find my last resting-place. I approached them, 
 however, without alarm or uneasiness, well convinced that, with 
 tact and management, I should avoid the catastrophe which they 
 had predicted. In a little inventory I made of my effects this 
 evening I found fresh evidence of Ivan's rascality, and I felt not 
 a little pleased to think he was no longer witii me ; for, had he 
 remained in my service, he would, without doubt, have taken the 
 first opportunity of making away with me, or at least with what 
 little property I had. The Armenian who replaced him had 
 only engaged to accompany me as far as Teheran ; and as in the 
 few hours I remained there it was impossible to find another 
 servant in whom I could place confidence, and I was afraid to 
 engage one who might play the spy, I made up my mind to go 
 Avithout ; but, if I had known the sufferings to which, on the 
 grounds of policy as well as economy, I exposed myself, I would 
 never have adopted this step. I think it doubtful whether any 
 European ever travelled through these regions without a servant 
 of some kind or other; Asia is not the country to make these 
 experiments in.* Here there are no hotels or taverns ; the traveller 
 must carry with him his bed, provisions, cooking-utensils, and 
 sometimes even wood and water. He must load his mule, cook 
 his dinner, clean his saucepan and gridiron, and do other menial 
 offices, which, though of temporary inconvenience, exposes one to 
 the loss of that consideration which in Eastern countries is of the 
 greatest importance. Without this the traveller is exposed to ill- 
 ti'eatment of evei'y kind, and without the least reason but simply 
 because he is deprived of all protection, and because, being a 
 Christian, he is an impure being in the eyes of Shiah Mussulmans 
 
 * This remark is generally correct; Although ignorant of the Persian 
 
 but some of the members of the Herat language, and speaking only ' ' a little 
 mission have a pleasing recollection of . Bai-bary Arabic," he had travelled from 
 
 having been surprised, while seated Hamadan to Herat, for the greater part 
 
 round their fireside, in the " gloa jing" of the way without any servant — his 
 
 of ail October evening, by the appear- whole baggage, I believe, being carried 
 
 ance among them of an English traveller under his saddle-flaps, about the safety 
 
 (Mr. Mitford), on his way to Bombay! of which he appeared verysolicitous. — L. 
 
I'liAP. IV. riLGKIM CARAVANS. 53 
 
 — an unclean dog, who may not even use their drinking-cup, or 
 touch their food, or any other thing that they have. To tyrannise 
 over the infidel is, in short, a duty, and to suffer all this was my 
 fate, and God knows what I endured at their hands. Neverthe- 
 less the European traveller will find a Mussulman servant prefer- 
 able to an Armenian ; the Armenians, being Christians, more 
 readily fall into our habits, but, accustomed to be tyrannised over 
 and insulted, they are timid, and dare not stand up for their 
 own rights or their master's. Irrespective of this, they are great 
 rogues, liars, and cowards, and in their quality of co-religionists 
 think they have a right to rob an European, when they would not 
 dare do so to a Mussulman. The latter are not over-scrupulous, 
 but they are less dirty and more handy ; the knowledge that they 
 are Mussulmans renders them proud and determined, and they 
 know how to make themselves respected. 
 
 The reader is not to suppose by what I have just stated that 
 Europeans are habitually badly treated in Persia ; this opinion 
 applies to the few who are unprotected, isolated, and of an humble 
 grade in life, and especially those who travel with a caravan com- 
 posed of pilgrims, amongst whom, of course, the greatest fanatics 
 in the country are to be found. The European who has a good 
 establishment and the protection of the Government will have 
 every attention paid him, and be treated perhaps with more 
 respect than he would be at home. 
 
 The caravan with which I had to travel to Meshed consisted of 
 five hundred mules, and three hundred and fifty pilgrims on their 
 way to the tomb of the Imaum Reza, and 1 did not fancy the 
 society of these pious folk, but resignation was necessary, and to 
 that I made up my mind. 
 
54 IIISSAK-EMIK. Chai-. V. 
 
 CHAPTEK V. 
 
 Hiasar-omir — The ruins of Rhages — El Boorj — Antique coins — Tomb of 
 Bibee Sherabanon — Legend connected with this lady — Plain of Verameen, rich 
 and fertile — Eywanee-Keij — Irrigation — Vultures — Description of a caravan 
 of pilgrims — How collected — The Chief Syud — Abject reverence for him — 
 His evening sermon — Fanatical brutality — Kishlak — Defile of Sirdaree — 
 Military position — Kohi-tuz or salt mountains — Position of the Caspian Straits 
 
 Erroneously laid down — Arrian's description of the site — Deh-nemuck — 
 
 Ferooz-koh — District of Ich — A redan — Bricks of salt — Lasjird — Military 
 position — Fortifications — Semnoon — Description of the town — Its ancient 
 history — Effects of irrigation — Rear-guard of Bessus — Arrian — Scene in the 
 kebab-shop — Advantages and disadvantages of wearing a native dress — The 
 constellation of happy import — The lame Dervish — Monsieur Terrier taken 
 before the Governor — The satisfactory result. 
 
 I 
 
 HissAR-EMiR, May 4th — four parasangs — five hours —by a good 
 and level road, frequently intersected by watercourses. We left 
 Shah Abdul Azim at twilight, passing through the extensive ruins 
 of Rhages, now called Rhé, originally one of the largest and most j 
 ancient cities of Persia. These remains are in the plain, and cover 
 a surface of six parasangs in circuit. This was the site of the town ; 
 the fortress was more to the north, and on a detached mountain, 
 a spur of the Elboorz, called by the Persians El Boorj, The 
 Tower. Two brick towers, in pretty good preservation, a few 
 slight bas-reliefs, and the foundations of buildings, particularly 
 those of the walls of the city, the time of which is still clearly 
 indicated, are all that remain to point out the position of the 
 ancient Rhages. The materials are constantly used in the 
 erection of modern buildings at Teheran, and are conveyed 
 there by the peasants of the neighbourhood. In turning up 
 the ground for these bricks they frequently find gold and silver 
 coins and other objects of antiquity, for which they realise a good 
 price. 
 
 Much, however, of the space on which Rhages was situated, is 
 now occupied by villages and cultivation ; in passing through 
 them we had on our left a ramification from the chain of the 
 Elboorz, and on the side of the last range that stretches into 
 
Chap. V. EYWANEK-KEIJ. 55 
 
 the plain is the tomb of Bibee Sherabanon, wife of the Tmaum 
 Hussein. Pursued by the troops of Yezid, this heroine, mounted 
 on her famous horse the fleet Zul-Jenah, and assisted by a 
 miracle, viz. the o])ening and closing of the mountain on which is 
 the tomb of the Imaum, escaped unhurt. Beyond the ruins we 
 skirted on our right the fertile plain of Verameen, on which are 
 many villages ; the productions of the rich and well-watered soil 
 that surrounds them supply the markets of Teheran. The river 
 Jajerood, which descends from the mountains of Mazande- 
 ran, is lost in the irrigation of this plain ; and the Persian 
 noble who holds land in it is considered fortunate, the estates 
 being rarely sold, and only when a proprietor is in great distress. 
 The district of Verameen took its name fi'om a city now in ruins, 
 evidently built of materials brought from Rhages,* distant only 
 two parasangs. On our left was seen the majestic peak of Dema- 
 vend, covered with long lines of eternal snows. Hissar-emir was the 
 property of the late Prime Minister Haji Mirza Aghassi. We 
 camped at about twenty minutes' walk from the watering-place, and 
 I could not prevail upon any Mussulman to fetch me ariy water, 
 though several were in rags and without bread. To touch my pot 
 would have been impure, and not even the reward I offered 
 would tempt them. 
 
 Eywanee-Keij, or Heivanalc, May 5th — seven parasangs — ten 
 hours, the first half of which was by a level road much intersected, 
 as of late, with watercourses from the Jajerood, which flows 
 
 * After the death of Alexander the and merely to consider himself as the 
 
 Great, Persia, as well as Syria, fell to , head of a confederacy of princes, 
 
 the lot of Seleucus Nicator, who esta- united for the double object of main- 
 
 blished the dynasty of the Seleucidœ. taining their independence and freeing 
 
 Antiochus Soter succeeded Seleucus Ni- Persia from a foreign yoke. This is 
 
 cator, and in the reign of his successor, the commencement of that era of 
 
 Antiochus Theos, Arsaces, a Scythian, Persian history called by Eastern 
 
 who came from the north of the Sea of writers, Mulook-u-Tuaif, or common- 
 
 Azoff, induced the Persians to throw wealth of tribes. 
 
 off the Greek yoke, founded the Par- In A. D. 90G, Ehages was taken by 
 
 thian empire, and made Rhages his Ismail, founder of the Sanianee dynasty, 
 
 capital. This was likewise the period It ceased now to be a seat of empire, 
 
 of the foundation of the Bactrian king- and in a. t>. 9G7, became the capital of 
 
 dom by Theodotus the governor of it, the house of Shemgur, a race of petty 
 
 who finding himself cut off from Syria princes who maintained a kind of inde- 
 
 by the Persian revolution, declared his pendence, while the dynasties of Saman 
 
 independence. Arsaces is called Asteh and Dilemee divided the empire of Per- 
 
 by Eastern wi-iters, and is said to have sia. In a. d. 1027, Rhages was the last 
 
 been a descendant of the ancient Persian conquest of Mahmood, of Ghuziii. — 
 
 kings. When he gained the kingdom it Smith's Bio. Die. ; Malcolm's Hist, of 
 
 is said he promised to exact no tribute Persia.— Ed. 
 
56 CARAVAN OF riLGElMS. Chai». V- 
 
 about a parasang and a half east from Hissar-emir. The system 
 of irrigation is in Persia attended to with great care, and the 
 water here is distributed equally amongst all the villages of the 
 plain of Verameen. A mountain-gorge, covered with bushes, is 
 passed about two hours from Heivanak ; the vultures are to be seen 
 in it in myriads, and short would be the existence of any animal 
 that enters this pass ; he would not be alive two minutes, and in 
 an hour his skeleton would be as white and picked as clean as if 
 it had been exposed to the sun for ten years. I have given in 
 the preceding pages some account of a caravan of traders, I will 
 now briefly describe a caravan of pilgrims. 
 
 A Syud, and not a djilo-dar, is in this case the head-man, and 
 is blindly obeyed in everything. For two months previously to 
 his intended departure this descendant of the Prophet scours the 
 towns and villages, inviting the faithful to join his green standard, 
 and undertake a pilgrimage to the holy places. A sufficient 
 number being collected, he passes them in review, and, raising the 
 wind from each to the extent of four or five sahebkrans a head, 
 promises to conduct them in safety to all the shrines held sacred 
 by pious Mussulmans ; these are Meshed, Shah Abdul Azim, 
 Koom, Kerbelah, Sammarah, Kazemen, and Mecca. He pro- 
 mises also to halt at the best and cheapest stations, to preserve 
 them from the effects of the evil eye, the temptations of the 
 devil, the machinations of bad genii, to consult the stars, to leave 
 on propitious days— in a word, he promises to make this pilgrimage 
 the happiest and most acceptable to God that ever was made. 
 Each pilgrim thinks himself specially favoured if he is allowed to 
 perform gratis any service for the chief Syud, and during the whole 
 journey this individual is the object of the most delicate attention. 
 A tent is always at his disposal to shade him from the heat or 
 protect him from the rain ; some drive the flies from him, others 
 water the parched earth around the spot on which he sits ; his 
 clothes are washed, his dinner cooked ; each pilgrim is, in short, 
 delighted if by any act, however menial, he can hope through him 
 to propitiate the Prophet, and obtain a blessing from heaven. 
 To be allowed to kiss the Syud's hand, or the hem of his garment, 
 is all the remuneration they expect, and this he grants with the 
 coldness of ascetic pride, appearing to consider that the kind offices 
 which he continually receives are nothing more than what is due 
 to his meritorious and holy life. 
 
 As to om- sainted chief, he was puffed up with the self-import- 
 
Ci-AP. V. CAlîAVxVN or riLGIÎIMS. 57 
 
 ance of his sect. In the evening, after he had eaten the dinner 
 prepared for him gratis while he was asleep, instead of allowing 
 those to rest who had not obtained one wink during the day's 
 journey, he preached a sermon, the subject of which was taken 
 from the life of one of the Imaums, and marvellous were the 
 details. The Persian language is well adapted to flights of 
 poetry, sallies of buftbonery, is emphatic and exaggerative, all of 
 which is highly exciting to Persian ears. A tale inditferently 
 well told, though most improbable in fact, will interest a Persian 
 audience intensely ; and if in a sermon the Syud thoroughly under- 
 stands his business, and arranges his subject skilfully, developing 
 it by degrees, and in a way to rouse little by little the emotions of 
 his hearers, which he will easily do by dexterously throwing in the 
 marvellous and the sentimental, he reaches the climax ; his voice 
 falters, he is overcome with feigned emotion, and a deluge of tears 
 is seen to flow down the cheeks of his audience. His own are 
 always at his command ; if he is telling a tale, he is sure to 
 shed them at the proper moment ; for example, when his hero 
 sprains his ankle, or wants to smoke and there is no kalioon ; 
 but if he is dying of thirst, or falls into the hands of his enemy, 
 oh ! then the groans and lamentations are past belief ; the men 
 cry like calves, the women like does, and the children bawl loud 
 enough to make a deaf man hear ; and the unfortunate victim who, 
 like myself, is condemned to listen to all this trash, has no resource 
 but to %top his ears, or resign himself to be kept awake by these 
 scenes of desolating grief. The tale or sermon finished, the Syud 
 proposes a cheer for the Prophet, and, after that, one for Ali, the 
 same for Hussein, for Hassan, for Abbas, for the sainted Imaums 
 (and there is a long list), and, lastly, one for himself, the Syud. 
 These exhibitions sometimes last two hours, and when it is over 
 and one is revelling in the delightful idea of getting a short nap, 
 the inhuman brute the very next minute calls out, with the voice 
 of a Stentor, " Load the mules, and let us be going." This is 
 enough to drive one mad, for a night on horseback is certain to 
 be the result, and when one cannot sleep during the day, which 
 was my case, it is downright torture. 
 
 The pilgrimages made by Persians to the holy places of Islam are 
 frequently as much for fashion's sake as to save their souls, or from 
 a motive of hypocrisy, not conviction ; the title of Haji is conferred 
 only by the pilgrimage to Mecca, and this gives consequence and con- 
 sideration to the greatest scoundrel ; in the eyes of his countrymen 
 
58 FANATICAL BRUTALITY. Chap. V. 
 
 he is a reformed man, he is approached with respect, the chief seat 
 is his. The llaji is in fact held in general esteem, bnt in this, as 
 in all external forms of their faith, the Persians sacrifice the sub- 
 stance for the shadow : hundreds of them undertake a pilgrim- 
 age without a stiver in their pockets, and without being much 
 embarrassed by that fact, for their wants are on the smallest 
 possible scale, and they beg from house to house, or tent to 
 tent, and this with success, for the Mahometan religion is, with 
 respect to charity, truly edifying. It enjoins it as a great duty, 
 and a Mussulman not only always gives, but, if rich, with a 
 simplicity and kindness of manner that enhances the value of 
 the gift, and not in that spirit of ostentation so frequently seen 
 in Europe, where the columns of a newspaper silently but surely 
 publish an act in the performance of which vanity should have no 
 place. 
 
 A social feeling pervades all the members of a caravan : they 
 have their food in common ; the noble, the tradesman, the peasant, 
 and the faJceer sit in the same circle and eat out of the same dish, 
 and this without the least possibility of offence being given or 
 pride being wounded ; it is sufficient that they are Mussulmans and 
 pilgrims. On such occasions there is every liberty of speech ; if 
 a stranger appears in the circle, and offers a remark, he is instantly 
 requested to take a seat ; if he refuses, he is requested to retire, 
 for a Persian detests to see a man standing who is not his servant 
 or his inferior, and always imagines that an individuai who 
 objects to converse or refuses to be questioned must be a spy or a 
 criminal. Pilgrims who have luckily a little spare cash carry with 
 them a few goods which they think will sell well at the holy places, 
 and with the gains they realize return to their own country with a 
 similar venture. 
 
 The village of Eywanee-Keij contains about four hundred 
 hearths, with a caravanserai-shah half in ruins; the soil is rich, 
 well watered, and highly cultivated : the harvest had commenced : 
 the heat was excessive, the centigrade thermometer being 38 degree? 
 in the shade. I was seized with an attack of fever at this halt, and 
 no one offered, or rather every one refused, to let me share the 
 corner of a tent. Exposed to the burning rays of the sun, covered 
 with perspiration and flies, and forsaken by every one, I entreated 
 some pilgrims to give me a litfle water, but in reply they only 
 abused me, as on the preceding evening ; at last, and for a shilling, 
 one of them filled my tumla from his vase : this done, he turned to his 
 
 i 
 
CiiAP. V. KISIILAK. 59 
 
 companion and said, " But Abbas the Most High has ordered us 
 never to give water to these infidels of Christians, and I fear I 
 have sinned.'' " That is true," replied the other ; " but we Persians 
 are so humane, murvet-darestini. You have sinned. Make him 
 swear to become a Mussulman, and do not give him the water till he 
 has professed the faith of Islam." Hearing this, I made an attempt 
 to seize the jug, but unluckily upset it : sufficient, however, re- 
 mained to quencli my intolerable thirst. At length Heaven took 
 pity upon my helpless state, and, a wretched peasant making a 
 pilgrimage to Meshed on foot happening to pass near me, he 
 agreed to serve me on condition that I allowed him to cook his 
 meals apart and respected his creed. I eagerly accepted his terms, 
 and, though badly attended, I was glad indeed to make so good a 
 bargain, and be relieved from the necessity of asking for assistance 
 at the hands of the fanatics my fellow-travellers. 
 
 Kishlak, May (3th — seven parasangs — ten hours, the two first 
 by a plain, the third through the defile of Sirdaree, an opening 
 across the chain of a vast spur, separated from the Elboorz, which, 
 gradually descending into the plain, runs for four or five parasangs 
 in a south-easterly direction. A salt desert about ten parasangs 
 in length separates this spur from Siah-Koh, which, notwith- 
 standing this interruption, seems to be a continuation of the same 
 range. The defile of Sirdaree presents an excellent defensive 
 position, more especially at its entrance and exit ; at the latter it 
 is only a pistol-shot in width ; but it might be easily turned, the 
 only difficulty in doing so being the want of water, which would 
 have to be carried for one day's consumption, and in going 
 direct from the district of Verameen to that of Khar, passing 
 by Eywanee-Keij. A small stream of brackish water runs the 
 whole length of the defile, in the direction of Khar. In this little 
 valley, about a quarter of a parasang in length, from eight to nine 
 hundred yards in width, and in the centre of the pass, are the ruins 
 of a caravanserai ; great quantities of salt are found in the 
 mountains on either side of it; hence the name of Kohituz : the 
 first word is the Persian for mountains, the second is Turkish, and 
 signifies salt. 
 
 All doubts may I think be set aside as to the site of the Caspian 
 Straits : in my opinion they are to be found in the pass of Sirdaree. 
 I resided near them for twelve years, during which time I made 
 numerous excursions into the surrounding country, especially 
 araonirst the mountains of Demavend and Firooz-Koh, and had 
 
GO THE CASPIAN STRAITS, Cjiap. V. 
 
 ample opportunity of carefully considering- tlie subject. Many 
 persons still consider those mountains as the real Caspian Straits. 
 By reading- xVrrian with a little attention, they might convince 
 themselves of the error into which they have fallen. Here follow 
 some explanations, which may I hope facilitate their researches. 
 It would be a mistake to take Teheran as a starting-point from 
 which to reach the straits. It is from Rhages the traveller should 
 start ; this town then extended up to the villages of Khatoon-abad 
 and Hissar-emir, a fact which is sufficiently indicated by the 
 numerous ruins. These villages are on the direct road to Bactria, 
 and their distance from Tingi-sirdaree is eight parasangs or one 
 stage. Emerging from the defile, the traveller enters the fertile 
 plain of Khar ; this is succeeded by a desert twelve parasangs in 
 length, at the extremity of which is Lasjird : about midway is a 
 hamlet called Deh-nemuck, or the Salt Village, which gives its 
 name to the desert. Let us compare this description — I can vouch 
 for its accuracy — with the words of Arrian, and see if there is not 
 complete conformity between them. 
 
 "He" (Alexander) " marched with his army against the Par- 
 thians " (this warlike nation was not established in ^lazanderan, but 
 in the plains at the foot of the mountains of this province), " and 
 encamped the first day near the Caspian Straits " (that is to say 
 the eight parasangs which separate Rhages from this pass of 
 Sirdaree), " which he entered the day after, and came into a 
 fruitful country ; and as he was resolved there to lay in forage 
 for his army, because he had heard that the inner parts of the 
 country were uncultivated and waste " (that of Deh-nemuck), " he 
 despatched Caenus with his horse and some of his foot to gather in 
 
 stores for that })urpose." And farther on Arrian says, 
 
 "Alexander, hearing this " (the news of the captivity of Darius), 
 " imagined there was now more need of expedition than ever ; 
 wherefore, taking with him only his auxiliary forces, his light 
 horse and his stoutest and best-marching troops of foot, he set out 
 without waiting for the return of Csenus Those who accom- 
 panied him carried only their arms and two days' provisions," that 
 is, the two stages of Deh-nemuck and Lasjird, at which point you 
 leave the desert. AA hy therefore seek for the Caspian Straits in 
 the mountains of Mazanderan, when they are so clearly pointed 
 out by the historian of Alexander ? Bessus did not direct his flight 
 towards Zadracarta, but towards Hecatompylos, to reach Bactria j 
 
 
CiiAi'. V. SALT-BRICKS. Gl 
 
 and when Arrlan, in addition to this, writes that Artabazes, dis- 
 approving of the crime of Bessus, retired into the mountains, he 
 clearly infers that the Persians moved through this plain. 
 
 Kishlak is a village of about one hundred houses ; the water 
 here is brackish, thermometer in the shade 39 degrees of centi- 
 grade ; thirty villages are seen from hence, forming the district 
 of Khar. The country here, as well as at Verameen, supplies 
 Teheran with grain. 
 
 Deh-nemuck, May 7th — six parasangs — eight hours — by a level 
 and easy road, except in spring and winter, when it is much cut 
 up, for the soil is a stiff clay ; half way, after heavy rains, the road 
 is sometimes impassable. The caravans are then obliged to take 
 the upper road, which skirts the foot of the mountains of Khali- 
 bar ; this is longer by one parasang, and covered with the stones 
 swept on to it by the mountain torrents, consequently difficult 
 and sometimes dangerous ; nevertheless it is preferable to the 
 lower road and its quagmires. The gorge through which the 
 river here flows is the only way by which a direct communication 
 is kept up with the district of Itch, on account of the great natural 
 difficulties in the mountains. The chief town of that district is 
 Firooz-Koh. No laden mule can cross the mountains in any 
 other direction, hence the word Khali-bar, without a load. The 
 district of Itch is in repute for its excellent pasturage ; it supplies 
 Teheran with large numbers of cattle, deer, wild boar, and goats. 
 Half way to Deh-nemuck is Aredan, a fortified village, and near 
 it are three villages on the border of the salt desert. There are 
 about one hundred and fifty houses within the enceinte of Aredan ; 
 the inhabitants collect the salt which surrounds them. The 
 ground is covered with a thick crust : this is cut into the form of 
 bricks, and sold at Teheran. In Mazanderan, Khorassan, and the 
 Tartar states, the soil, though largely impregnated with salt, is, if 
 not encrusted with a compact layer, susceptible of cultivation ; 
 there were proofs of this at Deh-nemuck. There is a large brick 
 reservoir near the caravanserai-shah there, in which the rain-water 
 is caught ; this is the only water the villagers have to drink. 
 
 Lasjird, May 8th — seven parasangs — eight hours — across the 
 desert, and gradually ascending one of the least elevated ranges 
 of the Elboorz. The soil is gravelly, and the plain in two or three 
 places traversed by deep ravines or beds of torrents, and these are 
 crossed by bridges in pretty good repair. The mountains over 
 
G2 SEMNOON. Chap. V. 
 
 which wc travelled are impregnated with salt ; at their most 
 elevated point, and at one hour from Lasjird, they are scarped, 
 and would be easily defended with a small force, but, as at the 
 pass at Sirdaree, the position might be turned. Beyond this is a 
 line table-land, in the centre of which is Lasjird, surrounded by 
 productive gardens. Between this stage and Herat a number of 
 small towers may be seen close to every village or inhabited spot, 
 they are loopholed at the top, one single hole, only large enough 
 to creep through, being left in the lower half; these towers will 
 hold eight or ten persons, and are places of refuge and defence 
 for the peasants when attacked by the Turcomans. These gentry 
 are always on horseback, but armed only with lances, and, as the 
 villagers never go out without their fire-arms, they keep these land 
 pirates in check ; they also place videttes in some larger towns 
 which crown the adjacent eminences, the watchmen in which give 
 notice of the approach of these marauders. Lasjird, and other 
 villages in the neighbourhood, have been partially fortified for the 
 same reason. There are the remains of a fortification at two 
 hundred paces from Lasjird, the walls of which are about twenty- 
 four feet in height ; it would hold a garrison of 2000 men. There 
 are a caravanserai-shah at this place, a reservoir of rain-water, and 
 a brackish stream. 
 
 jSemnoon, May 9th — five parasangs— seven hours and three 
 quarters — by a good road, a clay soil for the first half, the last 
 gravelly and strong. On the right and about midway is the 
 village of Seurktab, red water, built in a circle like Lasjird ; it 
 contains one hundred and twenty families. Semnoon is an ancient 
 town, situated on the foot of the Elboorz chain ; we were half 
 an hour traversing the ruins in its vicinity, both on entering and 
 leaving it. The Persians called Semnoon, Darab, or Darius, after 
 their ancient king. It formed part of the country of Kom or 
 Komus, which signifies in the Persian language, sand, from the 
 nature of the soil. Kom was a dependence of Tabarastan, but 
 they were both frequently united to Khorassan, especially at the 
 period when that large province had its own kings. Since the 
 Kajar dynasty ascended the Persian throne, the Komus, though 
 considered a part of Irak, has had its own governor, whose 
 jurisdiction extends beyond the little town of Damghan. 
 
 Formerly Semnoon was fortified, but the walls have fallen into 
 the ditch ; the palace, commenced in the reign of Futteh Ali Shah, 
 
Chap. V. SCENE IN A KEBAB-SIIOP. G3 
 
 is in the same condition. There are here 1100 inhabited houses, 
 bazaars, public baths, caravanserais, and a handsome mosque ; 
 avenues of trees adorn the streets, and an excellent stream of water 
 flows through them from the neighbouring mountains ; in the 
 spring these are dammed up at the north of the town, and when 
 the drought of summer sets in the country is imgated by the supply 
 from these reservoirs. Previously to their construction, in 1825, 
 the crops were not sufficient to supply the inhabitants with grain 
 for three months ; now, thanks to these wise precautions, they have 
 more than sufficient for their wants. 
 
 Semnoon appears to me to be the spot where Alexander came 
 up with and cut to pieces the rear-guard of Bessus, on the fifth day 
 after he left Rhages. Arrian's words confirm the opinion I have 
 already expressed, that the Macedonians marched through the 
 plain ; he says, " Alexander, having gathered up those whom he 
 was forced to leave behind, marched into Hyrcania (Mazanderan), 
 situated on the left hand of the way that leads to Bactria ; which 
 road is bounded on one side by a chain of mountains, high and 
 inaccessible ; but on the other is a spacious plain, extending itself 
 
 even to the great sea." And a little further on in the 
 
 same book he writes — " Alexander, having therefore passed over 
 
 the first mountains, encamped." This was, therefore, the 
 
 first time that he went into the mountains after he left Rhaofes : he 
 had till then followed the plain, which he could not have done had 
 he reached the Caspian Straits from the side of Firooz-koh ; and as 
 all the country south of the mountains of Hyrcania, through which 
 runs the road Alexander followed so far on his way to Bactria, is 
 a plain, and that it was not until after he had attacked the rear- 
 guard of Bessus that he entered the mountains, there can be no 
 doubt as to the route of the Macedonian hero ; with Arrian as a 
 guide, we can trace his march from day to day. 
 
 Our caravan encamped amongst the ruins of a caravanserai-shah 
 outside Semnoon. In the afternoon I went into the town to cret 
 something to eat ; and being a perfect stranger there, the inhabit- 
 ants could not, under my Eastern garb, suspect me of being an 
 European. I therefore entered a cookshop in a retired bazaar, 
 where I thought there was no probability of meeting any of 
 my travelling companions. Here I installed myself without 
 ceremony or uneasiness, in delightful proximity to the savoury 
 kebabs, and close to three or four native lovers of good cheer, 
 
Ci SCKNK IN A KRUAH-SHOP. Ciiap. Y. 
 
 drinking out of their cup, and accepting those civilities which 
 at a meal are never offered by a Mussulman to a Christian. Em- 
 boldened by my success, and thinking it would check any suspicion 
 that might arise, I made myself quite at home, and even rather 
 played the important ; but I had scarcely finished my kebabs when 
 I was horrified by catching sight of the chief Seid of the caravan, 
 who suddenly made his appearance in front of the shop. Seeing 
 me there, he could not control his indignation, and apostrophized 
 the Icehahji thus: "Think you, oh man, that God's blessing will 
 rest upon one whose house is open to infidels?" At these words, 
 and the sight of a descendant of the Prophet, all the kebab-eaters 
 started to their feet, turned anxiously to one another, and seemed 
 to inquire what could have brought down upon them such a rebuke. 
 Keeping my seat, and continuing to devour my food with the 
 appetite of a man who had eaten nothing for twenty-four hours, I 
 was immediately recognised as the infidel thus charitably held up 
 to public opprobrium. " Spit upon his beard !" cried one. " Be- 
 labour him with your shoe !" said another. This brought me at 
 once upon my legs ; and, seizing my stick in a manner that meant 
 fighting, I in my turn repaid their abuse with interest. I knew 
 the Persians, and their way of reasoning. If they are insulted or 
 beaten by any one they do not know, they argue thus : " If this 
 fellow illtreats me, perhaps he has the right to do so ; if he has 
 not, why his father, brother, or friend may, which is all the same ; 
 it will be more prudent to be quiet." Upon this principle they put 
 up with any abuse without remonstrance ; and frightened either at 
 my menacing attitude, or my assertion that I was a Georgian, and 
 would complain to the Russian minister at Teheran, they soon 
 decamped, and I was left face to face with the kebabji, who was 
 not long in taking his cue. 
 
 " What do these rascals want ?" said he. " What do they mean 
 by interfering with my business ? Four fellows who have spent 
 only eight shaJiis, fivepence, whereas you, sir, have expended 
 twenty-two : what have they to say ? do these vipers wish to ruin 
 me ? Let them go to the devil ! I am your very humble servant ; 
 this shop, agha, is yours, and everything in it ; do with it as you 
 will. Pray God preserve and plenteously reward you !" I knew 
 what this compliment meant in the mouth of a Persian ; and after 
 giving him a bacIcsJiish, I started back immediately to the camp. 
 
 There can be no doubt that this attack, and many of the vexa- 
 
CiiAP. V. ADVANTAGES OF ARAB DEESS. 65 
 
 tions I encountered after leaving Bagdad, were owing to the 
 humble dress I wore ; but if this was a reason for my not receiving 
 any attention or consideration, I at least escaped from the restraint 
 which an European garb would have entailed upon me ; in my Arab 
 dress I was free as air, and, if my travelling companions had not 
 been pilgrims, the journey, though without doubt personally un- 
 comfortable, and accompanied with many hardships, would have 
 been exempt from the annoyances I endured from their bigoted 
 fanaticism. I suffered no loss of dignity by the menial offices I 
 performed, which would certainly have been the case in a frock- 
 coat. I could converse freely with every one, and unrestrained by 
 etiquette ; and the last, though perhaps not the least advantage, I 
 could go to the bazaar and purchase what I required. Here the 
 wretched figure I cut was a positive benefit ; the tradesman looked 
 for small gains fi'om me, and always asked the real price for his 
 goods. It was then that I discovered how nicely I had formerly 
 been cheated by Ivan and others of his class, and subsequently 
 found the value of the experience I then gained. 
 
 To travel under the protection of a Royal firman, with a retinue 
 of servants, horses, &c., would have been no doubt more easy and 
 agreeable ; but the most observant traveller must not then expect 
 to see thoroughly into Persian character ; he cannot hope to under- 
 stand the people, their idiosyncracy, and detect the duplicity 
 veiled by their exaggerated politeness and servility. Without 
 apparently protection of any kind, far away from the great towns 
 and roads usually visited and travelled by Europeans, and thrown 
 amongst them on a footing of inferiority, I saw them in their true 
 colours, and my complete knowledge of the language enabled me 
 to comprehend and appreciate the real value of their words, their 
 opinions, and their actions, much better than if I had made my 
 inquiries through the medium of a dragoman, who very often does 
 not even take the trouble simply to translate with accuracy. Of 
 the Travels which have been written on Persia and Central Asia, 
 only two, or at the utmost three, give a true and faithful picture 
 of those countries. 
 
 Troops of beggars are to be seen at Semnoon, who live on the 
 donations they wheedle out of passing pilgrims, and some of them 
 had not at all the air of that fraternity. One of them — a great 
 fellow, decently dressed, and full of complimentary speeches, which 
 I returned — informed me that he had for some considerable time 
 
66 THE LAME DERVISH. Chap. V. ' 
 
 projected a pilgrimage to Meshed, but that the want of funds pre- 
 vented him from reahsing his intention. In making this admission, 
 the expression of his face evidently indicated a desire to treat me 
 with a flood of tears — these, however, would not come, not even a 
 dozen ; and so, rejecting at once the pathetic style, he addressed 
 me, in the most animated manner, as follows : — " Yesterday I 
 discovered in the heavens a constellation of most happy import to 
 me, and a dream last night confirmed me in this hope. The Pro- 
 phet appeared to me, and said, ' Go to-morrow to the camp of the 
 caravan, and you will there see a stranger who will give you the 
 means of visiting the tomb of the sainted Reza.' You must be the 
 stranger : give, therefore, agha, of your abundance, in the name 
 of the Prophet and this fortunate conjunction of the stars — in the 
 name of the holy Imaums and all the saints of Islam, give, I beseech 
 you !" For a long time I may say I was an emblem of modera- 
 tion and patience, calling in vain his attention to my appearance, 
 so completely the reverse of rich ; but his importunities continued 
 until human nature could stand it no longer, and I bade him 
 begone in a manner which plainly proved to him the little faith I 
 had either in astronomy or dreams. Other rascals tried the same 
 game, but with no better result. At length a lame Dervish, to 
 whom I had given a copper in the morning, again asked an alms, 
 and I offered him another shahi ; this, however, he refused, 
 declaring he would have a sahebkran or nothing, and in spite of 
 my obduracy, persisted in his insolent demands, bellowing like a 
 bull, twisting his body into a thousand contortions, and appealing 
 to the pilgrims, who were standing by with approving looks. 
 " Look," said he, "the infidel is deaf to my rights — a fellow who 
 has the misfortune not to be a Mussulman, and ought to be too 
 glad to feed the faithful." And then, seizing a stone, he pum- 
 melled his skinny chest with it till blood flowed. When I saw this, 
 I regretted that I had not saved myself this scene for the value of 
 a sahebkran ; but, disgusted with cheating and tyranny in any 
 shape, I would not appear to give in. It was evident there was a 
 combination to insult, if not to maltreat me. " Give the Dervish 
 his rights !" cried one of the foremost of the crowd ; " he holds 
 them from God, like the Shah." But my blood was up, and, 
 come what might, I determined to settle these pilgrims for good ; 
 so, rushing from my room, I said, in a firm and connnanding tone 
 — " You are a vile race ! When dying with thirst the other day, I 
 
Chap. V. THE GOVEENOE'S VEEDICT, 67 
 
 agked you for water, and you refused to give me a drop— refused 
 even to lend nie a cup, for I am in your eyes an infidel, and 
 impure ; but when it comes to smoking my kalioon after me, or 
 eating the remains of my plllau, you hold out your dirty hands to 
 me — I am no longer an infidel — my impurity vanishes. Your 
 mummery and hypocrisy don't impose upon me. Because you see 
 me badly dressed, you think that I am powerless. Don't think 
 I intend to be victimised by you : go and eat dirt, go-mikhoured. 
 I'll have your fathers' ashes burnt, and break the head of the first 
 man who comes near me — not one shahi shall your rascally 
 Dervish get." 
 
 This address cooled their ardour ; but, as my bad luck would 
 have it, who should appear on the scene but my evil genius, the 
 chief Syud of our caravan, who insisted upon a long explanation, 
 and, had not a daroga, a police officer, arrived, I do not know what 
 would have been the consequence. This official, on the look-out 
 for a bribe or a fine, gave orders for my immediate arrest ; and 
 this order would probably have been roughly executed, had I not 
 claimed the protection of Soliman Khan, the governor of the town, 
 and before him I was speedily brought, surrounded by all the tag, 
 rag, and bobtail of the place. We had been acquainted with one 
 another for years ; but he could not recognise me under my dis- 
 guise. Directly, however, I made myself known, and told him the 
 object of my journey, he received me wdth great kindness, seated 
 me by his side, and, to the great astonishment of all, sharply 
 admonished the daroga, dismissed the pilgrims from his presence, 
 and ordered his men to drive the Dervish out of the town. As to 
 the Syud, the Khan informed him that strangers were not to be 
 molested in his government, and that he should hold him respon- 
 sible for my good treatment for the future, and made me remain 
 and dine with him. From this moment I was well treated ; and, 
 though ignorant of my real history, my companions saw clearly 
 that I was not what I appeared to be. 
 
 f2 
 
G8 DAMGIIAN. Chap. VI. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Aheeiyon — Goocheli — Damghan — Description of it — Position of Hecatompylos 
 
 — Persian legend — History of the Parthians — Opinion of the Kazee of Herat — 
 Disti-ict of Konius — Decline of Damghan — Arab minarets of burnt brick — 
 Citadel — Shah Rokh — Deh-mollah — Whirlwind — Effects of it — Meiman- 
 (Joos — Attention of Soliman Khan — The merchant arrested — Persian justice 
 
 — Shah-rood — Desciiption of this town — Important place — Manufactures 
 here — Bostam — Fertility of this district — Good horses — Shah-rood and 
 Bostam coveted by Russia — Hecatompylos — The pilgrim pilferer — Scene in 
 consequence — The French botanist — Privations — Meyomeed — Tui'comans 
 
 — Miyane Dasht — Abbasabad — Georgian colony — Muzeenoou — Attacked 
 by the Turcomans — Russian and Persian slaves at Khiva — Horrible fate of 
 General Bekevitch — Atrocities of the Kliivians — Mouravieff's account of them. 
 
 Aheeiyon, May 10th — six parasangs — nine hours and a half — a 
 sandy road across a plain during the first three parasangs, the last 
 three hilly and stony ; the highest point commands several gorges, 
 and would be a good military post. The Turcomans sometimes lie 
 in wait for caravans at this spot. The country is deserted and 
 sterile. Aheeiyon is a caravanserai-shah. There is a reservoir of 
 water and a few shepherds' huts. jj 
 
 Crooclieh, May 11th — six parasangs — seven hours and a half. 1 
 The road, which is at first stony, becomes sandy, and descends jj 
 towards the plain of Damghan. There is a caravanserai-shah ; li 
 but, as at the last stage, bad black bread is the only thing to be 1: 
 had in the way of food. I 
 
 Damghan, May 12th — six parasangs — eight hours — the road j 
 tolerable — villages numerous : that of Doulet-abad is considered one ! 
 of the finest in Persia ; surrounded by a triple wall, it has within its ' 
 enceinte a palace, a mosque, baths, and large stables. In the reign 
 of Feth Ali Shah, one of his sons, and governor of the district, ' 
 resided in this fortress. There is a good stream of excellent water ' 
 here. 
 
 Judging by the extensive ruins, Damghan must originally have 
 been a place of considerable importance. European travellers who 
 have studied the ancient history of Persia are of opinion that this 
 was the site of Hecatompylos, the capital of the Parthians. With- , 
 out rejecting that opinion, I may be permitted to offer the following 
 
Chap. YI. POSITION OF IIECATOMPYLOS. 69 
 
 conjectures, the result of observations I formed upon the spot, 
 and which appear to me equally probable. As to the Persians, 
 they are never at a loss to account for the origin of ruins or 
 towns, for with their inventive faculties they make up any history 
 they likcj and fabulous indeed are their traditions. One is not 
 wanting for Damghan : — ' There was," says the legend, " a silver 
 palace, in which was held captive a beautifu'l princess ; this lady 
 was enamoured of a handsome prince, who very politely ran off 
 with and married her, and subsequently built a city round the 
 palace ; and this," says the legend, " was called Shcri-gumuch, 
 or the Silver-town." The first word is Persian, signifying town ; 
 the second Turkish, silver. 
 
 It need scarcely be remarked that there is nothing in this 
 tale which can be connected with the history of Hecatompylos.* 
 *' That town had a hundred gates." Now, in this instance, and in 
 figurative language, the expression means a town in which a great 
 many roads meet. Is that the case at Damghan ? Certainly 
 not ; for, excepting that which leads from Irak to Khorassan, and 
 that is a bridle-road, there is only one other, very difficult 
 and very little frequented, that leads • to it, viz. the road which 
 
 : descends from the mountains of Mazanderan by the gorge through 
 
 . which runs the river of Damghan. But if, on the contrary, we 
 place ourselves at the spot on which are situated Shah- rood 
 and Bostam, eleven parasangs more to the eastward, the site of 
 
 ' Hecatompylos is determined by the natural features of the 
 country. There is to be seen a large table-land enclosed between 
 the mountains, furrowed by deep gorges, from which issue on to 
 it on all sides many roads coming from the most important towns 
 
 1 of the north and south of Persia, such as Kachan, Koom, Teheran, 
 Firooz-koh, Saree, Astrabad, Goorgan, Boojoord, Koochan, 
 
 ' Meshed, Toorcheez, Toon, and Tubbus. 
 
 * Hecatompylos was one of the capi- man, or about 122 English, miles. The 
 
 j tals of the Arsacidau piinces. When writer of the excellent article on this 
 
 I Alexander the Great invaded Parthia it town in Smith's ' Geog. Diet.,' where 
 
 ! was an important town; and in the se- many authorities are collected, agrees 
 
 1 cond century had either ceased to exist, with Mr. Ferrier in thinking that Dani- 
 
 [• or changed its name. ghan is not the site of the ancient town, 
 
 [ According to Strabo (xi. p. 514), it which he thinks ought to be sought 
 
 I was 19G0 stadia (about 224 miles) from near Jah Jirm. Col. Rawlinson is of 
 
 \ the Pylœ Caspire, or Caspian Gates, and, opinion that there are strong grounds for 
 
 I as may be inferred from the passage, in supposing it to be marked by the ruins 
 
 I the direction of India, eastward; while of Kumis, which are distant 15 miles 
 
 I Ptolemy places it in the same parallel south-west from Damghan. — Smith's 
 
 I of latitude as Rhodes. Again, Pliny 'Geog. Diet,' art. 'Hecatompylos.' — 
 
 ' makes the same distance only 1.33 Ro- Ed. 
 
f 
 i 
 
 70 POSITION OF HECATOMPYLOS. Chap. VI. 
 
 It is true that there are scarcely more ruins here than at 
 Danighan, but one must not forget the perishable material with 
 which the Persians, from the earliest times, have built their 
 houses; it is only in Media and Kars that are found a few 
 edifices, constructed with hewn stone, which have defied the hand 
 of Time. To the eastward of these two provinces the royal 
 jjalaces of the Persian kings were constructed of sun-dried bricks, 
 which will scarcely stand the rain and tempests of a couple of 
 centuries. It is not, therefore, extraordinary that little remains 
 of Hecatompylos, which, after all, was, according to the writings 
 of the ancients, a vast encampment of nomadic tribes, and not a 
 large and well-built city. Ou this hypothesis, the space on which 
 the tents of the Parthians were pitched could very well extend 
 from Shah-rood and Bostam to beyond Damghan, a distance of 
 twelve parasangs. Rhages and Persepolis in ancient days, and 
 Teheran in modern times, offer examples of the same dimensions. 
 However, this has little to do with the question now under con- 
 sideration, but that which I wish to establish is that the position 
 of Hecatompylos cannot be reasonably assigned to any other spot 
 than the one now occupied by Shah-rood and Bostam, as being 
 one of the extremities of the capital of the ancient Parthians. 
 
 As to the history of that nation, it would be still more difficult 
 to determine the question. During my long residence in Persia 
 I made every effort, but unsuccessfully, to discover from whence 
 the Parthian tribes came, and what had become of them. My 
 researches in Eastern authors were also fruitless, for they make no 
 mention of them. I also frequently interrogated the Turcomans, 
 the Afghans, and Uzbeks, but without effect. The Kazee of 
 Herat, Mohamed Hassan, had a notion, which I mention, but do 
 not admit, that the word Parthians, used by the Romans to desig- 
 nate the Persians, was only a corruption of the Parses or Perses, 
 by which name they were known to the Greeks from the earliest 
 ages. 
 
 Damghan was the chief place of the district of Komus, and, as I 
 have already said, a dependence of Tabaristan, anciently forming ^ 
 part of Mazanderan.* This province belonged alternately to Media j 
 
 * Mazancleran is a province of Pei'sia, principally composed of the aznd derahht i 
 
 lying on the southern shore of the Cas- or Persian teak-tree, admirably adapted 
 
 pian Sea. It is very mountainous and for ship-building. This fact made Peter 
 
 rich, and the mountains are, with the the Great and Catharine II. so anxious 
 
 exception of those in Georgia, the only to obtain possession of Mazanderan, and 
 
 ones in Persia covered with forests, the neighbouring province of Ghilan; j 
 
Chap. VI. DECLINE OF DAMGHAN. 71 
 
 and Khorassan, and the position of Damghan, on the extreme 
 frontier of these two countries, frequently rendered it an object of 
 contention between the little tyrants amongst whom Persia was so 
 frequently divided. It is not, therefore, surprising that, after so 
 many vicissitudes, Damghan should be the shadow of what it 
 once was. Several succeeding sovereigns repaired its falling 
 edifices, and Shah Abbas the Great rebuilt the city, as well as 
 the interior enceinte now existing. This is one parasang in extent, 
 and contained 15,000 houses ; a heap of ruins here and there 
 attest the fact. 
 
 At the present time there are only about three hundred in- 
 habited houses ; large portions of cultivated land and many 
 gardens occupy much of the ground on which houses formerly 
 stood. The troubles that followed after the death of Nadir Shah 
 were the cause which led to the decline of Damghan, and it 
 received its last blow when Prince Abbas Mirza, attracted by the 
 salubrity of its air and the abundance and fertility of its soil, 
 encamped his army of 30,000 men here for three months in 1832, 
 previously to his departure for the siege of Herat. Everything 
 was devastated by the Persian troops ; with them it is all one and 
 the same thing ; friends and enemies are alike pillaged. Frag- 
 ments of a mosque in burnt brick, built by the Arabs with con- 
 siderable art and taste, still remain ; the modern Persians have 
 disfigured it by repairing its crumbling walls with mud and straw. 
 Two elegant and lofty minarets, also built by the Arabs, have 
 been respected by these ruthless destroyers, and, though a small 
 ciipola which graced the top of one of them has fallen, they are 
 very interesting specimens of Eastern architecture. 
 
 The streets of Damghan are planted on each side with the 
 jujub-tree. The citadel is on the western side ; it crowns an 
 artificial mound of earth, and commands both the city and the 
 country. The wall of the town and several forts in connexion 
 mth. it are in ruins at several points. When in a good state of 
 
 and indeed they were ceded to Peter by small island of Ashounada close to the 
 
 treaty at one moment, although he was shoreiuthe neighbourhood of Asterabad. 
 afterwards obliged to relinquish them. In fabulous times Mazanderan is said 
 
 Down to the present time the Russians to have been conquered by Roostum, 
 
 have never ceased their efforts to gain who is said to have killed there a num- 
 
 even a small pied à terre in this neigh- ber of elephants, an animal now uu- 
 
 bourhood ; and they have now sue- known in Persia. — See Malcolm's ' Hist, 
 
 ceeded in obtaining and fortifying the of Persia.' — Ed. 
 
72 DEH-MOLLAII. Chap. VI. 
 
 repair these works were quite strong enough to resist the attacks 
 of an Asiatic army. The unfortunate Shah Rokh,* grandson of 
 Nadir Shah, committed suicide in the citadel of Damglian, at the 
 age of sixty-four ; and it is said he was induced to commit this 
 act by the injuries and sufferings resulting from the horrible tor- 
 tures he was put to by Agha Mohamed Khan Kajar, to force 
 him to give up the diamonds he inherited from his grandfather. 
 
 Deh-mollah, May 13th — seven parasangs— nine hours — by a 
 level road, but of no solidity, the soil being for the most part of 
 clay. Villages are numerous on both sides. The rain came down 
 in torrents as we left Damghan, and this had been the case since 
 we quitted Teheran, Every year, from the commencement of 
 May to the end of September, the wind blows from the north- 
 west with a force that can scarcely be imagined ; at times it is 
 impossible to sit one's horse, or even stand ; it levels the tents, 
 scatters the baggage, raising up dense columns of dust which at 
 times completely obscure the atmosphere. The violence of one of 
 these whirlwinds, on leaving the town, was such that some kedgeves^ 
 a kind of close litter, in which a few women were travellinsr, 
 were blown off the mules, and five or six pilgrims fell into a kariz, 
 dry well ; these are in great numbers all along the road on this 
 stage. Fortunately this disaster caused only the death of one 
 horse and the loss of some garments, but, owing to the dust, we 
 suffered from inflamed eyes during the remainder of the journey. 
 This was so thick that the greatest confusion prevailed, the mule- 
 teers could not see two paces in front of them, and an hour elapsed 
 before the caravan was again on its march. 
 
 At two hours and a half from the town we arrived at the small 
 eminence of Meïmandoos, also called Boorj-meyoos, fortified by 
 Nadir Shah,t at the time when, merely a general under the Shah 
 
 * Malcolm, ii. 290. a conquering nation. The first ex- 
 
 t Little remained of Persia in the ploit of Nadir Shah was the conquest 
 
 feeble grasp of Shah Tamasp when, in of Meshed, and the rescue of all Eastern 
 
 the year 172(3, Nadir Shah, after a life Persia from the Afghans; the next 
 
 of vicissitudes, found himself at the was his victory at Hamadan over the 
 
 head of a band of robbers in Khorassan, Turks, and their expulsion from Azer- 
 
 at the age of about thirty-five. The bijan and the other western provinces 
 
 genius of this man alone quickly of Persia. 
 
 changed the aspect of affairs, and While he was besieging Erivan he 
 
 Persia, from being trodden under foot received the news that the Afghans 
 
 by all, became, during his lifetime, a had again invaded Persia: so he turned 
 
 formidable empire, and enjoyed once round, beat them, and took Herat and 
 
 again the glory, such as it is, of being Ferrah. He forced the Russians to 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 SOLIMAN KHAN. 
 
 73 
 
 Thamasp, he fought his first battle with the Afghans, then 
 masters of Persia, and commanded by Mir Eshrefi". These forti- 
 fications are now entirely destroyed. A little beyond the hill, 
 and in front of the village of Naim-abad, we came up to the camp 
 of Soliman Khan, whose kind intervention had been so useful to 
 me at Semnoon. Though it was past midnight, he was up, and 
 occupied in re -pitching his tents, ^ome of which had been blown 
 to ribands by the storm. His reception of me was as courteous 
 and considerate as at our first meeting, and this he proved by 
 
 abandon, by treaty, all conquests on 
 the Caspian Sea, preparatory to bis 
 attack on Turkey, and then dethroned 
 his imbecile sovereign Shah Tamasp, 
 whom he had first taken the pains 
 thoroughlj' to discredit. He failed in 
 an attack on Bagdad, but was success- 
 ful in Georgia and Armenia, taking the 
 cities of Gengah, Tiflis, Kars, and 
 Erivan, the former possessions of Persia 
 in those pai'ts. He then concluded 
 peace with the Sultan. 
 
 The veil he had hitherto used was novi^ 
 thrown aside; the infant sovereign of 
 Persia was i-eported to be dead, and 
 Nadir summoned all the notables of 
 the kingdom, to the number of 100,000, 
 to meet him in the plain of Mourgan, 
 to choose a new king. "Shah Tam- 
 asp," said he, "and Shah Abbas were 
 your kings, and the princes of the 
 blood are the heirs to the throne. 
 Choose one of them for your sovereign, 
 or some other person whom you know 
 to be great and virtuous. It is enough 
 for me that I have restored the throne 
 to its glory, and delivered my country 
 from the Afghans, Tuiks, and Rus- 
 sians." He tlien retired, that their de- 
 liberations might seem free, and was 
 soon recalled to hear their imanimous 
 request, that he who had saved the 
 country would accept the throne. He 
 refused this offer, solemnly protesting 
 that the idea of ascending it had never 
 entered iutu his imagination. The same 
 scene was acted every day for a month, 
 until Nadir, apparently subdued by their 
 solicitations, agi'eedto comply with their 
 wishes ; but, in return for what he 
 called such a sacrifice, he required his 
 countrymen to abandon their national 
 religion, and become of the Sooni in- 
 stead of the Shiah sect of Musselmen. 
 They consented, and he was crowned 
 
 with splendour. He now immediately 
 devoted himself to immense military 
 preparations to carry out the vast 
 schemes of conquest which he had 
 formed. He first subdued the Bakh- 
 tiyari and put Teheran in safety ; he then 
 marched 80,000 men and took Cau- 
 dahar and Cabul ; sending kind and 
 flattering letters to the Tatar chiefs 
 beyond the Oxus, whose country he 
 did not want, telling them that he would 
 never invade the rightful inheritance 
 of the descendants of Gengis Khan 
 and the high Turcoman families. He 
 thus secured his rear; and affecting 
 indignation and necessity, advanced 
 to the attack of India, because the 
 emperor of Delhi had not answered hia 
 letter requiring the reddition of certain 
 Afghan chiefs. In a rapid and suc- 
 cessful march he passed through La- 
 hore, beat the Emperor Mahomed Shall, 
 and entered Delhi in 1739. The inhabit- 
 ants were respected, till, on a report of 
 his death, they rose upon his troops. 
 He then at last gave orders for a gene- 
 ral massacre. While it raged, Nadir 
 sat alone and gloomy in a mosque, 
 where Mohammed Shah found him, 
 and entreated him to spare his jjcople. 
 "The emperor of India should never 
 sue in vain," replied Nadir, who gave 
 orders for the carnage to cease; so 
 great was his discipline and power over 
 his troops, that he was immediately 
 obeyed. After restoiiug the emperor 
 to his throne, he returned to Persia, 
 conqueriug on the way Scinde, Balkh, 
 Bokhara, and Khaurism or Khiva. 
 Meshed was his new capital, whence he 
 )nade expeditions against the Lesghins 
 and Turks: becoming gloomy and cruel 
 during the last six years of his life, 
 he was murdered in I?-!?. — Malcolm's 
 ' Persia,' vol. ii. — Eu, 
 
74 TERSIAN JUSTICE. Chap. VI. 
 
 asking me to a repast which he had prepared expressly for me 
 before ray arrival. Having taken tea with him, I rejoined in 
 haste the caravan, and at break of day we reached Deh-mollah, a 
 village of two hundred and fifty houses, surrounded by highly- 
 cultivated grounds and gardens irrigated by a brackish stream. 
 This was not drinkable, and we were therefore obliged to push on 
 to the caravanserai-shah, about a mile in advance of Deh-mollah, 
 where there is an excellent stream of water. Like many others 
 in Persia, this caravanserai was loopholed, and capable of being 
 defended against any sudden attack, for there is no possibility of 
 forcing an entrance except by the door, and this is generally made 
 of thick hard wood, covered with nails and clamped with iron. 
 Many of these resting-places are indeed almost fortresses, and 
 unless supplies failed, or artillery was brought up, a garrison of 
 thirty determined men would be able to hold out against a large 
 force. . In the small mountain-range, one parasang south of l^eh- 
 mollah, are mines of gold and copper. 
 
 We had scarcely been an hour at this place when an official 
 arrived with a royal firman, or order, to arrest one of our party 
 and conduct him to Teheran. I felt myself change colour at this 
 announcement, for I felt as if I was the person of whom the mes- 
 senger was in search ; but this was not so ; the officer was in 
 quest of a merchant accused of having left the capital without 
 settling with his creditors. Meshed, to which he was going, is a 
 sanctuary open and inviolable even to the greatest criminals, for 
 within its precincts is the tomb of the holy Imaum Reza, and 
 pursuit had been made in the hope of seizing the merchant before he 
 could reach that city. As the unfortunate man was in our caravan, 
 I hurried off to the camp of my acquaintance Soliman Khan, to 
 whom he clearly showed he was the victim of an intrigue. This 
 functionary, however, dared not oppose the orders of the Shah^ 
 but all that lay in his power he would do, and this consisted in his 
 accepting a present from the unhappy merchant of one hundred 
 tomauns (about 50/.), which he paid him down in hard cash on 
 the spot, for permission to let his wife and son continue their 
 journey, while he was taken back, as rapidly as post-horses would 
 carry him, to Teheran. On my return to the capital, some months 
 after, I made inquiries, and found that the merchant was an honest 
 fellow, and did not owe a single sliahi to any one — he was well 
 known at Teheran, and his intention to leave also. Some false 
 
Chap. VI. SHAH-ROOD— BOSTAM. 75 
 
 bills of exchange were produced by one of his enemies after he 
 had left, and upon these he was arrested and brought back to the 
 capital, where he had to spend some money before he established 
 his innocence ; for in Persia right generally belongs to him who 
 has the longest purse. The words justice and equity are always 
 in every man's mouth, but in reality signify nothing. The clergy, 
 who are the judges in matters of religion, are as venal as the 
 functionaries who execute the civil law. False swearing and evi- 
 dence and false documents are common ; they are admitted if the 
 party in whose favour they are advanced can or will pay the judge 
 a larger sum than his adversary ; but should such testimony be 
 refused, nothing results, — perjury is not a crime in Persia. 
 
 Shah-rood, May 14th — four parasangs — five hours — by a level 
 road, sandy and stony at intervals, and skirting on our left the 
 mountains that separated us from Mazanderan, Villages were to 
 be seen on our right, and a herd of deer that scampered off at our 
 approach. Shah-rood contains about nine hundred houses, an 
 ill-constructed citadel, bazaars with thatched roofs, two or three 
 caravanserais, and baths. The soil in the neighbourhood of the 
 town is well irrigated by a small river of excellent water, and, as 
 ■well as an immense breadth of garden-ground, is well cultivated. 
 This town, being situated half-way on the road between Teheran and 
 Meshed, and the point at which all those of Mazanderan and Upper 
 Khorassan meet, is a place of great commercial and strategical 
 importance. It has been for some years the entrepôt for every kind 
 of merchandise, and especially for the rice of Mazanderan. The 
 manufacture of boots and shoes is the most celebrated in Persia, 
 not only for the elegance of the workmanship, but the quality of 
 the leather. The population is a mixture of the natives of Mazan- 
 deran, Khorassan, and Turkistan, but the latter are the most 
 numerous. The climate is temperate and healthy. 
 
 Bostam, situated about a parasang more to the north, is re- 
 nowned for the great fertility of its soil, delicious air, beautiful 
 streams of water, and excellent horses. It is here we begin to 
 meet with the breeders of that race of Turcoman horses so much 
 esteemed by the Persians. The cotton goods of this locality are 
 also held in great repute. Bostam is the chief place of the district 
 commencing at Deh-mollah and terminating at Abbas-abad. 
 Thirty-eight villages, all rich and fertile, are within its limits. 
 
7G SHAH-ROOD— BOSTAM. Chap. VI. 
 
 Formerly this district was tlie last dependency of the Little 
 Komus towards the east. If the Russians ever take Mazanderan, 
 which is very probable — for they have, in the first place, coveted 
 it for a long time ; and in the second, because no one can prevent 
 them — Shah-rood and Bostam will be most important positions 
 for them ; and when fortified, will form a tête-du-pont against the 
 Persians. The governor of Bostam is a namesake of Soliman 
 Khan's. Every caravanserai and halting-place between Damghan 
 and Shah-rood is infested with a species of bug, called sheb-gez, 
 the bite of which, if it does not kill, causes a severe illness.* 
 
 When I described Damghan I gave my reasons for thinking 
 that Shah-rood must be, if not the centre, at least one of the 
 extremities of the city of Hecatompylos, and a careful examination 
 of the neighbourhood confirmed me more and more in this opinion. 
 It was here that the principal road from Hyrcania debouched, and 
 this was probably the one followed by Alexander when he left the 
 country of the Parthians, and marched to Zadracarta. It would 
 be diflRcult to assign any other, for one or two roads, situated on 
 this side Shah-rood, leading from the plain of Mazanderan, are 
 almost impassable in the present day ; and as in the time of 
 Alexander the principal mountain-range was covered with thick 
 forests, now arid and naked, these roads must then have been still 
 less so. 
 
 But to return from these historical investigations to my per- 
 sonal narrative - not a very agreeable subject — I can say, and 
 with truth, that during the whole of my long residence in the 
 East I never travelled with such an insupportable set of compa- 
 nions as those with whom I journeyed between Teheran and 
 Meshed — they were downright Anthropophagi. After leaving Sem- 
 noon I was treated with respect, for they feared Soliman Khan ; 
 but directly we were out of his government they again showed a 
 disposition to molest me ; and a scene which occurred on the road 
 this day confirmed me in that opinion. In the afternoon I heard 
 a great clamouring of voices in the distance, which made me for a 
 moment think of the Turcomans, but in a few minutes the brawlers 
 
 * The extraoriliuarily venomous bite 'Modern Traveller,' Persia — note 
 of this animal is well known, and has Meani, by Dr. Campbell, 
 been i-emarked by many travellers. See 
 
CiiAP. YL PRIVATIONS. 77 
 
 approached my encampment, and I found myself surrounded and 
 insolently inteiTOgated by a crowd of the pilgrims, at the head of 
 whom was the chief Syud. " See," said this worthy descendant of 
 the Prophet, dragging a drunken fellow to the front, " see the 
 effects of your infidel habits ; the Koran forbids the use of fer- 
 mented liquors at all times, and you give a bottle of brandy to a 
 Mussulman pilgrim. Shame upon you ! are we to eat your 
 dirt?" 
 
 " I admit, Syud,'' I replied, " that I drink brandy, but my 
 religion does not forbid it ; and I cannot acknowledge your right 
 to prevent me from doing so, any more than we Christians have a 
 right to interfere with you for having several wives. Every faith 
 has its fasts and festivals ; keep your own and leave me mine. It 
 is true that I have some brandy in my trunk, but I have never 
 given any to this drunkard ; and to prove this I will show you the 
 bottle." — We instantly looked, but no brandy was there ; the 
 fellow had stolen it and several other things in the trunk besides. 
 The Syud, seeing this, believed, and, applying the stick to the 
 rascal's back, he confessed the crime. The blows were now re- 
 doubled, and I was not inclined to interfere in mitigation of 
 punishment, nor were they, though he entreated by the Prophet, by 
 the bowels of Omar, to be released. This rascal, Ali Mohamed, 
 of Shiraz, was one of those who had shown the greatest hostility 
 towards me since leaving Teheran. 
 
 The many persecutions and sufferings I met with on this 
 journey reminded me of those experienced by Monsieur Aucher 
 Eloi, one of my countrymen, for the space of two years — they ill- 
 treated him in every possible way, not so much because he was 
 an infidel as because he was a botanist. When the Persians see 
 an European scrambling up a mountain-side in search of some 
 diminutive plant they believe this to be a mere excuse ; his real 
 object, they say, is to have an interview with the devil at the top, 
 who points out those which will enable him to discover the phi- 
 losopher's stone, by which they suppose all Europeans obtain 
 their riches. They considered Monsieur Aucher a being who 
 associated with demons, and consequently a fit and proper object 
 to be tormented. 
 
 But it is not only the fanaticism of the people that renders tra- 
 velling in Asia disagreeable, the hardships arising from bad roads, 
 broken-down horses, bad water, food, and shelter, and the fear of 
 
78 MEYOMEED, Chap, VI. 
 
 being robbed, as well as other physical wants, arc to be added : 
 these aug-nieut in iiumber as the wanderer approaches central Asia 
 and recedes from the great roads traversed by Europeans. In 
 Turkey in Asia and in the west of Persia the resources may 
 be considered as being excellent and on a scale of compara- 
 tive comfort, and there is perfect security from molestation ; 
 but in some parts of Khorassan, and to the eastward of this pro- 
 vince, one is sometimes taught lessons of frugality which almost 
 amount to extremity ; and I have endured privations in these 
 countries which, though a soldier's life had inured me to some, 
 were enough to shake the strongest constitution. I felt, neverthe- 
 less, a certain degree of pleasure in this kind of life : the freedom 
 of action purchased by such dangers and privations is of an excit- 
 ing character, and ennobles a man ; the mind is more vigorous than 
 usual ; he thinks more rapidly and more justly in the midst of these 
 deserts, and the traveller is soon accustomed to look misery and 
 misfortunes in the ftice when they are shared with equanimity by 
 every one around him. 
 
 As the stage fi-om Shah-rood was ten parasangs, we travelled 
 two in three hours the same evening. After the first we passed 
 on our left the large village of Budusht, and, then turning east, 
 encamped for an hour near the ruins of another large village. 
 Here there was a small stream and a few shepherds, and while the 
 mules were eating their barley, one of the violent storms of wind 
 and rain, so common in these countries, broke over us. 
 
 Meyomeed, May 15th — ten parasangs — fourteen hours — by a level 
 and sandy road across a desert ; half way is a reservoir of water ; 
 the caravanserai- shah in front of it is in ruins. One parasang 
 beyond the reservoir, and on a slight eminence, amongst some 
 hills, is a small fortress recently constructed ; in this, besides 
 a few peasants sent here by the Prime Minister to cultivate 
 the land in its immediate neighbourhood, four artillerymen are 
 quartered with their field-pieces. This fort was built to protect 
 the country against the depredations of the Yamoods, Turcomans, 
 and Goklans, who infest the road between Shah-rood and Nisha- 
 poor. These rascals not only attack and plunder the caravans, 
 but even the villages, sometimes destroying them utterly, and 
 carrying off the inhabitants to the desert, where they sell them to 
 the Uzbeks of Khiva or Bokhara. Meyomeed is a village of three 
 hundred houses, which, with their gardens, extend along the banks 
 
Chap. Y I. MIYANE-DASHT— ABBAS ABAD. 79 
 
 of a brook for about half a parasang ; the water is tolerable, and 
 there is a good caravanserai-shah, but iu the summer, travellers 
 prefer halting under the trees in the public square. This village is 
 situated at the foot of a pointed and precipitous rock, which the 
 inhabitants have never ascended, believing it to be the abode of 
 evil genii. 
 
 3Iit/ane-Dasht, also called Ferrasli-abad, May 16th — six para- 
 sangs — seven hours and a half — the first part across a range of 
 stony hills stretching from the peak of Miyane ; the last part 
 over a sandy plain. The ground, for three parasangs, was 
 irregular and much cut up, with now and then some brushwood 
 and brambles, a capital cover for the Turcomans, who sometimes 
 lie in ambush here ; we therefore closed our ranks ready for an 
 attack, but arrived without any casualty at the next halt, near a 
 caravanserai-shah, which had been transformed into a barrack 
 and arsenal for some artillerymen and a few pieces of cannon. 
 Miyane-Dasht is a hamlet of twenty-three houses, newly built, 
 and inhabited. The village is surrounded by a wall and dry ditch 
 on three sides, the fourth being connected with the caravanserai ; 
 the water is in small quantity and bad, there is no cultivation ; the 
 two or three gardens which the inhabitants have are at the foot of 
 some mountains in the distance, where there is a small stream ; it 
 takes two hours to reach them. These gardens are not suflftcient 
 to supply the wants of these few families, who purchase their 
 barley and straw elsewhere, and resell them at a large profit. 
 
 Abbasabad, May 17th — five parasangs — six hours and a half — 
 the first parasang through a plain, the remainder by a sandy 
 road winding through some low hills. As the locality was said 
 to be dangerous, we were off early, lighted by the moon till 
 sunrise. When a Persian sets out upon a journey he says, " God 
 is merciful ;" and if he is taken prisoner by a Turcoman he 
 exclaims, "It was my fate." But this time the pilgrims got off 
 with the fright, and we arrived in safety at Abbasabad. 
 
 This village stands on an eminence, and consists of forty-five 
 houses suiTounded by a mud wall. We found the inhabitants in 
 a state of consternation, for the Turcomans had attacked them on 
 the previous evening, and carried oft' two men and six women. 
 Shah Abbas the Great, anxious to make the road to Meshed safe, 
 and have the country near it cultivated, built at every five 
 parasangs a caravanserai-shah, or a village, in which he settled 
 
80 MUZEENOON. Chap. VI. 1 
 
 one hundred and forty-three families accustomed to the military 
 service : there are now only thirty-two. Abbasabad was one of 
 these villages. 
 
 The inhabitants were originally Georgians and Christians, but, 
 with few exceptions, became subsequently Mahomedans, and only 
 eio-ht or ten preserve their ancient faith : as they have constantly 
 intermarried, they still retain the Georgian type. They pay no 
 taxes, and the Shah continues to allow them annually a hundred 
 tomauns, which Shah Abbas granted to them in perpetuity. 
 Travellers are obliged to pay for everything they may provide, 
 even though furnished with a firman. But they are, nevertheless, 
 in a miserable plight, and refrain from improving their condition, 
 because they are afraid of being taxed to such an extent as to 
 neutralise any benefits that might arise from their exertions ; and 
 though they could bring their land into cultivation by turning a 
 good stream, they prefer living from hand to mouth, and buying 
 their provisions at Shah-rood or Subzavar, and selling them at a large 
 profit to the passing caravans. Another village of Georgians was 
 founded by Shah Abbas, an hour's distance north-east, but the 
 inhabitants have been all carried into slavery by the Turcomans. 
 
 Muzeenoon, May 18th — seven parasangs — eight hours and a 
 half — by a level sandy road, but much impregnated with salt. We 
 were aware, by the account of the attack on the last village, that 
 the Turcomans were on the road, but, most of us being armed 
 with muskets, and they only with lances and bows and arrows, and 
 our numbers being much the same, we left at sunrise, pretty con- 
 fident in our strength. Feeling our way, we, after about an 
 hour's march, discovered them lying in wait for the caravan at a 
 place called Sertsheshnie, a spring ; and before they had time to 
 advance, we sent them a volley, to which they replied by a flight 
 of arrows that fell short, falling back upon Pul-Ebrishim, 
 where thirty more of their party were posted. Here, thinking 
 to frighten us, they raised a loud shout; and a few of them 
 seeming disposed to move upon our flank, we gave them another 
 volley, which did not do much mischief, the distance being too 
 great ; we managed however to kill one horse, and his rider, who 
 fell with him, rising from the ground, pointed to the least honourable 
 part of his person, and then, jumping lightly up behind one of 
 his comrades, they all, to our great satisfaction, disappeared in the 
 twinkling of an eye. 
 
CiiAP. YT. ATROCITIES OP THE Kill VIA NS. 81 
 
 These Turcomans are, and with reason, a great terror to 
 travellers and the inhabitants of villages liable to their incursions, 
 for, if armed with similar weapons only, the Persians always take 
 to their heels. This want of courage is partly explained by their 
 apprehension of the fate that awaits them if they are taken 
 prisoners by these barbarians, who sell them to the Uzbeks, a race 
 as cruel as themselves. 
 
 An European who visited Khiva in 1819 has given us some 
 dreadful details regarding the treatment of the Russian and 
 Persian slaves he saw in that khanat, to the amazing number of 
 30,000 : some of them who would not embrace Islamism were 
 buried alive, the Khivians declaring that they put them to death 
 in this horrible manner because it was not fit that the earth 
 should be sullied with their impure and infidel blood. I believe 
 there never has been a greater example of atrocity committed 
 by any nation than that which put an end to the life of the 
 Russian General Bekevitch, made prisoner by the Uzbeks in an 
 expedition sent against Khiva in 1717 : he was flayed alive from 
 the knees upwards. These wretches thought a speedy death too 
 good for their victims, and always invented the most refined and 
 lingering tortures to accomplish their diabolical purpose. The 
 following- is the account given of the fate of these unfortunate 
 men by General Mouraviev * after he returned from his dangerous 
 embassy to the court of Khiva : — 
 
 " The captives, who are under the absolute control of their 
 owner, have to endure every torture that he can invent : they do 
 not always kill them when they are in fault, but gratify their 
 revenge by cutting off their ears, putting out an eye, or stab them 
 with their knives in a part which is not mortal. This considera- 
 tion for their lives is owing merely to the fear of losing a slave 
 as a matter of property ; the torture inflicted, the master sends him 
 again to his work, scarcely giving the man time to dress his 
 wounds ; the excessive labour under which they too often sink is 
 almost worse than death. 
 
 ^" These punishments are generally inflicted if a slave attempts 
 to abscond ; at the second attempt he is nailed by the ear to the 
 street-door of his master's house, and remains in this state for 
 
 _ * The conqueror of Kars, who pub- Khiva in 1819-20. 1 vol. 8vo, Paris, 
 lished an account of his embassy to 18'23. 
 
 G 
 
82 ATROCITIES OF THE KHWIANS. Chap. VI. 
 
 three days, exposed to the insults of the passers-by, and without 
 food ; the wretched man, already emaciated and feeble, frequently 
 dies on the spot of cold and hunger. To escape is almost an 
 impossibility, for Khiva is surrounded by vast steppes, on which 
 water is exceedingly scarce, and the fugitive would certainly 
 perish. It is by no means a rare thing for a slave to destroy 
 himself, to escape from his dreadful sufferings." 
 
Chap. VIT. TURCOMAN PREPARATIONS FOR A FORAY. 83 
 
 CHAPTER Vn. 
 
 Turcoman preparations for a foray — Mode of training their horses — • Singular 
 kind of forage — ■ Foi'ced marches — Arrangements before attacking a caravan — 
 Wretched fate of the prisoners — Turcoman cruelty — Reprisals — Turcoman 
 mode of fighting — Monsieur Ferrier's opinion of the Turcoman as a soldier — • 
 The comical consequences of a defeat — ■ Honour amongst thieves — Geographical 
 position of the Turcomans — The Khirgah — ■ The three principal tribes — 
 Their origin and similarity to the Uzbeks — Mental and physical characteristics 
 of the Turcomans — The women, and their value as wives — A Turcoman 
 excuse for kidnapping the Pei'sians — Turcoman religion — • The way to r*"^ ice 
 these hordes — Mode adopted by Shah Abbas ■ — Simple fare of these ^^.-loes — 
 Their treatment of horses — • The steppes of Turcomania — The breed of 
 horses — Introduction of Arab blood by Tamerlane and Nadir Shah — • Breed of 
 the Hazarahs and Uzbeks — Extraordinary journeys performed by the Turco- 
 man horses — The price of them in the steppes — Cavalry horses in France — • 
 Bad system of breeding there — The veterinary art in Turcomania — Diseases 
 of horses. 
 
 The majority of the thirty thousand unfortunate creatures who 
 were in the khanat of Khiva in Mouraviev's time had been sold 
 into slavery by the Turcomans, and I shall in this chapter give 
 a brief history of these accomplished man-stealers, with some ac- 
 count of the manner in which, by the agency of their admirable 
 horses, they are enabled to carry on their inhuman traffic. The 
 rapidity with which the Turcomans accomplish great distances on 
 their pillaging excursions is really inconceivable. The following 
 is the manner in which they prepare for them : — when a chief is 
 determined upon making a foray, he plants his lance, surmounted 
 by his colours, into the ground in front of his tent, and a crier 
 invites all good Mussulmans, in the name of his Prophet, to range 
 themselves under his banner, and join in the raid upon the Persian 
 infidels. His wishes however are no law to any of the tribe, for 
 the Turcoman enjoys the most perfect liberty, and those only who 
 have confidence in their chief ride up and strike their lances into 
 i the ground near his, the signal that the volunteer has decided to 
 follow his fortunes. When the chief thinks that he has assembled a 
 I sufficient number of men to insure the success of the expedition, he 
 ! names that day n.ontli as the day of departure, this time being 
 
84 MODK OF THAIXIXd 'I'llKIll IIOllSP^S. Chap. A'll. 
 
 required for each man to get his horse into that high state of con- 
 dition witiiout which he could not support the extraordinary 
 fatigue and hardships he has to undergo. 
 
 During this month the forage of a horse for twenty-four hours 
 consists of six povmds of Viay or clover-hay and about three pounds 
 of barley, or one half the ordinary quantity of corn. This reduces 
 the animal considerably in flesh, which is the object in view, the 
 first step in his training ; his pace improves under it, and he is thus 
 prepared for the strengthening and somewhat singular food which 
 he is subsequently to have. 
 
 The horse is then put to his full speed for half an hour every day, 
 and is not fed until some considerable time after he comes in : 
 very little water is given him, and if he is eager to drink it is a sign 
 that he ought to fast a little longer ; but this training never exceeds ' 
 a month. The thirty days having elapsed, the Turcomans take ^ 
 the field, each of them with two horses ; the one, the charger, which 
 has been trained in the manner described ; the other, a yahoo, or 
 inferior animal used for burden, which the Turcoman mounts on | 
 leaving his aoid, encampment, and which carries him to the Persian 
 territory ; the other follows him without saddle or bridle, and never ' 
 strays from the party, for both have been accustomed to follow 
 their master like dogs from the time they were foals. The first ! 
 day's march seldom exceeds three parasangs ; the second, four ; the \ 
 third, five ; and the fourth, six. When they arrive at this point 
 the Turcomans change the forage of the charger, and substitute 
 four pounds and a quarter of barley-flour, two pounds of maize- i 
 flour, and two pounds of raw sheep's-tail fat chopped very fine, all : 
 well mixed and kneaded together : this is one day's ration, without i 
 either straw or hay. 'Jlie horses are very fond of this food, which * 
 is given them in balls, and puts them in tiptop condition, and after \ 
 having been fed in this manner for four days the animal is capable 
 of supporting the longest forced marches. Then, and not till then, ■ 
 their masters mount them, and prepare for the work of pillage. 
 
 Previously to this, however, they look out for some hiding-place 
 fortified by Nature, which will furnish them with a secure retreat ' 
 under adverse eventualities. While they are quietly resting them- ' 
 selves and their horses here, three or four are detached from the ' 
 band to ascertain, if possible, whether any caravans are likely to 
 pass. Sometimes these scouts will join the Imfila in the guise of 
 inoflfensive travellers, and as they go along take very good care 
 
Chap. Yll. TURCOMAN FORAYS. 85 
 
 to find out the nature and value of the merchandize, the num- 
 ber of armed men, &c., and then suddenly disappear and convey 
 this information to their companions. Though the Turcomans do 
 not run much risk in such reconnaissances, they prefer, for prudence 
 sake, to obtain tliis information from Persians living in the frontier 
 villages, with whom they are frequently in communication, and pay 
 accordingly — these vagabonds, who, without an idea of pity, thus 
 deliver up their unfortunate countrymen to these bandits, explore 
 the roads and give intelligence, which is generally but too accurate. 
 During the time thus occupied in reconnoitring, the main body of 
 the Turcomans that remain concealed are not inactive ; the majority 
 scour the immediate neighbourhood in small parties of five or six, 
 and, as their numbers do not attract attention, they frequently 
 manage to carry ofl^ some of the peasants working in the fields : 
 this is the ordinary prelude to operations on a large scale. In the 
 evening they rejoin their friends to hear the news from their scouts, 
 and deliberate upon their plans for the morrow. 
 
 AVhen the attack is at length decided upon, half a dozen men 
 are selected by the chief to remain with the provisions and yahoos ; 
 the rest, mounted on their best horses, gallop quickly to the 
 appointed spot, whether village or caravan, on either of which they 
 fall like a whirlwind, and, like it, devastate and finally sweep up 
 and carry off everything, including men, women, and children, 
 that comes in their way ; in a few minutes all is over. Incendiarism 
 is not unfrequently their last act : and, leaving the flames and 
 smoke to tell the tale of desolation to the distant villages, they 
 fly with their booty, and gain the spot where they left their horses, 
 putting from thirty to forty parasangs behind them without 
 drawing bit ; and in an incredibly short space of time reach their 
 encampment. Their horses, accustomed to these long and rapid 
 journeys, accomplish them without knocking up ; but this is not the 
 case with the unhappy persons who have been kidnapped : these, 
 if few in number, are generally taken up behind their captors, or, 
 if more numerous, they tie them on the horses they have stolen, and 
 drive them before them until the animals drop with fatigue. The 
 unhappy prisoners they carried are then attached by a long cord 
 to the saddle-bow of their brutal tormentors, who drag them along, 
 sometimes walking, sometimes running, according to the pace at 
 which their own horses are going at the time. Woe to them who 
 slacken their pace ! for directly any show symptoms of fatigue, 
 
86 EEPRISALS. Chap. VIT. 
 
 tlic head of the Turcoman's lance pricks and forces them on to 
 fnrtlier exertion : and should nature give way entirely, and they 
 fall, they are killed without remorse. Of one hundred Persians 
 thus carried off and obliged to march with their cj-.ptors, scarcely a 
 third reach Turkistan, or, at any rate, the spot from whence the 
 party set out on their villanous expedition. A Turcoman's sen- 
 sibility is never awakened to suffering, no matter how terrible — 
 the sentiment of pity is unknown to them ; a Persian is in their 
 eyes simply a mercantile and marketable commodity, and not 
 worth taking care of after it has been injured — they are merciless 
 by habit and by calculation. A prisoner who could make his 
 escape would never forget the treatment he had received at their 
 hands, and would certainly take his revenge by giving information 
 at the first military post he came to. In killing his captive, there- 
 fore, a Turcoman looks upon the act as one of proper foresight and 
 a necessary precaution ; in their aouls they give their prisoners 
 the smallest possible quantity of food — ^just enough, in short, to 
 keep life and soul together, so that they may never be strong 
 enough to entertain a hope of effecting their escape. 
 
 In consequence of the mutual understanding which exists be- 
 tween the Turcomans and the Kurdish chiefs employed by the 
 Persian government to guard the frontier, the former are rarely 
 interfered with in their expeditions. It sometimes happens, how- 
 ever, that the inhabitants of the border villages, who are the most 
 liable to be attacked, and have also their own spies, receive intel- 
 ligence of their enemies' movements, and, assembling in arms, 
 lie in wait for them as they pass through some defile or other 
 difficult ground, and exterminate the whole band without pity ; but 
 these reprisals are unfortunately of rare occurrence, and will never 
 be more numerous until they are loyally seconded by the regular 
 troops. 
 
 In spite of the impudent manner in which the Turcomans thus 
 enter the Persian territory, sometimes to a distance of from sixty 
 to eighty parasangs, it should be remembered that they contrive to 
 do this by gliding between the villages at night and unperceived. 
 The stealthy and sudden nature of their attack is the reason of their 
 success ; this is, no doubt, a very useful military quality, but after 
 having seen them fight it is impossible to have any high opinion of 
 their courage. They will expose themselves to unseen dangers for 
 the chance of taking their enemy unawares, but let them meet their 
 
Chap. VU. CONSEQUENCES OF A DEFEAT. 87 
 
 enemy face to face, let their adversaries send a volley about their 
 ears, they will not stand a minute. They never fall upon a caravan 
 unless they are superior in numbers and the travellers appear dis- 
 inclined to fight ; but immediately there is the least appearance 
 of resistance, they rarely attack in earnest : on such occasions 
 they are right careful of their skins, hanging, though at a respect- 
 able distance, on their flanks, to cut off the stragglers or some 
 portion of the baggage ; but directly there is a chance of their 
 losing any men they soon make off The Turcomans are the best 
 mounted robbers in the world, but will never make good soldiers ; 
 nevertheless there are Turcoman chiefs who have some regard for 
 their reputation, and are ashamed to return empty-handed to 
 their aouls, and expose themselves to the jeers of the old men and 
 the reproaches of their wives. The latter on such occasions present 
 them with their petticoats as a mark of contempt, and, disgusted 
 with their want of success, worry and endeavour to make them 
 start again ; but the Turcoman ladies, as in more civilized countries, 
 do not always carry their point, and succeed in making them- 
 selves obeyed. Under any circumstances nothing will induce a 
 Turcoman to attack more than three times ; he then retires to 
 his encampment, completely convinced that Providence declares 
 against him. Should a family lose one of its members in the first 
 or second attempt, they are not obliged to furnish another man, 
 nevertheless they preserve all their rights and participate in 
 the booty ; this is sold to the Uzbeks, who visit the encampments 
 two or three times a year. These speculators pay of course with 
 ready money or articles in barter. A boy about ten years of age 
 will fetch about forty tomauns ; a man of thirty, twenty-five ; and 
 of forty, twenty, &c. &c. 
 
 The Turcomans inhabit the countries which lie between the 
 eastern shore of the Caspian and the river Moorghab ; this is the 
 extreme length of their territory. There are some encampments of 
 them beyond this river, but they are very few in number. In 
 breadth they may be said to occupy the country from the line formed 
 by the Goorghan and the prolongation of the Elboorz chain (north 
 of Boojoord, Deregez, Koochan, and Meshed) up to the deserts 
 of Khiva and Bokhara, and they are sure to be met with where the 
 soil is fertile and well watered. A tribe or two here and there may 
 also be seen on the banks of the Oxus. It is a rare occurrence to 
 find them living iii villages ; when this happens they have been 
 

 88 THREE PRINCIPAL TRIBES OF TURCOMANS. Chap. Vll. 
 
 forced to do so by the sovereign who has subdued them. 
 These people have been accustomed, from the most remote 
 ages, to dwell in tents, which enables them to wander about with 
 their flocks with greater facility. This mode of life is also a tneans 
 of escaping from the Persian dominion, of which they have always 
 been, and to this day remain, the most determined enemies. 
 
 The wants of a Turcoman are few in number, — a tent, called 
 a hhirgah, shelters the whole family, and this is of a superior 
 manufacture to anything of the kind made by the nomadic tribes of 
 Persia. They can make these khirgahs warmer than the best-built 
 houses — a matter of some consequence to them, seeing how severe 
 the winters are in the country they inhabit. The khirgah is 
 conical in form, the frame-work being made of laths of hard wood 
 interlaced one with the other, which can be opened or folded up at 
 pleasure, according as they wish to camp or decamp ; a camel, or 
 at most two, is able to carry this tent. Thick felts are stretched 
 either entirely or partially across this frame-work, according as the 
 Turcoman may wish to avoid the burning rays of the sun or protect 
 himself from the rain or cold : they are very commodious, and of 
 all sizes, and a high price is given for them by some of the Persian 
 nobles. The Turcomans, whose principal occupation consists in 
 making cliap-aouls, raids, upon the Persians, belong to the three 
 following tribes : — 
 
 1. The Yamoods, settled beyond the river Attrak, near the 
 shores of the Caspian Sea, and between this and Khiva, consisting 
 of 25,000 tents or families. 
 
 2. The Goklans, on the banks of the Goorghan and the At- 
 trak, consisting of 12,000 families. 
 
 3. The Tekies, who are separated from the Kurds by a chain 
 of mountains which extend from the sources of the Goorsrhan and 
 the Attrak near Sharaks, consisting of 35,000 families. 
 
 These three tribes have become intimately united from having 
 been a long time near neighbours ; many family alliances also have 
 taken place between them, and they give one another a mutual 
 support when they are attacked either by the Shah of Persia or 
 the Uzbek chiefs. The Tekien tribe, by the position it occupies 
 in the middle of the steppes, is the best protected ; these are but 
 little known to strangers, who would run a great chance of dying 
 of hunger and thirst if they attempted to traverse them without a 
 guide ; it is to them the Goklans retire w^hen pursued by the 
 
(.'llAP. Vil, 
 
 OPvIGlN OF THE TURCOMANS. 
 
 89 
 
 Persians, an occurrence which generally takes place every year, 
 but without much success, for they fly at the approach of the 
 enemy, and advance again when he has left. The presence of the 
 Shah's troops in this country can have no good result until some 
 forts have been built and permanently garrisoned, and the troops 
 are paid and officered as soldiers should be. Other tribes of these 
 nomads, and numerous, also inhabit the countries beyond those I 
 have already named, and I will mention them as I approach their 
 territory. 
 
 The Turcomans belong to the great Turkish ftimily,* of this I 
 have not the slightest doubt ; and between them and the Uzbeks 
 I see only a difference of tribe and nothing more : the types are 
 similar ; the face is flat, large, and pointed at the chin ; the beard 
 is sandy or light, thin, and irregular ; the head often too small 
 for a body exhibiting considerable development of muscle ; the 
 face is pierced with two small holes, the form of which recalls the 
 eyes of a Chinese. These tribes speak the same language, have 
 the same disposition, the same tastes, the same ferocity, the same 
 hatred for and the same desire to pillage the Persians ; in a word, 
 everything conspires to keep them united. There is, however, 
 one striking difference — the Turcomans lead a wandering life, and 
 the Uzbeks t live in villages ; the more regular life to which in con- 
 
 * " The Turcomans are a nation of 
 Turk race, which, in the 11th and 12th 
 centuries, overran Boukharia, Northern 
 Asia, and, on the westward of the Cas- 
 pian Sea, Armenia, Southern. Georgia, 
 Shirvau, and Daghistan. They lead a 
 nomade life, and compose the pi-incipal 
 part of the population of these countries, 
 where they are called Tarekameh, Turk- 
 mens, and Kizilbashi. To explain the 
 name of Turcomans, the Persians re- 
 late, that the Turk tribes, at the time 
 of their invasion of Khorassan, had 
 married the women of the country, and 
 that to their descendants wei-e given 
 the name of Turcomans, which means, 
 ' like the Turks.' This specious ety- 
 mology appears very paradoxical, since 
 the hordes of this people, who speak 
 Turkish, and have remained beyond the 
 Jihon, also call themselves Turcomans. 
 I tliink the name is rather derived from 
 Tnrh and Comnn, and that it was given 
 to that part of the Coman nation which 
 remained on the east of the Caspian Sea, 
 
 under the domination of the Turks of 
 the Altai, while another part, which 
 was independent, came and established 
 itself in the vast plains to the westward 
 of that sea, and to the north of the Sea 
 of Azof, and who afterwards pushed 
 forwards into Hungary." — Note by M. 
 Klaproth, ' Voyage de Mouraviev, ' p. 394. 
 t " Mouraviev supposes Uzbek to be 
 derived from ' Uz,' his or himself, and 
 ' bek,' master ; thus meaning master of 
 himself, or independent. Klaproth de- 
 rives it from the people called ' Ouz,' 
 or ' Gouz,' by the Arab historians. 
 These were the same as the Ouigour, a 
 Turkish tribe whixih formerly inhabited 
 the countries to the south of the 
 ' Celestial Mountain-,' that is, Little 
 Boukharia. At the cojumencement of 
 the 1 <3th century, the Uzbeks passed the 
 Sihoun or Jaxartes, proceeding west- 
 wai'd. Everywhere they spread terror 
 and desolation. They are at present 
 masters of Balkh, Khaurism, or Khiva, 
 Bokhara, Ferganah, and some countries 
 
90 THEIR IlELIGION. Chap. VII. 
 
 sequence of this the Uzbek is accustomed has brought out some 
 contrasting points between them ; but the difference is not so great 
 as to lead one to believe that they are not people having a common 
 origin, "T It is all very fine seeking, or endeavouring to create, new 
 etymologies or theories, which can only serve as the text of long 
 dissertations that cannot destroy or modify the facts : Turcoman 
 or Uzbek, Uzbek or Turcoman, there will never be any more dif- 
 ference betw'een them than there is in Europe between the country 
 and the town, that is to say, the peasant and the citizen. 
 
 The Turcoman is coarse, his manners rude as the country in 
 which he lives, and he is insensible to pain and sorrow for himself 
 as well as for others. The cold and insensible temperament of this 
 people is in singular contrast to the amorous nature of the nations 
 that surround them, and without doubt it is to this cause that we 
 may attribute the little attention they bestow upon their wives. 
 They liave for them almost a feeling of contempt ; allowing them 
 full liberty to do as they please, they trouble themselves very little 
 about what licences they indulge in ; and, if I may judge by the 
 conduct of those who were, to the number of a thousand, brought 
 prisoners to Teheran as hostages, these ladies are not particularly 
 distinguished by their severity of manners : they are never veiled. 
 The principal thing that interests the Turcoman with reference 
 to the qualifications of his wife is, that she should diligently attend 
 to the work of the house, or rather tent, and the superintendence 
 of the crops and flocks ; he cares little for anything else. As to 
 occupation, the men are perfectly ignorant of the meaning of the 
 word, unless it is in some manner connected with their expedi- 
 tions, and they pass the greatest portion of their time in unmiti- 
 gated idleness. 
 
 In religion they are Sunnite Mussulmans, whereas the Persians 
 are of the sect of Shiahs, and this in their opinion justifies the right 
 they, have arrogated to themselves of seizing the latter and selling 
 them into slavery ; indeed they consider this a very meritorious 
 act, and agreeable to God, for directly they have them in their 
 possession they make orthodox Mussulmans of them. I think it 
 not im])ossible that the Turcomans hold this language, feeling 
 
 in the neigbhoiuhood of Mount Belout Kipchak, Kiat-Konkrad, aud Noikious- 
 Dagh. The Uzbek tribes who inhabit Mangood."— Khiproth's Note, Moui-a- 
 Khiva are the Ouigour-Naimau, Kaiigli- viev's Bokhara, i>. 39j, 
 
OiiAP. VII. ATTEMPTS TO UEDUCE THE TURCOMANS. 91 
 
 that they cannot offer any other excuse for carryhig on the infamous 
 traffic of man-stealing. They are Mahomedans in name only, and 
 are certainly quite as much sinners in the fact as in the form ; the 
 majority amonost them <!o not know a prayer, and never say one • 
 fasting-, ablutions, and purifications, and meats forbidden by the 
 Koran, with the other precepts of that holy book, are matters to 
 which they pay not the slightest attention. Their Mollahs are 
 few in number, and as ignorant as themselves. 
 
 If the Persian government were itself more moral and enlight- 
 ened — if the Shah and his ministers ever devoted themselves to 
 the organization of a good government, and keeping their army 
 in an efficient state, the disorders and villanous practices of the 
 Turcomans would be soon put down. To do this it would only 
 be necessary to occupy three passes in a mountainous district 
 through which they march from their steppes. This done, four 
 or five columns of cavalry, supported by a few light howitzers 
 and fieldpieces, should be formed in echelon on the frontier bor- 
 dering their territory. These guns ought to be served by men 
 who know the country thoroughly, so that they could hasten to any 
 point at which they might be required, even into the very aouU of 
 the Turcomans. A tax might then be levied upon them which 
 would pay the troops thus employed. By these means the state 
 would insure the peace and security of one of Persia's finest 
 provinces without any expense, and bring a misguided people to 
 understand those feelings of humanity and civilization which, 
 though only partially understood in Persia as compared with 
 Europe, are far more so than amongst the Turcomans. Unhappily 
 there is little hope that such a plan would be adopted by the 
 government of the Shah : provided gold flows into his treasury, 
 little does he care whether his people are pillaged or not, or that 
 eight or ten of his principal nobles eat up the revenues of the 
 country. The Turcomans have pillaged, and will go on pillaging ; 
 no one prevents them. The worst of it is, the small Persian chief- 
 tains charged with the defence of the frontier districts almost 
 always have an understanding with these rascals, who pay them a 
 portion of their ill-gotten plunder on condition of their leaving the 
 passes open for them, or being at the moment of the foray con- 
 veniently out of the way. The Khans of Boojoord, Deregez, and 
 Koochan, who command in the Kurdish colonies, may be cited as 
 amongst the chiefs whose avarice produces such deplorable results. 
 
92 CONDUCT OF THE PERSIAN GOVERNMENT. Chap. VU. 
 
 Shah Abbas the Great, whose wisdom and foresight enabled 
 him to do so much good in the course of his reign, hoped to be 
 able to repress the Turcomans, by opposing to them a warlike 
 people strangers to the province ; with this view he removed seve- 
 ral thousand families from Kurdistan, where they were always in a 
 state of anarchy, and settled them to the north of Khorassan, 
 between Astrabad and Meshed, with orders to protect that frontier. 
 All went on well during the life of Shah Abbas, and even as 
 long as the SufFavean dynasty lasted ; but during the long wars 
 which followed upon the invasion of the Afghans, the Kurds and 
 Turcomans feeling that separately they were not strong enough 
 to protect themselves from the arbitrary power of the many am- 
 bitious chiefs who disputed amongst themselves the possession of 
 Persia, united to resist them. This they did successfully ; and 
 from that time each tribe or district in Kurdistan formed itself into 
 a small independent state, and joined the Turcomans in carrying 
 off the Persians and plundering the caravans. It w'iis only in 1832, 
 when their fortresses were besieged by the Prince Royal Abbas 
 Mirza, that the Kurds felt themselves compelled to return to their 
 duty and pay their tribute to Persia ; but since the death of that 
 estimable prince, w'hicli occurred in the following year, their sub- 
 mission has become only nominal, and they have frequently joined 
 the Turcomans in their old depredations. 
 
 The detiles, which are supposed to be guarded by the Kurds, 
 ought to be held by the Persian regular troops, and they are so 
 well fortified by nature that a small force would suffice for that 
 purpose : the Turcomans would then not even attempt the passage. 
 The impunity with which they commit their crimes is an encourage- 
 ment to these bandits : when they hear of any preparations being 
 made to attack them, their expeditions cease for a time, and they 
 promise amendment and remain quiet ; but this is only to lull the 
 vigilance of the Persians, and when they fancy they are not thinking 
 about them the Turcomans recommence their exploits. The 
 conduct of the government is in this respect most deplorable ; for 
 two or three years they leave them to plunder and pillage to their 
 hearts' content, and, when the clamorous complaints of the people 
 at length reach Teheran, they despatch to the spot a few thousand 
 serbas ; but while this is going on and the soldiers are demolishing 
 the aoids, the tribe retire en masse into the territory of the Tekies, 
 where, in the heart of their steppes, it is impossible for the troops 
 

 Chai'. Vrr. TURCOMAN HORSES. 93 
 
 to follow them. Having-, therefore, but half accomplished their 
 duty, they are obliged to retire, dragging with them as hostages 
 the women and children of the few families they have succeeded in 
 capturing. As a matter of course, the tribe which fled at their 
 approach now returns, and plunders the caravans with greater 
 ardour than ever. In these eiicounters they soon make up their 
 own losses, for they rarely consist of more than a few tents, felts, 
 and kitchen utensils. As to money, a Turcoman never has any 
 with him ; he buries it in some secure spot known only to himself, 
 and this is his resource should fortune turn the wheel against him. 
 Giving up part of the spoil to the border chief he knows to be an 
 infallible means of ingratiating himself, and through this means 
 recovers his wife and children, if indeed he feels interested about 
 them. Thus it will be seen that in the most adverse cases the 
 Turcomans' loss is far less than that of the Persians. 
 
 As to the value of a Turcoman's wardrobe, it is little indeed; a 
 long and wide dress of woollen and cotton, trousers and shirt of 
 , coarse linen, and a sheepskin cap, will serve him for several years. 
 Maize, a little corn, millet, and some milk satisfy all his internal 
 ■wants. Those who live after this fashion are in Europe considered 
 in a state of poverty ; there are, nevertheless, several millions of 
 individuals in Asia who do so, and I can affirm are perfectly con- 
 tented with their lot. Comparing this state of things with our 
 European habits, I have often asked myself if it is really happiness 
 that we procure for ourselves by pampering our appetites and tastes 
 with innumerable kickshaws, ever-changing fashions, and a passion 
 for displaying the most refined luxuries. After such reflections I 
 arrived at the conclusion that, if the condition of Asiatics was 
 susceptible of amelioration, that of the European would allow of 
 some retrenchment of these superfluities, which become wants simply 
 from the habit of using them — exciting vanity, selfishness, and 
 every bad passion, and provoking those revolutions which lead to 
 the shedding of blood, without improving the real condition of 
 man. 
 
 The Turcomans would never venture to advance so far over the 
 Persian border to make their forays if they did not possess so fine 
 a breed of horses, on which they bestow more care than upon their 
 wives and children — it is more than tenderness, it is an absorbing 
 passion, which they feel for that noble animal ; it is a sin in their 
 
94 TURCOMAN HORSES. Chap. YTI. 
 
 eyes to maltreat him, and he who commits that crime incurs the 
 reproaches of the whole trihe. A horse is to the Turcoman what 
 a ship is to the pirate, it carries himself and his fortunes. In his 
 saddle he is in his fortress ; in truth, it is on horseback that he 
 fights : there is no instance of a tribe having ever voluntarily 
 retired within the walls of a town to defend themselves from their 
 enemy. To this feeling, and their wild mode of warfare, they owe 
 their security quite as much as to the clumsy system pursued by 
 the Persians in endeavouring to reduce them to obedience. 
 
 The steppes of Turcomania are very favourable to the develop- , 
 ment of the equine race ; the pasturage and artificial grasses grow'Ty; 
 in dry soils, having no other nourishment than the winter snows^ 
 The fodder thus produced is much more sweet and nutritious than 
 that of our more moist and temperate climate. It produces in >. 
 their horses a higher temperature and better condition of the 
 blood, as well as a peculiar elasticity and strength of nerve and 
 muscle perfectly wonderful. Green food is produced on these steppes 
 only in the spring ; at that season the Turcomans refrain from 
 making any expeditions, and this state of abnegation continues to 
 the end of July. During this period they have time to gather in 
 their crops, and their animals rest those limbs which have so well 
 done their duty the previous season. From the month of August 
 up to the winter they are kept on dry food : this consists of seven 
 pounds of barley per diem, mixed with dry chopped straw, lucerne, 
 sainfoin, or clover-hay, unless a cliai^-aoid is coming off, in which 
 case the horse is put upon half forage, as I have already men- 
 tioned. 
 
 The Turcoman horses are a modification of the Arab breed, 
 and as good in every respect as the famous horses of the desert. 
 They differ, however, in respect to height, and their form is more 
 developed ; but I must admit that their outline is not so pleasing 
 to the eye. Their neck is long, straight, and proudly curved, is 
 almost always slender, but terminated by too long a head. The 
 chest is generally narrow, and the legs rather long and slender to 
 carry a large but well-proportioned carcase, though occasionally a 
 little too long. It is a tradition in this country that the Turcoman 
 and Arab horses were crossed at a very remote period : but breed- 
 ing on a very large scale took place when the first sectarian fol- 
 lowers of Islam conquered Persia. Tamerlane that prince of 
 
Chap. VTI. TREATMENT OF HOESES. 95 
 
 irregular cavalry commanders, introduced new blood by dispersing 
 amongst the tribes 4200 mares, winch he had selected in Arabia 
 from the very best breeds. After this, Nadir Shah renewed this 
 cross with 600 mares, which he confided exclusively to the Tekiens. 
 The horses of this tribe are now held in the highest estimation in 
 all Turcomania, especially those from the district of Aklial. The 
 next in reputation after the Tekien horses are those of Mero- 
 Shah Jehan, the horses of the Yamoods and the Goklans, and 
 the race of the Moorghab, of the Hazarahs, the Uzbeks of Mei- 
 mana, Shibberghan, &c. &c. &c. 
 
 The extraordinary distances which some of these horses will 
 travel at a stretch is scarcely to be credited. I have heard a 
 Turcoman relate most marvellous stories of their powers of endur- 
 ance : for instance, that he has known a horse go two hundred 
 leagues (six hundred miles) in six, or even five days. As to my own 
 knowledge, I can affirm that I saw one of these animals — the pro- 
 perty of Habib Ullah Khan, general -in-chief of the artillery— go 
 from Teheran to Tabreez, return, and again reach Tabreez, in twelve 
 days ; the distance is ninety-four parasangs, or about one hundred 
 and forty leagues (or'four hundred and twenty miles). But from 
 this three days must be deducted ; the horse having been allowed 
 twenty-four hours' rest after each journey.* 
 
 When a Turcoman horse has given great proofs of strength and 
 endurance in a chap-aoul, he never leaves the tribe except by 
 force of arms. With the exception of the Shah of Persia, and , 
 more particularly Assaf Doulet, Governor-General of Khorassan, 
 and a few Uzbek princes, there are few persons in Asia who possess 
 the real and best-bred horses of the Turcoman breed. They have 
 not been sold to them, but have been wrung from the chiefs of 
 
 * In the iuterestiug little work "by from Tlemsen to Mascara in a single 
 General Daumas on the Horses of the day, a distance of about 5U pai-asangs 
 Sahara, are a number of curious notes (200 miles). After such a journey he 
 and answers by Abd el Kadr. On being says the horse ought to be spared the 
 asked how many days the Arab horse next day. General Daumas relates 
 can march without resting or being several anecdotes within his own know- 
 injured, he answers, that if the horse ledge, of Arab horses having gone dis- 
 has as much barley as he can eat, he tances of 70 and 80 leagues, from 170 
 will perform 10 parasangs (64 miles) to 200 miles, in 24 hours. — p. 58. See 
 îi-day for three or four months, without Les Chevaux du Sahara, Paris, 1854, 
 a single day's rest. — p. 404. He also 1 vol. — Ed. 
 states that he has known a horse go 
 
OG HOW MANACiED I'>Y EASTERN NATIONS. Chap. VIL 
 
 tribes as presents, or taken in some sudden onslaught. The reader 
 v.'ill understand the value a Turcoman sets upon a horse that he 
 has bred, when I state that the second best of the best breed, 
 which they will occasionally consent to sell, cannot be purchased 
 for less than from 1201. to IGOZ. A useful and excellent horse may, 
 however, be had, of inferior breed, for 40/. to 48/. Fourteen 
 guineas will purchase an ordinary animal, which would, however, 
 in Europe be thought not a bad sort of horse, and certainly worth 
 three or four times its value in Turkistan. 
 
 The manner in which Eastern nations manage their best-bred 
 horses has proved to me how many prejudices we have to conquer 
 in France on this subject. The old routine, scientific words and 
 works, artistically, or perhaps I ought to say veterinarily arranged, 
 and the saws of the knowing ones, are always in opposition to 
 reason. Our horses are brought up like young ladies, in a stable 
 hermetically closed, leaving it neither when it rains or snows ; the 
 least indisposition alarms the owner, and he calls in the doctor. 
 They are scarcely worked, and up to four years old are almost 
 treated like children at nurse. The result of this is that they have 
 no stamina, and knock up on the very first occasion they are 
 required to do hard work. If we were at war, and our cavalry 
 took the field — I mean composed of horses bred in France — I feel 
 convinced that two-thirds of them would be ineffective one month 
 after the opening of the campaign. The prizes which the govern- 
 ment give at the various races they have established for the 
 amusement of the Parisian public, and in the departments, only 
 serve to divert' the breeders from the object they really ought to 
 keep in view, namely, that of developing the physical power of the 
 animal before looking for speed. This is a quality useful only on 
 the race-course, where the effect is no doubt striking and pleasing. 
 The consequence is, that breeders, instead of looking out for 
 stallions of great substance and good constitution, uniting the best 
 possible conditions of strength and endurance, prefer those which 
 promise to give length of body and limb, and consequently of 
 stride, to the detriment of the former important qualities. Speed 
 for a given time is all that is thought of; and a breeder is of 
 course indifferent when he knows he will be well paid for yearlings 
 and two-year olds of this description. Everything is sacrificed 
 to this English custom, and we suffer accordingly. 
 
Chap. VII. DISEASES OF HORSES. 97 
 
 Eastern nations, on the contrary, bold to ideas that we despise ; 
 the selection of an entire horse with them is a most important 
 affair ; and he is not allowed to cover a mare until he has shown 
 most incontestable proofs of vigour. The question of his speed 
 never influences their opinion. As soon as the foal is two years 
 and a half old they begin to work him in proportion to his strength, 
 and thus prevent him from acquiring vicious habits which might 
 subsequently become incurable. It is quite a mistake to suppose 
 that the work the colt or filly does at so early an age is weakening ; 
 we might with as much reason say that lads ought not to work. 
 
 A Turcoman horse never sees a stable ; he is always picketed in 
 the open air, and clothed with felt rugs. Those which are sold to 
 a person living in a town are kept in stables during the winter ; 
 but tied with head-and-heel ropes in the court-yard or fields when 
 the sun has a little warmth. With the exception of the period 
 they are at grass, they are well exercised every day, and will work 
 well for twenty, ay, and twenty-five years. These famous animals 
 resist cold as well as heat : they are accustomed to drink at all 
 times, even when covered with perspiration — but in this case they 
 take care to give them a gallop afterwards ; without this pre- 
 caution they might have inflammation, and the Turcomans assert 
 that if they did not adopt it, the skin where the saddle had been 
 would puflT up like a bladder. 
 1^ In their treatment of diseased horses custom takes the place of 
 science in the East ; and on this subject it must be confessed they are 
 far behind us in knowledge. Nevertheless, they succeed at times 
 better than might be expected. For example, when a horse is in the 
 first stage of glanders, they give him daily six pounds oî sainfoiyi hay 
 and six pounds of camel's milk, mixed with a pound of powdered 
 sulphur. I have seen a cure performed in fifteen days under this 
 treatment. Young horses are frequently subject to a loss of appe- 
 tite ; and to cure this they make an incision, and remove a kind of 
 cartilage which grows in the upper part of the nostril ; they also 
 remove windgalls by ati operation which seemed to me easy enough, 
 ! but which would be more neatly done by our veterinary surgeons. 
 : For elephantiasis and dropsy in the legs they employ boll ammoniac 
 j diluted with vinegar, and bleed in all four legs. Horses in Asia 
 j are subject to a disease which I have never seen in Europe ; the 
 I Persians call it nakhoshi yaman (bad or wicked disease). This is a 
 
OS DISEASES OF HORSES. Chap. VII. 
 
 fearful cholic, which blows the skin of the horse out all over in the 
 form of knobs, and the animal dies in three or four hours. When 
 o])cned, the flesh is found to be perforated with numerous small 
 holes, and the intestines mortified. This disease appears to be the 
 result of a complete obstruction of the bowels ; the horse suffers 
 the greatest agonies — I have seen them stand on end, making the 
 most horrible contortions, and having all the appearance of being 
 attacked by hydrophobia.* 
 
 * This disease appears to resemble the influenza which of late years has been 
 ■very prevalent among horses in England. — Ed, 
 
CiiAp. Vin. RUINS NEAR MUZEENOON. 99 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Extensive ruins near Muzeeuoon — Alayar Khan — Ancient cai-avanserai — Mehr 
 — Large herds of deer — Villages — Subzawar — Arab town — Prosperous 
 appearance of Subzawar — Invaded by the Afghans in 1721 — The avithor hh'es 
 a new servant — ZafFouroonee — Aridity and fertility — Ruined caravan- 
 serai — The largest in Persia — Cufic characters — Legend respecting the 
 builder — The merchant and his saffron — Nishapoor — Description of the 
 town — Histoi-y of it — Turquoise-mines in the neighbourhood — Visit to the 
 Governor-General of Khorassan — Courteous reception by Assaf Doulet — 
 Persian politics — Mohamed Hassan Khan — A present from the Governor — 
 Amazement of the pilgrims — Turning the tables — • Derrood — Beauty of the 
 country — Picturesque village — Turgoveh — Mountain road — The Mollah 
 and the trout — Mountain scenery — Splendid view — Jugkerk — Gipsies. 
 
 But to return fi-om this digression to the events of my journey, and 
 the Turcomans at Pul-Ebrishim. After witnessing their rapid 
 fliffht we continued our march without further accident. Three 
 parts out of four of this stage was a deserted country, and beyond 
 Pul-Ebrishim we came to two fortified towns garrisoned by 
 Persian troops, quartered here to protect the road. They were 
 reduced to a fourth of their numbers when we passed, and kept 
 themselves carefully shut up within their walls for fear of the 
 Turcomans, whom it was their duty to look after. Their comrades, 
 receiving neither rations nor pay, had decamped, and those who 
 were left would not be long in doing the same. When distant 
 about a quarter of an hour from our halt we were assailed by a 
 furious wind, and a dust-spout so thick that I could not see the 
 horse's ears I rode. During this time we traversed extensive ruins 
 in front of Muzeenoon, amongst which I remarked a pretty mosque, 
 large baths, and several handsome houses, which required but 
 little to make them habitable ; indeed this is the case with the 
 greater part of these ruins ; they seem rather abandoned than 
 destroyed. Not long ago they formed part of a prosperous town, 
 Musnedabad, governed by Alayar Khan, an independent chief, 
 who, at the commencement of the reign of Futteh Ali Shah, 
 commanded the road between Teheran and Meshed ; no caravan 
 could pass without paying him a heavy tax, that is to say, when 
 he did not pillage them altogether. Troops were at length sent 
 
 II 2 
 
100 MEIIR— SUBZAWAE. Chap. VITI. 
 
 ao-ainst him, the town was taken, the citadel razed, and the Khan 
 strangled. 
 
 Muzeenoon, a large walled village not far from hence, received 
 the population of this ruined town ; it contains about four hundred 
 houses and a public bath, and is a dependence of the rich district 
 of Subzawar. We entered here the province of Khorassan. Our 
 encampment was between two caravanserai-shahs, on a large 
 esplanade. One of these, still habitable, was built by Shah Abbas, 
 the other by the Caliph Mamoon, son of Ilaroun-el-Raschid, and 
 was destroyed by Tamerlane. It must have been a remarkable 
 edifice in its time, and constructed with great solidity and good 
 taste. The exterior wall, built of burnt bricks, is still standing, 
 but the interior is in ruins — the façade is covered with Cufic 
 inscriptions and arabesques, in a good state of preservation. 
 
 3Iehr, May 19th — five parasangs — six hours and a half — by a 
 level, easy, and sandy road. Large herds of deer were seen on the 
 plain ; the mountains situated on our left, and at about a parasang 
 distant, were covered with handsome villages and rich plots of 
 cultivation rising one above the other. Before arriving at our 
 next station we passed through the pretty village of Sootkar, near 
 which there are several streams of excellent water flowing from the 
 mountains. Caravans often halt here in preference to Mehr, 
 esjjecially in coming from Subzawar, provisions being abundant 
 and at hand ; whereas, at Mehr, the caravanserai is a long 
 cannon-shot from the village. Mehr has about two hundred and 
 eighty houses ; water runs through most of the streets, and they are 
 shaded by plane-trees of large size ; it is one of the most picturesque 
 villages on the road between Teheran and Meshed. 
 
 Subzawar, May 20th — nine parasangs — eleven hours and a half 
 — situated in a plain, by a good but sandy road. There is a 
 caravanserai-shah near a village. Half way, some other villages 
 are on the left, two hours before arriving at Subzawar. Extensive 
 ruins are to be seen from hence between the road and the foot of 
 the mountains ; they are the remains of an Arab town. I observed 
 here some tombs built with a hard cement, composed of gravel, 
 sand, and lime, which has resisted the action of time and the 
 elements. A minaret similar to those at Damghan, and isolated 
 from any other building, stands in the centre of this scene of deso- 
 lation, as if keeping watch and ward over the wreck of time. 
 These ruins extend even as far as Subzawar, and are said by the 
 
Chap. YllL SUBZAWAR. 101 
 
 Persians to be the remains of Khosroo-gird, a large city. On 
 the left, and about half a parasang from the road, there is still a 
 village of the same name. 
 
 The little modern town of Subzawar is full of life, and, on 
 entering it, one soon remarks, by the air of ease and contentment 
 expressed on the countenances of the inhabitants, that the adminis- 
 trative power here is of a paternal character, very different from 
 that which is seen in other provinces of Persia. Subzawar is the 
 chief town of a rich district : in its environs are handsome villag-es 
 and well-cultivated land which stretches beyond the horizon, a 
 sight of rare occurrence in Persia. It was the first time I had 
 witnessed such a scene, and this is the best proof of the efficient 
 and benevolent rule of the governor-general Assaf Doulet. 
 The town contains about twelve hundred houses, caravanserais, 
 mosques, and clean and well-constructed bazaars roofed in, which 
 cross the town from one side to the other. The citadel is on an 
 artificial mound north of the town : the walls are in earth, hijrh 
 and thick, but with only one four-pounder, a Russian gun, to 
 defend them. There is an outside wall and dry ditch, which 
 could be filled with water from the streams which flow here in 
 great abundance from the mountains. This spot is more free 
 from the Turcomans than the villages we recently passed, in conse- 
 quence of the great circuit they would have to make. 
 
 Subzawar was, during the invasion of the Afghans in 1721, the 
 theatre of some sanguinary combats. The troops of Mir Mah- 
 mood Ghilzye disputed the possession of it with those of Mir 
 Mahmood Sistanee, into whose hands it fell, but only for a brief 
 period, for it was soon taken by the famous Nadir Shah, who 
 raised it a little from the ruined state to which so many wars, one 
 after another, had reduced it ; but it is only within the last ten 
 years that it has recovered its ancient prosperity. Hussein Khan, 
 a son of Assaf Doulet, and consequently cousin-german of the 
 Shah, whose sister he married, is governor of Subzawar. 
 
 The pilgrim whose services I had engaged at Eywanee Keij, 
 although a good sort of fellow, was nevertheless obliged, to please 
 his countrymen, to play the part of a fanatic to me, which I deter- 
 mined to put an end to, and have a servant, if possible, who was 
 not a pilgrim. I thought I had found what I wanted in an indi- 
 vidual by name Saduk, whom I met with at Subzawar, and 
 thought I recognised as having been a servant to the English 
 
102 ZAFFOUROONEE. Chap. VIIL 
 
 embassy at Teheran. But I made a mistake, for I learnt subse- 
 quently that the rogue was a lootee* named Ismael, who had fled 
 from the capital for some malpractices ; in short, he was here 
 to g-et out of the way. The fellow, seeing me so well disposed 
 towards him, took good care not to undeceive me, and I hired him 
 as my servant. This was a sad mistake, and, as the reader will 
 see further on, cost me half my property, and the consequences 
 might have been even worse. 
 
 Zaffouroonee, May 21st — six parasangs — eight hours— by a level 
 road, at times sandy, and sometimes in clay soil. We journeyed 
 during the first half of this stage through villages, rich cultivation, 
 well irrigated, and numerous ruins ; the last half was a desert. 
 This halt was at a wretched village, protected by a mud wall, con- 
 taining forty-four inhabited houses ; a ruined caravanserai-shah, 
 the largest in Persia, is in front of it. Tradition says that in 
 former days there were 1700 rooms within its walls, also baths, a 
 mosque, and handsome gardens. I suspect that tradition is, in 
 this case, somewhat of a romancer — not an uncommon thing — 
 though the ruins that surround it certainly occupy a considerable 
 space. The Cufic characters and arabesques upon various parts 
 of the building denote its Arabic origin, but the Persians, in their 
 love for the marvellous, give it the following. 
 
 A Persian, they say, finding an immense treasure on this spot, 
 made a vow to employ it in good works, and the first was the 
 construction of this caravanserai. The foundations were just 
 finished, when a merchant, with three Jcharvai'S — nearly a ton — of 
 saffi'on, came that way. He had left Khorassan with this pur- 
 chase, and travelled to Bagdad, in the hope of disposing of it on 
 advantageous terms ; but trade was bad ; he saw in perspective a 
 certain loss, and when he arrived in the city of the Caliphs he 
 thought it preferable to return to his own country with his mer- 
 chandise, and wait for better times. Halting at Zaff"ouroonee, the 
 rich man saw and addressed him thus : " Friend, what makes 
 thee look so sad?" "Sad," replied the merchant, "I have 
 enough to make me sad," and related the history of the bootless 
 errand he had been on. " Oh, is that the cause of your grief? 
 Here, men," said he to his masons, " shoot the safi'ron on the 
 ground, and mix it with the mortar." This was done, and he 
 
 * The designation in Persia for a good-for-nothing fellow, a thief, &c. 
 
Chap. VIIL NISIIAPOOR. 103 
 
 paid the astonished merchant three kharvars of precious stones for 
 his three kharvars of saiFron. This is a good specimen of a 
 Persian tale, and, absm'd as it is, it finds believers amongst them, 
 even the educated. To seem to doubt its truth might bring one 
 into trouble, "See," said a pilgrim, turning to his companions, 
 and taking up a brick, " they have quite the colour and smell of 
 saffron," There was no arguing with them after this, especially 
 as the bricks were as red as cochineal. 
 
 Nisliapoor, May 22nd — eleven parasangs — fourteen hours, the 
 first two through a plain, the road even and solid ; the three 
 next over a chain of mountains which cross the plain obliquely ; 
 they divide the districts of Subzawar and Nishapoor, The road 
 follows the sinuosities of this chain, having for the most part a 
 scarped wall on either side, and the neighbouring heights, if 
 fortified at points judiciously chosen, would render the passage of 
 this defile extremely difficult. To turn it, it would be necessary 
 to go to the left, and march a distance of sixteen parasangs 
 through a desert country, without water. There are two cara- 
 vanserai-shahs in ruins at two and a half hours from one another 
 on this stage. Ten hours' march brought us to the large village 
 of Hassanabad, also in ruins and uninhabited ; some horses of 
 Assaf Doulet's were feeding on the pastures that surround it. 
 The soil is clay, and in winter the road is almost impassable. 
 
 After a fatiffuino- march of four more hours we reacned the 
 small but pleasant town of Nishapoor, prettily situated amidst 
 gardens and villages grouped near to one another, and in a vast 
 plain at one time irrigated by 12,000 watercourses coming from 
 the Kariz ; at. the present time the greater number of them are 
 dry ; there is nevertheless amazing fertility. The climate is 
 delicious, but, owing to the high mountains to the north, about 
 a parasang from the town, is rather cold in winter. These moun- 
 tains, like a vast amphitheatre, almost encircle the plain, and many 
 villages lie in the gorges and on the slopes ; the cultivation is 
 carried up to the very summits, and numerous springs gush from their 
 sides and run in silvery streams into the plain. The water of the 
 one we passed near Nishapoor, called Shooreh-rod, is rather 
 brackish. The fruits of this district are considered the best in 
 Khorassan ; silk and cotton and large quantities of grain are 
 amongst its productions. 
 
104 NISHAPOOK. CiiAP. VIII. 
 
 Nishapoor was in former times one of the richest and largest 
 cities in Persia, and one of the four royal cities of Khorassan, 
 European authors inform us that it was founded by Shah-poor, 
 the second of the Sassanide kings ;* hence its name, to which was 
 added net or nee, signifying a reed both in ancient and modern 
 Persian, and this, says tradition, because the plain in which 
 Nishapoor was situated was then covered with reeds. But in the 
 opinion of Persian historians the city was of much more ancient 
 date. Its founder was, they say, Tahmurat III., King of the 
 Pish-Dadian dynasty. It then bore the name of Aber-chehr, 
 or the Upper Town, and was taken and destroyed by Alexander 
 the Great. Shahpoor restored it, and, to perpetuate the fact, gave 
 it his name, and erected an immense statue, which remained 
 standing until the first invasion of the country by the Mussulmans, 
 who in their zeal destroyed it. 
 
 Nishapoor also suffered greatly from the invasion of the 
 Arabs, and it would have utterly perished had it not been subse- 
 quently rebuilt and repeopled, first by the Taherides and after- 
 wards by the Soffarides. Mahmood the Ghaznevide, who, later 
 still, and in the reign of Sebek-tagy, his father, was governor of 
 Khorassan, fixed his residence at Nishapoor, which contributed 
 much to its prosperity. 
 
 Toghrul Beg, the first Sultan of the dynasty of the Seljookides, 
 also resided here, and his princely liberality restored it to its 
 former splendour ; but in the year 1153 (Hejira 548), and in the 
 reign of the Sultan Sanjar, one of the same dynasty, the Turco- 
 mans took and ravaged it so completely that, in the words of the 
 Persian historian Khagani, when the inhabitants, who had fled at 
 the approach of these hordes, returned after their departure, it 
 was impossible to recognise, amidst the mass of ruins, the position 
 in which their houses once stood. Nevertheless, such was the 
 fertility of the country, that, with the assistance of the princes of 
 Khaurizm, into whose hands it fell after the Seljookides, Nisha- 
 poor rose once more, like a phœnix, from its ashes. 
 
 But the disasters which attended the fate of this unfortunate 
 city were not yet over ; for in 1220 (Hejira 617) Kooli Khan, 
 son of Gbengis Khan, besieged and took it. This monster was 
 
 * About the year a.d. 250. 
 
Chap. VIII. NISHArOOR. " 105 
 
 even more savage than the Turcomans, for he not only made it a 
 heap of ruins, but massacred the inhabitants and the people of the 
 adjoining territory to the number of two millions. From this 
 period Nishapoor became the sport of fortune in every possible 
 way, reviving and perishing in turn, and has never regained 
 its ancient position and prosperity. Placed on the extreme 
 frontier of Persia, on the side of Tartary, the Mongols, the 
 Turcomans, and the Uzbeks sacked and plundered it almost from 
 year to year. Towards the commencement of the eighteenth 
 century it was little more than one vast ruin, and remained in 
 this deplorable state until after the death of Nadir Shah. In 
 1752 (Hejira 1166), after having stood a six months' siege by 
 Ahmed Shah, King of the Afghans, it was, to some extent, re- 
 stored by Abbas Kooli Khan, chief of the Beiyat tribe, who declared 
 himself ruler over this district. 
 
 At the present day it contains a population of only 8000 souls. 
 The citadel is in ruins, and the wall of the town, in earth, with a 
 dry ditch, is in a bad state of repair ; the bazaars, caravanserais, 
 baths, and a mosque, are on a moderate scale ; the handsomest 
 caravanserai is outside the walls, on the road to Meshed. The 
 city of Nishapoor having been brought thus low, it may be 
 readily imagined the country in its environs has suffered in pro- 
 portion ; but the villages and the cultivation which still remain 
 sufficiently prove that not even all this misery could induce the 
 population wholly to retire from this valley, for in no other part 
 of Persia would they have found such another fertile spot. 
 Mohamed Zeman Khan, one of the youngest sons of Assaf 
 Doulet, is now governor of the district, but under the super- 
 intendence of his Nazir, or lieutenant. 
 
 One of the greatest inconveniences that arise in travelling with 
 a caravan is the impossibility of leaving it for a few hours to visit 
 any interesting object which may be at a little distance from the 
 road. I suffered in this way many disappointments, and particu- 
 larly at Nishapoor, for it was from thence only I could visit the 
 turquoise-mines in the neighbourhood. Fatigued, however, by a 
 long stage of fourteen hours, I was not able to start immediately 
 upon another of sixteen to gratify my curiosity ; moreover, I was 
 most anxious to see the Governor General of Khorassan, who hap- 
 pened to be here. The information I obtained respecting the 
 
lOG 
 
 TURQUOISE-MINES. 
 
 Chap. VIII. 
 
 turquolse-mlnes was therefore by hearsay, and consequently very 
 imperfect.* 
 
 * Aftei' my return from Afghanistan 
 I saw by accident the following account 
 of them in the ' Revue d'Orient.' This 
 paper is from the pen of M. Alexandre 
 Chodsko, and the following is the sub- 
 stance of what he writes : — 
 
 " These celebrated mines are near 
 the village of Madene, and the only 
 ones known in the world. This village 
 is about thirty-two English miles from 
 Nishapoor; the road to it is for the 
 first five miles across a plain of great 
 extent, covered with villages, gardens, 
 well-cultivated fields marvellously pro- 
 ductive, owing to the many streams 
 which flow from the Benaloo Koh and 
 other mountains near. Approaching 
 these the country changes, and we 
 found oiu'selves riding through hills of 
 sand and a reddish clay devoid of all 
 vegetation ; their sterile appearance was 
 accounted for by the traces of efflores- 
 cent salts, which were seen in large 
 quantities, and would prevent any cul- 
 tivation. 
 
 " Salt abounds in this locality, and 
 we passed the principal mine, Doolet- 
 aly, about six miles from Madene. 
 This is an enormous rock, covered on 
 its exterior surface with a thin layer 
 of red clay, .similar to that I have 
 already mentioned. Nothing can be 
 imagined more simple than the mode 
 of working out the salt: the miner's 
 mattock is the only instrument used. 
 These mines are the property of the 
 govei'nment, who lease them to the 
 highest bidder. At present the rent 
 is only l.'iO tomauns yearly. A good 
 workman can extract about 800 lbs. 
 a-day. The salt is beautifully white, 
 and of a fine gi-ain. 
 
 " The road which led to the tur- 
 quoise-mines — the principal object of 
 our excursion — ran through some high 
 and naked rocks, which, by their dark 
 colour, seemed to be of porphyry: I 
 think, however, they were of a hard, 
 compact, calcareous nature, strongly 
 stained, as I did not see any rocks of 
 another system. At their highest ele- 
 vation they had a metallic appearance, 
 which made me think that iron was the 
 colouring matter; but, not being suffi- 
 ciently learned in geology, I could not 
 positively determine this. In the 
 middle of this rocky and broken ground 
 
 we came, at length, in sight of two vil- 
 lages, one on the crest of a hill, the 
 other in a pretty valley. Beneath they 
 were fortified by a loopholed wall, and 
 inhabited by about 150 families, who 
 emigrated here from Badakshan under 
 the protection of one of the last of the 
 Persian kings. These colonists speak 
 bad Persian, and have quite forgotten 
 their own language : they show consi- 
 derable tact and intelligence in working 
 the mines. 
 
 " The tui'quoises are divided into 
 two classes, according to the positions 
 in which they ai-e found. The first, 
 called scngui, or stony, are those which 
 are incrusted in the matrix, and w'hich 
 must be removed by a blow of the pick 
 or hammer; the second are found in 
 washing the alluvial deposits, and are 
 called khnki, or earthy: the former are 
 of a deep blue ; the latter, though 
 larger, from being paler and spotted 
 with white, are of less value. If we 
 are to believe the miners, no turquoises 
 have been found except in this grouj) 
 of rocks. The Persian government 
 never makes any explorations on its own 
 account, and is content to lease the 
 mines at an annual rent of five hundred 
 tomauns. I understood that the most 
 valuable stones are found amongst the 
 débris of the old workings and at the 
 bottom of shafts long since abandoned. 
 Excavations have been made one above 
 the other, but for the most part near 
 the base of the mountain. Here are to 
 be seen galleries, tunnels, and shafts, 
 the largest of which are thus designated : 
 Abdoori'yzak, Shahi perdar, Kharydji, 
 Kemeri-Khaki, and Goor Sefid. 
 
 " Having given a largesse to the 
 miners to strike a few blows with their 
 picks in honour of the happy planet 
 of the traveller, Bé-talcï-sn/ieh, we were 
 permitted to enter the first of these 
 mines to witness the operations. These 
 were simple enough; the mattock was 
 again the only instrument, but it was 
 very skilfully used, and, when a layer 
 of rock was detached, great precautions 
 were taken to remove it without dis- 
 turbing the turquoises which might be 
 met with. These are not found in the 
 hollow of an eagle-stone, like the ame- 
 thyst, but are seen as if incrusted or 
 glued in the matrix to the number of 
 
Chap. VIII. 
 
 TUEQUOISE-MINES. 
 
 107 
 
 As it must have been well known that I passed through Teheran, 
 I had little doubt that, if the Persian government intended to 
 molest me on my journey, it would not have waited until I reached 
 Nishapoor to carry such intention into effect ; and, under this 
 impression, I resolved to throw off the incognito I had preserved 
 since leaving Bagdad, which had caused me many very unpleasant 
 scenes and much suffering, as well as debarred me fi'om receiving 
 that attention which I should otherwise have met with. But in 
 doing this, I wished to give the act a certain degree of éclat, not 
 being at all unwilling to show my fellow-travellers the pilgrims 
 that they had, by their scandalous behaviour, subjected themselves 
 to the chances of unpleasant retaliation, or, in the words of a 
 Persian, Feder et mi souzoomm, " see their fathers burnt." 
 
 from twenty-five to thirty, and more or 
 less near one another. Each of these 
 stones is enveloped in a thin calcareous 
 covering, white on the side adhering 
 next to the turquoise, but brown on 
 that nest to the matrix. How is it 
 that the colouring substance has stopped 
 precisely at the exterior, and that it 
 has not injured the purity of the tur- 
 quoise? But I will rather relate what 
 I saw, and not undertake to explain ; 
 I will simply state that one finds on 
 the side of this very mountain of Be- 
 naloo Koh indications of the carbonate 
 of copper both blue and gi-een, as are 
 the best varieties of malachite. 
 
 " We were not very successful in our 
 researches, but the best turquoises are 
 found, with the exception I have before 
 stated, in this mine Abdourryzak; those 
 of Kharyji follow. 
 
 " We next examined the washings in 
 the valley. These are to the south of 
 the village. The rock is not met with 
 here, and the soil is comjîosed of clay, 
 gravel, sand, and rounded stones, evi- 
 dently an alluvial deposit. Hei-e I was 
 again obliged to try the influence of my 
 planet, after which sevei-al sieves were 
 filled with the soil and gravel in ques- 
 tion taken from a shaft just opened: 
 these were carried to a running stream 
 close at hand, and the earthy sub- 
 stances washed from them, and, the 
 stones being turned over, the turquoises 
 were soon recognised by their azure 
 tint. Of these we found a pretty good 
 number and of fair size, but they were 
 unfortimately of a pale colour, and 
 
 therefore of little value. The workmen 
 called them by the name of Tàzè- 
 madene, or of the new mine, to distin- 
 guish them from those of a deeper 
 colour found in the old workings. 
 
 " These worthies affirmed that tur- 
 quoises are similar to cherries, inas- 
 much as both one and the other acquire 
 then- colour as they ripen; and they 
 added that, although a cheny comes 
 to perfect maturity in one season by 
 the vivifying rays of the sun, a tur- 
 quoise requires a thousand to obtain 
 the same result. The miners here do 
 not enjoy a great reputation for honesty, 
 and very fine turquoises are said to 
 take their way to Nishapoor instead 
 of into the pockets of the owners of the 
 mines, being sometimes transferred for 
 a consideration to parties who visit the 
 mines. But here the uninitiated may 
 be taken in, for the miners keep them 
 for some time in a wet cloth, which 
 deepens their coloiu' ; and the pur- 
 chaser does not find how pale the stone 
 is until he has parted with his money. 
 I was informed that turquoises of im- 
 mense size ai'e sometimes found in the 
 washings. Futteh Ali Shah, the pre- 
 decessor of the jJresent monarch, had 
 one made into a drinking-cup ; and 
 it is well known that there was a tur- 
 quoise in the treasury of Venice which 
 weighed several pounds. A nobleman's 
 harness in Khorassan is frequently or- 
 namented with small turquoises, but 
 these are, of course, of comparatively 
 little value." 
 
108 ARSAF DOULET. Chap. VIII. 
 
 Assaf Doulet was, as I have before remarked, at Nishapoor 
 when we arrived, and I hastened to send him the commissions I 
 hekl from Mohamed Shah, so that he might know who I was ; and 
 at the same time I requested permission to pay my respects to him. 
 In return I received a favourable and courteous reply, and at the 
 appointed hour one of his j^ishkhetniets, followed by eight farraches, 
 came to the caravanserai as an honorary escort to conduct me to 
 his house. I went in full uniform, and found the Governor trans- 
 acting business with some of the official personages of the district, 
 whom he dismissed on my arrival. 
 
 Assaf Doulet received me in the bala Jchaneh, for thus is named 
 the first and only story built above the ground-floor in Persian 
 houses ; it looked upon a large garden full of roses, the perfume 
 of which scented the atmosphere. The Governor, simply dressed 
 in a woollen robe and a sheepskin cap, sat near a window in a 
 corner of the room. His attitude was that of a man who knew the 
 importance of his own position, but not in the least partaking of 
 that vain pompous air which Persian noblemen love to assume when 
 they receive their inferiors. He seemed already bowed down by 
 the weight of years ; but his intelligent countenance had preserved 
 all the vivacity and freshness of youth. His reception was of the 
 most gracious kind ; and tea and the kalioon having been brought 
 in, he inquired kindly after my health, and then asked the news of 
 the capital. Aware of his antipathy for the Persian Prime Minister, 
 I threw aside all reserve, and made him acquainted with many 
 facts that I thought would interest him. I also informed him of 
 the intrigues which led to the dismissal of the French officers at 
 the Persian court, and the resolution I had come to of taking 
 service under one of the princes of Central Asia. The Governor 
 heard me with attention, and encouraged me to persevere in my 
 plans, assuring me that the dangers of the journey of which I 
 spoke had been much exaggerated. "Everything depends," said 
 he, "upon the chiefs of Herat and Kandahar, from whom, how- 
 ever, you have nothing to fear if you present yourself before 
 them in your real character of a French officer" — he also advised 
 me at once to throw off my disguise, and avert the suspicions to 
 which it might naturally give rise. 
 
 Coming back again to the conversation which we had had 
 with reference to his own country, he testified his great regret to 
 see it so badly governed ; also that his nephew Mohamed Shah 
 
 I 
 
Chap. VriT. MOHAMED HASSAN KHAN. 109 
 
 should adopt without examination the absurd theories of his Prime 
 Minister. Of this individual he spoke in terras that were anything 
 but complimentary ; and in order to give me an idea of the footing 
 on which they mutually stood, he mentioned, with many an expres- 
 sive epithet, some of the ill-natured tricks they had played off upon 
 each other. 
 
 After having taken my leave of Assaf Doulet, I paid a visit to 
 his favourite son Mohamed Hassan Khan, more generally known 
 by the name of Salar, which is the Persian term for General-in- 
 Chief — a rank given him by Futteh Ali Shah when the young Khan 
 was yet in his cradle. As I reached the door, he was on the point 
 of mounting his horse, on his way to Koochan, of which dis- 
 trict he is the Governor, and I had therefore only time to exchange 
 a few complimentary words with him. He seemed to be about 
 five-and-thirty years of age, rather handsome, and, like his cousin 
 Mohamed Shah, his manners were frank and open ; but though he 
 made every effort to conceal it, he had all the self-sufficient, con- 
 sequential air of a Persian noble. With this little exception, he 
 was irreproachably polite. Hassan Khan is much beloved by the 
 population of Khorassan, and for a good reason — he possesses a 
 virtue very rarely seen in his family : he is generous, and liberally 
 rewards those who serve him ; the unfortunate never apply to him 
 in vain. This is an excellent way of making partizans and friends 
 in Persia ; and Salar has a good many. 
 
 Returning to my caravanserai, I found there one of my old 
 acquaintances of Tabreez, Mirza Mohamed Noori, formerly intend- 
 ant of Prince Karaman-Mirza, after whose death he entered the 
 service of Assaf Doulet. He had been sent with several presents 
 for me from the Governor- General — sweetmeats, fruits, and sher- 
 bets, &c. &c. Attentions of this kind are highly appreciated by 
 the Persians, more particularly when they emanate from a person 
 of high official rank and power. The pilgrims of our caravan, 
 who had hitherto known me only as a miserable Greek or Armenian, 
 were amazed when they saw me leaving the caravanserai in the 
 full uniform of a general-officer ; they were still more so when they 
 heard that I had been received at a private audience by the 
 Governor General, and saw the presents which the Mirza brought. 
 Every one now was most anxious to visit the despised feringhee ; 
 compliments, flattery, the very lowest adulations, were showered 
 upon me in profusion, but I elbowed the vagabonds as they de- 
 
110 THE TABLES TURNED. Chap. VIII. 
 
 served, and, adopting the arrogant tone which is usual in Persia 
 when a superior addresses an inferior, I no longer allowed those 
 who had shown me even the least ill treatment to remain seated in 
 my presence ; in fact I behaved myself to them as a pasha with 
 three tails would have done, under similar circumstances, in the 
 fifteenth century. 
 
 This little indulgence to my pride was I thought pardonable, 
 considering the gross insults I had endured ; and the punishment 
 was small compared with what it might have been, for one word to 
 Assaf Doulet, and they would all have had the stick. My visitors 
 were not in the least surprised or disconcerted at the arrogance I 
 manifested ; in their eyes it was my right, and I used it — what 
 more natural ? They thus held me in greater esteem ; but they 
 came to my servant, who, treating them all the while as the scum 
 of the earth, deigned nevertheless to speak to them, and show a 
 little more sociability of feeling than I did, " Who would have 
 thought," said one, " that this European under his Arab rags, 
 for which I would not have given two shaJds, was a general ?" " I 
 told you," said another, " that he had all the polished manner 
 of a noble, and you were very wrong to insult him." " We must 
 admit," replied a third, " these Europeans are very queer people. 
 With us, if a man has twenty tomauns he knows what he is, has 
 his servants, and lives in all the luxury and state that such a fortune 
 justifies ; but here is this feringJiee, whom we now see covered with 
 gold embroidery and wearing a decoration set in diamonds, has 
 lived amongst us from Teheran to this place like a poor devil 
 without one shahi. Why it's abominable, improper, perfidious, 
 dishonest, and contrary to all rule ; exposes people to very dis- 
 agreeable mistakes and dangerous misunderstandings. Every one 
 ought to be made to travel in the manner befitting his rank, and 
 not to dissimulate after this fashion." Those amongst them who 
 had treated me with every species of indignity, and felt that they 
 were the most culpable, begged Saduk to intercede for them, and 
 endeavour to calm my resentment — some had a suit in hand, and 
 wished me to say a word for them to the Governor. My servant 
 promised everything to those who made him presents, and told 
 the others who did not, to call again. He knew the Persian system 
 to a hair ; but they had no more cause to congratulate themselves 
 on his intervention than I had subsequently on his fidelity. 
 
 The muleteers also underwent the same transformation as the 
 
Chap. VITL DERROOD— TURGOVEH. Ill 
 
 pilgrims, and came in the evening to know at what hour I would 
 start. Profiting, therefore, by the new position I had assumed, I 
 declared, to the great annoyance of the chief Syud, who now only 
 played the second violin, that I should rescind the order for the 
 night-march, and leave the next morning at daybreak ; and this 
 was carried into effect. 
 
 Derrood, May 23rd — five parasangs — six hours and a half — by 
 a level and sandy road, through gardens, villages, and cultivation 
 admirably irrigated. These succeeded one another so rapidly, 
 that this stage seemed as if we had taken the road for the mere 
 pleasure of making a morning excursion. Never had I before seen 
 in Persia such rich and luxuriant vegetation ; and, as the eye revelled 
 in contemplation over it, I could quite understand without difficulty 
 the predilection which the sovereigns, to whose violent and selfish 
 deeds I have had occasion to refer, had for Nishapoor. After a 
 march of five hours and a half in the plain we passed on our left 
 Kademgah, the halting-place for travellers who intend to reach 
 Meshed by Sherifabad, and entered the great mountain-range 
 upon our left. This road is shorter by three parasangs than the 
 other, but rough and steep ; and after having toiled along for an 
 hour we arrived at Derrood. 
 
 This is a large village of four hundred houses, situated in a 
 most picturesque position at the extremity of a gorge, enclosed by 
 beautiful gardens and a multitude of aged plane and other trees, 
 whose spreading foliage affords a most delightful shade — abundant 
 and excellent water flows on every side. It is really one of the 
 most delicious spots that can be conceived. Derrood pays a tax 
 of one thousand tomauns to the state. 
 
 Turgoveh, May 24th — six parasangs — ten hours — across a moun- 
 tain and by the roughest and most precipitous road I ever travelled 
 in Persia. The ground was covered by stones and rounded boulders, 
 the path winding through a narrow defile, and we ascended every 
 now and then steps worn in the rock by the continual passino- to 
 and fro of the caravans. The melting snows and mountain tor- 
 rents flowed across two-thirds of the road both ascending and 
 descending. In these clear and limpid streams were numbers of 
 excellent trout, and these are, singular to say, the property of 
 the defunct Iraaum Reza. His claim to them was clearly estab- 
 lished some forty-five years ago, and in the following manner. 
 One of the chief mollahs of Meshed, who had the good taste to be 
 
112 TURGOVEH. Chap. YIII. 
 
 passionately fond of trout, was in the habit of sending here every 
 two or three days for a dish, but they began to get scarce, and on 
 making inquiries he found that there were many persons in Meshed 
 who were as fond of trout as himself. His stomach became alarmed ; 
 how was he to control the taste of his townsmen ? A thought 
 struck him ; he dreamt that the Imaum Reza appeared to him 
 and signified that the streams and trout were his, and that in 
 future mollahs alone were to eat them. This gratifying dream he 
 immediately made public, and since then the rivulets of Derrood 
 have been the sacred preserves of the mollahs of Meshed. 
 
 But to return from this little digression to the road we were 
 travelling : this in many places and near the water was bordered 
 with trees, under whose shade we rode for a considerable distance ; 
 the effect of this cool green foliage against the bare sides of the 
 precipitous rocks which enclosed them on either side was very pic- 
 turesque, especially when looking upwards we could descry several 
 herds of deer and troops of active goats feeding on some of the 
 highest and least accessible of their summits. The trees observ- 
 able in the g^reatest numbers in this mountain-ranofe are the 
 poplar, willow, ash, and plane, but there were many other kinds of 
 which I know nothing. The seedless barberry and the green 
 rhubarb, in Persian rivas, were seen here in great quantities. 
 After three hours' march we came to the last ascent. Here the 
 trees and water disappeared and their shade was replaced by that 
 of a little caravanserai of stone, roughly built, very a propos as a 
 place of repose after the difficulties we had encountered, as well 
 as to prepare for the much steeper acclivities we still had to sur- 
 mount. In point of fact, the last range, though not so elevated, 
 was so fatiguing by reason of the extreme steepness of the road, 
 being nearly perpendicular, that it took us with all our efforts one 
 hour to reach the summit. 
 
 I had never at that time, and have never since, seen such a 
 road in the course of my travels. The laden mules at one time 
 refused to advance, and we were obliged to relieve them of half 
 their loads and return again for the rest ; had we not done so they 
 would never have reached the top : women and children were every 
 one carried up, and the men, thoroughly worn out, fell down by 
 the roadside completely exhausted. It was May, and the sun in 
 Persia during this month, already very powerful in the plains, was 
 scarcely felt at this height, on which it was so icy cold that we 
 
Chap. VTTT. VIEW OF MESHED. 113 
 
 could scarcely keep ourselves in motion. It was tliis, probably, 
 which prevented me from enjoying as much as I should otherwise 
 have done the majestic scenery that sun-ounded us on every side. 
 
 In the centre of a vast plain, situated between the mountain- 
 range on which we stood and another more to the north, which 
 separates Khorassan from Turkistan, we saw, though eight para- 
 sangs distant from us, the great and holy city of Meshed. The 
 cupola and lofty golden minarets, rising from the mosque which 
 covers the tomb of the Imaum Reza, stood out in brilliant relief 
 against the cloudless heavens, lighted up as they were under the 
 dazzling beams of the midday sun. The green band of verdure 
 which we had to traverse in our descent from this elevated region 
 lay picturesquely unrolled at our feet, and with my glass I could 
 see crowds of the faithful entering and leaving the blessed city of 
 God. As to our pilgrims, they were in ecstacies, in spite of their 
 great fatigues, and in a delirium of pleasure when they distinctly 
 saw the mosque within whose walls reposed the remains of their 
 venerated Imaum ; they ceased not for a long time to cry " Yah, 
 Ali ! Yah, Imaum Reza ! " and then, after reciting their Namaz, 
 each of them rent a piece off his garment, and hung it to the 
 nearest bush, as an offering to their adored and holy saint. I 
 was, till then, utterly unable to comprehend why all the bushes in 
 this desert spot were hung with myriads of rags, of every colour, 
 flapping in the breeze ; but the chief Syud, who was civil enough 
 after I threw off my Arab shirt, explained to me that, the eye of 
 the Imaum being always on the top of this mountain, the shreds 
 which are left there by those who hold him in reverence remind 
 him of what he ought to do in their behalf with Mahomet, Ali, 
 and other holy personages, who are to propitiate the Almighty in 
 their favour. 
 
 Close to and around these bushes, hung with these rags and 
 tatters, were heaps of stones, to which every pilgrim added some 
 from the loose ones about-; the chief Syud could not give me 
 a reason for this, but said that it was customary. These cairns 
 are frequently seen in Persia by the roadside; sometimes they 
 seem to mark a path or a resting-place, but I fancy that, 
 generally speaking, they are thrown up by the passing traveller 
 without any object whatsoever. Perhaps the custom may have 
 originated in this, Mahomet, when flying from Medina to Mecca 
 for refuge, threw stones at, and poured forth some terrible impre- 
 
 I 
 
114 GIPSIES. Chap. VIIL 
 
 cations against, that city ; and as every act of the Prophet has 
 been made a rule of faith and practice, hence possibly this habit of 
 heaping stones by the wayside. 
 
 We were six hours in descending the mountain, and without 
 meeting with any serious difficulty. At the foot of the first ridge 
 we came to a little chalet, the occupant of which sold his goats'- 
 milk and bread to passing travellers. At this spot springs of 
 water and trees again appear, and in greater quantity and numbers 
 than at Derrood. After a march of five hours and a half from the 
 spot at which we commenced our descent, we arrived at the fine 
 village of Jugkerk, embosomed in gardens. The inhabitants 
 have left in front of their houses, and under the shade of large 
 clumps of trees, very commodious spots of ground, admirably 
 adapted for the caravans that frequently encamp here, especially 
 in coming from Meshed ; but as ours wished to reach the city 
 early on the following morning, we moved forward an hour more, 
 and halted at Turgoveh, also a flourishing village and of eight 
 hundred houses. Here, however, our stay was not a happy one, 
 for we found a troop of gipsies had taken possession of the great 
 square, and we were obliged to encamp on a piece of ground 
 strewed with dung and alive with fleas, bugs, and other insects, 
 which bit and stung us most horribly. 
 
 The gipsies in Persia are w'hat you see them everywhere else ; 
 they lead a wandering life ; each band is independent ; they pre- 
 serve their own ideas of caste as a peculiar people, and with them 
 the dirtiest habits, live upon next to nothing, and detest a regular 
 life and a fixed place of abode. There are more than 15,000 
 families of gipsies dispersed over the various provinces of Persia, 
 paying a heavy tax to the government. They are all under the 
 orders and supervision of the Shater-bashee, who exercises the 
 most absolute powers of administration over them. The tax they 
 pay is a kind of hliaraj, or price of blood, which is never levied 
 either on Christians or Jews : it is to this fact that they owe the 
 name of Kooli, slave, one of the epithets by which they are 
 designated. They are likewise called Fal-sen, or, as we should 
 render it, fortune-tellers ; also by the name of kal-bir-bend, or 
 sieve-makers, because this is their principal occupation— these 
 their wives sell from door to door. Their faces are, in defiance 
 of all Eastern customs, uncovered : they are tall, robust, and 
 of a bronzed complexion ; their white teeth are not concealed j 
 
Chap. VIII. GIPSIES. , 115 
 
 and no matter to whose lips their own are pressed, neither hus- 
 band, father, nor brother seems to care the least about it. The 
 names of Zingtiri, Gitano, Brinjarries, Ambadles, and Gipsies, 
 &c., by which the race of Bohemians are known in other countries, 
 are never heard in Persia. Those encamped so near us at Ter- 
 goveh were members of the fraternity of tumblers, who performed 
 the usual gymnastic feats, and enchanted the delighted pilgrims 
 with their tricks and the good fortunes they promised them : this 
 was, however, not done without lightening their pockets. 
 
 As night fell I suddenly heard my servant Saduk making a 
 great uproar, accusing the gipsies of having stolen his knap- 
 sack, which, he said, contained many valuable articles, worth at 
 least twenty tomauns, and which he had left safe a few minutes 
 before. " Son of a dog," said he, " how could you think of 
 robbing a man whose master received a present of sweetmeats 
 from Assaf Doulet, the Governor of Khorassan ? You will cer- 
 tainly die under the stick for this abominable act. Listen to me, 
 race of vipers ! May your fathers be cursed and burnt, if you do 
 not, within the next hour, deliver up the stolen goods ! " But for 
 this animated address I should not have believed Saduk had 
 been robbed ; but his indignation seemed so sincere that I felt 
 ashamed of my suspicions, and was fool enough to offer to make 
 good his loss. The real fact was, the rascal took his knapsack to 
 a friend's house in Turgoveh, a lootee, like himself, in the hope 
 perhaps of moving my compassion, and, as I learnt afterwards, of 
 being in light marching order when he found an opportunity to 
 rob me and decamp, which he subsequently did. 
 
 I 2 
 
110 MESHED. Chap. IX. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The city of Meshed — Gold and silver mines — The pilgrim's reason why they 
 are not worked — Altercation with the custom-house officer — The general's 
 visitors — Afghan mannei-s — Mohamed Wali Khan — Agreeable acquaint- 
 ances — Hospitality of the Persians — The author robbed — The ancient 
 Thous — History of Meshed — Its commercial importance — Population — Per- 
 secution of the Jews in 1839 — Burial-grounds — The Khiabane — Commerce 
 of Meshed — Carpets ■ — Str>ne-quarrie8 — The great mosque — The Hindoo's 
 justification for entering it — Dr. Wolf — Stoddart and Conolly — The author 
 advised not to proceed — Reasons for not taking that advice — Fight between 
 the townspeople and the troops — Escorted out of the town — Leaves Meshed. 
 
 Meshed, May 25th — four parasangs — four hours and a half — by a 
 level and sandy road. At half an hour beyond Turgoveh we crossed 
 what appeared to be the bed of a large river, which had been dry for 
 many years. The sides of the perpendicular rocks through which it 
 once flowed had been worn away by the action of the water ; a mere 
 streamlet trickled through it. The plain in which Meshed is situated 
 is naked and uncultivated ; this may be attributed to the repeated 
 incursions of the Turcomans, the Uzbeks, and the Afghans. It is 
 covered with numerous small towns, similar to those I described at 
 Lasjird, and intended for the same purpose. The sterility is con- 
 fined to the plain ; for, at the foot of the mountains \\hich surround 
 the city, the villages are numerous, and the cultivation rich and 
 fertile, the crops being sufficient to supply the wants of the inhabit- 
 ants of Meshed. 
 
 Before entering Meshed, on the side of Derrood, two small 
 eminences called the Koh-i-tellah-nogreh (the gold and silver 
 mountains) are left on the right. These metals are said to be i 
 found in them in tolerably large quantities. Those who have ■ 
 worked them up to this time have not, however, covered their j 
 expenses, and the following is the reason given by the Persians : : 
 they say the mines were very productive in the olden times, and \ 
 the ores that are still raised are of more than ordinary richness ; . 
 but the deceased Imaum Reza, to whom they belonged, indignant 
 at seeing himself pillaged, changes the gold and silver into earth 
 directly the ores are thrown into the furnace. This was a pilgrim's , 
 tale to me, and, like that of the trout, all in favour of the priest- 
 
Chap. IX. MESHED. 117 
 
 hood. Subsequent inquiries respecting these mines convinced me 
 that they were not profitable to work, in consequence of the igno- 
 rance of the Persians in metallurgical operations, and also the 
 want of fuel and water-power, which must be brought from a great 
 distance, and at a great expense. 
 
 I had scarcely entered the holy city of Meshed before I was 
 engaged in an altercation with a custom-house officer. Contrary 
 to usage, and the privileges which Europeans enjoy in this country, 
 they required me to pay the haj — a tax levied on all travellers ; 
 and he would not let go the bridle of my mule until my stick had 
 made acquaintance with his back — an argument always highly to 
 the taste of a Persian — which put an end to the affair. I heard 
 that I was not the only European who had been treated after this 
 fashion, and that the native merchants were nicely mulcted by the 
 head of the department, a protege of Assaf Doulet's, who, if com- 
 plaints had been made to him, would not in this instance have acted 
 with his usual decision, in dismissing the official. Making our way 
 through several handsome streets, in which crowds of people were 
 passing to and fro, I took up my quarters in the large and well- 
 built caravanserai of the Imaum Jumeh, situated on the Khlahane, 
 avenue. 
 
 My arrival at Meshed was an event, for a European is rarely 
 seen there ; and in less than two hours the incident was known in 
 every part of the town. The first person who honoured me with a 
 visit was Mollah Mehdi, vaglie-id-nagc)\ correspondent, or, more 
 literally rendered, news-writer, to the British Minister at Teheran. 
 He came to volunteer his services, which I gladly accepted. After 
 the Mollah a host of people made their appearance — Hindoos, 
 Afghans, Uzbeks, Turcomans, and Belooches. Some of these, 
 thinking I was an Englishman, came with the intention of finding 
 out, if possible, what object I had in coming to Meshed ; some 
 with the ulterior view of immediately forwarding the information 
 to the government in whose employ they were, others to offer 
 their assistance to England, and a few to complain that they had 
 not been sufficiently recompensed. It was rather hard work to see 
 them all, to talk to half a dozen at once, listen to their numerous 
 and absurd demands, and reply to the same ; but they could tell 
 me much I wùshed to know respecting Central Asia, and so I 
 played the Persian to admiration, and I flatter myself they were 
 enchanted at my extreme politeness. 
 
 The excessive love of etiquette and ceremony so rigidly observed 
 
118 MOHAMED WALI KHAN. Chap. IX. 
 
 by the Persians is in singular contrast to the brusque manners of 
 their neighbours the Afghans. The latter think any conversation 
 insupportable which is constrained, and they speak their mind in 
 terms which we should consider exceedingly rude, if not insulting ; 
 but they are quite ready to be paid in kind. If they try to deceive 
 a European, or act with dissimulation, their schemes are so badly 
 planned that they are sure to be found out. They visit without 
 knowing one another, accost you without ceremony, and are your 
 intimates in five minutes ; not to adopt the same line with them 
 would be to expose oneself to suspicion, and it was from knowing 
 how to accommodate myself to their humour that I was enabled 
 to make a few friends amongst them, from whom I learned much 
 of what I have written, and, through their kind assistance, was 
 enabled to leave Afghanistan alive. 
 
 The day after my arrival at Meshed I paid a visit to Mohamed 
 Wali Khan, the nephew and lieutenant of Assaf Doulet, and 
 governor of the town in his absence. This was the same nobleman 
 who, four years before, was made prisoner by the Turcomans and 
 taken to Khiva ; he owed his delivery to Mr. Thompson, of the 
 British Embassy, who went to Khiva in 1842 and effected his 
 release. As the heat was already great, Mohamed Khan received 
 me in a garden situated in the encciyite of the town, and towards 
 evening. Arm-chairs and carpets had been placed for us amidst 
 a mass of roses and jessamine in full flower, round and through 
 which ran numerous little rills of fresh and limpid water. .Having 
 taken our seats, plates of fruit, and sweetmeats, and bowls of 
 sherbet were put before us, also tea, and the grateful kalioon. 
 The Khan evidently did his best to make himself agreeable ; and 
 I saw that he wished I should retain a good opinion of him, which 
 I felt quite disposed to do. He has the reputation of being one of 
 the bravest men in Khorassan, is by no means wanting in capa- 
 city, or, like most Persians, in conceit either ; he knew every- 
 thing, especially the geography of Europe, but five minutes after 
 betrayed his intense ignorance of that of his own country. He did 
 not, in fact, know the position of Mohamra — a small town situated 
 to the south-east of Bussora, the possession of which had been a 
 subject of contention between the Turks and Persians for the last 
 thirty years. I did not think it wise to enlighten him ; for vanity 
 is the weak point of every son of Irak, and it would have been bad 
 policy to wound his. 
 
 My two first days at Meshed were passed most agreeably in 
 
Chap. IX. AGKEEABLE ACQUAINTANCES. 119 
 
 receiving and paying visits ; and I can assure the reader I thought 
 myself amply repaid for all the tribulations I had endured on my 
 journey from Bagdad to Nishapoor. But I ought to say that 
 the vile conduct of the pilgrims, my companions, vtas quite an 
 exception to that of persons generally to Europeans. The Persian 
 nobleman is kind and hospitable, and more tolerant than many 
 Christians. ^Vhile at Meshed I made the acquaintance of all 
 those persons whom it was desirable to know ; from them I received 
 the very best treatment, and it is my pleasing duty to mention 
 the names of the following in particular : Mohamed Hussein, 
 the chief of the merchants — a man remarkable as well by the 
 qualities of his heart, the amenity of his manners, and his liberal 
 and tolerant spirit, as his high position and the influence he has 
 in the councils of Assaf Doulet. I also mention, and with great 
 pleasure, the cordial reception I met with from Abdul Ali Khan, 
 colonel commandant of the artillery of Khorassan ; also the 
 Imaum Jumeh, one of the heads of the Persian hierarchy, an 
 amiable man, learned and polite ; I shall not easily forget the -— 
 very kind manner in which he made me always welcome. ,; It was 
 to Mollah Mehdi, the English agent, that I was indebted for 
 these acquaintances, and for many other little services which one 
 is so glad to accept when travelling alone in these distant countries. 
 The mollah had originally been the chief of the Jews, at Meshed ; 
 but, as will be seen further on, was obliged, as- well as his co- 
 religionists, to embrace Islamism in 1839.* j 
 
 A most unpleasant and unfortunate affair, the result of the in- 
 credibly imprudent confidence I placed in my servant, Saduk, 
 ushered in the 27th of May. When I got up on the morning of 
 that day I found the door of my room locked on the outside, and 
 I was at least an hour hallooing and knocking before the servant 
 of the caravanserai heard me, and came and opened the door. 
 Saduk was absent, I thought, perhaps, early to the bath, and, 
 fearing that some one might enter my room while I was asleep 
 and steal some things, had locked the door. Noon came, but with 
 it no Saduk ; ray suspicions were roused ; 1 called the roll of my 
 effects, and examined my baggage, and was at once convinced that . 
 
 * It is very pleasing to see that Mol- san who have not had cause to be 
 
 lah Mehdi continues his good offices grateful for his services. I fear that 
 
 to European travellers. There are few they have been but poorly rewai'ded. — 
 
 Englishmen who have been in Khoras- L. 
 
120 HISTORY OF MESHED. Chap. IX. 
 
 he had started with a pair of ray pistols and a pretty round sum of 
 money ; the attack upon the gi})sies at Turgovch and his pretended 
 loss of his knapsack were explained. Fortunately I had only the 
 evening before removed part of my cash from the trunk, and 
 fastened it round my waist. So much for this rascal, whom I had 
 treated with every kindness. 
 
 Meshed is considered by some writers to have been the ancient 
 Thons, the primitive name of which was Sapleï ; but this is an 
 error, its origin dates back only a thousand years. The Persian 
 historians assert that Jemshid, the fifth king of the Pish-Dadian 
 dynasty, was the founder of Thous : its ruins are still to be seen 
 six parasangs from Meshed. The importance which the latter 
 city has acquired is entirely owing to the fact that the Imaum 
 Reza, the fifth in descent from Ali, was buried here ; his memory 
 was revered, and his tomb became in the eyes of the faithful a 
 sacred object — a few houses for the use of pilgrims were built 
 around it, and these, as they increased in number, formed the 
 suburb of Senabad. Time went on, mosques and other edifices 
 followed. Persian kings and rich pilgrims endowed it with many 
 costly gifts ; and Meshed acquired such regal dimensions that the 
 ancient Thous declined, was eventually deserted by its inhabitants, 
 and became a city of the past. 
 
 But like all great eastern cities, Meshed had its vicissitudes 
 and fearful calamities, in which the lust of conquest was never 
 softened by a feeling of humanity, or victory restrained by the hand 
 of mercy. In 1587 (Iléjira i)9G), the Usbek Tartars, under 
 Abd-ul Moomnee Khan, sacked and pillaged the town, and put 
 three-fourths of the population to the sword ; and it did not rise 
 from its ashes until ten years afterwards, at which period Shah 
 Abbas the Great united it to Persia. Nadir Shah made it one of 
 the four royal cities of the kingdom of Khorassan ; and it retained 
 that title under his grandson. Shah Rokh Mirza, who was in the 
 city when it was besieged by the Afghans and his revolted sub- 
 jects. This attack was not successful, and Shah Rokh retained 
 possession of the province until he was deprived of it by Agha 
 Mohamed Khan, founder of the dynasty of the Kajars. From 
 this date Meshed has always belonged to Persia, and generally 
 been the residence of the Governors General of Khorassan. It is 
 now a flourishing and important place. This prosperity may be 
 attributed to two circumstances, — its commerce, and the sacred 
 
ClIAP. IX. 
 
 HISTORY OF MESHED. 
 
 121 
 
 character it enjoys amongst Persian Mussulmans : to the former, 
 because, being situated on the extreme frontier of the Tatar and 
 Afghan states, it is the great entrepôt of all the merchandise and 
 productions exported and imported from and to those countries ;* 
 to the latter, because of the crowds of pilgrims which come here 
 from all parts of Asia. Fifty thousand are said to be the annual 
 average number of these itinerant disciples of Islam ; and during 
 their stay in the city they leave behind in alms, in contributions 
 to the mollahs, and the necessary expenses of living, considerable 
 sums of money. Since the emigration of the population of Merv and 
 Sharaks, Herat and Kandahar, the number of resident inhabitants 
 may be fixed at 60,000, and 30,000 pilgrims and strangers, who 
 bow the knee at the tomb of the Imaum Reza. 
 
 There are also in the town about 600 persons of Jewish origin, 
 
 * The bazaars of Meshed are fre- 
 quented by merchants from Yezd and 
 the southern parts of Persia, who trade 
 with Bombay. During the siege of Herat, 
 and for some time afterwards, Eldred 
 Pottiuger had great difficulty in pro- 
 curing money there to meet the ex- 
 penditure authorized by our govern- 
 ment. His bills on Bombay were only 
 cashed by the Hindoo bankers (from 
 Shikarpore) at a discount of 25 per 
 cent. ; and even for a year after the 
 arrival of the Mission, Major Todd 
 could only get his public bills cashed 
 at a discouut of IG per cent. Yar 
 Mohamed had also, at the instigation of 
 the Hindoo bankers, on finding that the 
 Mission had only brought Indian coins, 
 depreciated their value in the bazaar, 
 and raised that of the " Bajoglee" (the 
 Belgian ducat, which, strange to say, 
 is universally current there to the ex- 
 clusion of almost all other gold coins), 
 thus adding to our embarrassment. 
 Thinking that a better market might 
 be obtained for our bills at Meshed, 
 Dr. Login obtained some on his private 
 risk from the Envoy, and sent them to 
 Mollah Mehdi, and Mohamed Hoosein, 
 at Meshed, to be negotiated by the Yezd 
 merchants. The experiment was most 
 successful ; and he had the satisfaction 
 of making over the money to the trea- 
 sury at IG per cent, premium on the 
 bills, instead of 16 per cent, discount. 
 
 There were, however, other circum- 
 
 stances which greatly facilitated our 
 financial arrangements at this time. 
 The communication between Kandahar 
 and Herat had been made so safe, by 
 posting horsemen along the road for 
 the protection of travellers, that the 
 trade between these cities increased im- 
 mensely. The communication with 
 Meshed had also been rendered less 
 precariovxs, and large kafilâs with mer- 
 chants arrived almost every week. To 
 counteract the difficulty with respect to 
 the comparative value of the ducat, 
 as it was generally considered at 
 Herat to be a Eussian coin, sovereigns 
 were procured from the treasury at 
 Candahar, through Major (now Sir 
 Hemy) I'awliuson, and, on the plea 
 th:i,t it would be an irsult to the Tiowlut 
 Iii'ilccs to depreciate their coinage below 
 that of Russia, they were issued from 
 our treasiu'j' at a rate corresponding to 
 the enhanced value of the ducat. As 
 this happened to be the exact value of 
 2 Herat tomauns (3 Herat lis. being 
 equal to 1 Cos. rupee), they were I'eadily 
 received in circulation under the name 
 of " Do' Tomaunees " or " Sooltanees," 
 and as such are, no doubt, pretty well 
 known at Herat to this day. 
 
 On seeing a large sum of money paid 
 from our treasury to Yar Mohamed for 
 the release of the Cazee of Herat, it was 
 some consolation to know that he had 
 received it in sovereigns at the rate of 
 1/. 6s. 8rf. each! !— L. 
 
122 HISTORY OP MESHED. Chap. IX. 
 
 who, since 1839, as I have already remarked, are Mussulmans in 
 form, but not in heart : life is dear, and to save theirs they adopted 
 the faith of jNIaliomet. The story of this forced conversion is as 
 follows : — A Jewish woman having consulted a Mussulman doctor 
 for an abscess she had on her hand, this empiric ordered her 
 to open a dog recently born, and to keep her hand for one hour in 
 the bowels. The good old lady did as she was bid ; unfortunately, 
 however, this was done on the day of the Koorhan Beiram, the 
 festival of the victim, the most remarkable of Mahomedan holi- 
 days : a sheep is killed in every Mussulman family on that day, 
 and eaten with great rejoicings. This act of the Jewess having 
 come to the ears of some fanatical Mussulmans, they propagated 
 all kinds of lies in connexion with the circumstance ; they asserted 
 that the unfortunate dog had been killed in the presence of an 
 assembly of Jews, and that in doing this they intended to cast 
 ridicule upon the Mahomedan religion. These statements lost 
 nothing in the telling ; and at length the town was in a state of 
 ferment and agitation, the soldiers of the garrison hurried to the 
 Jews' quarter, pillaged it, and killed several of the wretched in- 
 habitants. The remainder were pursued like wild beasts, and, 
 receiving no protection from the officers of the local government, 
 they, to save their lives, embraced a faith which they abhorred. 
 During the time they were paralysed by these scenes the Imaum 
 Jumeh and other mollahs, iis well as some noblemen of Meshed, 
 seized the prettiest Jewesses and married them. 
 
 Assaf Doulet, usually reputed so just, did not take the measures 
 he should have done to repress these disorders, nor affect even to 
 inquire into them until it was too late ; and some persons went so 
 far as to say that he secretly promoted this disgraceful and brutal 
 piece of tyranny. This was not proved ; but it is well known 
 that his hatred of the Armenians and Jews was intense ; which 
 gave a certain amount of credibility to the report. Fanaticism, 
 however, was not the only motive which roused the Mussulman 
 population to the commission of these crimes. They were jealous 
 of the Jews, and vexed to see them wealthy, and the most pro- 
 fitable commercial operations in their hands ; they also imagined 
 that their houses were full of treasure ; these they pillaged, and 
 carried off everything, even to the doors and windows. From the 
 period at which this took place the Jews of Meshed have never 
 
Chap. IX. HISTORY OF MESHED. 123 
 
 set their feet within the walls of their synagogues ; on the con- 
 trary, they make a point of going every day to the mosque of the 
 Imaum Reza, in order that their conversion may not appear hypo- 
 critical, which would, without doubt, subject thein to fresh persecu- 
 tions. They have also pledged themselves to send their children to 
 the mollahs to study the Koran, and never to teach them the Hebrew 
 language. Those who emigrated to Herat have openly returned 
 to their ancient faith, for which they would certainly suffer if they 
 were to revisit Meshed. The Jews of this town appeared in every 
 way superior to those generally met with in Asia. They have 
 not, perhaps, the same astuteness, but they have not the same 
 servile air. They are ready to be of service, polite, and certainly 
 more loyal than what one generally expects, or, indeed, sometimes 
 finds in persons of that nation.* 
 
 Meshed is surrounded by a dry ditch and mud wall, about four 
 miles and a half in circumference, incapable of resisting any re- 
 gular siege. The citadel, situated on the S. E. side, is in a bad 
 state of repair ; the construction is on the same plan as all other 
 Persian fortresses, an oblong, with large towers at the angles, and 
 smaller ones at intervals, connected by curtains. A\'ithin the 
 enceinte of the town are numerous cemeteries of immense extent, 
 far exceeding the requirements of the resident population. The 
 explanation of this is, that hundreds of devotees, whose bodies are 
 brought from a considerable distance round Meshed, are buried 
 here, in order that their remains may be nearer those of the 
 
 * There were only a few families of letter from Colonel Stoddart at Bok- 
 
 Jews at Herat on the arrival of the hara. He engaged him to complete the 
 
 Mission, but they are settled in great work, leaving him in charge of his 
 
 numbers in different parts of Eastern friend (now Major) Dawes, of the horse 
 
 Persia and Turkistan. Major Eldred artillei-y on his departure for India. 
 
 Pottinger had shown much kindness to The Jew accompanied Dawes to Jel- 
 
 them, and they were very well affected lallabad, and finished the transcript 
 
 towards us. As they communicate with during the siege of that place. The 
 
 each other in the IRhrew character, first kafila whicli passed through the 
 
 though in the Persian language. Dr. Khyber after General Pollock opened 
 
 Login was induced to get an old Rabbi it, brought it to Peshawur, whence it 
 
 at Herat to transcribe a little tract for was forwarded to Dr. Login at Luknow. 
 
 circulation among them ; and as they On looking over a book of Sketches 
 
 appeared to be much pleased with this, published by Mrs. Colin Mackenzie, 
 
 he employed him to transcribe a part since his ari-ival in England, Dr. I>ogin 
 
 of Martin's Persian Testament in a had the gratification of learning, after a 
 
 similar way. The transcript into the lapse of ^AiVfcc» years, that the poor Jew, 
 
 Hebrew character was not completed who had been employed under Major 
 
 when we left Herat, and he took it on Dawes, had, while so engaged, been led 
 
 to Kabul, where he met the son of the to iuqidre into the truth of the Gospel, 
 
 old Rabbi, who had just brought a and died a Christian at Bombay.— L. 
 
124 MESHED— ITS COMMERCIAL IMPORTANCE. Chap. IX, 
 
 Imaum Reza, in whose good company they hope one day to journey 
 to Heaven, and enter the Mussuhnan paradise. Besides these 
 open spots there are some gardens to the west of the town ; but 
 these are being cleared away to make room for houses, which are 
 rising on all sides.* 
 
 There is only one remarkable building in Meshed, —the mosque 
 in which is the tomb of the Imaum Reza. This is situated in 
 the centre of the town, and divides the Khiabane into two parts. 
 The Khiabane is a magnificent promenade, extending from one 
 end of the city to the other, that is to say, from the gate of 
 Herat to that of Koochan ; a large stream of running water flows 
 along its whole length, shaded on either side by fine plane-trees. 
 Retail shops line each side of the avenue. The merchants meet in 
 very handsome caravanserais, of recent construction, and in the 
 bazaars, which, though roofed in, are narrow and of small extent, 
 quite unworthy of such a city. 
 
 This Khiabane is the general rendezvous of the population of 
 Meshed ; to it also resort all strangers, and the crowds of people 
 assembled between the hours of eleven and two are so great that 
 it is difficult to thread one's way amongst them. The noise and 
 bustle are then indescribable ; fruit, sherbets, and other refreshments, 
 with all kinds of Eastern productions, are spread out on the banks 
 of the stream, frequently under the very feet of the ever-passing 
 and crowding people, who jostle and take little heed of the remon- 
 strances of the owners of the wares. To these may be added the 
 clamours to buy, with all the chaffering that takes place when a 
 bargain is being driven in the East. The result of all this is a 
 loud hum, that may be heard at some distance from the animated 
 and picturesque tide of human life. 
 
 The commerce of Meshed is, in some respects, important, with 
 reference to the surrounding and distant countries. Sugars, which 
 are brought from the refineries of Yezd, form a considerable article 
 of trade. These, as well as every kind of silk and cotton goods, 
 glass, porcelain, and delf, brought from Teheran, but of European 
 manufacture, are forwarded to Central Asia ; and from hence 
 the merchants receive in return Kashmir shawls, black lamb- 
 
 * The foregoing was written in 1844; years was taken and strangled. Meshed 
 
 since tlien the Sh:ih having dismissed suffered greatly by these occurrences, 
 
 and exiled Assaf Doulet, his son Salar and it will be many j'ears before it 
 
 revolted, and after a resistance of three recovers them. 
 
Chap. IX. THE GEEAT MOSQUE. 125 
 
 skins from Bokhara, assafoetida, camels' -hair cloth called harcTc ; 
 fm* cloaks made at Kabul, camels from Khiva, and Turcoman 
 horses, which are for the most part disposed of in Persia. There 
 is also a large sale of articles manufactured in the province of 
 Meshed. Of these the first in importance are its magnificent 
 carpets, perhaps unequalled for colour, wear, and beauty in the 
 world ; shawls of a Kashmir pattern, called in Persian lleshedees. 
 These are held in greater estimation than those of Kerman. The 
 felts, light silk goods — the produce of the silk in the north, should 
 also be mentioned ; and arms, particularly swords, which have a 
 great reputation. 
 
 The quarries in the mountains, a parasang south of the city, 
 furnish the material for another branch of local manufacture — a 
 stone of a blackish tint, somewhat resembling plaster, but much 
 harder. This is an excellent substitute for delf or glass, and is 
 made into many articles of first necessity, such as cooking-pots, 
 vases and jugs of every pattern and shape, tea-cups, tea-pots, 
 sugar-basins, and salt-cellars. Assafoetida is also a production of 
 Khorassan. 
 
 The principal mosque of Meshed is an imposing edifice, not only 
 from its size, but the rich and costly materials of which it is con- 
 structed. The building is divided into two parts ; the first into a 
 large square court, in the form of a caravanserai, with two stories 
 of small apartments looking into it, and here the pilgrims are 
 lodged gratis. This court is paved with large flagstones, the walls 
 being covered with enamelled bricks, or rather varnished ; the 
 blue ground of these brings out in strong relief sentences of the 
 Koran, which, in gold and white and from the base to the summit, 
 ornament this magnificent place of worship. Shah Abbas the 
 Great was the founder of this portion of the building ; and Nadir 
 Shah subsequently restored it. 
 
 The second division consists of the mosque, the work of Goher 
 Shah of Timour origin ; it covers the tomb of the Imaum Reza, 
 which is in marble, and decorated with arabesques of most ad- 
 mirable workmanship ; a massive silver railing, surmounted by 
 gold ornaments, surrounds it ; and a large cupola and two mina- 
 rets, remarkable for their bold conception as well as elegant form, 
 rise above this monument : these are externally, from halfway up 
 to the top, covered with rich gilding, and when the burning rays 
 
126 THE GIÎEAT MOSQUE. Chap. IX. 
 
 of an Eastern snn arc shed upon them they dazzle with their 
 brilliancy the eyes of" the sjjeetator. 
 
 Some of my Meshed cicérones assured me that the tomb of the 
 famous Caliph Haroon-al-Raschid was next to that of the Imaum 
 Reza, but it would have been the height of imprudence on my 
 part to verify the fact ; I w^as therefore obliged to be satisfied with 
 promenading the quadrangles of the edifice, the mosque being 
 open only to the faithful, who would lay violent hands upon any 
 infidel they might find within its precincts. 
 
 Some years since, a Hindoo, led by curiosity, penetrated into the 
 sanctuary, and they were on the point of maltreating him, when he 
 demanded to be taken before the mutévelli, a public officer, of whom, 
 as a British subject, he claimed protection. This dreaded name pro- 
 duced its effect, and he consented to listen to the following justi- 
 fication. " Why do you," said he, " reproach me with a crime for 
 having entered this building — because I am impure ? What is the 
 use of such reasoning ? — Did God create men from two kinds of 
 dust ? I don't believe a word of it. We are all fashioned in the same 
 mould, and of the same material ; and, if you think otherwise, I 
 can prove that you are wrong. Let one of you cut his finger, I 
 will do the same : if milk flows from my wound, and blood from a 
 Mussulman's, you will then have reason on your side, and you 
 may kill me ; but if blood should also come from my finger, why 
 should you affirm that your blood is purer than mine ? " No one 
 felt inclined to try this test, and our Indian was allowed to go 
 quietly about his business. It would not, however, have been 
 prudent to speculate upon his good luck, and I adopted the 
 opinion which I would recommend to others who are not Mussul- 
 mans — namely, to abstain from making their bow to the tomb of 
 the Imaum Reza.* The revenues arising from the legacies and 
 
 * The ordiuaiy position of Hindoos regiments, Mussulman from India. Our 
 
 towards tlieir Christian masters, in servants, Afghans and Pharsevâns, to 
 
 respect to caste and jHirity, was reversed show their hospitalitj', offered them a 
 
 in Afghanistan. At Herat, and bej'ond kalian wliich had just been smoked by 
 
 the Indus generally. Christians— as Major Todd. The Indian Mussulmen 
 
 people of the Book- were freely ad- asked if they intended to ins idt them, 
 
 mitted to eat with Mussulmen, so long by offering a pipe which had been 
 
 as they abstained from the forbidden smoked by a Kafir : whereupon our 
 
 food; and we were often a:*ked why we people retorted, that the Indian Mussul- 
 
 allowed unclean Kaffirs like Hindoos, men were Kafirs, in following the cus- 
 
 to be freely admitted into our liouses. toms of Hindoos ; and a battle royal 
 
 When travelling between Candahar would liave ensued, had we not iut'er- 
 
 and Cabul we were met by a few horse- fered. — L. 
 men of one of our irregular cavalry 
 
Chap. IX. DR. WOLF. 127 
 
 donations of pious Mussulmans are immense, and furnish the means 
 of relieving each day the wants of indigent pilgrims who have no 
 other means of subsistence ; the trustees of these revenues also 
 lend a portion of them at the rate of 25 per cent. 
 
 When I was at Meshed, one heard a great deal of gossip re- 
 specting the journey which had been recently made to Bokhara 
 by the Rev. Dr. Wolf, with a view of obtaining the release of 
 Colonel Stoddart and Captain Conolly, believed to have been 
 assassinated by the Emir of that city two years before. I shall 
 not enter here into the details relative to the captivity of these 
 two officers, having already given them in another manuscript, 
 entitled ' Researches into the History of the Afghans,' and will 
 simply say a few words respecting Dr. Wolf. On his return to 
 England that gentleman published a work, that I have never 
 read, but which I have been generally assured was a most eccen- 
 tric production ; and I can have no difficulty in believing this after 
 what I have heard of the author — in the first place from one or 
 two of his servants who were subsequently in my employment, and 
 afterwards from several Persians, Usbeks, and even Englishmen, 
 who, be it said, were little disposed in his favour. My opinion, 
 therefore, of the Doctor is partly based on what his countrymen 
 said of him, and coincides with that of the Asiatics. It was 
 known to many persons — and those who do not know it I will 
 inform — that after his return to Teheran from Bokhara the Doctor 
 refused to cash some bills which he had given to a Persian, Abdul 
 Samut Khan, the commandant of the artillery at Bokhara, amount- 
 ing to 60,000 francs. This refusal was interpreted in various 
 ways at Meshed : some said the bills had been extorted from 
 him by Samut Khan, with whom he had settled all his accounts 
 before he left Bokhara ; others said that he ought to have paid 
 the money. For my part I believe that the honour of the Doctor 
 was free from the slightest imputation. Having frankly said this, 
 I thin"k I am entitled to be believed when I mention faults that may, 
 it is true, hurt his amour pr^opre, but the correctness of which it 
 would be impossible to deny. I have, however, no desire to lessen 
 the credit due to the zeal the reverend gentleman showed in his 
 endeavours to ascertain the fate of these unfortunate Englishmen : 
 but his devotion would have appeared more praiseworthy to me if 
 Christian charity and benevolence had alone directed his conduct. 
 Vanity, quite as much as an impulse of the heart, was, I believe, 
 
128 DI^. AVOLF. Chap. TX. 
 
 the motive that induced him to take this perilous journey, the 
 dangers of which he did not seem to appreciate ; thus proving 
 that in his preceding peregrinations in Central Asia he had only 
 seen men and things through the prismatic illusions which con- 
 tinually deceived his judgment. The mission which he had under- 
 taken was not suited to his organization ; timid heyond all belief, 
 he never had the least idea that he staked his life in going to 
 Bokhara, and up to the time he arrived there manifested a sense 
 of security so eccentric that it bordered upon craziness ; letters 
 that I have read of his, certainly not a great many, confirmed me 
 in that opinion. Dr. Wolf was born in Germany, of Jewish parents, 
 and on arriving at the age of reason went to Rome and abjm-ed his 
 faith, and became a Roman Catholic ; but he gave himself such 
 licence in the practice and teaching of his new religion that his 
 superiors were obliged to place an interdict upon his doings, and he 
 would have been in some scrape if the English, who made a martyr 
 of him, had not taken him under their protection. The Doctor then 
 became a Protestant, but he did not show any increase of common 
 sense after this fresh change of faith. 
 
 His first contretemps on his arrival at Meshed was to find him- 
 self face to face with several Mollahs, to whom in 1832 he 
 had prophesied that our Saviour would in 1840 return to this 
 earth, when all the human race would embrace the English Pro- 
 testant religion — a prophecy which had not been realised. The 
 Doctor has the assurance to believe that he is inspired ; that with 
 the Bible in his hand and a smile on his lips he can at once con- 
 vert any Mussulman or the most hardened idolator — that he has 
 only to speak, and the individuals he addresses are at once con- 
 verted to the true faith. Tlius it is evident that no man could be 
 so little suited for this dangerous expedition. Nevertheless, 
 singular to say, he undertook it, and for what? — the hope of 
 acquiring apostolic renown and passing for a prophet. The selam- 
 liks, bows, and benedictions he talks of having received on his 
 entering Bokhara, existed only in his own fertile imagination. The 
 little children, instead of kissing the hem of his robe, abused and 
 threw stones at him. This increased his fears, and he endea- 
 voured to propitiate all who came near him with money and pre- 
 sents : it was this that induced him to give the bills to Samut 
 Khan for 6000 tellahs. 
 
 The first day of the Doctor's reception by the Emir Nasser 
 
Chap. IX. STODDAET AND CONOLLY. 120 
 
 Ullah KhanVie was in such a state of alarm that he did not seem 
 to know where he was ; he could not recognize the persons near 
 him ; his language was incoherent and he trembled violently. 
 The Emir observed this and had pity upon him. " Take this 
 wretched man home," he said to the master of the cereu.onies, 
 " he is incapable of conversing, and the terror he manifests 
 distresses me." At this time the Khan had no idea of putting 
 him to death, but he subsequently changed his mind, and would 
 have carried his intentions into effect had not the Shah of Persia, 
 at the pressing solicitations of Colonel Sheil induced the Emir to 
 alter his resolution. The Doctor's fears were, I will venture to 
 say, not without reason, of the most intense kind until he reached 
 the Persian territory. 
 
 In my opinion, Ur. Wolf's safety might have been much more 
 assured had he been furnished with letters from his Government 
 for the Emir of Bokhara. The Khan was, on a former occasion, 
 indignant at being requested to treat with the representative of a 
 company of merchants at Calcutta, and not direct with the English 
 Government. " He had had," he said, " communications with the 
 Emperor of Russia, one of the greatest Christian potentates, and 
 why not with the Queen of England ? " The Emir is stated to have 
 made this refusal of the English Government to treat with him 
 direct, a pretence for putting Stoddart and Conolly to death. This 
 susceptibility on the part of the Government, in acting upon the 
 notion that it would degrade the sovereign to correspond with a 
 barbarian, was absurd and out of place, and cost the lives of two 
 brave and intelligent officers, who had devoted themselves to their 
 country, and deserved a better fate. The Bokharians, Persians, 
 and Afghans I met in Meshed, who had known Stoddart and 
 Conolly, were agreed in thinking that the former was a brave, 
 energetic, resolute man, but violent and of an irascible temper ;* 
 
 * Mr. Khanikof, who was sent by the vernment ought to have delivered him. 
 
 Emperor of Kussia to endeavour to re- When Conolly came, he left Khanikof 
 
 lease Stoddart befoi-e ConoUy's arrival, to live with him, and from that time 
 
 told me that there never was a man so Khanikof told me he thought their fate 
 
 unfit to deal with Asiatics as Col. Stod- was sealed. Khanikof left, ovu- disasters 
 
 dart. He was a fine, gallant, chivali'ous, at Kabul occurred, and the Emir no 
 
 highly accomplished English gentleman, longer feared to act according to his in- 
 
 but very imperious and touchy. Helived clinations. 
 
 in Khanikof's house for four months, Stoddart had treated him, very in- 
 
 and might have left Bokhara, but he judiciously, with contemptuous haugh- 
 
 wonld not owe a favour to the Emperor tiness. Khanikof told me that he 
 
 of Russia, and thought that his own go- was once sent for with him to the 
 
ISO TRORrECTlVE DANGERS. Chap. IX. 
 
 and that to this unfortunate infirmity of temperament his death 
 may be attributed as much as to the refusal of his Government to 
 write to the Emir. Of Conolly, they spoke as a judicious, con- 
 cihating, prudent, and gentle individual, perfectly organized and 
 by nature adapted to negotiate with Asiatics ; they looked upon 
 his death as a fatality, and attributed it to the imperious and 
 unbending character of his companion. 
 
 The melancholy fate of these gallant soldiers was often referred 
 to by my friends at Meshed when I spoke of continuing my journey 
 to Afghanistan ; they assured me that my project would certainly 
 terminate fatally. Some advised me to retrace my steps ; others, 
 who really took an interest in my proceedings, entreated me to 
 forbear, and the majority, who cared little whether I took their 
 advice or not, said, " You will certainly have your throat cut ; for 
 the occupation of Afghanistan by the English, and their subse- 
 quent disasters, have caused such an irritation in the minds of the 
 inhabitants that the presence of one single European is capable of 
 rousing their indignation and leading them to acts of violence. 
 Their neighbours the Persians, who are connected with them by 
 more than one link, but whom they erroneously believe to be 
 devoted to English interests, cannot enter Afghanistan without 
 exposing their lives." These arguments were, it is true, calculated 
 to restrain me ; but when I reflected on all the fatigues, privations, 
 and dangers I had undergone since I left France, and the possi- 
 bility of being arrested in Persia, I determined to continue my 
 journey. To shrink from perils which I had foreseen before I left 
 Bagdad seemed to be the height of puerility and cowardice. With 
 prudence, courage, and perseverance, a man almost always attains 
 his object ; and though I could not manage to reach the Punjaub, 
 I am still persuaded that there is no country in Asia inaccessible 
 to a European who speaks the language fluently, and is acquainted 
 with the customs and religion of the inhabitants of the territory 
 through which he desires to travel. The principal thing is to 
 
 Emir, who told him of reports that and left the Emir free to gratify his 
 
 the English army had been destroyed cruel revenge. Mr. Khanikof is a dis- 
 
 at Kabul. Stoddart fiercely retorted tinguished Oriental scholar, of mild, 
 
 upon him — "That is a lie! such agreeable manners, and great judgment 
 
 things could not happen to the Eng- and sagacity. He has a high reputation 
 
 lish." The Emir ordered him back among his countrymen, and now fills 
 
 to his house without answering, the con- the important post of Consul General at 
 
 firmation of the report came afterwards, Tabreez. — Ed. 
 
Chap. IX. i\FGITAN COSTUME ADOPTED. 131 
 
 know how to conform oneself to their habits and modes of thought, 
 to adopt that pliability of disposition which is necessary to meet 
 and counteract their duplicity of character ; these, with a stout 
 heart and patient perseverance, -would triumph over everything ; 
 and if I failed in Afghanistan, it was because I was the first 
 European who had made an attempt to enter the country subse- 
 quently to the English disasters at Kabul. Hatred and distrust 
 were still paramount, and overcame every precaution ; neverthe- 
 less I made my way through many provinces, and was only stopped 
 at Kandahar. I risked my head, it is true, but after all I brought 
 it back on my shoulders ; and if there was any necessity or reason 
 for again undertaking the same journey, I should not, in spite of 
 the dangers I underwent, hesitate a moment. Having no interest, 
 and seeing no advantage — on the contrary, dangers — in travelling 
 in my European dress, I decided upon leaving it in my trunk, and 
 adopting an Afghan costume ; nevertheless I resolved, though in 
 this disguise, to avow myself a European to all the chiefs of those 
 countries through which I passed ; concealing the circumstance, 
 however, as much as possible from the inhabitants in general, less 
 from the fear of any danger that might happen to me, than to 
 avoid the annoyance resulting from their insufferable curiosity and 
 their cool and unceremonious manners.* It was Providence that 
 suggested this determination, for if I had acted otherwise I should 
 have been infallibly known by many persons at Herat who had 
 seen me at Meshed, and it would thus have been very difficult to 
 have removed any suspicion which Yar Mahomed Khan, chief of 
 that principality, might have conceived against me. 
 
 The servant I hired at Meshed was a native of Herat, and well 
 recommended. I would not engage another Persian ; for besides 
 their habitual villany, he would have created as much suspicion 
 as myself; whereas, in taking an Afghan servant, I appeared 
 to trust myself to their good faith. I had also the advantage of 
 learning many things concerning the country which I should never 
 have learnt from a Persian. There was, however, one disad- 
 vantage that operated against me in my character of European, 
 
 * The advice given by M. Ferrier is Herat Mission no attempt was made to 
 
 most judicious. By wearing a turban, conceal from the chiefs that they were 
 
 or kujar-cap, and a common chogah Englishmen, when travelling in any 
 
 over ordinary clothes, Europeans avoid quarter. — L. 
 much annoyance. By the officers of the 
 
132 MOHAMED WALI KHAN. Ciiap. IX. 
 
 and winch I had suffered from ever since we left Nishapoor. I 
 was obliged to pay much dearer for everything I purchased, and 
 this drained my resources, which I could little afford. It was 
 precisely the same in Afghanistan, When the English have once 
 overrun a country in Asia, it is unapproachable for any one else.* 
 The natives, having seen them throw their money about in such 
 profusion, when recompensing the most trifling services, or sub- 
 mitting to pay most exorbitant prices for articles of food of a 
 nominal value, consider that they have acquired a right to rob 
 any European travelling through their country ; and I was on 
 several occasions very nearly getting into scrapes in my endeavours 
 to avoid their unreasonable exactions. 
 
 Before leaving Meshed I called upon Mohamed Wall Khan, 
 who had the courtesy to give me a letter of recommendation to 
 Sheik Jami, governor of Toorbut, of which the following is a 
 translation : — - 
 
 " May the most high, the most puissant, and most valorous 
 Azi Abdul Rahim Khan enjoy perfect health. Then I have the 
 honour to inform his high wisdom that at the present moment 
 the most high, the General Ferrier Sahib, the companion of 
 honour, the possessor of courage, and the cream of Christians, 
 has been sent on a mission to Herat ; therefore, as he is on his 
 way to that country, you will protect and take care of this very 
 distinguished person, so that he may be enabled to travel in a 
 proper and dignified manner. I beg that you will always inform 
 me in your letters of the state of your health, and that of affairs 
 in general." 
 
 On my arrival at Meshed I made an arrangement with a camel- 
 caravanier en route for Herat, and hired two of his camels ; one to 
 carry my baggage, for which I was to pay one tomaun, and the 
 other, with a litter on either side, for my servant and myself, at 
 the rate of one tomaun and a half The 28th of May was the 
 day irrevocably fixed for our departure ; but at the very moment 
 they were going to load our beasts, a sanguinary conflict arose be- 
 tween the soldiers of a battalion of Kurds of the tribe of Gouran, 
 
 * Instances have occurred in which was on one occasion a heavy loser by- 
 Russians, and other Europeans, have having been so imposed upon. For the 
 personated Englishmen in Khorassan, credit of the national chai-acter in those 
 by refusing "soorsaut," and paying quarters his losses should be made good 
 handsomely. Our excellent friend, to him. — L. 
 Mollah Mehdi, mentioned in page 119, 
 
CiiAi'. IX. CONFLICT OF PEOPLE AND TROOPS. 133 
 
 garrisoned here, and the inhabitants of the town, who have the 
 reputation of being the most warlike citizens in Persia. The 
 fight took place just in front of our caravanserai ; and at the first 
 outbreak a panic seized the pilgrims and the peaceable portion of the 
 inhabitants, who fled in every direction ; the itinerant shopkeepers 
 and vendors of small wares followed them, and the Khiabane was 
 soon cleared of every one but the combatants, who worked away with- 
 out interruption the whole day with sticks, swords, and poniards, 
 to their hearts' content. The cries and orders of the authorities 
 on both sides were totally disregarded, and they were utterly 
 powerless to stop the bloody fray. The number of killed and 
 wounded was very great. I saw all this from a window of the 
 caravanserai, the doors of which were closed and locked ; and here 
 we were compelled to remain, trusting that there would be a ces- 
 sation of hostilities on the morrow ; but in this we were disap- 
 pointed ; the belligerent parties remained on the ground all 
 night, and at daybreak renewed the attack with greater fury than 
 on the preceding day. Towards nine o'clock, however, our cara- 
 vanier, Hassan Obereh, espied from my window a veMl, a ser- 
 geant, with whom he was acquainted ; and this man, being 
 informed of our embarrassing position, ordered fifty soldiers to 
 escort us to a caravanserai a little beyond the Herat gate. Here 
 we arrived without hinderance, and waited for Hassan Obereh, 
 who was not so fortunate ; for in his endeavours to join us he 
 unwittingly got into the mêlée, and received a sound thrashing. 
 
134 TUROKII. Chap. X. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Tui'okh — Shock of an Earthquake — Sangbut — The offensive Camel — Toll on 
 Women — Hedireh — Vai'iety of Partridges — Mahmoodabad — Tamerlane the 
 Destroyer — The sedentary Dervish — Fertile district of Shehr-noon — ■ Hazarah 
 horses — Toorbut-ishak-Khan — Toorsheez — Toorbut Sheik Jamee — Kariz — 
 Celebrated melons — Wild asses a delicacy — Kussan — The Army of Ahmed 
 Shah annihilated — The Heri-rood — Geographical error — Consequences of 
 turning a stream — Pay of a Sirdar — Environs of Kussan — Forest of Shevesli 
 — Game — Rosanuck — ■ Gorian — Shekwan — Anticipated reception by Yar 
 Mohamed. 
 
 TuROKH, May 29th — two parasangs — three hours — by an easy 
 road, that brought us to some ruins, amongst which we encamped. 
 In the centre of them was a large square edifice, constructed of 
 burnt bricks, in pretty good repair, and covering the tomb of 
 some holy personage. A clear stream ran past, and turned a 
 small mill. In the village, at ten minutes' walk from hence, no 
 provisions were to be obtained. I met there Deen Mohamed 
 Khan, cousin-german of the chief of Herat, and commander of 
 the Afghans in the service of Assaf Doulet, but had only time to 
 exchange a few civil words with him. The south wind had since 
 the morning blown with extreme violence, raising clouds of dust ; 
 the atmosphere was heavy and suffocating ; and about four hours 
 before sunset the shock of an earthquake was felt. Hassan Oberch 
 was immediately of opinion that the site we occupied was not of 
 happy omen, and at once decamped. 
 
 Sangbut, May 30th — four parasangs — eight hours — by a road the 
 greater portion of which was undulating and, though not level, easy. 
 On this journey it was equally the same to me whether I travelled 
 day or night ; for, extended in my litter, I could not only rest but 
 even sleep, which was impossible on horseback. There was, to be 
 sure, some little annoyance when the road was hilly, in having 
 one's head lower than one's feet; but after a time I became 
 habituated to this. A much greater inconvenience was that of 
 being to leeward of the camel's breath, to avoid the disagreeable 
 smell of which it was necessary to tie a handkerchief under the 
 nose. A camel is far preferable to a horse or mule for loco- 
 
CiiAi'. X. SANGBUT. 135 
 
 motion ; the pace is, no doubt, a little slower, but the fatigue 
 infinitely less.* 
 
 Sangbut is a caravanserai-shah, which Assaf Doulet gave Prince 
 Mohamed Yussoof,t an Afghan prince of the Suddozye tribe, for 
 his private residence and that of his followers ; so that there is no 
 room for travellers who, winter and summer, must encamp in the 
 open air. About ten minutes from it are the ruins of an ancient 
 town, the materials of which the Shah-Zadeh had during the last 
 wo or three years cleared away by the emigrants who joined 
 hmi from Herat. There is now a large village well inhabited. 
 The Khan's position is well chosen for levying contributions on 
 the/passing traveller. Having been ordered by Assaf Doulet to 
 lieep an eye on the caravans, and especially to prevent the Afghan 
 and Parsivan women, who had for some years been settled in 
 Meshed, from returning to Herat — and knowing full well that 
 the men would not leave without them — he has turned these orders 
 to his own account. Those who would not pay for permission to 
 cross the frontier he sent back to Meshed ; whereas those who 
 satisfied his demands were permitted to pass. There were five 
 women with our caravan, who, having paid the toll, were allowed 
 to continue their journey ; but on setting out, a fresh contribution 
 was demanded, which they refused to give. For two hours the 
 women's tongues were going, and to no purpose. At last my 
 patience was exhausted : and after having shown my letter of 
 recommendation from Mohamed Wall Khan, I drove the rascally 
 claimants away, and threatened to write to Meshed, and represent 
 their venal conduct to Assaf Doulet. This had its effect ; and 
 taking advantage of the diversion thus created, I put my camel 
 at the head of the column, which defiled victoriously in front 
 of them, who, though little satisfied, were afraid to offer any 
 further resistance. 
 
 Hedireh, May 31st — six parasangs — ten hours — the first three 
 by a flat and easy road. At Shek-ab it becomes undulating : 
 here we halted for several hours near a stone building in ruins, 
 called, with more pomposity than truth, a caravanserai, and 
 
 * In the event of another campaign present ruler of Herat, is, by education 
 
 in the East, and an advance from the and character, far superior to any of the 
 
 coast, we shall soon find out the advan- Suddozye Princes of Kainran's family. 
 
 tages of camel conveyance for our sick He was much respected at Herat, and 
 
 and wounded. — L. on very friendly terms with the officers 
 
 t Shahzadeh iMohamed Yussuf, the of the Mission. — L. 
 
13G T»rAîi:\IO()DAl'.Al). Chap. X. 
 
 which serves in bad weather as a refuge for the wild asses 
 which are munerous in this neighbourhood. A variety of the 
 partridge also abounds here ; it is called in Persian siaJmne 
 (black-breast) ; the neck and belly arc covered with feathers 
 of that colour, the rest of the body ap[)roaching to a very pale 
 yellow : their flesh is tough and without flavour ; and to eat them 
 they must be well boiled. These birds are to be seen by myriads 
 at Shek-ab, in the dry bed of a river, similar in every respect to 
 the one I crossed three hours before we reached Meshed. At ten 
 o'clock in the morning we were again afoot, and slept that night 
 in the uninhabited and almost ruined caravanserai of Hedireh, 
 which we reached after crossing some mountains. There is here 
 a small rivulet, but no village ; a few shepherds were seen in its 
 environs. 
 
 3Iahmoodahad, June 1st — eight parasangs — thirteen hours — 
 through a plain, and for the first part by a firm road ; the last 
 argillaceous and easily cut up after rain. This plain is a desert ; 
 but there are many ruins, intersected by watercourses on each 
 side of the road, which indicate its former fertility. These ruins, 
 once large and flourishing villages, were destroyed by the Turco- 
 mans and Hazarahs, a nomadic tribe, occupying the country on the 
 borders of the Moorghab river. At two parasangs from Hedireh is 
 the ab-ambar, reservoir of water, of Haouz-bibee, by the side of 
 which we halted to rest our camels ; and, six parasangs further, 
 encamped at the small fortified town of Mahmoodabad, situated 
 on an eminence, and defended by two four-pounders. The .ap- 
 proach to it is through a muddy stream which flows at its foot. 
 This is a good military position. 
 
 On the right of the road, and in front of Mahmoodabad, 
 the plain is covered with ruins, as well as a small hill, which 
 appeared to have been once fortified. The Persians assert that 
 this was once the site of the large and populous city of Linger, 
 devastated by Tamerlane. There is a square and rather handsome 
 building close to the road, under which repose the remains of an 
 Imaum and nephew of the Imaum Keza of Meshed. There is 
 nothing remarkable about this tomb. It occupies the centre of the 
 edifice, in the exterior wall of which are small chambers to shelter 
 travellers. An old sedentary dervish performs the part of 
 cicerone, and makes something out of everybody, — from the cara- 
 vaniers who halt near the tomb, and purchase a few provisions 
 
 I 
 
Chap. X. TOOKBUT SlIEIKII JAMEE. 137 
 
 from him at a high price, and from the Turcomans and Ilazarahs, 
 whose spy he is, and who lie in ambush near here when there is 
 a chance of plunder or of carrying off the unhappy pilgrims. 
 
 In a direct line S.W. from Mahmoodabad are three fertile 
 districts which produce a handsome revenue to the Governor- 
 General of Khorassan. The first, of which the chief town is situ- 
 ated four parasangs from Mahmoodabad, and called Shehr-noon, 
 the New Town, is inhabited by 2000 families of Hazarahs, who 
 have recently en\igrated from Herat to Persia. These Hazarahs 
 are encamped at the foot of the mountains, where there is good 
 pasturage ; and here they breed and graze a considerable number 
 of excellent horses, with some of which they pay their contribu- 
 tions to the government. Shehr-noon is taxed at the rate of fifty 
 liorses every year ; some of these will fetch from one hundred and 
 sixty to two hundred tomauns, 80^. to 1 00/. ; and none are ac- 
 cepted under the value of twenty-five tomauns. These Hazarahs 
 are also obhged to arm and equip, and have in readiness for 
 service, one thousand cavalry. 
 
 The second district is that of Toorbut-ishak-Khan : the town 
 of this name contains 3000 houses, inhabited by the warlike 
 Persian tribe of Garai. This place is walled and surrounded by a 
 ditch, and there are bazaars, but not roofed, mosques and caravan- 
 serais ; there are more than 200 villages in the district of Toorbut. 
 The productions are opium, silk, tobacco, and fruits. At sixteen 
 parasangs from Toorbut-ishak-Khan is the third district, that of 
 Toorcheez. The chief town, also walled, has 2000 houses ; the 
 inhabitants are Persians; there are four villages dependent on it, but 
 a considerable population of nomadic Belooches, who number about 
 8000 tents, and have very large flocks. The productions are the same 
 as those in the district of Toorbut-ishak-Khan, but less in quantity. 
 
 Toorbut Sheikh Jamee, June 2nd — four parasangs — seven hours 
 — through a plain and by a good road. This little town, of eight 
 hundred houses, is the chief place of a district situated on the ex- 
 treme frontier towards Herat, and surrounded by gardens and 
 cultivation. About 2300 families of Iliates are encamped near 
 the mountains situated at two parasangs south of Toorbut, and, 
 like the Hazarahs of Shehr-noon, they pay their taxes in horses. 
 The final word in the name of this town is taken from that of the 
 famous poet Jamee, author of the Beharistan, who lived in the 
 15th century, and was held in great repute for his sanctity and 
 
138 KARIZ. Chap. X. 
 
 erudition in theolog'y ; people still flock from all parts to his tomb, 
 which is believed to work miracles, and the prayers offered there 
 are said to be particularly effective in making barren women fruitful. 
 There is a caravanserai-shah outside I'oorbut Sheikh Jamee. 
 
 Kariz, June 3rd — nine parasangs — thirteen hours — through a 
 plain, by a level, sandy but good road. At the fourth parasang are 
 the ruins of Abbasabad, a caravanserai-shah, and near it is a 
 small rivulet. Kariz is a little walled village of sixty houses, 
 furnishing no accommodation ; we encamped, therefore, at ten 
 minutes in advance of it, and near a caravanserai-shah partly in 
 ruins. The melons of this locality were in ancient days consi- 
 dered the best in Asia, and were reserved for the courts of I'e- 
 heran, Kabul, and Delhi : but the village having been destroyed 
 at the close of the last century, and consequently deserted, the 
 seed was lost, or degenerated from change of soil. Kariz has 
 recently been repeopled by Hazarahs, who are taking pains to 
 re-establish the reputation of its melons — judging by the two I 
 ate, they have not yet succeeded. This is the last village in 
 Persia on the side of Herat ; extensive ruins surround it and 
 denote a country once largely populated. The wind, fi-om which 
 we had so constantly suffered between Teheran and Meshed, had 
 increased in violence since our leaving the latter city ; it blew almost 
 always from the north-west, and continued from sunrise to sunset ; 
 at night it was scarcely felt : less hot than the simoom, it caused 
 almost as much lassitude, and brought on a slow fever with violent 
 pains in the head. It is almost impossible to imagine the immense 
 quantities of game we saw between Hedireh and Kariz, particu- 
 larly near Mahmoodabad ; the deer were feeding in herds of 
 several hundreds, and at no great distance from one another, 
 they were not frightened at our approach, and frequently re- 
 mained within gun-shot. This was not the case with the wild 
 asses, which were quite as numerous, but much more scared : they 
 fled at the least noise, and with a speed for which I was not 
 prepared ; when wounded, a single sportsman has great diflSculty 
 in taking them ; they kick, bite, and make a tremendous resist- 
 ance. Their flesh is more delicate than Persian beef, and the 
 Afghans consider it a great delicacy. Every variety of partridge 
 is met with on these plains, and also the heath-cock. The royal 
 tiger is sometimes seen, but the panther, hyena, wolf, jackal, an) 
 fox are common. 
 
CiiAP. X. KUSSAN— THE IIER1-1Î00D. 139 
 
 Kussan, June 4th — five parasangs — nine hours — still through a 
 plain and by an easy road. At the third parasang are the ruins of 
 Kaffir-Kaleh, the fortress of the infidel, situated on a high arti- 
 ficial mound. Near it is another fort of more recent construction, 
 also in the same state ; a caravanserai-shah, one of the hand- 
 somest in Persia, close to it, is also half in ruins. In former times 
 these buildings were erected at every second parasang on the road 
 between Meshed and Herat ; the greater number have been de- 
 stroyed or fallen down, and their foundations are alone visible. 
 Kaffir-Kaleh was the scene of memorable events : first, the anni- 
 hilation by cold, in 1752, of the army under Ahmed Shah Sud- 
 dozye ; secondly, the battle fought here thirty years ago by Hassan 
 Ali Mirza, Governor-General of Khorassan and son of Futteh Ali 
 Shah, King of Persia, and Futteh Khan, Grand Vizier of Mahmood 
 Khan, King of the Afghans. Kussan, the first halting place in 
 the province of Herat, is situated two parasangs beyond Kaffir- 
 Kaleh. 
 
 We encamped at fifteen minutes from this fortress, and on the 
 borders of the river Heri-rood, the only stream to which this desig- 
 nation can be applied between this and Kermanshah. The clear 
 and limpid waters of the Heri are pleasant, though aperient ; fish 
 are few in number. The position of this river is not always well 
 laid down on the maps. Of very considerable size at the first part 
 of its course, in the centre of the Paropamisus, several leagues 
 above Sir-jangal, it is increased in volume as far as Obeh by 
 numerous streams, which descend from the mountains north and 
 south of it. From here it gradually diminishes, the water being 
 taken from it by the canals for the purposes of irrigation. After 
 leaving Herat the body of water is again increased by some large 
 streams below Kussan, and as it enters the Persian territory it 
 divides into two branches, the smallest of which flows in the direc- 
 tion of Meshed ; the other, four times more considerable, runs, 
 without being turned to any account, to within a short distance of 
 Sarukhs, where it is lost in the steppes. The plains which it 
 traverses, and which it would fertilize, are far from being sterile ; 
 but whoever attempts to settle there is carried ofi" by the Turcomans 
 or the Hazarahs, and in consequence of this the country has become 
 quite deserted. The inhabitants told me that the Heri-rood, eighty 
 years ago, instead of flowing north-west, turned abruptly to the 
 north after having passed Kussan, and fell into the Moorghab. 
 
1-10 KUSSAN. Chap. X. 
 
 AVc may be allowed to give credit to this assertion, for these 
 abrupt changes in the course of a river are frequently seen in 
 Central Asia, — not in consequence of natural causes, but the united 
 manual labour of whole tribes, who, wishing to settle themselves on 
 a more advantageous site, turn the course of the river in order that 
 it may flow through their new locality. The wide and deep beds 
 of rivers, which are dry and continually met with through the 
 whole of Khorassan, have had their origin in such undertakiiigs ; 
 and this is proved by the bloody wars that have taken place, and 
 continue to take place even in our day, between the various tribes 
 in these countries, on the occasion of their turning a stream or 
 river. Here it is impossible to calculate upon rain ; the contribu- 
 tions of the heavens are rare, for rain falls only in winter and at the 
 commencement of spring. To remove the water from a tract of 
 country, therefore, is to take away from its inhabitants the means 
 of subsistence ; the crops dry up and produce no grain, the meadows 
 share the same fate, and the cattle perish for want of food — trees 
 at length wither, and the result is the fearful calamity of famine. 
 
 It is an error to suppose that the Heri-rood flowed south in 
 former days, and fell into the Lake Seistan. This geographical 
 mistake may possibly have originated in the fact that a small river, 
 also flowing from the Paropamisus, is called in the latter part of 
 its course the Haroot-rood, which is sometimes corrupted into 
 Heri-rood ; it continues its course between the Khash-rood and the 
 mountains as far as the Seistan Lake. But the two rivers are not 
 in any way connected, though they rise very near each other; 
 besides, the mountains that bound the plains and the valleys to the 
 south, by which the Heri-rood passes, prevent it from taking the 
 direction in question.* 
 
 Kussan is nothing but one vast ruin, and within its walls there 
 arc now only four hundred inhabited houses. The wall of the 
 enceinte is open at several points, and its desolate appearance 
 agrees with the tradition that the town has been rebuilt and de- 
 
 * My own observations agi'ee with and the late Captain Edward Conolly 
 
 this statement. I had, however, no gave some geogi-aphical information in 
 
 opportunity of tracing the course of the the repoi-t of his journey from Herat to 
 
 Heri-rood to any distance. An accurate Girishk via Seistan, published in the Asi- 
 
 survey of the Herat Valley, and also of atic Journal of Bengal for 1841. There 
 
 the country between Herat and Can- is also a very correct account of the 
 
 dahar, was made by the late Colonel road between Kandahar and Herat to 
 
 Edward Sanders, assisted by Sir Rich- be found in Arthur Conolly's Journal, 
 
 mond Shakespcar and Captain North; published in 1834. — L. 
 
CiiAP. X. ENVIRONS OF KUSSAN. 141 
 
 stroyed many times ; certain it is that the materials of which the 
 citadel was constructed are very ancient — the burnt bricks, of a fine 
 grain, being as hard as stone. The ditch that surrounds it is wide, 
 deep, and in good repair, and always full of water ; the foundations 
 and a large proportion of the gates are of hewn stone, and wci-e 
 apparently constructed two or three thousand years ago. The 
 garrison consists of one hundred and fifty Heratian soldiers, com- 
 manded by the Sirdar Dad Khan, cousin of Yar Mohamed 
 Khan : he is also governor of the district, and farms it of the 
 government; this induces him to commit all kinds of extortion, 
 of which the people loudly complain. Besides the tax upon the 
 cultivated lands, he takes also that on travellers, and in the most 
 rigorous manner — which is not to be wondered at, for his pay and 
 allowances are only thirty tomauns (15/.) a-year. Europeans in 
 Persia are exempt from this tax ; but in Herat they were not so 
 considerate, and I was obliged to pay it Four sahibkrans are 
 chai'ged for a laden camel, two for a horse or a mule, and one for 
 an ass, also laden. It was in the citadel of Kussan that Shah 
 Kamran, the last Suddozye king of Herat, was strangled.* 
 
 If the town has a melancholy and desolate appearance, the same 
 cannot be said of its environs, which are extremely picturesque ; 
 the banks of the Heri-rood are admirably wooded for a distance of 
 twelve parasangs, both with copse and trees of large growth. This 
 tract is known as the forest of Shevesh, from a little village at the 
 entrance to it and about two parasangs east of Kussan. The 
 tamarisk rises above every other tree, and is the kind generally met 
 with in Central Asia, more especially by the side of a river. That 
 part of the forest which extends in a radius of two parasangs round 
 Kussan has been preserved as the hunting-ground of the chiefs of 
 Herat, and the game is collected here in prodigious quantities. 
 Pheasants, black-cock, hares, grey partridges, and the very small 
 kind called in Persian tuyou, are in abundance ; also boars, deer, 
 and the wild ass ; carnivorous animals are also in great numbers, 
 who here find ample rations. 
 
 * I had understood that Shah Kamran mission, and he was only induced to ride 
 
 had been killed in the citadel at Herat out, for the benefit of his health, at Dr. 
 
 (his body having been found one morn- Login's suggestion. During our stay at 
 
 ing at the foot of the tower in which he Herat, he never rode out without asking 
 
 generally slept) — butM. Farrier's state- Dr. Login to accompany him. One rea- 
 
 ment may be the correct one. He had son he gave for not showing himself iu 
 
 not been out of the citadel for eighteen public was, that the vizier had not 
 
 months before the arrival of the British allowed him a proper retinue. — L. 
 
142 llOSANUCK. Chap. X. 
 
 Kussan has a trade by barter with Khaff-rooye, a Persian town, 
 fifteen parasangs distant, to the south-west of it ; it has a good 
 citadel, which was built by the Sirdar Tayinoori Kalesh Khan, 
 who was killed under the walls of Herat by the Shah Kamran. 
 The nephew ol this Sirdar, Dost Mohamed Khan, is now go- 
 vernor of the district, in the name of the Shah of Persia. KhafF- 
 rooye was anciently called Ferhad. 
 
 iiosanucJc, June 5th — five parasangs — eight hours — through a 
 plain, by a smooth and solid road. At starting we skirted the 
 forest to the village of Shevesh. This is situated on a kind of 
 promontory, the elevated point of which rises from the Heri-rood. 
 We did not halt here, but pushed on to the ruined caravanserai- 
 shah of Rosanuck. There is no house here, nor accommodation 
 for travellers, and the nearest villages are distant three-quarters of 
 an hour. The fortress of Gorian is two parasangs south of Rosa- 
 nuck, and can be seen from hence distinctly with the naked eye ; 
 the walls and towers of the enceinte alone remain. The citadel 
 was demolished in 1844 by Yar Mohamed, to court the favour 
 of the Persian monarch ; and to disguise his real reason from the 
 Afghans, he told them that he had acted thus because with so 
 many towns to defend his forces would be too much divided, and 
 that he intended for the future to concentrate his troops in Herat, 
 which being well fortified would then be able to resist all attacks. 
 In the environs of Gorian are numerous and rich villages, forming 
 the district of Baruabat, the productions of which partly supply the 
 population of Herat. Gorian is considered by European writers 
 to be the ancient Foosheng. This is possible ; and I think Gorian 
 succeeded that city, but not on the same site. It occupied the 
 s])ot on which is a village of that name, situated half-way between 
 Gorian and Herat, and inclining a little to the south. 
 
 Shekwan-mimizak, June Gth — four parasangs — six hours — by a 
 good road of sand and gravel. At this halt are two villages which 
 join one another ; they are both walled and surrounded with a 
 ditch, and contain about one hundred houses each. I heard here 
 that my arrival had been expected for several days psst at Herat, 
 and that I was the subject of much conversation there. The 
 Heratians, to whom every European is an Englishman, remem- 
 bered, and not without a certain degree of satisfaction, the large 
 sums of money which the authorities of that nation had spent in 
 their town between 1839 and 1841, and they would no doubt have 
 
Chap. X. ANTICIPATED KECEPTION. 143 
 
 been glad enough to see them return.* Yar Mohamed Khan 
 entertained, perhaps, the same sentiments, though for a different 
 reason ; for if the sympathies of Persia were not with him, he felt 
 the necessity of again looking to the British Government for sup- 
 port. But whether this idea was correct or otherwise I cannot 
 say, I was informed that he intended to give me a handsome 
 reception ; for having heard that I had visited the Governor - 
 General of Khorassan in uniform, lie in agined I was a person of 
 some consequence. Several battalions had been ordered to hold 
 themselves in readiness to receive me at the entrance of the city, 
 and divers chiefs were to meet me with complimentary speeches at 
 half a parasang from the town. This was not by any means agree- 
 able news to me, for I was not in a position, nor indeed had I any 
 right, to receive such honours ; nor could I afford to do so, for 
 they are dearly purchased in Asia. Besides, they might have 
 thought that I was on some diplomatic mission ; and how could I 
 make a public entrance, hanging on one side of a camel and my 
 servant on the other, with one solitary baggage camel in the rear ? 
 My position was indeed embarrassing ; and, with a view of with- 
 drawing from the distinguished marks of respect that were in store 
 for me, I requested Hassan Obereh to leave at an earlier hour than 
 usual, so that by arriving at Herat at break of day the troops 
 would not be on the ground. Hassan, however, required great 
 pressing, for he knew the reception I was to have, and had been 
 ordered not to an-ive before ten o'clock ; moreover, he wished to 
 have his share in it ; but in the end he acceded. 
 
 * No doubt the gi-eater number re- lishmen ; but not a few, I feel persuaded, 
 membered with satisfaction the large had a grateful recollection of other 
 sums of money expended there by Eng- favours received at their hands. — L. 
 
144 HERAT. Chai-. XT. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Herat — Early i-eception — The officer on guard — The Sertip Lai Khau — Ilia 
 daring feat at tlie siege of Herat — Monsieur Ferrier is sent to his house — 
 Orders of Yar Mohamed — Visit from the Doctors — Their mode of treatment 
 
 — Cyanate of Mercury — The Bayaderes and the wine cup — Visit to Yar Mo- 
 hamed Khan — His reception of the author — Persists in taking him for an 
 Englishman — Result of the conference — Policy of Yar Mohamed with the 
 English — Asiatic characteristics — The Khan's engineering tactics at the siege 
 
 — Yar Mohamed's policy — His confidants — His power — Protection to the 
 Eimaks — Probable result of this — The Vizier's administration of justice — 
 Security of the public roads — Taxation at Herat — Measures taken for the 
 Khan's personal safety — His origin and rise to power — His son Syud Mohamed 
 Khan — Competitors for the throne — Mirza Nejef Khan — Other Sirdars. 
 
 Herat, June 8th — six parasangs — nine hours and a half — by a 
 good road of sand and gravel. Four hours before arriving at the 
 city, and on the left, at the foot of the mountains, are vast ruins, 
 which continue without interruption up to it : amongst them 
 are the remains of edifices and mausoleums, interspersed with 
 gardens and numerous fine trees. That which I had hoped 
 occurred : we arrived in the suburb of Musella and Thaleh- 
 bengui before the day broke, and waited in the ruins of a magnifi- 
 cent mosque for the first indications of dawn. We then remounted 
 our camels, and after having traversed a street, the crumbling 
 houses in which exhibited the effects of the siege in 1838, we 
 debouched upon a large esplanade, and were suddenly brought in 
 front of the dismantled towers and battered walls of Herat. Fa- 
 voured by my Afghan disguise I passed the town-gate in my litter 
 without being recognized as a European, The officer, however, 
 seemed nmch surprised that the caravan had arrived so early, and 
 demanded of Hassan whether he had left me very far behind. 
 The latter replied by pointing to me perched on my camel : at this 
 the Heratian warrior appeared astounded, and at once gave way to 
 cries and lamentations, " By Allah," said he, "I am a lost 
 man ; our most high and excellent Vezir will cut my head off — 
 my orders were to send a naib to a point two hours' distance from 
 
 i 
 
Chap. XI. EARLY RECEPTION. 145 
 
 the town to tell this European to defer his entrance until a happy 
 constellation had been observed in the heavens ; and after that I 
 was to fire a gun to give notice of his approach. In my ignorance 
 of this early arrival I have done neither the one nor the other : 
 I am a ruined man." The despair of this unfortunate fellow 
 was enough to melt a stone. I tried to re-assure him, and pro- 
 mised to speak to Yar Mohamed in his favour ; this seemed to con- 
 sole him a little, and he lost no time in firing the gun and performing 
 thus much of his instructions — soldiers were likewise sent ofi' in 
 all directions to announce my arrival. As to myself, he held 
 me in conversation at the gate for twenty minutes, to gain time. 
 Profiting, however, by a momentary absence on his part I pro- 
 ceeded onwards ; but camels always move slowly in a town, and 
 before mine had gone five hundred yards I saw the soldiers 
 running towards me on every side, some of them only half 
 dressed, and one or two in little more than that uniform which 
 Dame Nature had given them at their birth, and which my sud- 
 den and unexpected appearance probably justified in their eyes. 
 One of them, who had thrown his jacket over a very short shirt 
 not much longer than the jacket, had forgotten his sir-jameh 
 trowsers ; and as the wind somewhat disturbed his upper garments, 
 he reminded me of the Tahitian islander and Madame Pritchard 
 under similar circumstances, the satisfaction demanded by her hus- 
 band for the impropriety being however backed by the guns of the 
 British fleet. But I had no navy at my disposal, and besides 
 I was not so susceptible as Queen Pomare's protector ; neither 
 was the soldier much distressed, and, pulling my camel by the 
 bridle, he made room for himself amongst my escort, which, 
 jostling and gaining an accession of numbers at every step, 
 amounted to three or four hundred men before I reached the 
 bazaars. Oflacers of various grades made many complimentary 
 speeches as they came up ; and after they had promenaded nearly 
 all over the town I was conducted to a lodging, which had been 
 expressly prepared for my reception at the house of the Sertip Lai 
 Mohamed Khan. This v/as done by order of the Vezir Sahib, the 
 only title assumed by Yar Mohamed Khan, the independent chief 
 of Herat. 
 
 My host, the Sertip, was of Kandaharian origin, and by birth 
 of the same tribe, Ali Kiouzye, as Yar Mohamed Khan ; his 
 family had been for a long time attached to that of the chief. 
 
 L 
 
140 DARING FEAT. Chap. XT. 
 
 The father of the Sertip had been master of the ceremonies to the 
 father of the Vezir Sahib, AbduHah Khan, formerly governor of 
 Kashmir. The fidelity with which this family served every one 
 by whom they were employed induced Yar Mohamed to place 
 him near his person ; and he subsequently gave him two or three 
 of the most important appointments in his government ; am.ongst 
 them those of Kaleh-hegi and that of Mir-sheb, commandant of the 
 fortress and minister of police. It happened, however, that 
 during the siesre of 1838 the Vezir entertained some doubts of the 
 fidelity of his lieutenant ; but as his supposed defection was only a 
 rumour of the bazaar, Yar Mohamed merely wi'ote to him, with 
 a request that he would explain himself in reference to these in- 
 jurious reports. The Kaleh-begi answered that he could only 
 reply to the communication by his actions, and that he would 
 feel obliged if the Vezir would dispense with his presence at court 
 until his conduct had clearly proved what his intentions were. 
 The Sertip did not leave his master long in doubt, and the same 
 evening distinguished himself by one of the most clever and 
 daring feats performed during the siege. The place had at that 
 time been for several days invested by the Persian troops, and the 
 Sliahaghi battalions under the command of the Sertip Hadji 
 Khan, were in observation at the gate of Meshed, This duty, 
 according to their custom, was very carelessly performed, and Lai 
 Mohamed Khan knowing it ordered a hundred unarmed men to 
 walk into the trenches at dusk, say they were deserters, and 
 claim the hospitality of the Persian soldiers — the order was 
 executed, and they were received as anticipated. Towards 
 midnight the troops went to sleep, when, at a given signal 
 from without, the Afghans threw themselves upon the piled 
 arms and rushed upon the slumberers with the bayonet. At the 
 same moment Lai Mohamed Khan made a sortie from the town, 
 and by these combined movements put the Persians completely to 
 the rout ; the besieged killing 360 men, and taking a captain of 
 artillery prisoner, with two guns, which they brought back with 
 them in triumph.* This brilliant affair, and the many proofs of 
 
 * Although the Sertip Lai Mohamed Persian gun from the works. The \. 
 
 behaved with conspicuous gallantry second was taken on a different occa- l 
 
 during the siege, the Heratees were in- sion. 
 
 debted to Pottiuger for the success of Pottinger was as remarkable for hia !: 
 
 the sortie in which they carried off the candour in making known his mistakes, || 
 
Chap. XI. APARTMENTS AT THE SERTIFS. 147 
 
 courage and fidelity which Lai Mohamed gave during the siege, 
 procured him the unbounded confidence of the Vezir ; and he is 
 now his right hand. His brothers, one of whom is a colonel, 
 and two others captains, are also highly esteemed by Yar Mo- 
 hamed. 
 
 I considered it a great honour to be lodged in the house of such 
 a man ; but the Vezir in giving me these good quarters had 
 much less regard for my personal consideration than to ascertain 
 with accuracy the object that brought me to Herat ; and what 
 could I do or say which could escape the surveillance of the head 
 of the police and his oflîcers ? The original intention was to have 
 given me apartments in the royal palace, Char-bagh, situated 
 in the centre of the town ; but the apprehension that I might be 
 too much at liberty, and could with greater ease enter into some 
 intrigue, had led them to alter the plan.* My apartment at 
 the Sertip's house consisted of one little room on the first floor ; 
 it looked out upon the court, in which when I arrived fifteen 
 soldiers were quartered, and here they remained till I took my 
 departure — the sabre of my entertainer was hooked on one stand 
 of the piled arms, as a compliment to me. In witnessing these 
 arrangements, and the kind and courteous manner in which I was 
 addressed, I thought that the detachment stationed in the court 
 was intended as a mark of respect to my rank ; but the active 
 surveillance kept up, and of which I saw I was the object, soon 
 convinced me that I was only a prisoner honourably treated. I 
 presented myself at Herat as a Frenchman ; and I thought I had 
 suflaciently proved the fact, by exhibiting the firmans 1 had re- 
 ceived from Mohamed Shah ; but I was not believed, they per- 
 
 as for tis modesty in alluding to his am sure, a most pleasing one — of re- 
 services. Although he had faithfully porting his heroic deeds to Government, 
 reported to government that he had Pottiuger was one of those men who 
 kicked Yar Mohamed's brother out of do not sliine on paper, a7id who should 
 his house, for giving him the lie, (which never be asked to give a reason for 
 led Lord Auckland to declare him unfit their acts. — L. 
 
 to be our representative at Herat,) he * The Char-bagh had been the resi- 
 
 had said nothing of his conduct in dence of Shahzadah Hajee Ferozeoodeen 
 
 driving back the Persians at the last for some time ruler of Herat. The 
 
 assault, when the city was almost in buildings were in a most dilaiiidated 
 
 their hands. It was only after the mis- state on the arrival of the mission, but 
 
 sion under D'Arcy Todd had arrived, were repaired and put in order by 
 
 and Pottinger had left the place, that Major D'Arcy Todd. Hajee Feroze- 
 
 his boldness and gallantry became fully oodeen was the grandfather of the 
 
 known, and his successor had the duty Shahzadah Mahomed Yussuf, the pre- 
 
 ■ — which to his generous spix-it was, I sent ruler of Herat. — L. 
 
 L 2 
 
148 ORDERS OF YAR MOHAMED. Chap. XT. 
 
 sisted in considering' me an Englishman charged with a secret 
 mission to Afghanistan, and it was in vain that I denied this 
 strang-e idea — nothing would convince the Heratians. They 
 thought I wished to conceal my identity ; they knew, they said, 
 how clever Europeans were in carrying on their schemes, and that 
 Eldred Pottinger, when he came to Herat to assist in the defence 
 of the city against the Persians, had, for several months previously 
 to his declaring himself, passed for an Indian doctor of Mussul- 
 man extraction.* Yar Mohamed Khan had given orders that I 
 should not be lost sight of for an instant, and that all I said 
 should be reported to him ; but he did not put too great a 
 restraint upon my liberty, and I was always treated with the 
 greatest deference and attention, supplied with plenty of food, 
 and allowed to visit, with an escort, anything I wished to see in the 
 town. I was also permitted to call upon the principal inhabitants, 
 though not indiscriminately. I saw only those whom the Vezir 
 Saheb permitted me to know ; and they were individuals from whom 
 he had nothing to fear. Yar Mohamed encouraged these visits, 
 in the hope that I might drop something in conversation, or give 
 them some opportunity of penetrating my designs ; but in spite of 
 the traps that were laid for me I always told the same story, 
 namely, that my intention was to go to India, to take service 
 in that country. However, these repetitions were of little use ; 
 for almost to the very last the Afghans persisted in thinking that 
 I had some secret political mission. 
 
 A few hours after my arrival the Sertip Lai Mohamed, accom- 
 panied by a staff with very un])leasant physiognomies, came to 
 see me. He appeared to be about forty or forty-five years of 
 age, with a countenance of the true Tartar type, but having, in 
 spite of this, a mild and benevolent expression. The first inter- 
 view was passed in the interchange of mutual civilities ; after 
 which he retired to convey my compliments to the Vezir Sahib, 
 and attend to his official duties, leaving with me his mirza, writer, 
 
 * Pottinger, in the disguise of an as Hakeem Mohamed Hoosein. He had 
 Indian Mussulman, lived for a few days accompanied Arthur Couolly to Câl- 
 in a " serai " at Herat befoi-e he was re- cutta, and after being educated there, 
 cognised as an European. I remember under Mr. Tytler, at the native medical 
 him mentioning, that he was walking institution, had returned to Herat to 
 in the bazaar, when he was touched on practise as a hakeem. He at once 
 the arm by a person, who whispered to offered his services to Pottinger, and 
 him in Hindustanee. " You are an was most useful to him. — L. 
 Englishman," and made himself known 
 
Chap. XI. VISIT FEOM THE DOCTORS. 149 
 
 and his brother the Sultan, Captain, Mohamed, to prevent me, as 
 he said, from feeling lonely ; his real object in giving me the ad- 
 vantage of their society being, that they might observe my every 
 movement. They were, in short, spies, and never left me a single 
 moment, whether in the house or out of it. 
 
 The Sertip's visit was followed by those of several men of rank ; 
 after them came the Haldm hashee^ doctors, who hold a high rank 
 in the society of Herat* Amongst them were Mirza Asker, Mirza 
 Mohamed Hussein, Goolam Kader Khan, and Agha Hussein, the 
 ancient adviser of the Shtih Kamran, As in their eyes every 
 European must be a doctor, the conversation never ceased running 
 on the healing art, of which they considered themselves such dis- 
 tinguished professors ; each in turn was anxious to give me a high 
 opinion of his talent, and I was condemned to listen to a long 
 and absurd display of Afghan erudition. They also brought with 
 them some of their drugs, in order that I might give them some 
 notion of the manner in which certain chemical preparations which 
 they had received from British India should be employed, as they 
 were ignorant of their effects. They had, they said, up to that 
 time given these medicines in progressive doses, until they ascer- 
 tained the cases to which they were applicable. How many of 
 their unfortunate patients had been killed by this system I dared 
 not ask ; but Mirza Asker filled up the blank by pulling from his 
 pocket a bottle of the cyanate of mercury, requesting to know what 
 devil of a salt this could be ? " It has been of no use to me," he 
 added, " for of one hundred patients that I have given it to, only 
 one was cured — all the rest died." 
 
 Having finished with medicine, alchemy had its turn, for some of 
 these idiots spend all they possess in their search after the philoso- 
 pher's stone. They are convinced that the English have found it, 
 and attribute their riches to that discovery. They imagine all 
 European gold coins are at the outset only bits of iron, rubbed with 
 a certain preparation, and then placed in devil's water from some 
 well or spring, which metamorphoses it into gold. The doctors 
 entreated me to initiate them into the secret ; but I could only in 
 
 * The influence which the " Hakeem the chiefs of Herat to suppose that 
 
 Sahib" has generally exercised in the "physicians" occupy a higher place in 
 
 British embassy at Teheran, and the the councils of the Knglish than is 
 
 employment of such men as Jukes, accorded to them, and they attribute 
 
 Campbell, M'Neill, Riach, Bell, Lord, much of the prosperity of the English 
 
 and others, in various important duties nation to their " hikmut." — L. 
 in those countries, has naturally led 
 
150 ATTENTIONS OF THE SERTIP. Chap. XI. 
 
 a most learned discourse refer them to humanity, civilization, 
 political economy, and the rig'hts of man, assuring them that it was 
 only to these and our principles of order and justice that we owed 
 the riches they envied us. This they would not believe, and from 
 that moment conceived the highest opinion of my diplomatic talents, 
 admiring the cleverness with which I eluded their pressing and 
 repeated inquiries. 
 
 The first few days of my stay at Herat were spent in thus 
 receiving ar.d returning visits. I had requested almost imme- 
 diately after my arrival to be allowed to present my respects to 
 Yar Mohamed ; but upon the pretext of a feigned indisposition he 
 delayed my reception from day to day. In thus adjourning it he 
 hoped before seeing me to learn the object of the political mission 
 with which I was charged ; and my obstinacy in persisting in my 
 first statement only confirmed him in the belief that I was a shrewd, 
 cunning fellow, and busior pookJite, well cooked. In spite of this 
 the Sertip did everything that lay in his power to make my semi- 
 captivity as little irksome as possible ; he often came himself to 
 know whether his servants had attended to the orders he had given, 
 and sometimes breakfasted with me — his conversation on these 
 occasions furnished me with valuable information, which would have 
 been particularly useful to me if I had been what he supposed — a 
 diplomate in disguise. Though the Sertip's education had only been 
 very limited, his opinions and reflections were generally correct, 
 and bore the impress of great good sense ; he was exceedingly good- 
 natured, and his manners pleasing, and I saw that he wished to make 
 himself agreeable, and sought to make it appear that he was sorry 
 he was under the necessity of watching me. His brother and 
 secretary often sounded me to know whether I would accept this 
 or that present which he proposed to make me ; but as I was well 
 assured, in spite of his agreeable qualities, he was acting only upon 
 the true Afghan feeling -that he who gives an egg expects an ox 
 in return — I always repelled any advances that were made me of 
 this kind, and accepted only his breakfasts, dinners, and a few 
 melons which he occasionally sent me. I could refuse them without 
 scruple, if not as his guest at least as his prisoner, and I never 
 departed from this system during the whole time I was in Afghan- 
 istan. I never received and never gave ; I purchased everything 
 I required, and was always moderate in my expenses, in order not 
 to excite the cupidity of the Afghans, whose natural and national 
 propensity is to lay hands upon other people's property. 
 
■^r^,y.^ 
 
 A TEUSIAN GSNTLEMAM. From a drawing by a Persian Artiat 
 
Chap. XT. THE AUTHOR'S EECEPTION. 153 
 
 but the soldiers and farraches made a lane for me to pass through, 
 and after going through various a])artments and passages, in 
 which were numerous scribes and petitioners, I arrived at the great 
 audience-chamber, called iXve Divan Khaneh, which had not anything 
 more remarkable about it than any other portion of the edifice. 
 Yar Mohamed received me, attended only by a few of his officers, 
 Nadzoo Khan, the head of the Ordnance department, the Serdar 
 Hussein Khan, Ilazarah, Feïz Mohamed Khan, Ishik Aghassi, 
 master of the ceremonies, the Athar Bashee,* chief physician, 
 Agha Hussein, and the Sertip, Lai Mohamed Khan, being the 
 only individuals who had obtained permission to be present at this 
 interview. Directly I appeared at the entrance of the Divan 
 Khaneh, the Vezir rose, advanced three steps towards me, and 
 taking my hand shook it heartily ; he then resumed his seat, and 
 made me take one by his side. The Vezir was tall, his features hard 
 but expressive, and strongly marked. Though sixty years of age, 
 if not more, he had the appearance of a man of fifty ; his dress 
 was made of Kashmir shawls; but, unlike his subjects who wear the 
 turban, he had adopted the black lambskin cap of the Persians. 
 I Mas informed that this head-gear was intended as a compliment 
 to the Shah of Persia. A stranger cannot please a Persian more 
 than by wearing this head-dress ; hats and caps they hold in 
 abhorrence, considering them as the distinctive badge of European 
 nations, and of that power which has so frequently humiliated 
 them. Officers in the Persian service may, without annoyance or 
 inconvenience, wear their European dress ; but if they wish to 
 make themselves popular, they will certainly change their hat or 
 cap for the black lambskin ; and this, as a matter of taste, is cer- 
 tainly much to be preferred to either.f In giving up the turban, 
 the cunning Vezir wished it to be believed that he was devoted to 
 the dynasty of the Kajars. 
 
 The aflPable manners of the Khan soon put me at my ease, and 
 after we had smoked a kalioon tea was served, a cup of which he 
 took himself from the pieh-khetmet and offered it to me ; in fact, 
 
 * The Athar Bashee was for many had not been engaged in slave-dealing, 
 
 years the naost trusted servant of Shah — L. 
 
 Kamran, and to him the people of f I have seen Yar Mohamed wear 
 
 Hei-at, especially the Parsivans, were such a cap when he had no wish to pay 
 
 much indebted for his influence in pro- a compliment to the Persian king. The 
 
 tecting them against the occasional fury lambskin-cap is generally worn by Jum- 
 
 of the king and the tyranny of Yar sheedees, Hazarahs, and other Sooiiee 
 
 Mohamed. He was much respected, tribes in the neighbourhood, but of a 
 
 and was supposed to have been the smaller size and different shape from 
 
 only man of consequence at Herat who the Kajar cap. — L. 
 
154 YAR MOHAMED'S TOLICY. Chap. XI. 
 
 he treated me with so much consideration that I really felt con- 
 fused. Politeness is carried to a great extent in Eastern courts ; 
 but the rules of etiquette are also exceedingly rigid, and invariably 
 observed, and if these are occasionally departed from with 
 Europeans, it must be confessed that it is due to the English, who 
 have shown that they know how to make themselves respected in 
 these countries : the youngest ensign in the service of the East 
 India Company receives the most distinguished honours when he 
 passes through the principalities of Central Asia that border on 
 their territory. After a mutual interchange of compliments, 
 Yar Mohamed launched into politics. " You are an English- 
 man," said he, abruptly ; " I know it, why therefore concealment? 
 Come now, tell me what are your intentions ? If I have been to 
 blame with your Government, I have a right to complain of their 
 conduct to me— let bygones be bygones. There is something to be 
 said on both sides ; our political relations can again be renewed, 
 and on a friendly footing, and I will be as sincere as you can have 
 a right to expect ; the duplicity that I formerly practised to Pot- 
 tinger and Todd Sahebs ought not to lower me in your opinion ; 
 they excited the anger of that old drunkard the Shah Kamran 
 against me ; my life was at stake, and it was high time that I 
 should defend it. I was in a state of continual alarm, but this has 
 ceased since his death ; at the present time all authority is cen- 
 tered in me — the Afghans are devoted to me, and I have got rid 
 of the Persians : speak to me, then, without reserve, and if your 
 alliance can be useful to me, mine may be of service to yoa" 
 
 I felt so eîïibarrassed that I scarcely knew how to reply to this 
 sudden expression of his opinion, given too with a tone of assur- 
 ance which proved his profound conviction of my being an English- 
 man. The Vezir saw by my countenance that I did not feel very 
 comfortable, for he made an observation to that effect. The feel- 
 ing was, however, transient ; I declared that I was not an English- 
 man, I protested most energetically against the supposition that 
 I had any political intentions, mischievous or otherwise ; and that 
 the surveillance with which he had surrounded me was unjus- 
 tifiable. This produced excuses on his part ; he dwelt on the 
 difficulties of his position, on the conduct of the English who had 
 previously been at Herat — it was not, he said, of a nature calcu- 
 lated to tranquillize him respecting the intentions of those who 
 might come after them ; and, getting by degrees more and more 
 excited, he continued as follows : — " I knew too well the projects of 
 
 i 
 
Chap. XI. YAR MOHAMED'S POLICY. 155 
 
 the English to be sincere with them, their influence would have 
 become far too deep-rooted at Herat to have suited me ; they left, 
 it is true, a good deal of money in the province, but not that I 
 might profit by it. I feigned to be their dupe, but I never was. 
 When I went out on horseback with Major Todd I used to help 
 him on his horse, allowed him to ride in front of me to gratify his 
 vanity, but I filled my cofftrs at his expense ; when he ceased to 
 be generous I ceased to serve him ; he wished to upset me, but 
 I sent him out of Herat, and he is now little esteemed by his 
 superiors. Such is this world — everything is written in the book 
 of fate ; if fortune has decided in my favotu", it is because God 
 willed it so. All your armies and gold cannot contend against 
 the will of Heaven. If you have arrived here with different views 
 from your predecessors, speak frankly, we will be friends ; pay me 
 well, and I'will be your very humble and devoted servant ; but if 
 your business here is to intrigue, I shall not permit it. Not one 
 hair of your head will be hurt, you may even remain here if you 
 like, but treated as you have been up to this time ; you are also 
 equally at liberty to leave Herat : decide." * 
 
 It took me at least an hour of denials and protestations to con- 
 vince Yar Mohamed that I was not an Englishman ; and the 
 conversation, which to my great regret, had at one time become 
 more animated than was agreeable, settled down into a more kindly 
 spirit— the Vezir's suspicions were moderated, and Eastern politics 
 
 * The account given by M. Ferrier the state of comparative prosperity 
 
 of his interview with Yar Mohamed is which had existed before the invasion 
 
 very interesting, and I have no doubt of the Persians. 
 
 most accurate. He appears thoroughly I have little doubt that, had the ar- 
 te have understood and appreciated the rangement made by Eldred Pottinger 
 character of the Vezir. been continued, of making payment di- 
 
 Yar Mohamed was quite right in sup- rectly from the British Treasury, instead 
 
 posing that the influence of the English of through Yar Mohamed, we might have 
 
 at Herat would have become far too held possession of Herat throughout all 
 
 deep-rooted to have suited him. Even the subsequent reverses in Afghanistan, 
 
 at the time that the mission left the The estimation in which English officers 
 
 city, I believe that it would have were held by the people of Herat is 
 
 been quite possible for us to have re- confirmed by Wolf in his account of his 
 
 tained our position there in spite of journey to Bokhara; and even Yar Mo- 
 
 him, had it been considered expe- hamed can scarcely have entertained 
 
 dient to have risked a collision. It any acrimonious feeling towards them, 
 
 did not accord with his policy that any although he may have considered him- 
 
 of his subjects should be protected, self fortunate in getting rid of their 
 
 by the presence of the mission, against influence. 
 
 the oppression of his soldiers, or that, From my personal knowledge of the 
 
 under the superintendence of British present ruler, Shahzadah Mahomed 
 
 officers, money should be expended in Yussuf, I am satisfied that he will be at 
 
 opening canals, repairing roads, giving any time ready to enter into friendly 
 
 advances to cultivators and manufac- relations with us. — L. 
 tm-ei-s, and restoring the country to 
 
ir,G HIS ENGINEERING TACTICS. Chap. XT. 
 
 dismissed. The power, wealth, and intelligence of the different 
 European states were then discussed, and the arts and sciences, 
 railways, balloons, and finally the electric telegraph. The opinions 
 enunciated by the Vezir, so far as they were connected with subjects 
 w hich he could understand, were characterised by great good sense ; 
 and I came to the conclusion that instruction alone was required to 
 have made him a very superior man. But on many subjects he was 
 deplorably ignorant ; and, like the generality of Asiatics, full of 
 illusions which could not be dispelled. The Khan has numerous 
 mines of iron, lead, silver, and even auriferous copper, and is burn- 
 ing to work them ; and I need scarcely say they would increase his 
 revenues. He would also like to have mills for spinning and 
 weaving wool, silk, and cotton, with European machinery — to have 
 a manufactory of arms, a cannon foundry, &c. ; but he would like 
 to have all this Afghan fashion, that is to say, without the necessary 
 outlay. The Vezir has also the Eastern caprice of supposing that 
 everything can be done in the least possible time ; that one man ought 
 to have a knowledge of everything, be able to undertake twenty 
 different kinds of employment, and find in the province of Herat, 
 where there is nothing, the means for carrying out all his projects. 
 
 The Khan appeared to take a great interest in everything 
 connected with the military profession, and put a number of 
 questions to me on this subject which showed considerable judg- 
 ment ; he spoke also, and at great length, of the defence he 
 made against the Persians, and attributed their want of success to 
 the cowardice and treason of their chiefs. He mentioned, how- 
 ever, in high terms the bravery of the troops, and furnished me 
 with much curious information respecting the siege ; his mode 
 of ascertaining the direction in which the besiegers were carrying 
 the galleries of their mines to reach the ditch of the place was 
 very ingenious. Plates were filled with as much small seed as 
 they would hold, and placed upon the ground in those spots under 
 which it was presumed the sappers were at work ; and, in spite of 
 all their precautions, the least concussion or blow from a spade or 
 pick brought down a few grains from the heap, and discovered 
 their position. 
 
 My interview with Yar Mohamed lasted three hours, and though 
 at times a certain tinge of acrimonious feeling was observable, 
 originating in the fixed idea that I was an Englishman, I never- 
 theless left his house satisfied with my reception ; for I could 
 plainly perceive that, in spite of this, there was a kind feeling 
 
CiiAP. XT. SECURITY OF LIFE AND PROPERTY. 157 
 
 for a stranger, to whom he was anxious to show hospitality. It 
 was difficult to believe that he was the man who had strangled his 
 sovereign, who had ordered the execution of so many unhappy 
 beings, and sold his subjects by hundreds to the Turcomans, in- 
 cluding even the princesses of the blood — such, however, was the 
 sad truth. During the lifetime of the Shah Kamran, Yar Mo- 
 hamed had carefully removed from oiRce nearly all those who had 
 taken umbrage at the position he had acquired ; but, after the death 
 of the Shah, completed the work by admitting Afghans only to 
 places of public trust devoted for a length of time to his interests, 
 or men of his own tribe. He was wily enough to make it appear 
 that his officers were the cause of many severe acts, and testified 
 great anxiety to do justice to the sufferers directly a complaint 
 was brought before him ; and there was policy in this, for he was 
 desirous of destroying that unanimity, so hostile to the sovereign, 
 which usually exists between the turbulent Afghans and their 
 subaltern chiefs, and to uphold one against the other. This system 
 answered admirably, inasmuch as he showed great impartiality in 
 settling the differences which arose between them, and his sove- 
 reignty is now perfectly established in Herat. The dynasty of the 
 Suddozyes, the Kamran branch, dethroned by him in 1842, has 
 not the least chance, at any rate during the Vezir's lifetime, of 
 returning to power.* Four individuals shared the confidence of 
 Yar Mohamed when I was at Herat : Feiz Mohamed Khan, 
 Sertip Lai Mohamed, Najoo Khan, and Mirza Nejef Khan.f 
 
 * Since Yar Mohamed's death in Beloocbistan to their own countiy. 
 1852, his son Syud Mohamed Khan has Mohamed YoussoufShahzadah, who has 
 held the government of Herat on a very been recently invited by the inhabitants 
 uneasy tenure, both on account of his to assume the government of Herat, and 
 weak personal character, and of the who now reigns there, belongs to the 
 difficulties bequeathed him by his ancient Suddozye family, being a grand- 
 father. His first care was to send a son of Hajji Feroze, who was brother to 
 number of the Heratian nobles, in- Shah Zamaun, Shah Mahmoud, and 
 eluding Najoo Khan, ostensibly on a Shah Shooja, who was placed on the 
 mission to the Shah, but in reality as throne of Cabul by the English in 18' .9. 
 prisoners, having pi-eviously ai-ranged Yar Mohamed was minister to the Sud- 
 with the Persian government that they dozye prince, Shah Kamran, and, as 
 should be detained or otherwise got rid before related, murdered his master, 
 of. The Persian government accord- and usurped the throne. — Ed. 
 ingly made away with Najoo Khan f The first was killed in 184-7, in an 
 and some othei-s, and would probably encounter with the Hazarahs; the se- 
 have destroyed the whole party had not cond died, and Najoo Khan lost the 
 the British government interfered and Vezir's friendship in consequence of 
 procured their release. Of those re- some intrigues with the Chiefs of Kan- 
 leased a few remained in the service of dahar, to whose tribe he belonged, 
 the Shah, but the majority sought refuge There was, therefore, up to the time of 
 at Candahar, passing through Bagdad Yar Mohamed's death, only one person 
 to Mecca, and thence returning through of any importance at Herat except 
 
158 CHARACTER OB^ YAR MOHAMED. Chap, XL 
 
 The Mirza is of the ancient Parsivan race, or Parsi-zeban, as 
 we should say in Persian, that is to say, the people who governed 
 the country before the Afghans. Under his advice and protection 
 a great number of Eiinaks,* such, for instance, as the Taymoonis 
 and the Jemshidees, have come or have been forced to reside at 
 Herat, where they live contented and happy ; the Vezir treats 
 them with the same consideration as the Afghans, who are much 
 fewer in number all over the principality. But it may be doubted 
 whether there is not some imprudence in thus augmenting day by 
 day the subjugated race ; they will submit to the yoke during Yar 
 Mohamed's life, because he is just to them ; but after his death, 
 should they become discontented, they will, if possible, exterminate 
 their conquerors; and the AfghanSj who have only held Herat 
 about a century, may possibly be under the necessity of taking 
 refuge in Kandahar, the land of their birth. They are of the 
 Sunnite sect of Mussulmans, whereas a large majority of the Par- 
 sivans are Shiahs, and for this reason they are and ever will be 
 irreconcilable enemies. 
 
 From the peasant to the highest functionary every one has 
 ready access to Yar Mohamed ; he gives up six hours of every 
 day to hear the complaints and listen to the petitions of his 
 subjects, and deals out prompt, equitable, and severe justice to all.f 
 Every one can travel through any part of his territory without 
 fear of molestation, and the measures he has taken for the sup- 
 pression of robbers have been so terrible that not one is to be 
 found at the present time. This extraordinary security of the 
 public roads of Herat is a fact unique of its kind amongst the 
 numerous provinces of Central Asia, for the most part infested 
 with thieves and bandits. The Heratians, who never before en- 
 joyed such security for life and property, offer up many a fervent 
 prayer that the Vezir may long reign over them. He is reproached 
 only with having created new taxes, increased the old ones, and 
 monopolised all the revenues ; even the cobblers of Herat are laid 
 under contribution, and there is no public establishment that does 
 not pay something to the State — that is, himself. But the Vezir 
 knows how to pluck the fowl without making it cry out too loud ; 
 
 himself, his minister Nejef Khan, and ]ive in tents. — Ed. 
 
 in whom he placed the greatest confi- f This was a very wise measvire. 
 
 dence. — Ed. There is notliing so popular with East- 
 
 * Of the Parsivan race, with this dif- erns as an open durbar, where all, from 
 
 ference, that the Parsivans live in the highest to the lowest, may see the 
 
 towns, and the Ei'maks are nomads face of their sovereign. — Ed. 
 
Ciwp. XI. SYUD MOHAMED KHAN. 159 
 
 he has taken lessons on this subject from the English, by which he 
 has largely profited. His love of gold is certainly great ; never- 
 theless he is not avaricious with those who serve him faithfully, 
 and I have always heard his officers bear testimony to his gene- 
 rosity ; but he is mean and miserly to the last degree with those 
 from whom he expects nothing. 
 
 Since he dethroned Shah Kamran he has looked carefully to 
 his personal safety ; night and day six hundred men guard his 
 house, though thirty would be sufficient : when he leaves the 
 city at least a thousand men accompany him, and a native of 
 India, a Mussulman, who enjoys his confidence, sleeps every night 
 across the door of his bedroom. This man, who is a sergeant 
 and drills his troops, also brings him his morning and evening 
 meal, and in dishes that are closed with a padlock. The Sertip 
 Lai Mohamed Khan, or his brother, always sleeps at his house 
 armed at all points, and a saddled horse is kept in readiness for 
 any emergency — every precaution, in short, is taken, and in most 
 minute detail, to meet any adverse circumstances which might arise. 
 
 The family of Yar Mohamed had no political existence until his 
 uncle, Atta Mohamed, became governor of Kashmir ; he is the most 
 remarkable man who has figured in his tribe up to the present time, 
 and has on every occasion shown a courage, talent, and adminis- 
 trative capabilities which justify us in placing him in the first rank 
 amongst the sovereigns of Afghanistan. It would have been 
 fortunate for others had he been born to the high position he has 
 attained, for he was under the necessity of acting as many an 
 Eastern potentate has done in arriving at the possession of su- 
 preme power. If Yar Mohamed has performed many splendid 
 actions, he may also be reproached with many crimes, — which is 
 much to be regretted, for there is in this chief more than enough 
 material to make one great man.* 
 
 On leaving the Vezir I took my way to the citadel, the com- 
 mandant of which was Syud Mohamed Khan, the Vezir's eldest 
 son, a handsome young fellow, of from twenty to twenty-two years 
 of age, with agreeable manners. I found him surrounded by the 
 principal chiefs of Herat, who paid assiduous court to him, in the 
 hope of obtaining through his influence some favours of his 
 
 * Sir John M'Neill was also much him " certainly one of the most remark- 
 struck with him, when he spent many able men of his age and country." — See 
 hours with him at a midnight interview Persian Blue Book, 1838, p. DO. — Ed. 
 during the siege of Herat. He calls 
 
IGO SYUD MOHAMED KUAN. Chap. XT. 
 
 father, whom he will probably succeed. Unfortunately, however, 
 Mohamed Khan has not had the tact to win the sympathies of the 
 Afghans, who for the most part think him a proud, haughty, and 
 presumptuous man, incapable of directing the affairs of the country. 
 It may, therefore, be expected that at his father's death a number 
 of rivals will be found to dispute with him the sovereign power ; 
 and perhaps, for it is a circumstance frequently seen in Eastern 
 affairs, he may find his brothers amongst his adversaries : there are 
 two, both very young, but they promise even now to have all the 
 energy and intelligence of their father. It is true that Yar 
 Mohamed has endeavoured to strengthen the position of his eldest 
 son, by marrying him to one of the daughters of the family 
 actually reigning in Kabul ; but when it is remembered how little 
 the ties of blood are respected in Afghanistan, it must be admitted 
 that his connection with Dost Mohamed may not prevent the fall 
 of his son-in-law, to which contingency he will be decidedly ex- 
 posed at his father's decease. His best chance of success will be 
 in the support of Persia and the Parsivans ; with that it is not 
 improbable he will be able to defy all opposition. The reception 
 I met with from the young chief was sufficiently polite ; but his 
 conversation convinced me that the Afghans were not wrong in the 
 estimate they had formed of his capacity.* He showed me a splen- 
 did elephant, with which he amused himself from morning to night : 
 it was a present from his brother-in-law, Mohamed Akbar Khan, to 
 his betrothed wife, Bobodjan, the eldest daughter of Yar Mohamed. 
 My visit to Syud Mohamed being finished, I went to the house 
 of the minister, Mirza Nejef Khan. His brother, Mirza Mir 
 Ali, one of the richest merchants in Meshed, and whose acquain- 
 ■ tance I had made during my short stay in that town, had recom- 
 mended me to him in a manner which ensured me a kind and 
 cordial reception ; and in this my hopes were fully realised. The 
 Mirza Nejef Khan is a young man for a minister, and appeared 
 to me not more than thirty years of age ; I found him lively, 
 witty, and intelligent, and quite equal to the duties of the high 
 
 * The officers of the mission had amedeed," taught him to say, " You 
 formed a similar estimate of Syud are a spoon !" Full of the importance 
 Mohamed's capacity. During one of of the acquisition, although somewhat 
 his visits at the Char-bhag, he ex- doubtful of the exact meaning, on meet- 
 pressed a wish to learn English, upon ing his father on his return home, he 
 which a wag of the party offered to accosted him by saying, ' Agir-be-adebi 
 teach him a sentence, and under the na bashud" (if it be not disresijectful), 
 impression that it was merely an ordi- " You are a spoon !"^L. 
 nary English salutation, like " khoosh 
 
ClIAP. XI. 
 
 YAR MOIIAMED'S COUSINS-GERMAN. 
 
 161 
 
 office entrusted to him. His bravery is equally well spoken of ; 
 but of this I had no opportunity of judging. I also saw the Sir- 
 dars Dad Khan, Shiriam Khan, Sultan Mohamed Khan,* Goolam 
 Khan, and Emir Khan, all of them cousins-german of Yar Mo- 
 hamed.t Suyd Elias and Suyd Futteh Shah, the two principal 
 merchants in Herat, were most polite and attentive to me.| 
 
 * This chief, in 1841, took refuge at 
 Candahar from his cousin Yar Mohamed, 
 and was of great service to the English 
 during the subsequent troubles in the 
 country, raising a considerable body of 
 Alikozye horsemen, for such service as 
 was required of them. — Ed. 
 
 t Those who knew Sirdar Futteh 
 Khan uill regret extremely to miss his 
 name out of this list. His loyalty and 
 faithfulness to the English mission were 
 in bright contrast to the treachery 
 of other members of Yar Mohamad's 
 family, and to his services we were 
 largely indebted. — L. 
 
 X The following extract of a letter from 
 Sir John M'Neill to Viscount Palmer- 
 ston, dated Meshed, June '25, 1838, will 
 serve to show the importance of Herat : — 
 " The key of all Afghanistan towards 
 the north is Herat; and though I can 
 have no right to press my personal 
 opinions upon your lordship after hav- 
 ing already stated them, and although 
 I must necessaril}" be ignorant of the 
 many important considerations not im- 
 mediately connected with this question 
 M-hich must influence the policy of her 
 Majesty's Government, still I cannot 
 refrain from saying a few words more 
 regarding the importance of preserving 
 the independence of Herat. 
 
 "I have already informed your lord- 
 ship publicly, that the country between 
 the frontiers of Persia and India is far 
 more productive than I had imagined 
 it to be; and I can assure your lordship 
 that there is no impediment, either 
 from the physical features of the country 
 or from the deficiency of supplies, to 
 the march of a large army from the 
 frontiers of Georgia to Kandahar, or, 
 as I believe, to the Indus. 
 
 " Count Simonich, being lame from a 
 wound, drove his carriage from Teheran 
 to Herat, and could drive it to Kanda- 
 har ; and the Shah's army has now for 
 neai-ly seven months subsisted almost 
 exclusively on the supplies of the 
 country immediately around Herat and 
 ' Ghoriaai, leaving the still more produc- 
 I tive disti'icts of Subzar and Furrah un- 
 I touched. 
 
 " In shoi-t, lean state from personal 
 observation that there is absolutely no 
 impediment to the march of an army to 
 Herat; and that, from all the informa- 
 tion I have received, the country be- 
 tween that city and Kandahar not only 
 presents no difficulty, but affords re- 
 markable facilities for the passage of 
 armies. 
 
 " There is therefore, my lord, no se- 
 curity for India in the nature of the 
 country through which an army would 
 have to pass to invade it from this 
 side. 
 
 " On the contrary, the whole line is 
 peculiarly favourable for such an enter- 
 prise; and I am the more anxious to 
 state this opinion clearly, because it is 
 at variance with my previous belief, 
 and with statements which I may have 
 previously hazarded, relying on more 
 imperfect information. 
 
 " Under such circumstances, it appears 
 to me that it would be a most hazard- 
 ous policy to allow Persia to act as the 
 pioneer of Russia, and under protection 
 of the article of the treaty, to break 
 down the main defence of Afghanistan, 
 and thereby make the country untenable 
 to us, at a moment when the concert 
 between Persia and Russia in these 
 operations is avowed." ***** 
 
 " It is currently reported and be- 
 lieved here, though I cannot say on 
 what grounds, that there is a secret 
 arrangement between Persia and Russia 
 to exchange Herat for some of the dis- 
 tricts beyond the Arras which formerly 
 belonged to Persia. 
 
 ' ' This report was first mentioned to 
 me at Teheran, in March last; but I 
 then paid no attention to it, because I 
 could not see how Russia was to get at 
 Herat, and I still am inclined to regard 
 it as probably unfounded, though 
 Count Simonich certainly threatened 
 Mahommed Ameen, a servant of Yar 
 Mahommed Khan (who was sent with 
 a message from his master to the Per- 
 sian camp 'I, that if Herat did not sur- 
 render to the Shtuh. he would march a 
 Russian army against it." — See Blue 
 Book, i>p. 131,132.— Ed. 
 
 M 
 
1G2 UZBEKS. CiiAP. XII. 
 
 CHAPTER XIL 
 
 Excursion in the environs — Uzbeks from Kundooz — Descendants of Alexander 
 the Great — The Greeks — Of the Asiatic Dynasties — The sites of ancient 
 cities — Artakoana, Aria Metropolis, and Sous — The seven sieges of Herat — 
 Tooli Khan — Massacre by Ghengis Khan — Tamerlane — Obeid Khan — 
 Herat sacked by the Uzbeks — Fortified by Shah Rokh Mirza — The actual 
 position of Herat — The fortifications — The citadel — Improvements by the 
 English engineers — Population before the siege and after — Yar Mohamed's 
 acts at this time — His subsequent conduct — Persian cities as readily rebuilt as 
 destroyed — Devastation at the siege of 1838 — The bazaars — The architect 
 and the cupola — Public buildings at Herat. 
 
 The day after I had made my round of visits to the distinguished 
 persons mentioned in the last chapter I took a long walk in the 
 environs of the town, and continued my excursion as far as the 
 foot of the mountains and the royal residences of the Takht-sefer 
 and Gazergah. Ascending the ridge of these hills, on the look- 
 out for partridges, which I expected but did not find there, I 
 entered a ravine, and came upon two enormous wolves and their 
 three wolverines — most of them were quietly seated on their 
 haunches, and seemed not the least concerned at my presence ; 
 nor did they retire until I had fired one barrel at them, though 
 without effect. 
 
 On reaching Gazergah I was much surprised to find there a 
 small encampment of persons in the dress of Uzbeks, but whose 
 configuration of features clearly indicated quite another origin. 
 Enquiring from whence they were, I was informed that they had 
 come from Hazarat Imaum, a small town situated to the north of 
 Kundooz, and were on a pilgrimage to Meshed, to propitiate the 
 Mollahs in their favour with the Imaum Reza. Their language 
 was a bastard Persian, which increased my astonishment ; for the 
 primitive Turk or Tartar is the language of the country in which 
 they live. The singularity of this circumstance awakened my 
 curiosity ; and with a view to further and more positive informa- 
 tion, I approached their encampment and conversed with them 
 myself. They stated that they were the descendants of the Yoo- 
 
Chap. XII. DESCENDANTS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 163 
 
 nanes (Greeks) that Alexander the Great, Islcander Hoomi, had 
 left in these countries ; and when I heard this I recollected that 
 Marco Polo, and after him Burnes, as well as other writers on Ori- 
 ental history, mentioned the existence of Macedonian tribes which 
 had settled on the north-west frontier of Chinese Tartary. I wished 
 to convince myself that they had not been led into error on this 
 subject ; and, from the replies I received to the numerous ques- 
 tions I put to these people, I was convinced of the existence of the 
 real descendants of the ancient Greeks in those countries.* These 
 Younanes are not isolated and dispersed here and there, but 
 united in tribes, occupying a considerable tract of country ; 
 nothing, however, either in their language or their habits, betrays 
 their origin. They are Mussulmans, and have the reputation of 
 being somewhat fanatical, and are not held in much consideration 
 by the Tartars, amongst whom they are settled ; but they are 
 respected, for, like their ancestors, they are brave, and the con- 
 sequences of their hatred are terrible to those who are the object 
 of it. Burnes, while admitting the existence of the descendants 
 of these Greeks in Central Asia, appears to doubt whether some of 
 their chiefs are, as they affirm, the descendants of Alexander, for 
 the historians of the son of Philip assure us that he left no heir 
 to reap the fruits of his immense conquests.f 
 
 This may be true as to legitimate heirs ; but the same his- 
 torians mention several circumstances which lead to the conclusion 
 that the great warrior bowed his plumed helmet to Venus, and 
 he probably left several of his race in various provinces of the 
 countries west of the Indus. The following quotation from 
 Quintus Curtius confirms this supposition : — " After the Mace- 
 donians had laid siege to, and reduced to the last extremity, 
 the town of Massaga, the queen of that country, named Cleophe, 
 made her submission to Alexander, and came herself with a 
 large train, accompanied by a numerous retinue of ladies, to 
 meet the king. With her was an only son, whom she led to 
 the conqueror's feet ; Alexander raised him from the ground, 
 and reinstated her in full possession of her kingdom. It is 
 said that it was rather to the beauty of the queen than to the 
 
 * On the Kaffirs, see Appendices. Koosh, to the north of the Caubul 
 
 t The descendants of the Greeks men- river. The persons here mentioned 
 
 tioned by Burnes are not Mohammedans may have been " Taiijiks," from the 
 
 -they are called •' Siah Posht Kaffirs," neighbourhood of Koondooz. — L. 
 
 and live in the valleys of the Hindoo 
 
 M 2 
 
164 SITES OF ANCIENT CITIES. Ciiai>. XII. 
 
 merciful disposition of her conqueror that this happy result was 
 to be attributed — the chikl she had by him was called by his 
 name." As the son of Philip had these relations with Cleophe, 
 it is perfectly possible that he was not insensible to the charms 
 of several other great ladies in those countries, and that the 
 offspring resulting from these irregular and itinerant rencontres 
 perpetuated his race, who were looked up to with veneration 
 and respect by the Macedonians that remained in Tartary. 
 For my own part I see nothing in this supposition but what 
 is very natural ; for Asiatics in this country make no diflerence 
 between the children of different women by the same father ; 
 they are equally entitled to his support and protection ; all are 
 legitimate, and there is little difference in their rights, whatever 
 may have been the nature of the tie that has existed between the 
 father and mother. 
 
 Herat is at the present time the asylum of all the fallen great- 
 ness of past centuries. Here are to be seen the descendants of 
 Ghengis Khan, of Tamerlane, and Nadir Shah. I was introduced 
 to a great-grandson of the latter, Agha Ahmed Mirza, who, pos- 
 sessed of large landed property, superintended it himself, and 
 preferred a peaceful and retired life to one surrounded by the 
 dangers attendant upon powei-. The English, who have a happy 
 knack of making a profitable use of princes on half-pay, were so 
 considerate as to give him a pension when they occupied Afghan- 
 istan. Since their evacuation of that country the pension has been 
 withdrawn.* 
 
 The territory of Herat corresponds pretty nearly with the ter- 
 ritory called Aria by the historians of Alexander, the principal 
 cities of which were, according to them, Artakoana, Aria Metro- 
 polis, Sousia, Akhala, and Candace. I must confess that in spite 
 of every possible effort of imagination I could never comprehend 
 how Artakoana could be any other than the city of Aria Metro- 
 polis spoken of by Ptolemy. The more I reflected the less I 
 could account for the separate existence of these two capitals, and 
 I am led to the belief that the one was only a continuation of the 
 other. If we suppose that Artakoana was really a distinctt city 
 
 * Among those who received advances of the Seistan desert, who was said to 
 for cultivation of his lands, or other have traced his descent from iJanws. — L. 
 allowances, was a chief from the borders 
 
CnAf. Nil. SITES OF ANCFKNT CJTIES. 105 
 
 from Aria Metropolis, it could only have been a town or locality 
 of inferior importance, at which the princes of Aria generally 
 passed the summer months, and this may ha^-e led historians to 
 suppose it was a capital. This was, however, but another repetition 
 of the custom of the Persian kings, who retired from Persepolis, 
 the ruins of which are still to be seen near Istakhr, to pass the 
 summer months in another town of the same name, situated in the 
 cool and verdant valley of the Moroghab, fifteen parasangs more to 
 the north. Were there not also two Ecbatanas, the summer and the 
 winter one ? If this supposition with reference to Artakoana and 
 Aria Metropolis is not correct, then the town of Kussan, whose 
 ancient ruins, beautiful climate, and charming situation on the 
 banks of the Heri-rood, indicate the spot on which once stood this 
 ancient city. 
 
 But in advancing this supposition I do it with some reservation, 
 and for this reason : the admirable position occupied by Herat 
 must at all times have attracted the attention of the sovereigns of 
 Persia — there is not a position of more importance in a strategical 
 and commercial point of view, and the fertility of the soil is great. 
 On this plain, in the centre of which the city stands, the great 
 roads from all the principal countries of Asia meet ; the numerous 
 streams of water that furrow the sides of the adjoining mountains 
 would flow uselessly through the plain, and lose their fertilizing 
 powers in the Heri-rood, if Herat and its suburbs did not intercept 
 them. The benefits arising from the presence of these abundant 
 streams have been much too greatly appreciated at all times 
 by the inhabitants for them to have ever thought of removing 
 to a district less favoured by nature. There will be, I am aware, 
 a difference on this point between myself and other authors 
 who have written upon the same subject ; but I have met with few 
 amongst them whose opinions agree even among themselves as 
 to many things connected with the ancient history of Central Asia. 
 The impressions taken from the writings of travellers often differ 
 sensibly from those formed on seeing the localities themselves. I 
 believe we are all more or less alike when we endeavour to fix the 
 sites of ancient cities ; we are like the etymologists — the mind 
 plunges into an infinity of suppositions equally vague and pro- 
 blematical, and without producing any very enlightened results ; 
 nevertheless, as we are all agreed in thinking that these cannot 
 exist except by the contact of various opinions, I will mention a 
 
166 HISTORY OF HERAT. Chap. XII. 
 
 few of mine, even at the risk of entangling the question a little 
 more than it was before. 
 
 Why, for example, call Zeuzan, a little locality in which not the 
 faintest traces of ancient ruins are found, the site of the ancient 
 Sousia of Aria ? It seems to me that the resemblance existing 
 between the name of this ancient city and that of Tous (the 
 modern Meshed),* a name which, except the first letter, is iden- 
 tical with it, and the difference in the orthography of which is 
 sufficiently explained by the alterations in the language, ought 
 rather to make us conclude that this latter city is the Sous 
 mentioned by Arrian, who places it on the borders of the Arian 
 territory. All my reflections and researches did not enable me 
 to fix even approximatively the position of the city of Khandak. 
 
 But to return to Aria Metropolis. Persian authors, whose 
 works merit some attention, mention only one capital of Aria, 
 which they designate by the name of lleri. This no doubt gave 
 it to the principality, as in our days Ispahan and Yezd give their 
 names to the governments of which they are the chief places. 
 The city of Heri is said by the Persians to have been founded by 
 Lohrasp, to have been increased by Gustasp, and to have been 
 greatly ornamented and embellished by Bahman. They add 
 that it was finished by Alexander the Great, who ordered his 
 lieutenant Haree, perhaps Araeus, to fortify it. It would be diflicult 
 to contest the truth of this narrative, so far as Alexander is con- 
 cerned, as it entirely agrees on every point with those of the Greek 
 historians. It was indeed impossible that a city of such import- 
 ance, both with reference to its position and the fertility of the soil 
 in its neighbourhood, should not be turned to a useful account by 
 the Macedonian conqueror, who must have made it the principal 
 depot for his supplies of every kind before he advanced to the 
 Indian frontier. 
 
 What, however, is less likely, is the conviction the Heratians 
 entertain, that their city has never undergone any change since the 
 time of Alexander. They pretend, and what is more, ask you to 
 believe, that the fortifications which now protect them are the very 
 same that were erected by that monarch. Their own history is 
 there to prove to them the contrary ; and in consulting its pages, 
 
 * The ruins of Tous are, howevei', situated thirty miles N.W. of Meshed, 
 and the name still remains. — Ed. 
 
Chap. XI 1. TOOLI KHAN. 167 
 
 which can be done for the last nine centuries, there are to be found 
 at least seven occasions in which Herat, if not completely destroyed, 
 was so laid waste as to necessitate its entire reconstruction. 
 
 The first catastrophe which befell Herat occurred in the twelfth 
 century. In the reign of the Sultan Sanjar, and about the year 
 1157 (Hejira 544), it fell into the hands of the Turcomans, who 
 committed the most fi'ightful ravages, and left not one stone upon 
 another. 
 
 The second ordeal was equally deplorable, as the following brief 
 account will testify. " This town," says Herbelot, " was the 
 largest of the three capitals of Khorassan (the other two were Merv 
 and Neshapoor) which were besieged by Tooli Khan ;* the city 
 was defended by Mohamed Goorgani, governor of the province, 
 who had under his command a considerable army ; and, accord- 
 ingly, during the first seven days of the siege, Mohamed made 
 such frequent and vigorous sorties that the Mongols were soon 
 made aware that they were not likely to finish this enterprise 
 so easily as they had done the preceding ones ; but it happened 
 shortly after that the intelligent and gallant governor was unfortu- 
 nately killed by an aiTow. After his death the besieged gradually 
 lost courage, and already talked of surrendering. When Tooli 
 Khan heard this, which he did from his spies, he advanced with 
 only two hundred horse to one of the gates, to confer with those 
 citizens who were the most inclined for peace. To them he de- 
 clared that if they would voluntarily surrender — and he was in a 
 condition to force them — he would respect their lives and pro- 
 perty ; also, that he would be satisfied if they paid him half the 
 tribute which they had hitherto given to the Sultan of Khooarezm. 
 The Khan having pledged his word, and confirmed by a solemn 
 oath the terms of the capitulation, the citizens of Herat opened 
 their gates and received him with every honour. Tooli Khan 
 religiously observed the conditions of the treaty, and would not 
 permit the Mongols to commit the least excess ; the garrison, how- 
 ever, with whom he had not capitulated, was put to death ; and 
 naming as their future governor Malek Aboo Bekr, he hastened 
 to rejoin his father at the siege of Thaleh, Khan Talighan. But 
 the destruction of this noble city having, says Khondemir, been 
 
 * Tooli means " a mirror " in Mongol. of his great likeness to his father, Gengis 
 Tooli Khan received his name because Khan. See D'Herbelot. — Ed. 
 
68 TAMERLANE. Chap. Xlf. 
 
 decreed by the Divine will, it soon came to pass ; for a rumour 
 having spread through the country that the Mongols had been 
 defeated by Jellal Eddin near the town of Ghuzni, the inhabi- 
 tants of the cities of Khorassan in which Tooli Khan had left 
 governors rose simultaneously, and put all the Mongols to death 
 who fell into their hands. The people of Herat were no exception ; 
 they massacred the governor Malek xVboo Bekr and his small 
 force, and placed the defence of the city in the hands of Mobarek 
 Eddin, of the town of Subzawar. Ghengis Khan, having been 
 apprised of these reverses, roughly reprimanded his son Tooli for 
 having by a false clemency spared the lives of his enemies and 
 put it in their power to play him this trick, sent 80,000 horse 
 to Herat, to take their revenge. The siege lasted six months, 
 during which time the inhabitants fought with all the energy of 
 despair, and made most extraordinary efforts in conducting the 
 defence ; but, being at length overcome, they were all put to 
 death without mercy, to the number of 1,600,000.* The Emir 
 Khovend Shah states that the physician Sharf Eddin Khatib, with 
 fifteen of the inhabitants, who had concealed themselves in some 
 grottoes and remained there undiscovered, and were afterwards 
 joined by twenty-four other persons, were the only individuals that 
 escaped, as if by a miracle, the general massacre. These forty 
 persons resided in Herat for fifteen years before there was any 
 increase in the number of inhabitants, so complete had been the 
 destruction. This deplorable event took place in the year 1232 
 (Hejira 619). 
 
 Tamerlane, another devastator and scourge of the human race, 
 closely imitated the example of Ghengis Khan by carrying fire and 
 sword into every part of Khorassan. f Ghyaz Eddin, then sove- 
 reign prince of Herat, was the first who attempted to withstand 
 the Tartar conqueror, but the danger increased with the length of 
 the contest, and he surrendered at discretion. Tamerlane, to 
 punish him for having thought of arresting his course, dismantled 
 the fortifications of Herat and the citadel, and levied so large a 
 contribution upon the inhabitants, that they were reduced to utter 
 
 * If these numbei-s apply to the city f The Orientals say that three millions 
 
 of Herat only, it is incontestable that it of souls were destroyed in this massacre, 
 
 must have been much larger than it being the people of Balkh, Nishapoor, 
 
 is now, for it could at the utmost con- Merve, and Herat. — Ed. 
 tain only 100,000 persons. 
 
Chap. XII. POSITION OF HERAT. 1G9 
 
 misery. He also seized the territory and the immense riches of 
 Ghyaz Eddin. The governor, who under the protection of Tamer- 
 lane succeeded this chief, dying in 139.8 (Hejira 785), a revolt ensued, 
 when the inhabitants declared in favour of his predecessor, and the 
 extermination of the Mono^ol orarrison was the result. At the 
 time this occurrence took place, Mirane Shah, a son of Tamerlane, 
 happened to be at three days' march from Herat, on the banks of 
 the Moorghab, and, hearing of the disaster, entered the city with a 
 large force, laid it waste, decimated the inhabitants, and nearly 
 destroyed the place. 
 
 The same fate awaited it in the reign of Olong Beg, the grand- 
 son of Tamerlane. This prince was at war with his nephews, 
 Mirza Baboor and Allah ed Doulet ; and the Heratians, thinking 
 the moment favourable, again revolted : a Tartar chief, Yar Ali, 
 was placed at their head ; but Olong Beg having arrived, the 
 former was defeated, and the city once more became a heap of 
 ruins ; the citadel, which opened its gates, was spared. 
 
 In 1477 (Hejira 864), and in the reign of Aboo Seid, of the 
 race of the Timorides, a Turcoman prince, named Jehan, Shah 
 of the dynasty of the Black Sheep (a very appropriate designa- 
 tion), again ravaged Herat ; and the famine which ensued from 
 the destruction of the crops nearly depopulated the country. 
 
 In 1554 (Hejira 941) the same fate attended it at the hands of 
 Obeid Khan, an Uzbek prince, who burnt and pillaged everything 
 up to the very walls of the citadel, which alone remained. 
 
 Finally, on the occasion of the seventh and last destruction of 
 Herat in 1607 (Hejira 994), and in the reign of Shah Abbas the 
 Great, it was once more sacked by the Uzbeks, commanded by 
 Abdul Moomeen Khan. 
 
 How, therefore, after having been so utterly destroyed on so 
 many occasions, is it possible that the existing fortifications should 
 be those raised by order of Alexander the Great ? From careful 
 observation of this city and its environs during my residence there, 
 I feel convinced that its present enceinte extends only to the area 
 of the ancient citadel, and that the fort now called by that name 
 was the castle of Ekhtiar Eddin, and a mere outwork ; the forti- 
 fications actually existing are probably those constructed by Shah 
 Rokh Mirza, a son of Tamerlane. This prince was the viceroy of the 
 territory of Herat, of which he continued to retain possession after 
 the death of his father ; this city, for which he had an especial pre- 
 
170 FORTIFICATIONS— THE CITADEL. Ciiap. XII. 
 
 dilection, became the capital of his kingdom, and he spent immense 
 sums in raising it from its ruins. In 1431 (Hejira bl8) the ram- 
 parts which his father had thrown down were rebuilt, and he em- 
 ployed 7000 men in this great work. 
 
 The ai'ea on which the city of Herat now stands is about a 
 parasang square, the sides facing east and west being longer than 
 those on the north and south ; it owes its strength to the enormous 
 earthwork that surrounds it* Tradition says that this was formed 
 by the débris of the high and massive walls that were thrown 
 down by the Macedonians, with a view of building new ones in 
 their place. This continuous embankment is formed of exces- 
 sively hard earth, heaped up, and it is easy to see that a great 
 part of it was dug out of the interior of the town and to a great 
 depth, as well as a little from the exterior. It is supported on 
 the interior by a counterfort of sun-dried bricks, and on the 
 exterior has a slope at a considerable angle, the base of which 
 rests in a large and deep ditch, that can be filled with water or 
 laid dry at pleasure. The height of this earthen rampart is not 
 the same in every part, but, on an average, it may be considered 
 as measuring about ninety feet. There are on it a great number 
 of towers, distant about fifty feet fi'om one another, connected by 
 curtains and loopholed for musketry ; the towers at the angles 
 are massive, and on these only can guns be mounted : two 
 covered ways, cut out of the thickness of the rampart, contribute 
 very much to the strength of the place. 
 
 The citadel, that is to say, the Castle of Ikhtiar Eddin,t is 
 situated to the north and within the enceinte of the city. This 
 fortress is square, with large towers at the angles, and built of 
 burnt brick ; it stands on an artificial mound of higher elevation 
 than the walls of the city, and is surrounded, like the exterior 
 rampart, by a large and deep ditch, which is crossed by a draw- 
 bridsre, and can be flooded at will. This work commands the 
 town and the road from Meshed, and it would be diflScult, if not 
 impossible, to attack it with success, even with batteries on the 
 heights of Thaleh-bengy, the only point where they could be 
 placed with advantage.^ 
 
 * The area of Herat within the ditch sent to the Military Board in India by 
 
 is as near as possible a mile square; the the late Colonel Edward Sanders, — L. 
 extent of the ditch will therefore be f Ikhtiar means "power — authority," 
 
 about a parasang, as stated. Accurate in Turkish, 
 plans of the city and fortifications were + See Kaye's AfFghanistan. 
 
Chap. XII. TOPUIATION. 171 
 
 After the siege of Herat by the Persians in 1838, some 
 English officers of Engineers,* under the directions of Major Todd, 
 the British Resident at the Court of the Shah Kamran, restored 
 a part of tlie fortifications ; the line of the ditch of the enceinte 
 appearing to them weak, they filled it up at several points, and 
 dug another more in advance. This has given a greater elevation 
 to the rampart, and a better and more plunging fire to the guns 
 enfilading the ditch, in which they likewise placed several capon- 
 nierès.f The towers at the angles were also made more salient, 
 and the gates to some extent altered, so that an attack would be 
 much more difficult than it was during the siege of 1838. These 
 alterations have unfortunately been carried out on two sides only ; 
 the other two are in bad repair, and attackable, if not accessible, 
 on several points. If the improvements efifected in the fortifica- 
 tions of Herat by these officers had been completed, they would 
 have proved an efficient protection from the attacks of the Afghans, 
 Uzbeks, and Persians ; but were an European army to lay siege 
 to it, the defence could not last twenty days, for it is, after all, 
 but an immense redoubt, and, like all works of the kind, has 
 the defect of four dead angles and a ditch difficult to defend. 
 Herat cannot really be strong until works are erected which will 
 flank those that now exist, and these are not likely to be made 
 by Persians, still less by Afghans. The nature of the soil 
 would offer considerable difficulties to any mining operations, for 
 water rises freely at from nine to twelve feet, and the troops of 
 Mohamed Shah had to make incredible efforts to drain their 
 trenches and communications ; the besieged did not experience 
 the same difficulty, because they were enabled to carry down their 
 mines from the first covered way by cutting though the thickness 
 of the rampart : the two parties more frequently encountered 
 each other in the ditch than elsewhere ; here there were some 
 bloody encounters, and several thousand men perished in them. 
 
 Herat contained a population of at least 70,000 souls before 
 this siege, and when it was raised there were at the outside not 
 more than six or seven thousand persons. This extraordinary 
 decrease is to be accounted for by the great emigration that took 
 
 * Major Sanders, of the Bengal En- planned and executed these defences, 
 
 gineers, an officer of first-rate profes- Major Sanders was killed at the battle 
 
 sional ability, with the assistance of of Maharajpore. — Ed. 
 Captain North of the Bombay army, + i.e. Flanking defences for the ditch. 
 
172 POPULATION. <'hap. XI I. 
 
 place, the casualties during the siege, and the deaths by famine. 
 The mortality continued long after it was over, and was of a most 
 fearful and heartrending character; many of the unfortunate 
 Heratians, to escape its terrors, sold themselves to the Turcomans 
 as slaves, to provide food for their wives and children. Yar Mo- 
 hamed was then in as great a difficulty as any one else during 
 this frightful visitation, and he met the difficulty in the most 
 pitiless manner ; for the least fault, probably without any, he 
 sold the Parsivans to procure provisions, and bartered four or 
 five against a horse or a few quarters of wheat. His officers and 
 agents traversed the city, and endeavoured to excite the people 
 that he might have an excuse for selling them in a greater number 
 to the Turcomans ; the inhabitants, however, perceived the snare, 
 and remained quietly in their houses : but Yar Mohamed was 
 not, however, to be foiled ; he closed all the outlets of the bazaars 
 at an hour of the day when they were the most crowded, drew 
 up his troops at these points, seized indiscriminately all he could 
 lay his hands on, and sold them to obtain funds. 
 
 Since these sad episodes took place, the Vezir has usurped the 
 sovereign authority and enriched himself with English gold, and 
 under his altered circumstances has given up a horrible traffic, 
 which he justified by the necessities of the times. Since the year 
 1842 he has endeavoured to repeople Herat with several thousand 
 nomads, Hazarahs, Jumshidies, and Taymoonees, whom he m.ade 
 prisoners in the expeditions he has at various times successfully 
 undertaken against tliese tribes. At the period of my visit every 
 one enjoyed the most complete security, and commerce and agri- 
 culture had greatly developed themselves during the last few 
 years. An amnesty had been granted to the Heratians who fled 
 to Persia or the English territories, and they have returned to 
 their native city in considerable numbers. The population in 
 1845 amounted to from 20,000 to 22,000 souls, and ten years 
 hence there will scarcely be any traces left of the disasters of the 
 great siege. 
 
 It is easy to understand how Eastern cities built almost entirely 
 of earth, and inhabited by half-nomadic tribes, are so readily 
 destroyed and deserted, and for the same reasons the facility and 
 rapidity with which they again rise to importance : the materials, 
 earth and a little plaster, are found on the spot and cost nothing, 
 and, generally speaking, the members of each family, men and 
 
 J 
 
CiiAi'. XII. TERSIAN CITIES EASILY REBUILT. ' 173 
 
 women, construct their houses with their own hands. The doors 
 and windows, the only carpenter's work required, cost but a trifle 
 in this country ; the rooms are vaulted. It is easy, therefore, 
 to understand how Alexander the Great was enabled to build so 
 many large towns in Central Asia. ^Vith his army he could in 
 ten or fifteen days construct several thousand dwellings ; and, 
 considering that the walls were of straw and clay only, it is 
 not very singular that no traces of them should now be left ; for 
 when these houses fell, either from the effects of time or by the 
 hands of the enemy, they again mingled with the soil from which 
 they were raised. 
 
 Though the population of Herat has continually increased 
 during the last three years, it will be a long time before the ruins 
 are all cleared away, for only one house in five at the utmost is 
 inhabited, or in a condition to be so. Buildings of all kinds, 
 caravansarais, bazaars, baths, &c. were nearly all destroyed by the 
 Persian shells or fell to the earth from being abandoned by their 
 owners. The besieged also pulled down many of those nearest 
 to the walls to repair the breaches made by the enemies' guns. 
 Nothing can be imagined more desolate than the appearance of 
 the city in 1845 ; the traces of the wanton destruction of gardens 
 and houses in the environs, originally so picturesque and fertile, 
 was still apparent ; villages and handsome esplanades, shaded by 
 beautiful trees, have completely disappeared. The Persian troops 
 during the ten months' siege, one of the most memorable in the 
 annals of Eastern history, made greater havoc and devastation 
 than if the country had been a prey to civil wars for a hundred 
 years. Not one of the splendid trees M-hich were the pride of the 
 inhabitants and ornament of the suburbs was spared, everything 
 was levelled to the ground by these Vandals, and on their de- 
 parture the town and country round was one scene of desolation 
 and ruin. 
 
 The greater number of the bazaars at the period of my visit 
 were in a dilapidated state ; a portion of those of the Char Sook, 
 the four streets, were the only ones in good repair. The houses 
 in these four streets are built of burnt bricks, and vaulted ; there 
 are shops on either side, and the four extremities of the streets 
 unite at one end in a circular building, from the top of the cupola 
 of which there is a panoramic view of the whole city. Close to it 
 is a vast reservoir of water, the dome of which is of bold and 
 excellent pi'oportions — a chef d'œuvre of its kind. 
 
174 THE ARCHITECT AND THE CUPOLA. Chap. XII. 
 
 This dome, according- to tradition, was constructed by command 
 of Shah Abbas the Great, and after it was partially built the 
 governor of the town, a violent, overbearing man, commanded the 
 architect to finish it within a very brief space of time. In vain 
 the artist expostulated and informed him that it was impossible to 
 do this in the time specified ; the despot would listen to no reason 
 or explanation, and the unfortunate man, to avert the consequences 
 that might be perhaps fatal to his life, took the first opportunity of 
 leaving Herat. A year elapsed, the building remained unfinished, 
 for no other person could be found who had the talent to complete 
 the work ; at length the architect reappeared, and the governor, 
 finding himself in a difficulty and anxious to have the edifice finished, 
 consented, though unwillingly, to remit the sentence of death, but 
 ordered him to be bastinadoed. Before, however, the punishment 
 was inflicted, the governor, at his earnest request, accompanied him 
 to the reservoir, and the architect, directing his attention to the 
 walls, which were a considerable height above the earth, said, 
 " Do you not see that the foundations of this building have sunk 
 at least a foot in the ground since I left the city ? If at that period 
 I had refused to erect the cupola you would have cut my head off, 
 or the same fate would have probably awaited me had it fallen 
 down after it was finished. You refused to hear me, and I ran 
 away to save my life. The time has arrived when I can success- 
 fully terminate my labours, and I have returned to do so." A free 
 pardon followed this explanation, and the architect, filling the 
 reservoir with chopped straw pressed into sacks, and heaping them 
 up to the requisite height and form to make his centre, constructed 
 over them one of the most elegant cupolas ever built.* 
 
 The great mosque of Herat is the only remarkable edifice which 
 remains in the interior of the town ; but it sadly requires repairs, 
 which no one thinks of making. It was built towards the end of 
 the fifteenth century, in the reign of the Sultan Hussein, a Timour- 
 ide prince, by his relative Prince Shibali, to whom this country 
 was much indebted for many other handsome structures now in 
 ruins. The palace of Char-bagh, originally the winter residence 
 of the chiefs of Herat, is of mean proportions ; its garden, the only 
 one in the town, is small, and closed up by houses on either side. 
 
 * The size of the dome here men- and I have seen the most beautiful 
 
 tioned may have required this arrange- and lofty arches and domes erected by 
 
 ment, but in general it is dispensed the Heratecs vitliout any support of 
 
 with by architects in those countries: the kind. — L. 
 
CiiAP. Xrr. Gl^EAT MOSQUE. 175 
 
 Major Todd, who lived here during his stay in the city, added 
 several convenient buildings to it, and repaired the main edifice. 
 Four years only have elapsed since his departure, and it is nearly 
 destroyed ; the walls are cracked and covered with dirt and scrib- 
 bling, the doors and windows have been removed, and no one is 
 left in charge of it. The Persians allow their monuments and 
 public buildings to perish by the effects of time ; but the Afghans 
 are not gifted with so much patience : they seem to hasten in every 
 possible way the destruction of theirs. A ruined mosque or bath 
 is never repaired, and the materials are soon used for building 
 purposes by those who are in want of them ; the only exception 
 I ever saw to this apathetic feeling against repairs, is in favour of 
 reservoirs. These are numerous and in excellent condition at 
 Herat, and the water is remarkable for being fresh and cool.* 
 
 * Many of these reservoirs, and all sion at Herat, and it was very pleasing 
 
 the principal (jooees) canals, were re- to have it in our power to confer such 
 
 paired under superintendence of Eng- benefits on the people, and to see how 
 
 lish officers during the stay of the mis- highly they were appreciated. — L. 
 
17G PALACE OF^BAGII-SIIAH. Ciur. XIII. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The palace of Bagh-shali — Beautiful view from thence — Gazer~gah — Tomb of 
 Khojah Abdullah Insah — The advantage of being buried within its precincts — 
 Column of white marble — Mausoleum of a Mongol princess — Probably exe- 
 cuted by an artist in the time of Tamerlane — Arabesques of Geraldi, an 
 Italian, employed by Abbas Mirza — The mosque at Musella — Sultan Hussein 
 and Shah Rokh great patrons of architecture — Mausoleum of the latter — 
 Ruins at the foot of the mountains near Herat — Religious customs — The 
 value of them — The cunning of the Mollahs — Thaleh-bengy — Ancient 
 temple of the fire-worshippers — Site of the ancient city of Herat — Yar Mo- 
 hamed's English garden — Rouzbagh — Climate — Productions — Men 
 capable of bearing arms — Afghan ideas of European history — The author's 
 imprisonment — Opinions of the people — The author released. 
 
 The principal edifices of Herat are in the suburbs, which at one 
 time were inchided in the city. Amongst these was the royal 
 residence of Bagh-shah, situated about two cannon-shots north-west 
 from the present town, now in ruins. The approach to it was by 
 an avenue of fine trees, very few of which are left ; the gardens, 
 orchards, and avenue were, as already, destroyed by the Persian 
 troops, and nothing remains but the four walls of the palace. A 
 little further on is Takt Sefer, another summer residence of the 
 chiefs of Herat. The view from the pavilions, shaded by splendid 
 plane-trees on the terraced gardens, formed on a slope of the 
 mountain, is beautiful ; but the place shared the same fate as 
 Baffh-shah. 
 
 If Gazer-gah,* another royal abode situated not far from hence, 
 has not been so completely ravaged, it is owing to the precautions 
 taken by Yar Mohamed, who garrisoned it with some nomad 
 Taymoonees devoted to his cause. This spot is held in great 
 veneration, for in the mosque is the tomb of a holy person, by 
 name Khojah Abdullah Insah, who Mas interred here nearly five 
 hundred years ago ; his dust is still an object of pious regard, and 
 pilgrims come to his shrine from all the country round — the 
 
 * This means in very old Persian " the fighting place. "^ Ed. 
 
 à 
 
Chap. XIII. TOMB OF A MONGOL PRIKCESS. 177 
 
 mosque as well as his tomb were magnificent, and built by Shah 
 llokh Mirza. The court of the principal building, in shape an 
 oblong and of burnt bricks, is entered by a superb portico, the 
 sides of which are glazed and covered with an infinity of patterns 
 in very good taste. ■ In the interior are thirty cellular compart- 
 ments, which occupy the four sides, and in them are two to three 
 tombs, covering the remains of the princes of Herat, principally of 
 the Timouride dynasty. The tombs of the great personages of the 
 province take up nearly the whole area of the court ; but those 
 only who have a lively faith in the merits of the holy Insah are 
 allowed to lay their bones here, in the somewhat apocryphal but 
 consolatory belief that «at the last judgment he will take them in 
 his suite to Paradise. This faith is rather an expensive one, so 
 that persons of more moderate means are obliged to place them- 
 selves imder the patronage of some other saint, who will be their 
 pioneer to Heaven on less onerous terms. 
 
 The only remnant of the original tomb of the Imaum now re- 
 maining is a column of v.hite marble, thirteen feet high and about 
 eighteen inches in circumference, the pedestal, capital, and cornice 
 of which are admirably sculptured. There is also a head-stone of 
 the same material, covered with Arabic inscriptions, setting forth 
 the virtues of the holy gentleman beneath : the execution and 
 finish prove it to have been the work of an accomplished artist. 
 The people believe that this column and monumental stone came 
 down from Heaven all ready sculptured, as they could not have been 
 made by human hands. Though certainly beautiful specimens of 
 art, their merit was diminished in my eyes when I was shown a 
 mausoleum occupying one of the mortuary cells. It covered the 
 remains of a Mongol princess, and consisted of one single block 
 of black marble, six feet and a half in length, one and a half in 
 breadth, and two in height. Numberless flowers, interlaced one 
 with another in a very complicated design, evincing great taste, 
 covered three sides of this stone, but cut so deeply and with such 
 delicacy that it was almost impossible to imagine how the chisel 
 could have executed anything so exquisite and minute. Sculpture 
 was never carried to such perfection by the natives of these 
 countries. Tamerlane informs us that he employed foreign artists. 
 We read in his Institutes:* "The workmen who were spared at 
 the sack of Damascus, and brought to Tartary, were ordered to 
 
 * Edition of 1787, p. 103. 
 
178 MOSQUE AT MUSELLA. (.'hap. Xlll. 
 
 build a palace at Samarcand, which they did with much intelli- 
 gence." I think it not improbable that we are indebted to them 
 for these beautiful monuments ; at the death of Tamerlane they 
 might have gone to Herat and been employed by Shah Rokh, who 
 was a great patron of architecture. The marble of the tombs at 
 Gazer-gah come fi'om the quarries in the district of Obeh, distant 
 a few parasangs east of that city. 
 
 This mosque is surrounded by ruins ; but amongst them is a 
 small building in pretty good preservation, in which the sovereigns 
 of Herat reside when they pay a visit to this holy place. The 
 walls and cupola of the principal room are covered with gilt 
 arabesques on a blue ground, so exquisitely drawn that they 
 would do honour to the best artist of our day. These designs 
 are from the pencil of an Italian painter that Shah Abbas the 
 Great had attached to his service. His name, Geraldi, is in- 
 scribed in an angle of the wall. Yar Mohamed has turned the 
 course of some mountain-streams in a gorge near here, and made 
 them flow through Gazer-gah.* They are fresh and transparent, 
 and pleasing to the eyes, as well as acceptable to the way-worn 
 pilgrim who lies down on its banks to quench his ardent thirst. 
 A few trees of great age are to be seen here, respected by man 
 and time, which is rarely the case. 
 
 There is another mosque of about the same period, or, indeed, 
 more ancient, at Musella, on the Meshed road, and on the high- 
 est point of some ground rising from the plain. The construction 
 of this edifice, to which a college was attached, was commenced 
 as early as the year 1192 (Hejira 588), by GhyazEddin, the third 
 Sultan of the Gauride dynasty. His son Mahmood finished it 
 in 1212 (Hejira 609); and here he was interred, as well as his 
 father and his uncle Shahab Eddin. This mosque, which was 
 materially injured at the time the Mongols destroyed Herat 
 under Ghengis Khan, was restored, or, more correctly speaking, 
 
 * The credit of having opened the poses. I had the satisfaction of being 
 
 canal of the Gazer-gah is due to Major present at the Gazer-gah, on the occasion 
 
 Todd and the English officers rather on which the canal supjilying the garden 
 
 than to Yar Mohamed. The Vezir, was opened (Shah Kamran having ridden 
 
 although ready to give his permission out with a small escort to see the place, 
 
 to open such canals, was always more indeed, as he politely said, to show it 
 
 anxious to procure advances for the pay- to me), and I can well recollect the 
 
 ment of his "siV 6'(r(?5," and for carrying pleasure I dei'ived from hearing those 
 
 on the repairs of the fortifications, than preseat express their obligations to the 
 
 to see money expended for other pur- " Doulut Englees," — L. 
 
 i 
 
Chap. Xlir. MOSQUE AT MUSELLA. 17λ 
 
 was rebuilt by Shah Sultan Hussein, a Timouride prince, who 
 reigned at Herat towards the end of the fifteenth century, and to 
 whom, as well as to Shah Rokh, the city owes many of the re- 
 markable monuments of antiquity which it possesses. The me- 
 mory of these two excellent princes is still revered, and their 
 names remembered even in the humblest cottage, are never 
 mentioned but with respect and veneration. The mosque of 
 Musella, which is of colossal proportions, was intended by the 
 Shah Sultan Hussein for the sepulchre of the Imaum Reza, whose 
 remains he wished to remove from Meshed to Herat. The works 
 had been carried on for twenty-five years, when this prince died, 
 and, though nearly terminated, were not completely finished. 
 None of his successors had the pride to perfect the design ; never- 
 theless, such as it is at the present day, it is still the most im- 
 posing and elegant structure that I saw in Asia. The mosque is 
 completely covered with a mosaic of glazed bricks, in varied and 
 beautiful patterns, and the cupola is of amazing dimensions. Several 
 arcades, supported by pillars in brick, equal the proportions of 
 the arch of Ctesiphon ; and the seven magnificent minarets that 
 surround it may be said to be intact, for the upper part of them 
 only is slightly injured. Shah Hussein had commenced a smaller 
 mosque close to this, which he had intended for his own mausoleum ; 
 of the walls, about ten feet in height alone remain ; for the cupola 
 has fallen in. A tomb of black marble, and similar to the one I 
 had so much admired at Gazer-gah, in the centre of the ruins, 
 is supposed to be the last resting-place of this magnificent patron 
 of architecture. Springs of excellent water are abundant on the 
 plateau of Musella, and the canals which formerly supplied the 
 ancient city are still to be seen ; many of these are dry, they 
 were crossed by small bridges of burnt brick, but though some 
 remain, the greater proportion are broken down.* 
 
 From Musella extensive ruins stretch away for a considerable 
 distance to the N.W., skirting the foot of the mountains, — the re- 
 mains of mosques, sepulchres, baths, and other public edifices. 
 
 * A Mobamedan Fakeer, a native quently to alight from bis horse and pass 
 
 of Delhi, had taken vip his abode at the half an hour in conversation with him, 
 
 entrance to the great mosque of the and, when riding with the King, I was on 
 
 Musella. He was a very intelligent all such occasions invited to sit with 
 
 man, bad travelled much, and was them, and join in the conversation. We 
 
 greatly respected. Shah Kamran, when generally liad a cup of tea prejiared by 
 
 passing the Musella, was accustomed fro- one of the King's attendants. — L. 
 
 X 2 
 
180 RELIGIOUS CUSTOMS. Chap. XIII. 
 
 The tombs, which are in great numbers, are held in much vene- 
 ration by the Ileratians. Some of them are of immense propor- 
 tions ; others are only great heaps of stones, or rough masonry, at 
 the top of which a long pole is fixed surmounted by a ragged piece 
 of linen for a flag, a signal that some sainted mollah is there in- 
 terred. Sometimes the heap is completely covered with rags, 
 which the faithful have from time to time hoisted as an offering 
 to the departed, in the hope of obtaining his good offices ; some- 
 times they are strewed with the large horns of wild goats, in 
 honour of his memory, and this is the greatest mark of respect 
 which in Afghanistan can be shown to the dead. 
 
 But the people of this country are mighty accommodating in 
 matters of sanctity and religion ; and the facility with which they 
 publish that fact to the world by the thousand external forms of 
 it, proves the extent of the indulgence they require to meet and 
 whitewash the iniquities they commit at every instant. It is suf- 
 ficient for an Afghan devotee to see a small heap of stones, a few 
 rags, or some ruined tomb — something, in short, upon which a tale 
 can be invented — to imagine at once that some saint is buried 
 there. This idea conceived, he throws some more stones on the 
 heap, and sticks up a pole and rag ; those who come after follow 
 the leader ; more stones and more rags are added, at last its 
 dimensions are so considerable that it becomes the vogue. A 
 mollah is always at hand with a legend, which he makes, or has 
 had revealed to him in a dream ; all the village believe it ; a few 
 pilgrims come, crowds follow ; miracles are wrought ; and the 
 game goes on much to the satisfaction of the holy speculator, who 
 drives a good trade by it, until some other mollah more cunning 
 than himself starts a saint of more recent date or greater miraculous 
 powers, when the traffic changes hands. The mausoleum of a chief, 
 if of larger dimensions than another, is in itself a sufficient reason ■ 
 to attract to it the steps of the faithful, though the mouldering 
 bones beneath may have been those of the greatest villain ; but 
 what of that ? — he had power, and had the right to use it, and 
 death sanctified him in the eyes of his subjects. It is thus that 
 Shah Mahmood and Shah Kamran, who were monsters of 
 cruelty, are now as honoured by the Heratians as the most re- 
 vered saints of Islam ; and crowds may be seen at their tombs 
 demanding their intercession with the Almighty. 
 
 Between Musella and the city, from north to east, and about a 
 
 i 
 
Chap. Xlir. SITE OF ANCIENT HERAT. • 181 
 
 cannon-shot from the town, is an artificial elevation of ground, 
 called Thaleh-beng-y, about forty feet in height, and G50 yards in 
 length ; this is crescent-shaped, the horns inclining towards the 
 city, while the centre sensibly recedes : from the nature of the 
 materials mixed with the earth, it is evident that this mass was once 
 the site of extensive buildings. There is a tradition that Nadir 
 Shah erected his batteries on this eminence when he besieged 
 Herat, and that the embankment was made by that prince for 
 this purpose, which is most unlikely, for he would have thrown it 
 up nearer to the town. 
 
 The opinion of Afghans acquainted with the history of the 
 Principality appears more reasonable. They affirm that a mos(jue 
 which stood here was destroyed by Ghengis Khan. It was built 
 in the reign of Abdullah, second prince of the Taharides, on the 
 ruins of a temple of the Ghebers, which had been burnt by the 
 Mussulmans. Ilerbelot speaks of this edifice as follows. He 
 says, " it was a magnificent structure, to preserve which the Magi 
 paid every year a considerable contribution. The temple attracted 
 a great many Ghebers to Herat ; and its splendour created con- 
 siderable jealousy, exciting especially the zeal of an Imaum, who 
 officiated in a mosque of much more humble exterior close to it. 
 One day, in the height of his enthusiasm, he pointed to the idola- 
 trous edifice, and said it was not extraordinary that the true 
 religion languished in the city of Herat when such a temple so 
 near to that of the faithful was allowed to stand. The hint was 
 not thrown away ; and on the following night the ^re of the in- 
 cendiary consumed them both. The Ghebers failed not to lay 
 their complaints before Abdullah, who ordered an investigation of 
 the circumstances, and commanded 4000 inhabitants of the town 
 to appear before him ; but not one amongst them would admit 
 that he had ever seen a Gheber temple on the spot ; they had 
 only seen the mosque. Such authentic evidence was not to be set 
 aside ; and the fire-worshippers were never allowed to have another 
 place of worship. The mosque was subsequently rebuilt, and on 
 a far handsomer scale than the old one." 
 
 From the inquiries 1 made, I have little doubt that all the 
 ground between the town and the mountains, on the slopes of 
 which are Gazer-gah, Takt-sefer, Thaleh-bengy, Musella, and 
 the vast ruins that extend to the north-west, on each side of tiie 
 road to Mushed, were originally the site of the ancient city, and that 
 
182 GAEDEN OF YAR MOHAMED. Chap. XIII. 
 
 the present city, as I have before said, was in reahty at that time 
 only the citadel. 
 
 Yar Mohamed has laid out a new and beautiful garden 
 south-east of Herat, after a plan furnished him by the English.* 
 Its shape is oblong ; and in it is a great variety of the fruits and 
 flowers of Europe and Asia. At one hour to the south, and on 
 the left of the road to Kandahar, is another regal residence, 
 Roouz-bagh. Here Shah Mahmood, and his son Shah Kamran, 
 are buried. Independently of the royal gardens, the environs of 
 the city are embellished by numerous private gardens, orchards, 
 and villages ; and their appearance in 1845 was very flourishing, 
 the soil being exceedingly fertile— they were laid out by Yar 
 Mohamed after the siege. The north-west wind blows with 
 o-reat violence at Herat from the commencement of June to the 
 end of August ; sometimes unroofing houses, uprooting trees, 
 and carrying everything before it. The climate is nevertheless 
 one of the most delightful in Asia, the average heat in summer 
 beinff about 28° of centigrade in the shade; in winter the ther- 
 mometer is rarely as low as 2° above zero. 
 
 Herat is one of the most ancient cities in Asia, and its in- 
 habitants mention only Balkh, Maragha, and Naketchivan, as of 
 equally ancient origin. Its central situation, as I have before 
 remarked, must ever render it a place of great importance. The 
 merchants of Persia, Turkistan, Afghanistan, India, and the 
 Seistan come here to exchange the various commodities of their 
 several countries. The productions of the province are much the 
 same as those of Persia, and consist of wheat, barley, rice, assa- 
 
 * The garden alluded to is one which moi'e or less interest in putting it in 
 
 I believe originally belonged to Hajee order. Seeds and plants of various 
 
 Ferozeoodeen (grandfather of the pre- kinds were procured for it by Major 
 
 sent ruler). It is situated on the Can- Todd from India and England, with a 
 
 dahar road, within a short distance of view to make it useful as a nursery for 
 
 the Heri-rood. Like all the other the improvement and restoration of 
 
 gardens in the neighbourhood, it other gardens. Besides this garden, 
 
 had been destroyed by the Persians which was made over to the mission, a 
 
 during the siege, but after the retreat farm, at some distance up the valley, of 
 
 of Mohamed Shah's army, it was made about 200 aci'es, was presented to me 
 
 over to Major Eldred Pottinger, who by Shah Kamran, but at my request 
 
 expended a small sum of mouey in re- assigned for the support of a Dispen- 
 
 storing it, and repairing the garden- sary and Poor-House which had been 
 
 house. Major D'Arcy Todd continued established in the city during our stay 
 
 to keep it up and embellish it, and all there. The farm was remarkable for its 
 
 our party, especially Major James Ab- fertility, especially for the quality of 
 
 bott, while he remained at Herat, took the melons which it produced. — L. 
 
 1 
 
45,000 
 
 Chap. XIII. ]\IEN FIT TO BEAR ARMS. 183 
 
 fœtida, saffron, tobacco, silk, and fine cloths. The localities 
 in which the rice-plant is cultivated are very unhealthy ; the 
 inhabitants are afflicted with cataract in both eyes before they 
 attain the age of thirty, and have a bilious complexion and sickly 
 look. 
 
 The following is the result of the census which has been taken 
 of the male population of the province capable of bearing arms at 
 the time I arived at Herat. It was given me by the minister 
 Nejef Khan : — 
 
 District of Gorian 12,000 
 
 ,, Subzawar 10,000 
 
 ,, Furrah 15,000 
 
 ,, Bakooa 4,000 
 
 ,, Kooruk 2,500 
 
 „ Obeh 1,500 
 
 Tribes in alliance with Herat, and obliged to furnish a contin- 
 gent;— 
 
 Hazarahs-zeidnat of Kaleh-rooh 12,000 ] 
 
 Taymoonees of Goor 8,000 [ 25,000 
 
 Belooches of Seistan 5,000 } 
 
 General Total 70,000 
 
 These numbers could, if any emergency arose, be increased by 
 a levy en masse — a third of this may be considered as the effective 
 force under ordinary circumstances. Eight battalions of regular 
 infantry are permanently on duty ; these are a kind of militia 
 recruited in Herat and its suburbs, and taken principally from the 
 tribes that Yar Mohamed has recently settled there : their organ- 
 ization is exceedingly bad, and they are drilled but very indifferently 
 by an Indian Mussulman who had been a sergeant in the Com- 
 pany's service.* The soldiers are all married, and live in their 
 own houses. 
 
 The great deeds of Napoleon have penetrated even into Central 
 Asia, though, it is true, somewhat exaggerated. The Afghans 
 look upon him as a kind of demigod : but as they confound one 
 European country with another, and speak of their inhabitants 
 under one name, that is, Feringhees, the confusion is great. For 
 instance, they think Napoleon reigned over the English, who are 
 almost the only Europeans with whom they have had any inter- 
 course, and I had great difficulty in making the Afghan chiefs 
 comprehend the truth on this point. 
 
 * The Indian soldier here alluded to Herat. He deserted and joined Yar 
 was one of the golundauzes (artillery- Mohamed's service about the time of 
 men) who accompanied the mission to our departure. — L. 
 
184 AUTHOR'S IMPRISONMENT. Chap. XIII. 
 
 From the first clay of my arrival at Herat, Yar Mohamed had 
 shown me great khidness, and I had to thank him at every 
 moment for some fresh attention ; nevertheless, as his politeness 
 increased, my liberty diminished in a corresponding ratio, more 
 especially after the day on which 1 had paid him ray visit. I 
 never was allowed to be alone for an instant, and an interpretation 
 was put upon my words occasionally so absurd, that it was enough 
 to drive one crazy. My escort, which at first consisted of six 
 servants of the Sertip, was reinforced by ten soldiers : and every 
 time I left the house they prevented any one from approaching 
 me ; even my servant, who was an Heratian, was always accom- 
 panied by a soldier when he went to execute a commission ; 
 and 1 rarely received a visit. At night my door was fastened ; 
 two serhas slept in the passage, while two movQ stood sentry on the 
 terrace from sunset to sunrise ; not only to prevent my escape but 
 also from holding communication with the conspirators, with 
 whose assistance I was expected to revolutionize the town, for 
 such they supposed was my intention. The Vezir, though treating 
 me with every consideration, wished to worry me into admitting 
 that which he believed, — namely, that I really was an emjAvyé of 
 the English government. Though this opinion might be compli- 
 mentary, and was amusing enough, it did not make up for the 
 ennui 1 experienced in being thus narrowly watched. As to the 
 gossip of the people in the town respecting me it was endless ; 
 some said that I was imprisoned and put to the torture to make 
 me disclose my secret intentions ; others, that I had only pur- 
 chased my life by having given or promised millions to the Vezir ; 
 and those who professed to be the best Informed were of opinion 
 that I should be well treated as long as I was in Herat for fear of 
 giving offence to the English government, but that once out of the 
 town my death would take place in some quiet corner, my body 
 secretly buried, and there would be an end of me. I cannot but 
 admit that this last version triumphed for a moment over my 
 better judgment, for Afghans are capable of anything. 
 
 The Sertip and his friends represented these reports as calumni- 
 ous ; but, amidst them all, the prospect from any point of view 
 was not agreeable. AVhen I walked out a host of persons crowded 
 round me — one of whom would exclaim in an under tone of 
 voice, " Poor fellow ! how thin he has become ! " " How sad to 
 die so young ! " said another. " The scoundrels," murmured a 
 
 i 
 
Chap. XUf. 
 
 PEIiMISSlON TO PEOCEED. 
 
 185 
 
 third, " have robbed him of ten bags of gold, and kept it for them- 
 selves instead of distributing it amongst the poor who are so nmch 
 in want of it."* At length, quite worn out, I insisted upon being- 
 allowed to depart, and in language so explicit that the Vezir, 
 though he could not see his way perfectly clear, began to under- 
 stand he was mistaken in his views respecting me, and that the 
 hope he had indulged of my being an individual who had come to 
 renew his relations with the English was not likely to be realised. 
 
 The result was a permission to continue my journey : and now 
 that there was no chance of getting anything out of me, the 
 Sertip's servants no longer treated me with attention, and at last 
 ate my provisions under my very beard. Twenty-five centuries 
 have not altered the customs and habits of the people of these 
 countries ; eunuchs and favourites have as much influence now as 
 they had in the days of Darius and Xerxes, and I had a proof of this 
 
 * This is very much in accordance 
 with the experience of the officers of 
 the mission at Herat. Reports were 
 constantly bi-ought to us of Yar Mo- 
 haraed's intention to assassinate us, or 
 to imprison us, in the dungeons of 
 the Char-soo, evidently trying to work 
 on our fears ; and on one occasion, 
 so far did the threat proceed, that it 
 became necessary to let Yar Mohamed 
 know that we had no cause to fear him, 
 and that "to pluck a few hairs from a 
 lion's tail was somewhat dangerous." 
 
 1 have written the name of the palace 
 "Char-soo," but I observe the word 
 spelt Kartchoo by AI. Ferrier in another 
 place. The latter may be the more cor- 
 rect way. There is some excuse for this 
 irregularity in spelling Afghan words, 
 the Pushtoo being merely a colloquial 
 language. 
 
 Strange to say, the first book in the 
 Pushtoo language ever seen by Shah 
 Kauu'an and his family, or by any 
 other person, 1 believe, at Herat, was 
 a New Testament, which I had brought 
 from India, and which had been pub- 
 lished by the missionaries at Seram- 
 pore, in the Persian characters. It 
 e.xcited great interest among them, 
 and was read bj' some of their learned 
 men. It was, if my memory serves 
 me right, in possession of bhah-zadeh 
 Mohamed Yussuff, the preseut ruler 
 of Herat, at the time of the de- 
 parture of the mission. At all events, 
 
 he had got it from me a short time 
 before, and it was not among the books 
 brought away with me. May I hope 
 tliat it has been equally useful as 
 the Hebrew transcript alluded to in 
 page 123. After the siege, Eldred Pot- 
 tinger commenced a translation into 
 Puslitoo of a part of tlie Holy Scriptures, 
 but discontinued it on finding that I 
 had brought a copy. In connexion 
 with tliis I may mention, that I gave 
 away several copies of Martin's New 
 Testament in Persian to people of in- 
 fluence at Herat, and a Testament in 
 Toorkie to tlie Kalifah of Merve, a man 
 of considerable sanctity among tlie Tur- 
 comans. With the latter 1 had, per- 
 haps, more intercourse than any other 
 member of the mission, from the cir- 
 cumstance of almost every one of those 
 who came in with kafilàs from Khiva 
 and Bokhara being anxious to consult the 
 "Feringee Hakeem" at the dispensary, 
 for their own maladies, or those of the'ir 
 relations; and few of them went away 
 without asking to see the " Inkmut" 
 by which the blind were taught to 
 work in the poor-house. 
 
 1 must confess that it was not a little 
 gratifying to me to learu from Wolfe's 
 Journal that kind inquiries were after- 
 wai'ds made at Merve for a gentleman 
 of the name of " Luggun," with whom 
 ])r. Wolfe said that he had not the 
 pleasure of being acquainted ! — L. 
 
186 
 
 CAUSES OF FAILURE OF MISSION. 
 
 Ciup. XIII. 
 
 in the conduct of tlicsc menials, one of whom took every oppor- 
 tunity of endeavouring to prejudice the Sertip against me, because 
 I had not given him as handsome a present as he expected. An 
 European just arrived in Asia would have lost his temper, but !► 
 knew the people with whom I had to deal too well to do so ; I 
 cajoled the servant, and flattered the Sertip, and but for this the 
 consequences might have been as unpleasant as those which befe 
 Captain Eldred Pottingcr five years before.* I could only escape 
 from Afghan suspicions and rapacity by paying them off in their 
 own coin ; that is to say, adopting their crafty phraseology and 
 deceit. The English failed in carrying out their views, because 
 they approached them with that stiffness, punctilious etiquette, and ' 
 domineering tone,t which they adopt everywhere ; and this does not 
 fall in with the off-hand and easy habits of Asiatics ; the French 
 are naturally more pliant and conciliating, and they conform more 
 readily to the various circumstances in which they may be placed 
 in a foreign country. For instance, I thought there was no great 
 impropriety in eating with my fingers, my modesty was not put 
 to the blush by their coarse expressions ; and, though I never 
 allowed them to think that I intended to knuckle down, I made no 
 pretension of being superior to them. 
 
 Yar Mohamed Khan would not allow me to depart without 
 giving me a dinner ; at this he entertained me handsomely, and in- 
 
 * Major Pottiiiger, notwithstanding 
 his great services dui'ing the siege of 
 Herat, was treated by Yar Mohamed in 
 the sequel with great indignity. On 
 one occasion, indeed, when the chief 
 sent his brother to deliver an imperti- 
 nent message, and Major Pottiuger, 
 whose patience was exhausted, ordered 
 his servant to turn him out of the room, 
 the servant was immediately afterwards 
 seized, and lost his right hand by Yar 
 Mohamed's sentence. The poor man 
 now enjoys a small pension from the 
 British Government. — Ed. 
 
 •j- I hope that the circumstances 
 •which led to the failure of the Herat 
 mission can be more satisfactorily ac- 
 counted for. M. Ferrier is mistaken in 
 supposing that the most friendly per- 
 sonal intercourse did not exist between 
 the chiefs of Herat and the members 
 of the mission up to the time of its 
 departure. The envoy kept an excellent 
 
 Persian cook, to whose abilities English- 
 men and Afghans, at our morning meals, 
 did ample justice, with such knives and 
 forks as may have been used by Abra- 
 ham; but we generally dined alone in 
 the English style, and I think tlie pru- 
 dence of this arrangement cannot be 
 doubted, after the description given of 
 an evening party in the text. During 
 the Kamazan, the j^ublic Afglian break- 
 fast gave place to private English ones; 
 bnt we were then honoured with tlie pre- 
 sence of Sirdar Sheer Mohamed Khan, 
 the brother of the Vezir, ^who, to 
 entitle him to the privileges of a tra- 
 veller, had, while the fast lasted, 
 pitched his tent outside the gate of the 
 city, and came to learn the European 
 mode of eating with knife, fork, and 
 spoon ! Travellers are exempted from 
 the necessity of observing fasts in Mus- 
 selman cotmtries. — L. 
 
Chap. XITI. FAREWELL DINNEE. 187 
 
 vited some of the principal chiefs on the occasion ; and, notwith- 
 standing the injunctions of the Prophet, these gentlemen passed 
 the wine so fi'eely that they became completely intoxicated. Under 
 the influence of these potations they talked amazing nonsense, and 
 mightily amused me. It was curious to hear them dabble in politics : 
 at first, and not to w^ound my feelings, they began by praising 
 the English a little, but finished by thoroughly abusing them. 
 They then spoke of Russia as threatening their independence ; 
 and of Persia as a worn-out field-piece. All agreed that they did 
 not know the French, but they thought their sovereign Napoleon, 
 of whom I spoke much, was almost as great a man as Nadir Shah ; 
 adding, " What a pity that he was not a Mussulman ! " Such a 
 sentiment expressed by these sectarians of Islamism was signifi- 
 cant ; in short, praise for the greatest hero not of their faith — no 
 matter what splendid deeds he might have done— would have little 
 merit in their eyes. At the close of the repast the guests were 
 incapable of even sitting upright, and at two in the morning I left 
 these worthy Mussulmans rolling on the carpet The following day 
 I prepared for my departure. 
 
188 UTIIOR LEAVES HERAT. CnAr. XIY. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 General Ferrier leaves Herat — Advice of Yar Mohamed — Execution of a 
 Taymoonee chief — Horrible scene in the bazaar at Herat — Afghan morality — 
 Purwaua — Kooshk-robat — Kooshk-assaib — Chingoorek — Turchikh — En- 
 campment of Hazarah Zeidnats — Their origin and history — District of Kaleh- 
 nooh — Kerim-dad Khan — Defeated by Yar Mohamed — Cloth made from 
 the wool of the camel and goat — Hazareh horses — Intrigues of Kerim-dad 
 Khan — His contingent — The Jumshidies — Murder of Yar Mohamed's 
 envoy — Mingal — Origin of the Tajiks — Physical characteristics of the 
 Hazarahs — Their women soldiers — Village of Moorghab — Abdul Aziz Khan 
 — Friendly reception by him — The Moorghab river — Fever — The Firooz- 
 Kohis — Their chiefs — Kaleh-Weli — The Kapchaks — Eimaks — Their 
 military strength — Charcliembeh — Kaissar — Khanat of Meimitna — Mili- 
 tary force — Departure of Feiz Mohamed — Opinion of him. 
 
 I HAD been long undecided by which road I should travel to 
 Kabul, but the Vezir Sahib having determined to send his cham- 
 berlain, Feiz Mohamed Khan, with a message to the Wall of 
 Meimâna, I resolved to accompany him, and take advantage of 
 that functionary's protection so far on my way. Yar Mohamed, 
 though he warned me of danger even on that road, did not recom- 
 mend any other as safer, but refused to give me the letters of 
 recommendation, for which I had asked him, to the chiefs through 
 whose territories I must pass, assigning as his reason that they 
 would do me more harm than good ; and urged me, after I had 
 quitted the protection of Feiz Mohamed Khan, carefully to con- 
 ceal the fact that I was an European, and travel with the utmost 
 secresy and expedition, visiting no one until I reached Kabul. 
 
 Purivana, June 22nd — three parasangs— across the mountains ; 
 soil sometimes clayey, sometimes flinty. At this liait is a group of 
 about forty houses, inhabited by some Eimaks. In conformity with 
 the orders of the Vezir Sahib, îeiz Mohamed Khan furnished 
 me with the horses necessary for th.e transport of myself and my 
 baggage. A\'e quitted Herat after breakfast : and I had during 
 my stay in that town acquired so much of the language and man- 
 ners of the Afghans, and was so admirably dressed in the native 
 
Ciivr. XI ^^ -AFGHAN EXECUTIONS. 1^9 
 
 costume, that it would have been very difficult to detect me in my 
 disguise. Crossing the large square of the citadel and bazaar, we 
 witnessed two executions. The first was that of a petty chief of 
 the Taymoonees, who had been three times brought prisoner into 
 Herat and three times made his escape, in spite of the oath he had 
 taken never to leave the town. Hearing that he was captured 
 once more, the Vezir sentenced him to he blown from the mouth 
 of a gun. It was a scene that I shall never forget — a horrid spec- 
 tacle, and touched me to the very heart. The broken limbs of the 
 unfortunate man were scattered in all directions, while his bowels, 
 which had not been thrown to so great a distance, were in an 
 instant devoured by the dogs that were loitering about the spot. 
 
 The story of the second was as follows. A lieutenant of artil- 
 lei'y, much esteemed by Yar Mohamed, had been assassinated in 
 his sleep on the terrace of his house, in a walled village about a 
 mile from the city, and the murderer, who escaped, could not be 
 discovered ; but the nature of the locality was such that there were 
 good grounds for supposing that the villain must be one of the 
 inhabitants. Twenty persons were arrested by order of the Vezir, 
 with some of whom the murdered man was known to have had 
 some difference ; others were his nearest neighbours. His wife, 
 who was suspected of having a lover, was also seized and put to 
 the torture, but without being able to elicit from her a confession 
 that she had any knowledge of the criminal. The Vezir then 
 fined these twenty individuals one thousand toraauns, and ordered 
 them to receive as many blows of the bastinado until they were m 
 extremis. Still no discovery followed. The Vezir then ordered 
 them all to be scalped ; and under this species of torture some 
 little information was obtained, which put the police on the scent 
 of the real murderer, w4io was well known to the accused, but they 
 had preferred suffering these dreadful tortures to denouncing him. 
 There is a sort of tacit understanding between Afghans not to 
 inform against one another ; they feel how much they stand 
 in need of discretion for their own misdeeds, and therefore pre- 
 serve a profound silence on those of others. An informer is in 
 this country considered as bad as an assassin, and if found out 
 would certainly share a like fate at the hands of some one of the 
 relatives of the homicide. The murderer of the lieutenant was a 
 neighbour ; and, though he was only suspected, Yar Mohamed 
 ordered his belly to be ripped up, the body to be afterwards hung 
 
190 CHINGOOREK. Chap. XIV, 
 
 by the chin to a hook, placed for that purpose in one of the most 
 public places in the bazaar, and there left until he was dead. The 
 man hearing his sentence, confessed the crime ; and the details of 
 his confession left no doubt as to the truth of that avowal. It 
 was unfortunate that these acccusations took place the very day I 
 left the town ; for, surrounded by the crowd, which blocked up 
 every street leading to the place of execution, I was, much against 
 my inclination, obliged to witness such horrid scenes.* It is de- 
 plorable to be forced to acknowledge that these atrocious punish- 
 ments are almost necessary in Afghanistan to prevent crime ; but 
 this is nevertheless the case, for nowhere else is it committed for 
 such trifling reasons and with so much impunity. I could not 
 rejoin Feiz Mohammed for an hour after this. 
 
 ICooshk-robat, June 23rd — three parasangs — across a plain on 
 an even easy road, the soil of clay. We made but short journeys 
 the first two days, by way of getting our horses into good wind. 
 If they have not been previously in exercise it takes two days to 
 reach Kooshk-robat ; but if they are in condition it may be done in 
 one. The traveller must take his provisions with him, for the 
 place is uninhabited, and nothing is to be found but a scanty 
 streamlet of muddy water, which trickles slowly past the ruined 
 caravanserai-shah. 
 
 Kooslik-assaib, June 24th — seven parasangs. I shall not men- 
 tion the time occupied in each stage, for the chamberlain's horses 
 travelled much faster than those of a caravan. We went 
 usually one parasang an hour. The road was stony, and lay 
 across mountains and valleys, and was frequently cut up by 
 torrents very dangerous to pass after heavy rains. At this unin- 
 habited spot we encamped by a ruined mill that stood near a 
 stream of pretty good water. 
 
 Cldngoorek, June 25th — seven parasangs — a clayey road over 
 hill and dale. Again an uninhabited resting-place ; we pitched 
 our tents near a stream of good water. I pressed on to the end 
 of this day's journey because, having left my face, feet, and hands 
 
 *A similar execution took place not only on criminals, but on his ''poli- 
 
 wliile the mission was at Herat, but tical opponents," are beyond belief. He 
 
 was not, I believe, witnessed by any of is said to have flayed a chief of the Bar- 
 
 our party, who purposely avoided it. dooranees alive, and afterwards stewed 
 
 Such executions luid been very frequent him in a large caldron, not long before 
 
 before our arrival, and the atrocious Pottinger arrived at Herat ! — L. 
 cruelties jiractLsed by Yar Mohamed, 
 
Chap. XIV. HAZAKAH ZI<:iDXAT. 191 
 
 uncovered to allow them to be well tanned and get the native 
 tint, I received a sun-stroke, which caused me much suffering, 
 and made me so exceedingly feverish that I could not swallow a 
 mouthful of bread. Eastern travelling affects me quite differently 
 from what it does the majority of Europeans. When I reach a 
 halt I rarely feel hungry or sleepy, and can seldom eat or sleep 
 before I have rested a couple of hours on my carpet. 
 
 TurchikJi, June 26th — seven parasangs — with the exception of 
 one rugged hill, on a plain clay soil, the road running through 
 well-watered meadows. The halt at an encampment of two hundred 
 nomad tents. Here commences the territory of the Hazarah 
 Zeïdnat, renowned for their courage, and belonging to the Mussul- 
 man sect of Sunnites. The tribe takes the title of Ser Khaneh, 
 head of the house, that is to say, the most noble branch of the 
 Hazarahs. This nation was formed from a single tribe, not ex- 
 ceeding 15,000 families, broken up into camps of one hundred and 
 one thousand tents ; the Persian words Seel and Ilazar mean re- 
 spectively hundred and thousand, and the camps were accordingly 
 named Sed Ejak and Hazarah : the former were soon absorbed 
 in the latter, and only the name of Hazarah remains. Their sub- 
 sequent increase has obliged them to take possession of the Paro- 
 pamisus, and divide into different tribes, which I shall notice as I 
 pass through their countries. 
 
 The original tribe, that of the Hazarahs Zeïdnat, inhabit the 
 district of Kaleh-nooh — the name also of a small town which 
 has replaced Badkees ; the advantageous position it occupies, 
 on the spot at which the principal roads of Turkistan and 
 Afghanistan meet, cannot fail to render it, in the course of 
 time, a flourishing place. The chief, Serdar Kerim-dad Khan, 
 can at any moment have under arms 5000 excellent horsemen 
 and 3000 foot ; in case of need the cavalry can be trebled. His 
 jurisdiction extends over 28,000 tents, and his brothers, Abdul 
 Aziz Khan and Ahmed Kooli Khan, govern the districts of Mourgh- 
 ab and Pinjdeh, inhabited by Zeïdnats. The youngest, Mohamed 
 Hussein Khan, resides at Herat with five-and-twenty chiefs of 
 rank, where they remain as hostages for the fidelity of their rela- 
 tives to Yar Mohamed Khan. 
 
 It is only five or six years since Kerim-dad Khan followed the 
 noble profession of pillager ; he plundered caravans, and extended 
 his forays to the south of Persia in the district of Ghaïn, where he 
 
102 HAZARAH HORSKS. Chai'. XIV. 
 
 sacked the villages and carried off the people to sell them to the 
 Usbcks. His depredations were so frequent, and gave rise to so 
 many complaints, that Assaf Doulet sent to Yar Mohamed Khan 
 and informed him that, as he seemed unable to keep his own 
 vassal in order, he should chastise him himself at the head of an 
 army. The Vezir Sahib, who had everything to fear from the 
 violation of his territory by the Persians, marched in person against 
 Kerim-dad Khan, vanquished him, and obliged him to acknow- 
 ledge the sovereignty of Herat, which he had thrown off. 
 
 Since then the Sirdar has contented himself with the large ])rofits 
 arising from his stud, his numerous flocks, and the manufacture of 
 a cloth called kowk or barek, woven of an exceedingly fine and 
 silky wool which grows on the belly of the camel ; nothing can 
 be softer or warmer than these bareks, but unluckily they are badly 
 woven — if they were better made, they would be preferable to 
 every other kind of cloth. As the nomads never dye the raw 
 material, the barek is of the same colour as the camel ; the price 
 varies from ten shillings to four pounds a piece, and one is sufficient 
 to make an Afghan robe. The Afghan and Persian nobles, even 
 the sovereign, always wear it in the winter. The wool, a kind of 
 down on the other parts of the animal, is used for kourks of an 
 inferior quality ; this down is pi'cserved from the effects of the 
 weather by the wool that covers it, which is used for kourks of 
 the coarsest description ; a down similar to that which grows 
 on the camel, but infinitely superior in quality, grows under the 
 hair of the goat, and cloth of incomparable beauty and quality is 
 made of it. 
 
 The Zeidnats rear a great number of excellent horses of 
 the Turcoman breed. They are smaller and not so well formed 
 as those of the Tekies, but they are steadier, and their powers of 
 endurance are unequalled ; it is a pity that light bay should be 
 the predominant colour amongst these animals, for I have observed 
 that in Persia and Central Asia their skin is always finer and more 
 delicate than that of the dark bay, grey, or black. A good many 
 of them are very long-eared ; but in the East that is not con- 
 sidered a defect. From their large flocks and herds of sheep, 
 goats, buffaloes, and camels, the Zeidnats derive immense wealth ; 
 these are reared in the splendid pastures of Kaleh-nooh, which 
 are not equalled in Asia. 
 
 The yoke imposed on the Sirdar Kerim-dad by Yar Mo- 
 
Chap. XIV. MUEDER OF AN ENVOY. 193 
 
 hanied is not very heavy to Tbear ; nevertheless, he submits 
 to it with repug-nance. He keeps up a secret correspondence with 
 Assaf Doulet, and promises to assist him if the Persians should 
 once more lay siege to Herat ; but it is probable that, if his aid on 
 such an occasion was ever accepted, he would, as soon as they Mere 
 victorious, turn against them ; for, in common with all other 
 Asiatic chiefs, he cares far less for independence than for agitation, 
 intrigue, and the indulgence of his predatory habits. His sub- 
 jection to Herat is entirely to his advantage, as he pays no tribute ; 
 for a few choice horses that he annually sends to Yar Mohamed. 
 Khan, who returns the compliment with more than their value in 
 beautiful Kashmir shawls and European goods, cannot be con- 
 sidered in that light. His brother, Mohamed Hussein Khan, and 
 the twenty-five nobles who reside at Herat, have good appoint- 
 ments ; his vassalage, therefore, costs the Sirdar only the contin- 
 gent of troops that he is bound to furnish to the Vezir Sahib in 
 case of war, and for this he is amply compensated in the benefit 
 he receives from the Vezir's protection against his neio-hbours and 
 old enemies the Usbek Khans. 
 
 The tenacity with which the nomadic tribes live in perpetual 
 excitement is inconceivable — the most solid advantages will not 
 tempt them to renounce it ; though the result of the forced tran- 
 quillity in which the Zeïdnats have lived for some years has been 
 the development of their industry in the manufacture of kourks, 
 with which they supply all this part of Asia, and their wealth, and 
 consequently their power, have augmented to an extent that they 
 never would have done had they continued to live a life of pillao-e. 
 A portion of them, amounting to 4000 tents, have established 
 themselves in a valley formerly occupied by the Jumshidis, who 
 had then 10,000 tents ; this valley was as fertile as that of Kaleh- 
 nooh, but it was depopulated by a very unhappy event, not uncom- 
 mon in these countries. Taking advantage of the troubles at Herat 
 during the siege by the Persians in 1838, they declared them- 
 selves independent of Shah Kamran, and the next year murdered 
 an envoy who had been sent by Yar Mohamed to induce them to 
 return to their allegiance. When the news of this reached the 
 Khan he took the field, defeated the Jumshidis, and forced 
 5000 families of the tribe to live in Herat, which he wished to re- 
 people, and which served also as hostages for the future obedience 
 of the 5000 remaining in their camp ; but these subsequently met 
 
194 TAJIKS. Chap. XIV. 
 
 with a much worse fate than their brethren in Herat, for a few 
 days after the departure of the Vezir a body of Khivians suddenly 
 appeared in the valley, and carried off men, women, and children 
 into slavery in Turkistan.* 
 
 Mingal, June 27th — four parasangs — road through a plain, pas- 
 ture, and water-courses, with one very rugged movmtain to cross. 
 Two hundred and twenty tents of Hazarahs at this halt, surrounded 
 by a considerable extent of cultivation ; this tribe intermarried 
 with the Tajik population, descended from the ancient inhabi- 
 tants and possessors of the country, Persian or Tartar, These 
 Tajiks are subdivided into two very distinct classes: — the Parsivans 
 or Parsi-zeban, who speak the Persian language, and inhabit towns 
 and villages ; and the wandering Eïmaks, who live under canvas. 
 The Hazarahs are Eïmaks, though they pretend they are of Afghan 
 race ; the Afghans deny this, because they speak corrupt Persian, 
 whereas the Afghan always speaks his mother tongue the Pushtoo. 
 By their general appearance it is easy to see that they are of 
 Tartar origin. A Hazarah's face is square, flat, and angular, the 
 eyes are small, and obliquely placed ; complexion pale and sallow, 
 and beard scanty : they are rather undersized, but their proportions 
 indicate great personal strength ; their bravery amounts to rash- 
 ness, and the Afghans dread them — there are no better horsemen 
 in all Asia. Their duplicity is not so great as that of their neigh- 
 bours ; on the contrary, a certain simplicity may be observed 
 amongst them, which contrasts strangely with their ferocious man- 
 ners. The women are proud of being able, when necessity 
 requires, to mount a horse and use a firelock or sword with an 
 intrepidity equal to that of their warlike brothers and husbands. 
 In time of peace they do all the house-work, cultivate the fields, 
 and, with their children, weave the bareks that are the source of 
 so much wealth to their tribe. They cannot be called pretty, but 
 they are well made : and enjoy perfect liberty — a rare thing indeed 
 
 * After this was written, Yar Mo- event deprived tbe district of Kaleh- 
 
 hamed Khan also destroyed the power nooh of more than half its inhabitants; 
 
 of the luagiiifieeut tribe of the Hazarahs but such is its extreme fertility, that a 
 
 Zeïdnats. Perceiving that his patience few years hence the tribe will probably 
 
 and forbearance were unavailing, and be as numerous and prosperous as ever. 
 
 that Kerim-dad Khan persisted in his Kerim-dad Khan took refuge in Persia. 
 intrigues and depredations, he took up Kerim-dad Khan afterwards returned 
 
 arms against him in 18+7, and, after to his" native country, and gave Yar Mo- 
 
 haviag comj^letely defeated him in a hamed's son much trouble up to the 
 
 bloody engagement, removed 10,000 time of the recent revolution at the end 
 
 families into the town of Herat. This of 1855. — Ed. 
 
 ti 
 
Chap. XIV. FIPxOOZ- KOMIS. 1<)5 
 
 amongst Asiatics ; their husbands are not jealous, though their 
 Afghan enemies pretend that they profit largely by their in- 
 difference. 
 
 Mourghab, June 27th — four parasangs — along a fertile valley 
 leading to the river Mourghab, on which is this village of two 
 hundred and fifty houses ; it is surrounded by a wall of earth, 
 and outside the hamlet were encamped a thousand families of 
 Hazarahs. The country for five parasangs round is cultivated, and 
 rich pasturage extends ten more. This place is governed by Abdul 
 Aziz Khan, brother of the Sirdar Kerim-dad Khan. I had heard 
 a great deal about him, especially of his braver^', and certainly, if 
 it equalled his boasting, there are few who could be compared with 
 him ; his manner is unprepossessing, but he was very hospitable. 
 His dependents are well off, for he has an immense tract of land, 
 the revenues of which are amply sufficient to meet his expenses, 
 and he levies but a trifling tax. Disregarding my injunctions, Feiz 
 Mohamed Khan told him that I was an European ; and I had no 
 reason to repent this indiscretion, though at first I dreaded the 
 consequences ; he saved me from many a false step, as will be 
 seen hereafter, when I returned to Herat by this road. I could 
 not have done so without the help of two Hazarahs, whom he 
 now confided to my care to conduct them to Kabul, where their 
 presence was necessary to settle a dispute about some property. 
 The arrangement for their travelling with me was both useful and 
 agreeable, as beyond Meimana I should have had to proceed alone 
 through a difficult and dangerous country. 
 
 The Mourghab is a small but rather rapid river, and full of fish ; 
 amongst them are found excellent barbel, the Epardus or Margus 
 of the Greeks. It waters a flat and marshy country, in which fever 
 is very prevalent ; but it is so fertile that, notwithstanding the 
 mortality, the nomadic population frequent it in great numbers, 
 especially the Hazarahs. This tract is nearly the limit of their 
 territory, and they there unite with various other insignificant tribes 
 of Eïmaks, who join and submit to them for the benefit of their 
 protection. One of these might well dispense with an alliance on 
 that score, as it numbers twelve or fifteen thousand families, and 
 was under no necessity to exchange its real name, Firooz Kohi, 
 for Hazarah ; this union has been the consequence of repeated 
 intermarriages. 
 
 The Firooz-Kohis are of Persian origin, and their forefathers 
 
 2 
 
19G FIROOZ-KOHIR. Chap. XIV. 
 
 fought Tamerlane bravely when that conqueror subjugated their 
 country. After they were driven by him into the mountains south 
 of Mazenderan, they there defended themselves most desperately ; 
 but they were eventually defeated and carried by him into Herat, 
 where their descendants exist at the present time. Although this 
 body of men belonged to several different tribes, from their being 
 involved in one common misfortune, they were all included in the 
 name of Firooz-Kohi, from the village in the neighbourhood of 
 which they were surrounded and captured. They are thus sub- 
 divided : — 
 
 Five thousand families, commanded by the Sirdar Mooudood 
 Khan, but who acknowledge the authority of Kerim-dad Khan, are 
 established about ten parasangs N.E. of Kaleh-nooh. Each tent 
 of this subdivision can, in case of necessity, furnish one soldier — 
 3000 horse and 2000 foot. 
 
 Fom- other chiefs of the Firooz-Kohis are perfectly independent 
 in their respective districts. 
 
 1st. Shah Pesend Khan, living in the fortress of Derzi, fifteen 
 parasangs S.E. of Kaleh-nooh. He commands two thousand 
 families, capable of furnishing 200 horse and 800 foot.* 
 
 2nd. The Sirdar Ibrahim Khan, son-in-law of Shah Pesend 
 Khan. He inhabits the fortress of Kootcheh, S.E. of Derzi, in the 
 midst of the mountains, and commands two thousand families, his 
 armed retainers consist of 50 horsemen and 600 foot-soldiers. 
 
 3rd. The Sirdar Mohamed Azim Khan, Attalek, whose resi- 
 dence is the fortress of Chekcheran, S.W. of Derzi and S. of 
 Kaleh-nooh, His tribe amounts to four thousand families, and 
 can arm 2000 infantry. 
 
 4th. The Sirdar Hassan Khan, established at Doulet Yar, a 
 fortress a little E. of. the sources of the Heri-rood. His small 
 command of two thousand five hundred families provides a force 
 of 500 foot and 1000 horse. 
 
 Kaleli-Weli, June 28th — seven parasangs — over plain, valley, 
 and mountain. At this liait we entered the district of the Wall of 
 Meimana. Kaleh-weli contains two hundred and thirty houses, 
 some inhabited by Usbeks, the rest by Kapchaks ; a little river 
 passes through it, flowing northwards. This tribe of Kapchaks 
 
 * Since I travelled through the tised every description of wanton 
 country he has been assassinated by cruelty. His son has succeeded him. 
 his dependents, upon whom he prac- 
 
 I 
 
CiiAP. XLV. MEIMANA. 197 
 
 has been decimated by many bloody engagements, and there 
 remain only about eight hmidred tents, fm'nishing 400 foot-soldiers. 
 They are under the command of two sirdars, Tooram Khan and 
 Tokhtcmish Khan, under the Wali of Méimana, in whose terri- 
 tory they live. 
 
 The effective force of the Eïmaks can only be estimated approxi- 
 mately, and by report ; but I found their country far better populated 
 than I expected to see it, or than Europeans generally imagine. 
 
 Charchemheh, June 29th — three parasangs — across splendid 
 meadows — a village of three hundred and eighty houses, inhabited 
 by Afshars, Jumshidis, and Iviipchaks, dependent on the ^^ ali 
 of Méimana : it is surrounded by gardens and capital cultivation. 
 We only breakfasted at this halt, and proceeded to Kaissar, where 
 we slept. 
 
 Kaissar, June 29th — three parasangs of plain — well cultivated 
 all the way. This is a fine village, giving its name to a district, 
 which includes ten others, each cultivating its own territory up to 
 the boundary of its neighbour. They are inhabited by Kapchaks 
 and Firooz Koohis, who have separated from their own tribes. 
 
 Méimana, June oOth — eight parasangs. An hour's ride was 
 consumed in passing a rugged mountain, and at the expiration of 
 that time we reached Nareen, a camp of a thousand tents, pitched 
 in the midst of luxuriant pasture, watered by beautiful streams. 
 After four hours' more travelling on this plain, covered with an 
 Usbek population, we came to Elmar, from which village we could 
 discern an infinity of others. The population is of a warlike cha- 
 racter, and furnishes the best soldiers of this country. After 
 travelling three parasangs further amongst the mountains, we 
 came out upon a plain, on which stands the town of Méimana. 
 It is fortified by a wall, with towers, and four gates, but no moat : 
 its extent is about two miles ; the Usbek population amounts to 
 from fifteen to eighteen thousand, but there is a small proportion 
 of Parsivan families also. 
 
 The Khanat of which this tow^n is the capital was governed a 
 few months before my arrival by the Sirdar Misrab Khan, who 
 had been poisoned by one of his wives, and when I passed through 
 it his sons Eukmet Khan and Shir Khan were still disputing the 
 succession. Eukmet, the eldest, much preferring wine to busi- 
 ness, seemed at first disposed to resign his claim in favour of his 
 brother ; but ambitious people about him, finding they could not 
 
19S FEIZ MOHAMED. Chai-. XIV. 
 
 obtain the direction of affiiirs unless in his name, diverted him 
 from his peaceable intentions. Much misery to the town ensued, 
 and eventually Yar Mohamed, nominal suzerain of the Kha- 
 nat, interfered to settle the dispute. Through Kerim-dad Khan, 
 who acted as his negotiator, he induced Eukmet to take the authority 
 over the mercantile and agricultural population, and leave Shir 
 Khan to reside in the citadel in command of the army. This in 
 appearance was fair enough, hut in reality placed the Khanat 
 in the power of Shir Khan. Nevertheless, it was for the pur- 
 pose of carrying out his determination to support the agree- 
 ment made between the two brothers, that Yar Mohamed 
 Khan had sent to Meimana Feiz Mohamed Khan, with whom I 
 had travelled. I apprehend he had also secret instructions to 
 establish more absolutely the rule of the Vezir Sahib ; and in order 
 to effect this object Feiz Mohamed was instructed to form two 
 battalions drawn from the Tajik population, who detest the 
 Usbeks, to the Ming tribe of which Eukmet and Shir belong. 
 The army of this Khanat generally stands at 1500 horse and 1000 
 foot, but in case of war it could in a few days be raised to eight 
 or ten thousand men. The revenue of Méimana is valued at about 
 20,000/. 
 
 At this town I was to part company from Feiz Mohamed, and 
 I was very glad of it : for as he detested the English, and believed 
 me to be an Englishman, he behaved accordingly, and we had 
 become completely indifferent to each other, and rarely exchanged 
 a remark, excepting in discussion, if not dispute. He was con- 
 stantly, through one or other of his suite, asking me to give him 
 something. At one time he would pretend he was short of money, 
 at another he wanted my arms, or my watch, or anything else that 
 he fancied — all of which, be it understood, I refused ; but that 
 was of no consequence to him, and he tried again and again, 
 without the least shame or scruple, though with no better success. 
 At Meimana, however, he took his revenge, as he thought ; and, 
 instead of taking me with him, according to the Vezir's order, to 
 the Khan's residence, he represented that it was quite impossible 
 for him to do so, and sent me to a caravanserai, saying I should 
 be "more at my ease there." He little thought he was speaking 
 the truth, and that he could not have done anything more agreeable 
 to me ; for, in consequence, I could start when I pleased, and with 
 far more secrecy than would have been possible from under the 
 
Chap. XiV. FEIZ MOHAMED. 199 
 
 Khan's roof, where my proposed journey through Bokhara — the 
 kind in which poor Stoddart and Conolly had recently perished, 
 under such horrible circumstances, the greatest precautions were 
 therefore necessary. With the two Ilazarahs recommended to me 
 by Abdul Aziz Khan, I required neither protector nor guide, for 
 they had friends or relations all along the road ; I was sure of not 
 being recognised as an European, and had nothing to fear if I 
 were not betrayed. A few words that I overheard amongst Feiz 
 Mohamed's servants were not reassuring, and from them I sus- 
 pected that by some underhand means he would try to arrest me ; 
 I therefore left the town suddenly, without taking formal leave of 
 the two Khans. 
 
200 KAFFJR KALEII. Chav. XV. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Kaffir Kaleb — Precautious — Rabat Abdullah Khau — Gipsies — Shibbergban 
 
 — Irrigation and cultivation — Rustem Khan — A sketch of this chief — Siege 
 of Andekhooye — Local politics — Rivalry and intrigues of the chiefs of Tur- 
 kistan — Andekhooye — Akbcheh — Meilik — Cholera there — Balkb — Advice 
 of the two Hazarahs — The author continues with them — Cuneiform inscrip- 
 tions — History of Balkb — Fidelity of the two Hazarahs — The Emir of 
 Bokhara — Mazar — Mosf^ue there held in great reverence — Khulm — 
 Uzbek politics — Army of Khulm — The river of that name — Repoi't of 
 Englishmen being in prison at Mazar and Khulm — Sepoj^s of the Kabul army 
 
 — An unjjleasant dose — The Mir Wali and Dost Mohamed — The war between 
 these two chiefs — Cause of it — Akbar Khan and the slave girl — Asiatic 
 curiosity — Heibak — • Kanjeli Usbeks — Korram — Advice and discretion 
 of the two Hazai-ahs. 
 
 The Hazarahs had their own horses, and at the caravanserai in 
 M'hich I had put up I purchased three for five pounds, for myself, 
 my servant, and my baggage. Previously to our departure 
 I said nothing respecting my intentions, and desired the porter 
 of the caravanserai to reply to any inquiry about the four 
 strangers, who arriv(;d with the cidk ogassi, by saying that we 
 had left it to avoid the cholera that had appeared in the town, 
 and were encamped under some trees outside the walls. We 
 took the road without a moment's unnecessary delay, and had 
 a long and harassing march of thirteen hours ; the latter part 
 over a mountain, and then along a beautiful, well-cultivated 
 plain to — 
 
 Kaffir Kaleh, arriving at ten at night. This halt is on a 
 mountain top, inhabited by Usbeks, and surrounded by their tents 
 for some distance. From the time I left Meimana I was never a 
 moment unarmed. I slept booted and spurred, with my sword at 
 my side, and my hand on a pistol — indispensable precautions in 
 this country of pillagers. I also travelled double stages whenever 
 it was possible, which answered equally the purpose of keeping me 
 ahead of any intelligence of my journey, and carrying me out of 
 the way of the cholera, then ravaging the district. During my 
 
Chap. XV. GIPSIES. 201 
 
 journey from Melmana, and until I reached Herat again, I was 
 worn with low fever produced by the anxiety and watchfulness in 
 which I lived, and the little sleep that I could get in conse- 
 quence. I always avoided pitching my tent near an inhabited spot, 
 and never accompanied my Hazarahs when they went for provi- 
 sions ; frequently a piece of black bread was all they could procure. 
 
 JRabat Abdullah Khan, July 1st — ten parasangs — the three 
 first over a cultivated plain, forming the district of Khairabad. 
 This village belongs to the Usbeks ; the road goes through it, and 
 it is surrounded by gardens, and enclosed by a wall and ditch. 
 Another village called Jan Jumeh is close to it, on the top of a 
 low hill. The rest of the way lay across arid steppes, with the 
 exception of one small mountain — which we had passed over, and 
 were just entering the gorge that was to bring us into an open 
 valley, when we were assailed by a score of large dogs, against 
 which we had some difficulty in defending ourselves. They sprang 
 savagely at the horses, and lacerated them severely, in consequence 
 of which the poor animals became utterly uncontrollable from pain 
 and their exertions to shake off or kick them away : if either 
 of us had had the misfortune to be thrown, which might easily 
 have happened, his fate would have been fearful indeed, for the 
 others would have been powerless to assist him. 
 
 These dogs were the vigilant guardians of a camp of Kalbir- 
 bend gipsies, near which we had passed, and the moment they 
 perceived us they called off their dogs, who were replaced by the 
 women and children, vociferous for alms. It was impossible to 
 proceed a step, for they hung on our legs, clothes, and bridles, and 
 completely hampered us ; we were absolutely forced to comply 
 with their clamorous demands, and, if they had not seen we 
 were well armed, they would probably have taken the affair far 
 more decidedly into their own hands. It would be exceedingly 
 imprudent for any one to venture alone within reach of these 
 harpies, for they would infallibly strip and plunder him. The 
 w^omen had sunburnt complexions, thev were tall, with finely- 
 developed forms, which they cared as little to conceal as they 
 did their faces. The men were seated at a little distance, 
 making sieves, and apparently quite unconcerned about the pro- 
 ceedings of their wives. I found these gipsies like all others I 
 met with in Asia ; they had the same wandering instincts, the 
 same pride of race, were extremely dirty, and, living on very 
 
202 RUSTEM KHAN. CiiAr. XV. 
 
 little, perfectly unscrupulous as to how they might obtain that 
 little. 
 
 We encamped in the evening near a ruined caravanseraishah ; 
 there was no other habitation, nor any inhabitant, neither was 
 there a drop of water, and we were compelled to use some of that 
 we brought with us ; the unfortunate horses were obliged to go 
 without till morning. 
 
 jShibberghan, July 3rd — three parasangs — along a plain, three- 
 fourths of the way steppe ; the rest is richly cultivated. Shibber- 
 ghan is a town containing 12,000 souls, Usbeks and Parsivans, 
 the former being in a great majority. The town has a citadel, in 
 which the governor Rustem Khan resides, but there are no other 
 fortifications. It is surrounded by good gardens and excellent 
 cultivation. The population of Shibberghan has a high character 
 for bravery, and 1 may safely say it is one of the finest towns in 
 Turkistan on this side of the Oxus, enjoying, besides its other 
 advantages, an excellent climate. It is, however, subject to one 
 very serious inconvenience : the supply of water, on which all this 
 prosperity depends, comes from the mountains in the Khanat of 
 Sirpool ; and as there are frequent disputes between the tribes 
 inhabiting it and those living in this town, a complete interruption 
 of the supply is often threatened, and a war follows, to the very 
 great injury of the place. Shibberghan maintains permanently 
 a force of 2000 horse and 500 foot, but, in case of necessity, the 
 town can arm (3000 men. 
 
 Rustem Khan, who was governor when I went through, was 
 driven out for a short time the next year. The following is the 
 story of his temporary removal : — 
 
 He had married the daughter of Misrab Khan Wall of Méi- 
 mana, and, proud of the accession to his power by this connexion, 
 fancied he could with impunity brave the Emir of Bokhara, Nusser 
 Ullah Khan, by turning his vassal Kezemfer Khan Afshar out of 
 the town of Andekhooye, of which he was governor. Kezemfer 
 Khan, after he had been defeated and plundered, fled to Bokhara, 
 and demanded the protection of his suzerain, promising not only 
 to acknowledge his suzerainty as he ever had done, but to pay 
 him an annual tribute besides. The Emir having then on his 
 hands a war with the chief of Kokan, took advantage of an un- 
 unusually good understanding between himself and Mir Wali, 
 governor of Khulm, to request him to act for him. and re-establi&h 
 
e'jiAP. XV. IIUSTEM KHAN. 20:i 
 
 Kezemfer Khan in his command at Andekhooye ; Mir ^^^ali 
 acceded to the proposal with all the more satisfaction that he 
 intended to turn it to his own advantage. With this view he sent 
 Kezemfer Khan, with suitahle recommendations to his son-in-law 
 Mahmood Khan of Sirpool, who immediately set to work, formed 
 a league with the governors of Mazar, Balkh, and Akhcheh, and, 
 having united their troops with his own, marched to the siege of 
 Andekhooye and Shibberghan. Rustem Khan had confided the 
 defence of Andekhooye to kSoofi Khan Afshar, nephew and 
 enemy of the displaced Kezemfer ; but a party was formed 
 against him in the town, and he was seized and given up to the 
 besiegers. As to Rustem Khan, who had shut himself up in 
 Shibberghan, he might perhaps have been victorious in the end if 
 he had not been betrayed by his allies, and given up to his 
 adversaries. As long as Mizrab Khan of Méimana lived he 
 afforded his son-in-law constant support ; but, after his death, his 
 sons Eukmet and Shir did not keep up the same loyal feeling, and 
 instead of assisting their brother-in-law, as they promised to do, 
 sent a large body of cavalry to join the besieging force. The 
 inhabitants of Shibberghan, having lost all their crops, and seen 
 their district completely ravaged, and being in a state of great 
 suffering from the want of water, of which the supply had been 
 entirely stopped, forced Rustem to surrender himself. Kezemfer, 
 having regained possession of his government of Andekhooye by 
 the active intervention of Mir A\ ali, declared himself his vassal in 
 testimony of his gratitude, quite regardless of the Emir of Bokhara. 
 Shibberghan remained in the power of Mahmood of Sirpool, who 
 appointed his brother, Hussein Khan, governor ; and Rustem 
 Khan and Soofi Khan were sent prisoners to Bokhara, their pre- 
 sence in his capital being all the benefit the Emir obtained by 
 espousing the cause of his vassal Kezemfer Khan, who evaded 
 his authority. 
 
 But he could not submit to be duped. Some months after he 
 confided the command of a body of picked troops to Rustem Khan, 
 who repossessed himself of Shibberghan, and forced Kezemfer to 
 perform all his promises to the Emir. At the expiration of one 
 year, however, nothing remained of all these notable intrigues and 
 combinations ; for Yar Mohamed Khan arrived from Herat at 
 the head of twenty thousand men. He reduced Méimana, 
 Andekhooye, Akhcheh, and Shibberghan to submission to his 
 
204 lllVALRY OF THE CHIEFS. Chap. XV. 
 
 own power, and returned, leaving in them strong garrisons under 
 governors of his own choice.* 
 
 The amount of rivalry and intrigue that exist amongst the petty 
 Khans of Turkistan is perfectly incredible to any one who has 
 not been in the country ; and, instead of trying to decrease or 
 modify either, they exert their intelligence to the utmost to com- 
 plicate and carry out their paltry schemes. The certain conse- 
 quence is a permanent state of warfare, in which it is impossible 
 for the people to attempt the development of the resources of the 
 country, or undertake any enterprise with a view to its future 
 improvement. The people of these little Khanats are ever thus 
 the sufferers from the barbarous and ignorant ambition of their 
 chiefs, who are the most absolute sovereigns in the world. They 
 recognise the suzerainty of the princes of Herat, Bokhara, or 
 Khulm, only because they have not sufficient power to throw it 
 off; or, that occasionally it happens to be to their interest to 
 acknowledge it. They will change their protectors as often as it 
 suits them ; for fear and the greed of gain are the only motives 
 which influence their conduct, but they rarely pay their tribute 
 to whichever suzerain they attach themselves for the time, and 
 he is generally obliged to present them with khalats, or in other 
 ways propitiate their transient good-will. If they furnish him 
 a contingent for a war they receive an indemnity from him, and 
 are otherwise repaid by a portion of the plunder taken. This 
 continuous struggle of agitation, intrigue, perfidy, and dominion 
 seems to be an innate necessity to a Khan ; it has existed from the 
 earliest times, and will certainly be the same a thousand years 
 hence. 
 
 Andehhooye. — I did not visit this place, which is five parasangs 
 N.W. of Shibberghan ; but I learned that three-fourths of its 
 population are of the Parsivan tribe of Afshars, and that they 
 were established there by the Shah Abbas the Great — the re- 
 maining fourth are Usbeks. The government is in the hands of 
 an Afshar chief; and the population has risen to 15,000. The 
 force usually maintained is 1800 horse and 600 foot, which, in 
 case of need, can be trebled in twenty-four hours. 
 
 Aklicheh, July Srd — five parasangs from Shibberghan — over 
 
 * On Yar Moliamed's death in IS'^J, these places became again independent, 
 and remain so to tlie present day.— Ed. 
 
Chap. XV. ' CHOLEEA AT METLIK. 205 
 
 a splendidly cultivated plain, reaching also to Andekhooye. It 
 is one immense garden, and a most animated and picturesque 
 scene. Besides havino- a wall and ditch round it, the town of 
 Akhcheh is protected by a citadel, the residence of the governor. 
 It contains seven or eight thousand souls, Usbeks ; and its ordi- 
 nary armed force is only 200 horsemen to protect its small but 
 well-populated territory : these can, of course, be at once raised 
 to 1000 or 1200 ; for in such small Khanats nearly every adult 
 male is capable of bearing arms. The Khans never pay a larger 
 force than is sufficient for the purpose of carrying on the govern- 
 ment, well knowing that, in case of an attack, volunteers of every 
 description, agricultural or commercial, would be immediately 
 forthcoming, mounted and armed at their own expense, to defend 
 their property against their neighbours, with the additional incite- 
 ment of the chances of booty, if they prove the victors. The 
 present governor is Ishan Oorak, vassal of the Emir of Bokhara, 
 and brother of the governor of Balkh. The word Ishan is an 
 Usbek title, corresponding to Syud, descendant of the Prophet. I did 
 not enter the town of Akhcheh. After breakfasting under a tree 
 at a little distance from it we continued our journey to sleep at — 
 
 Me'ilik, July 3rd — five parasangs — over a marshy plain, full of 
 reeds and trees, amongst the latter were enormous tamarisks. 
 This place, containing about 2500 souls, is a dependency of 
 the government of Balkh. The cholera, which I had at first 
 met with at Méimana, and was much worse at Shibberghan and 
 Akhcheh, was here at its maximum of intensity, raging fearfully ; 
 and the wretched inhabitants, decimated by this scourge, took not 
 the least notice of me, a circumstance that contributed much to 
 my comfort while here ; for in Me'ilik there is always a crowd of 
 spies in the interests of the various princes and chiefs of Afghan- 
 istan and Turkistan, who keep them perfectly well informed of all 
 that happens in the country. The place is particularly well 
 situated for the purpose, for a great many roads meet there, by 
 which travellers arrive from all parts. The extent of ruins 
 round it indicates that it has risen on the site of a Bactrian town. 
 They are of burnt brick, and apparently very ancient ; but it would 
 be difficult to say to what class of buildings they belong. 
 
 Balkh, July 4th— seven parasangs — along a plain, closed in 
 on the left by not very high mountains, from which streams of 
 water flow ; these had broken up the road at every few paces, and 
 
20G ADVICK OK THE IIAZAIJAIIS. Chap. XV. 
 
 sometimes formed marshes of mud, from which our horses had the 
 utmost difficulty in extricating themselves. 
 
 About two parasangs from Balkh the Hazarahs turned out of 
 the liigh road, taking an oblique line across the country to the 
 left, and recommended me to follow them. I naturally asked the 
 reason of this manœuvre. " If you wish to go to Bokhara, the 
 road lies before you," was the answer. " Why, we have left 
 Bokhara a fortnight's journey behind us !" I exclaimed. " True," 
 continued my fellow-traveller, " but the revenues of Mir Suddour, 
 the governor of Balkh, are scanty, and he tries to improve them by 
 levying a tax for himself on the horses and baggage, as well as a 
 personal toll upon every traveller he can catch. To accomplish 
 this purpose the town is strictly guarded on the south, and every 
 one is closely examined, in order that his luggage may be taxed to 
 its utmost value. If you have no objection to the officials seeing 
 your European books, clothes, &c., that I have observed within 
 these few days, well and good, — go on ; but you will surely be 
 stopped and despatched to Bokhara ; therefore we warn you not 
 to proceed, for we certainly have no wish to share that fate, as we 
 inevitably should. Come with us round the town, and we shall 
 reach the ruins on the north, amongst which we can shelter 
 ourselves unperceived. We have provisions sufficient for all three ; 
 and the horses will help themselves to the grass. Thus we shall 
 all rest well, and proceed safely to the more hospitable govern- 
 ment of Khulm. Travel with us, and we will not leave you for 
 a moment ; but if you persist in running into unnecessary danger, 
 go ; and may God protect you ! " 
 
 It was impossible to resist this reasoning, so I adopted the 
 advice, though 1 sadly regretted the disappointment of not see- 
 ing, as I had hoped, at my ease, this exceedingly ancient place, the 
 Mother of Cities, Oumme el beîâd, as the Asiatics call it. Hav- 
 ing made the circuit, we reached the ruins alluded to, and esta- 
 blished ourselves in the remains of an immense mosque, where 
 nothing disturbed us ; a stream of water Howed through it, and the 
 horses browsed upon its banks. After our homely breakfast we 
 lay down and slept, in order to be able to accomplish during the 
 night the ten parasangs that would take us into Khulm. Towards 
 evening I ventured to ramble over a portion of the ruins round us ; 
 they were built of equal parts of burnt and dried bricks : the 
 former were of uncommon size ; I took up some that measured 
 
Chap. XV. HlSTcmV UF I'.AI.KH. " 207 
 
 about 20 inches by 15. On some, but they were very sccarce, of 
 which the quality was exceedingly fine and hard, almost equalling 
 stone, I observed cuneiform characters* The citadel, near which 
 we had rested, is a square inclosure, with a turret at each corner, 
 erected upon an artificial eminence ; and this fortress, entirely 
 abandoned, is as well as the mosques, colleges, and a long bazaar, 
 in very fair condition. It is easy to distinguish buildings of very 
 different ages in this town ; and the Hazarahs assured me that the 
 southern part of it contains a population of 3000 or 4000 souls, 
 an enormous mosque, a large bazaar, and several caravanserais. 
 Twenty years ago there remained amongst the ruins many good 
 houses : but some of them having fallen down, from the effects of 
 the rains, and exposed vases full of gold which had been con- 
 cealed in the walls, the inhabitants of the southern part pro- 
 ceeded to demolish everything that was left standing, in the hope 
 of finding more treasure ; in any case, however, their trouble is 
 not thrown away, for they sell the bricks to those who are 
 building in the new town. This is open ; the citadel is in the 
 centre, and situated an hour further north than the ancient one. 
 It is the residence of Ishane Suddour, the governor. The popula- 
 tion consists of 10,000 Afghans, and 5000 Usbeks of the tribes of 
 Kapchak and Yaboo ; these proportions are the same as in the 
 population of the old town. 
 
 Balkh was the first capital of the Persian monarchs, but all 
 traces of its origin are lost in the obscurity of ages. Oriental 
 authors in general ascribe its foundation to Kaiamur, the first 
 Prince of the Pishdadian dynasty ; there are but two or three who 
 attribute it to Taliraurats. Alexander the Great found it in a 
 flourishing state, and it was reckoned amongst the great cities of 
 Asia through the long interval between the days of the Macedo- 
 nian hero and those of Ghengis Khan, who exterminated its popu- 
 lation. It had scarcely begun to recover from this fearful event, 
 when it was again reduced by the devastating policy of Tamerlane, 
 and the interminable wars of his successors gave the final blow to 
 
 * The existence of bricks with cunei- Knshaii (a famous Scj'thian race), who 
 
 form characters among the ruins of held Balkh in remote antiquity, and 
 
 Balkh has been remarked by previous whose bricks, stamped with cuneiform 
 
 travellers, and is of much interest, as Scythic legends, are also found at Susa, 
 
 no other similar relics are known so far and on the shores of the Persian Gulf, 
 
 to the east. Sir Henry Rawliusou sug- — Ed. 
 gests that they may belong to the 
 
208 FIDEI.ITY OF THE TWO IIAZA1ÎAII8. Chap. XV. 
 
 the last remnants of its struggling prosperity ; it will be very 
 difficult for it to regain its former importance. The territory of 
 Balkh has been noticed for its fertility ; water is abundant, and it 
 only requires a numerous population to render it the most fertile 
 in Asia. Even in its present state it is one of the most productive 
 parts of Turkistan, of which it furnishes several provinces with 
 grain, when their own crops are insufficient for their consumption. 
 Many well-peopled villages are included in the government of 
 Balkh, which is bounded by the Oxus on the north, and on the 
 south by the chain of mountains running east and west, five 
 parasangs from the town ; in the other directions it extends from 
 Mazar to x\khcheh. This last town, though recognising the 
 sovereignty of the Emir of Bokhara, obeys also the Governor of 
 Balkh, who is a vassal of Mir Wall of Khulm ! This is certainly 
 a singular amalgamation of politics — a political mystification, but in 
 perfect conformity with the untruthful and intriguing habits of 
 these chiefs — to outwit and deceive each other is the delight of 
 their lives. 
 
 The lovely and advantageous position of the Mother of Cities, 
 in the midst of a rich plain, though favourable to any agricultural 
 or commercial undertaking, has rendered it liable to the sad mis- 
 fortune of being a constant bone of contention between the Emirs 
 of Khulm and Bokhara, whose ruthless armies almost annually 
 dispute the suzerainty of the place. Ishan Suddour acknowledged 
 that of the Mir Wall of Khulm in 1845. He maintains 2500 
 horsemen, and 1000 foot ; the cavalry is excellent, for the horses 
 of Balkh are of the best Turcoman breed.* 
 
 At eight in the evening, feeling ourselves sufficiently refreshed, 
 we mounted, and rode quietly out of these interesting ruins, not 
 having met a soul to notice our proceedings. I cannot find words 
 to express the joy that 1 felt at thus happily finding myself outside 
 the territories of the Emir of Bokhara. I had performed the 
 journey towards his principality with the pitiless murders of Stod- 
 dart, Conolly, and Nasseli ever in my mind, and could not help 
 feeling great anxiety. My safe passage through it was consider- 
 ably facilitated by the presence of the cholera, which occupied 
 every one's thoughts, and my manners and disguise further pro- 
 tected me. Notwithstanding all this it would have been almost 
 
 * lu 1850 Balkh fell iuto the power of the Emir of Kabul. 
 
Chap. XY. MAZAE. 209 
 
 impossible for me to accomplish my purpose without discovery, 
 had it not been for the two Hazarahs sent with me by Abdul 
 Aziz Khan. Unlike their countrymen, amongst whom fidelity 
 is so rare, they earnestly exerted themselves to preserve me from 
 every danger with which I might be threatened, and scrupled 
 not to encounter every inconvenience that might tend to ensure my 
 safety. In Bokhara an European is tracked like a wild beast ; and 
 as the Emir had at the time two wars on his hands, my assassi- 
 nation would assuredly have followed my discovery ; for he would 
 not have failed to attribute the hostility of his neighbours to my 
 intrigues, as he had done in Conolly's case. The Khan of Sher- 
 sebz, Khoja Murad, and the Khan of Kokan, Musulman Tchelak, 
 Kirghiz, had agreed to organise an expedition against him ; 
 and it was also said that they were in alliance with the Wall of 
 Khulm, Never had the Emir of Bokhara been in greater danger ; 
 but I learned afterwards that, after a little fighting, matters were 
 arranged amongst them, and each returned to his home. We had 
 scarcely got clear of the ruins when we found ourselves on cul- 
 tivated gi'ound, over which we had an hour's ride to reach the 
 high road ; it was intersected by large water-courses, which, the 
 evening being dark, we found very troublesome to cross. The 
 plain was cultivated as far as Mazar, and even beyond. 
 
 Mazar, July 5th — two parasangs — a walled village, containing 
 at the utmost two hundred houses ; but in the neighbourhood there 
 w^ere the tents of thousands of Usbeks and Eimaks. The Afghans 
 inhabit the village of wooden huts outside the wall, Ishan 
 Shudja Eddin is independent governor of this place ; nevertheless 
 he shows much deference to the chiefs of Khulm and Balkh, and 
 would not be more obedient if he were their vassal. The force 
 that he keeps up is small — only 250 cavalry ; but he can arm 1000 
 if requisite. 
 
 The mosque of Mazar * is held in great veneration by Mussul- 
 mans in general, and especially by the sect of Shiahs ; because it 
 was revealed in a dream to some Tartar prince, whose name I 
 have forgotten, that Ali, son-in-law of Mahomet, was buried there. 
 It is almost certain that the tomb of this caliph is at Nejef, near 
 Bagdad ; but the faith of a Shiah Mussulman is not staggered by 
 
 * Mazar merely means a place of pil- famous mosque which it contains, 
 grimage, and is applied to this town in Ed. 
 consequence of the sanctity of the 
 
210 KIIULM. Chap. XV. 
 
 such a trifling difficulty : the power of All in their eyes is quite 
 sufficient to increase or nuiltiply his mortal remains, and even 
 more than that. This mosque was built by Timouride Ali, Shah 
 of Herat. It incloses the tomb of Shah Murdan,* and possesses 
 immense revenues, the legacies of pious votaries, and the gifts of 
 pilgrims ; they are employed to feed crowds of poor who travel 
 thei'e from the various khanats of Central Asia to live on the 
 bounty of Ali. 
 
 We stopped at Mazar an hour, near a caravanserai. From this 
 place the traveller might reach Bamian without passing through 
 Khulm and Ileïbak, by taking the road through the small town 
 Tash-gourgan, a dependency of Khulm, seven parasangs south 
 of Mazar ; this is much the shortest way to Kabul ; but a 
 stranger rarely escapes being plundered ; the one through Khulm 
 is always preferred, although that is not safe ; for the defile of 
 Abdou, beyond that town and Mazar, is the haunt of thieves, 
 who generally attack caravans — we were fortunate enough to pass 
 without interruption. The road is desert up to Khulm. 
 
 Khulm, July 5th — eight parasangs — over an arid plain. On 
 the road between Mazar and this place were some clay hills, 
 amongst which anciently stood the village and caravanserai of 
 Abdou. Both are now uninhabited, and in ruins. 
 
 Khulm is improperly called by geographers Khullum. The 
 first of these names is the only one by which it is known in Asia. 
 It stands on the plain, and consists of four or five villages, now 
 become quarters of the town, united with each other by gardens ; 
 there are bazaars^ caravanserais, and baths ; and the population may 
 amount to fifteen thousand inhabitants. The citadel, erected on 
 an eminence, is the residence of Mohamed Emin Khan, a sove- 
 reign chief, who takes the title of Mir Wali ; this chief only 
 attained his present position in 183G, Previously to that period 
 he was simply Wali, that is to say, governor, of the town of 
 Khulm, in the name of the Usbek Khan, Murad Beg ; that 
 Khan was then sovereign of the principality, and his power extended 
 over the country, reaching north and south, from the river of Ba- 
 dakhshan to the mountains of Hindoo Kush, contiguous to 
 Kabul. Balkh on the east and Badakhshan on the west form 
 the other boundaries of his dominions. Murad Beg was a soldier 
 
 * Shah Murdan, or the King of Men, Khorassau, and especially at this place. 
 is the title given to Ali generally in — Ed. 
 
Chap. XV. ENGLISH CAPTIVES. 211 
 
 of fortune, who conquered the Khanat for himself. At his death 
 Eniin Khan took possession of it ; his administration is praised by 
 his dependents, and as he is less of a rascal than the other chiefs, 
 his good faith has become proverbial in those countries. 
 
 The state of Khulm exercises a certain influence on those around 
 it, and its preponderance is not inferior to that of Kabul, Herat, or 
 Bokhara ; a great majority of the inhabitants are of the Tajik 
 race, but the Mir Wali is an Usbek. The population is reckoned 
 at 700,000 souls ; the revenues of the principality amount to 
 24,000?. in silver and nearly 50,000?. in cereal produce, which 
 is considerable for such a country. The standing army consists of 
 8000 cavalry and 3000 infantry. Of these last 800 form a 
 battalion of so-called regulars, though no troops can be worse 
 trained ; amongst them are embodied the remains of a few com- 
 panies of Eïmaks to whom the English had given some instruction 
 when they occupied Kabul. The insurrection in this last town in 
 1841 obliged them to retire to Khulm, in company with a few 
 sepoys who had formed part of the British army, and who serve 
 the artillery of the Mir "Wali ; this consists of ten pieces, two 
 are of very large calibre. The four best are those that Mohamed 
 Akbar Khan brought with him after he had been defeated by the 
 English at Butkhak ; the six others, old and bad, were brought 
 there by Nadir Shah and Ahmed Shah, Suddozye. Gendj All 
 Beg, son of the Mir Wali, is Governor of Badakhshan ; and 
 Rustem Khan, son of Mir Murad Beg, the former sovereign of 
 the Khanat, is Governor of Kunduz in the name of the Mir Wali. 
 The river which passes by Khulm bears the name of the town, 
 and is consumed for the purposes of irrigation before it reaches the 
 Oxus. In conformity with my usually prudent habits, I encamped 
 outside the town, in a retired spot, to avoid the inexhaustible 
 queries of the inhabitants ; but we had scarcely installed ourselves 
 under the shade of a mulberry-tree when we were accosted by an 
 Afshar, who thought he recognised me fi'om having seen me three 
 weeks before at Herat. Though both I and my companions 
 denied this he remained doubtful, and persisted in his investiga- 
 tions ; he talked to me of an European doctor, who, he said, had 
 turned Mussulman, and lived at Mazar, but was of a différent tribe 
 from twenty-five or thirty Englishmen whom he pretended were 
 also in exile in that town, and fed at the expense of the mosque. 
 lie assured me that other Englishmen were detained at Yajgar, at 
 
 V 2 
 
212 AN UNPLEASANT POSE. Chap. XY. 
 
 Ilezret Imanm, and other places. I had only one opportunity of 
 testmg the truth of his information, and that was with respect to 
 those who, according to his statement, were in Khulm ; I saw 
 there only the Indians who had entered the Mir Wall's service ; 
 nevertheless, it was possible there might be some Englishmen 
 with them. I dared not pursue the investigation energetically 
 lest I should, without being of any use to these unfortunate men, 
 if such they were, incur the danger of sharing their fate. This 
 man offered to communicate with them for me ; but I dared not 
 trust him, as he was an entire stranger, and might easily have 
 betrayed me for a trifling reward ; I therefore declined his in- 
 tervention, saying that a good Mussulman like me could not 
 concern himself about infidels, lie retired nearly convinced (at 
 least I thought so), that he had never seen me, and that I came 
 from Bokhara, and was returning to my family at Peshawur. 
 However, he had excited my curiosity ; and, in spite of the evils 
 that might result to me, I went into the town, certain that if I 
 saw any Englishmen I should at once distinguish them by their 
 physiognomy, so different from that of the Indians, Afghans, or 
 Usbeks, I was on foot, and, accompanied by one of the llazarahs, 
 went into the bazaars ; but I watched in vain for anything that 
 could indicate the objects of my search, though I have since seen 
 many inhabitants of Khulm, Herat, and Meshed who assured me 
 the information was correct. 
 
 After having rambled here and there for an hour or more, I 
 thought I would refresh myself with a cup of tea, and entered 
 one of the numerous shops in which that agreeable beverage is 
 sold ; here, at the request of the Hazarah, the master of the house 
 showed us into a back room, and quickly returned with two enor- 
 mous bowls full to the brim ; the sight of which awakened the 
 spirit of the gourmand within me. In delightful anticipation, I 
 raised mine to my lips, when, lo ! the moment I swallowed the 
 first mouthful, so hastily taken, I believed myself poisoned. The 
 wretched grocer had made it of equal parts of tea and rancid 
 butter, which stood in the place of sugar. What a horrible treat 
 the fellow had prepared for me ! It was, however, imperatively 
 necessary to conceal my disgust ; for an exclamation of surprise 
 at what I afterwards learned was a favourite beverage in Turkistan 
 would inl'allibly have betrayed me to the bystanders. Taking 
 courage, therefore, I held my breath, and proceeded with my dis- 
 
r 
 
 CuAP. XV. Mill Wx\.LI AND DO«ï MOHAÎklED. 213 
 
 gusting dose as best I could. But this was not all ; a ball of tea- 
 leaves soaked and mixed with the same grease, was also placed 
 before me, and this I was obliged to swallow with a gulp by way 
 of a concluding relish. As to Rabi, my companion, he had as 
 much pleasure in imbibing the detestable liquid as I had misery, 
 and sipped it with leisurely contentment, while large drops of 
 perspiration stood on my forehead fi-oni the exertion and self- 
 control I had to exercise to enable me to drink it off without 
 exposing my feelings. But I was then, as the Persians say, bed 
 sahaf, in an unlucky hour; and to this annoyance was soon added 
 some alarm occasioned by the conversation of a man with his 
 arm in a sling, who formed one of a group of guests beside us, 
 and had been wounded in a late encounter that had taken place 
 between the troops of Khulm and Kabul ; he talked of nothing 
 but the dangers on the road to the latter city, and was endea- 
 vouring to dissuade one of the party from going there. The least 
 he must expect, he said, is that he would be stripped and 
 plundered, even by his countrymen, who, once let loose, stop 
 for nothing, and pillage and kill friends or enemies without 
 mercy. Rabi, who was as much interested as I was, joined in the 
 conversation, and, to our infinite regret, we obtained the following 
 unsatisfactory information. 
 
 The war between the Mir Wali and Dost Mohamed, Emir of 
 Kabul, had commenced from a trifling cause, though it was made 
 to assume the most serious aspect. When Dost Mohamed declared 
 war upon the Emir of Bokhara, against whom he had very great 
 cause of complaint, he requested the permission of the Mir \\'ali 
 to march through his territory, and received a sharp refusal ; upon 
 which he remarked, that what Mas refused to friendship he should 
 take by force. The Mir Wali replied, and with reason, that to 
 grant his demand was to give up the sovereignty of his state — for 
 that the Afghans would ravage the country and keep it if they 
 were strong enough. 
 
 This was the ostensible cause of the war ; but, according to the 
 best-informed persons, the Dost was pressed on by his son and 
 Vezir, Akbar Khan, who, during his exile at Khulm, became 
 deeply enamoured of a female slave belonging to the Mir ^^'ali, 
 whom he carried oif when he returned to Kabul. But the young 
 beauty found means to escape and return to her master, who after- 
 wards scarcely ever allowed his recovered treasure to leave his 
 
214 llEIBAK. CiiAr. XY. 
 
 presence. Akbar Khan was clamorous to regain her, and the 
 inexorable refusal of the ^lir Wali brought on the war. The two 
 armies had already fought several engagements with various 
 success ; that of Kabul, commanded by the Sirdar Akrem Khan, 
 another son of the Dost, occupied the hilly country in front of 
 Bamian, and the forces of Khulm were stationed in the district 
 beyond Sighan, in strong positions and passes very difficult to 
 carry. This news annoyed me exceedingly, and we returned to our 
 camp to consult as to the best course to adopt under these adverse 
 circumstances. 
 
 The war had broken out so suddenly that we never heard of it 
 till we reached Meïlik ; but we were told at the same time that 
 peace would be made, and the troops had not been moved. Great, 
 therefore, was our disappointment at hearing the real state of 
 affairs. I thought for a moment of trying to gain Kashmir by 
 Kaffiristan, which is inhabited by the tribe of Siah-poush ; but 
 then the Hazarahs would not have accompanied me — indeed, they 
 did not know that road, and their ultimate object was to reach 
 Kabul. To adopt that plan I must also have thrown off my 
 disguise at Khulm, and found a guide through an almost un- 
 known country, and it remained to be proved whether I could do 
 so or not ; it was certainly very doubtful. In the end the opinion 
 of all was to hold on our course till it became impossible to do 
 so any longer. Having decided, we made no useless delay, but 
 at once took our weary way across a country desolated by war and 
 the cholera, determining to set out at nightfall to avoid the 
 curiosity of the people. The marvellous intensity of this passion 
 in Asiatics is incredible to those who do not know them. Every 
 one in the street conceives he has a right to ask you anything he 
 pleases ; and not that only, but to expect an answer, and to set 
 you down for an intriguing rascal, a spy or a thief, or whatever 
 else he may fancy, if you do not give him one. Happily, 
 favoured by the darkness, we departed without attracting obser- 
 vation ; the Hazarah having prepared a reply for inquisitive per- 
 sons that we belonged to an Usbek Khan beyond Sighan, and were 
 travelling to rejoin him. 
 
 Heibak* July 6th — ten parasangs— the first three-quarters of an 
 
 * Heibak was the extreme point to mouths, and thus threatened Khulm, 
 
 which our troops penetrated during where Dost Mohamed had first fixed his 
 
 the Afghan war. A party of Captain head-quarters ou escaping from Bokha- 
 
 Hopkins's regiment, detaclied from Ba- ra. — Ed. 
 mian, held Sighan and Heibak for some 
 
Chap. XV. ^ KOllRAM. 215 
 
 hour in a plain which slopes gently towards and terminates abruptly 
 in a chain of high mountains, rising almost to a peak, of great 
 elevation ; we entered them by a narrow pass, after which the 
 valley opened a little, with here and there a few villages and 
 gardens, and, as far as we could see in the night, this gorge was 
 well watered and fertile Having started at sunset, we did not 
 reach our halt till mid-day on the morrow, having rested only a 
 couple of hours half-way, for all, man and beast, were much 
 fatigued with the mountain journey. Heibak, where we now dis- 
 mounted, is inhabited by Usbeks of the tribe of Kangelis, 
 governed by a chief of their own tribe, who calls himself indepen- 
 dent, but who nevertheless is in all things subservient to the Wali 
 of Khulm ; he even pays him dues, which he qualifies by the 
 appellation of presents. This chief resides in a little fortress that 
 commands the whole valley ; his rapacity is amazing, and he levies 
 a tax upon all caravans and travellers. Luckily he w^as at the 
 camp at Sighan w^hen we arrived, and his deputy allowed us to 
 pursue our way untaxed and unmolested, perfectly indifferent as to 
 my identity — I fancied they took us for some of the Emir's people 
 going to Sighan. The soil here is of uncommon fertility, and 
 the vegetation luxuriant ; the gardens are numerous, and pro- 
 duce some of the best fruit in Turkistan. Agriculture is little 
 attended to ; and some extent of grain sown this spring had been 
 torn up by the wild boars, which are very numerous in the moun- 
 tains. The river of Khulm flows by Heibak, and its banks are 
 shaded all the way by wild fruit-trees. 
 
 Korram, July 7th — five parasangs — across steep mountains, in 
 a dark ravine, between high rocks some hundreds of yards in 
 elevation ; the road is execrable, covered with rounded stones, 
 and broken up by water and brushwood. Occasionally the gorge 
 widened, and we saw orchards and gardens around small villages, 
 of which I was told the climate was exceedingly good, and favour- 
 able to the cultivation of fruit. We then passed through the 
 village of Serbagh, arriving at Korram at midnight ; here we 
 foimd a crowd of wounded soldiers returning from the war ; 
 but under cover of the uncertain light, we thought we could 
 without inconvenience encamp near them, for it was highly unfli- 
 vourable for their conducting the usual investigations upon new 
 arrivals, and they quite believed that we belonged to them and 
 were going to join the chief. Their information, however, de- 
 monstrated the impossibility of our ever getting beyond the 
 
216 ADVICE OF THE AUTHOR'S COMPANIONS. Chap. XV. 
 
 Usbek camp, in which nothing would have induced me to remain. 
 It was, however, necessary to determine upon some plan, and I 
 inclined to return nearly to Ileibak, and take the road to the 
 east across the mountains to the little town of Tcharikar, whence 
 we could reach Kabul. But Rabi told me that the mountains 
 were inhabited by the most savage of the Afghan tribes ; that the 
 Emir could send his own people there only at the risk of their 
 lives, and that it would be impossible for me to get through without 
 misfortune. When I insisted upon taking that direction, my com- 
 panions, including my servant, told me that if I pleased I was 
 certainly at liberty to do so, but that it would be alone, as 
 assuredly neither of them would accompany me ; they advised 
 instead, that we should make our way to a camp of Hazarah 
 Tartars a few parasangs on our right, in which they had relations, 
 where we could wait in perfect safety till the squabble was over 
 and then go on to Kabul. This was undoubtedly an acceptable 
 proposition ; but so little confidence did I then feel even in Rabi 
 and Roostem, that I feared some secret snare. Up to that time 
 they had, it is true, acted with great fidelity, but it is impossible to 
 trust implicitly to a native of Central Asia — perfidy is the basis of 
 their character ; but I hesitated the less when I reflected that in 
 every way I was in their hands, and ended by acceding to the 
 arrangement. 
 
Chap. XVJ. KARTCIIOO. 217 
 
 CHAPTER XVL 
 
 Kartchoo — Mouutaius of the Paropamisus — Alayar Beg — Receives the author 
 in his tent — Assassination of Saduk Khan — Despair of the author — The 
 Hazarah Tartars — Kaissar Beg — Hazarahs of the East — The principal 
 chiefs of this tribe — Military force of each — The Sh-dar Hassan Khan 
 ben Zorab — Strength of his army — Description of the country — Afghan 
 inroads — Tamerlane and the Hazarahs — Quintus Curtius — The Berbers — 
 Dehas — Beautiful carpets — Tracts of grass — Sirpoul — Mahmood Khan 
 the Governor — Military force — Monsieur Ferrier well received by this chief 
 
 — Mahmood Khan desirous of an alliance with the British government — De- 
 scription of the country through which the author is going — Quick travellint' 
 
 — Eimak dogs — Fertile valley — Rock inscriptions and bas-reliefs — 
 
 Mountains — DescriiDtion of Boodhi — Div Hissar — Defile — Steppe 
 
 The Seherai — Their habits — Idol temple — Timour Beg — Delicate 
 attentions. 
 
 Kartchoo,* July 7th — four parasangs. On quitting Korram we 
 followed for an hour the great road to Kabul, and then turned 
 into the steep mountains on our right, where we found the path 
 so narrow and enclosed with rocks overhanging our heads that 
 we lost the starlight and were obliged to trust to the instinct of 
 our horses, and followed in file. At break of day we crossed 
 the highest summits, covered with snow, and the cold was as 
 great as in the plains in January. Here the mountains of the 
 Paropamisus lay before us, and intersected the country in all 
 directions over a very great extent of surface ; the smaller chains 
 were all ramifications of two principal ranges, one running from 
 W. to E., the other from S.W. to N.W. Some few gigantic 
 peaks stood here and there, wrapped in robes of snow that 
 were perfectly dazzling in the morning light. It would cer- 
 tainly be impossible for any army having baggage with it to 
 pass the mountain we had just come over ; though I think it would 
 be otherwise with those between Khulra and Korram, where 
 artillery would not find any great obstacles.! From what I heard, I 
 imagined the difficulties would be more serious on the Bamian road ; 
 
 * Kartchoo is Afghani for " a market." — Ed. 
 t See Masson, in ' Asiatic Journal.' 
 
218 ALAYAU 15EG. Chap. XA^I. 
 
 but whatever they may be, I do not suppose they are insurmount- 
 able, as we find a precedent to the contrary in the history of times 
 past : for, on his return from India to the conquest of Bokhara, 
 Nadir Shah took all his heavy artillery with him ; and one of the 
 guns, of which probably the carriage was broken, may still be 
 observed half-buried in the sand between Serbagh and Korram.* 
 
 The descent from the summit of the mountain was not by any 
 means difficult ; it was certainly steep, but the ground was good 
 and even, and no obstructions presented themselves. By nine 
 o'clock we were on the plain, and could discern in the distance a 
 few tents of the Hazarah Tartars, where Rabi afterwards went 
 to make inquiries as to the direction of the road ; he returned 
 with a nomad, who accompanied us on our way to show us 
 the encampment of Kartchoo, which we reached a little after 
 midday. The chief of this horde, Alayar Beg, was a relative of 
 Roostem, and at his tent we dismounted. He immediately ordered 
 a sheep to be killed, and in every way fulfilled towards us the 
 duties of hospitality. It was not, however, till the repast was over 
 that Roostem explained the circumstances of our journey and the 
 cause of our visit to the encampment ; and, as he never spoke of 
 my being an European, I passed as a merchant of Meshed travel- 
 ling on business to Kabul : Alayar Beg listened attentively to 
 the recital of our misadventures, and gave us his advice. 
 
 " The war," he said, " is by no means finished, indeed it is 
 only just begun, and in my opinion will last till the winter snows 
 make our mountain passes impracticable. If you like to wait till 
 the spring under my tent, consider it as your own — settle your- 
 selves at your ease ; but I hardly think so long a delay would 
 suit you, as you say yourselves that you desire nothing so much 
 as to arrive quickly at Kabul. The only way now open to 
 you is to go either to Ghuzni or to Kandahar, and then 
 safely enough to Kabul ; the road by Ghuzni is the shortest, 
 and in ordinary times would be the best and easiest ; but the 
 chief of the l)eh Zingy Ilazarahs, Mohamed Saduk Khan, was 
 assassinated about a month ago by Bahadoor Beg, who set him- 
 self in his place and now plunders the whole country. More- 
 over he is at war with Mir Muhi Beg, chief of the Ilazarahs 
 
 * The British engineer oflBcers suffi- that an advance on Bokhara might take 
 
 cieutly proved that there is no difficulty place, Captains Sturt and Broadfoot 
 
 in conveying artillery from Bamiau to ■were sent on to survey and report ou 
 
 Khulm. When it was thought possible the passes of the Paropamisus. — Ed. 
 
C'liAi'. XVI. THE HAZARAH TAllTAllS. '-'19 
 
 of Yckoo Oling, who intended to take the place of the murdered 
 Saduk in the command of the tribe ; it will therefore be as impos- 
 sible for you to traverse that district, now contended for by those 
 two chiefs, as the road you have abandoned ; and you cannot do 
 better than go to Kandahar by Gour. It is not a perfectly safe 
 road, but is at any rate more so than the other. The great point 
 for you is to reach Hassan Khan Zorab of the Pusht Koh Haza- 
 rahs ;* with his help you have nothing to fear." This fresh inci- 
 dent plunged me into a perfect stupor of grief and disappointment- 
 Had I then suffered and borne up against so much, to be stopped 
 within a few days' march of the Indus ? I was truly in despair, 
 and wanted at all risks to attempt at least to make our way to 
 Bamian through the Afghan camp ; but my companions were as 
 inexorable as ever, and informed me that they had no intention of 
 going to certain death, and though they were as anxious as I was 
 to get to Kabul, they wished to do so in safety. 
 
 Being alone in my opinion, I was as before obliged to adopt 
 theirs ; and it was decided that, instead of proceeding straight to 
 Kandahar, we should first go to Sirpool, of which the Governor, 
 Mahmood Khan, was the ally and friend of Hassan Khan Zorab, 
 to whom we were to ask him for a letter of recommendation. 
 Rabi had in his youth been in the service of the father of 
 Mahmood, and entertained no doubt that he would give him this 
 letter. I acceded to the plan like a man condemned, who has 
 no will of his own, but I insisted that we ought to proceed 
 immediately. However it was of no use my endeavouring to 
 hurry them ; we did not move the sooner on that account, for the 
 Hazarahs were amongst their kith and kin. I was obliged to 
 remain that day and night in the encampment of Kartchoo, and I 
 must certainly acknowledge that Alayar Beg exerted himself 
 to make it as agreeable or at least as little wearisome as 
 possible. 
 
 The Hazarah Tartars with whom we were staying are a small 
 tribe settled amongst the mountains intersected by the river of 
 Khulm and the river of Balkh. Although the Mir Wall sets 
 up a right of suzerainty over them, it is not possible for him to 
 exercise it, the population is ungovernable, and has no occupa- 
 tion but pillage ; they will pillage and pillage only, if it be 
 but each other, and plunder from camp to camp. Their chief, 
 
 * Conolly's route went through the country of these Hazarahs. — -Ed. 
 
220 THE IIAZARAH TAiri'AKS, Chap. XVI. 
 
 Kaissar Beg, surnamcd Délaver, couraoeous, is dreaded through- 
 out the country, but his subordinates scarcely recognise his 
 authority, unless when he leads them on a foray — excepting on 
 those occasions each cauip acknowledges only the chief of its 
 choice. This tribe pretends to be a branch of the Hazarah 
 Zeidnats established at Kaleh-nooh, from which they assert 
 that it separated only eighty or ninety years ago ; although the 
 distance is great between them, intercourse is constantly kept up, 
 and the chiefs frequently contract matrimonial alliances. The 
 Hazarahs know not the number of families they amount to, nor 
 how many armed men they can furnish : the latter is a census 
 which is only made in each encampment ; moreover, they arm 
 only for pillage, and no sovereign can reckon upon their fol- 
 lowing him into the field. South of this camp is the great tribe 
 of the Hazarahs of the East, which extends N. and S. from the 
 Hindoo Kush to the frontiers of Kandahar. It is known by the 
 name of Hazarah Pus Koh, or Pusht Koh (Hazarahs of the 
 other side of the mountain), and is subdivided into several branches, 
 of which the principal are Yekoo Olingy, Deh Zingy, Ser 
 Jingeli, Deh Kondi, Bolgor, and Kudelane. The three first 
 are governed by independent chiefs, and the remaining three 
 united under one more powerful one. The following is the state 
 of their respective forces : — 
 
 The Sirdar Mir Muhi Beg, who resides in the fortress of 
 Yekeuholing — 2000 horsemen and 300 foot. 
 
 The Sirdar Bahadoor Beg, who commands the Deh Zingy, can 
 arm 1200 foot and 400 horse. 
 
 The Sirdar Mir Saduk Beg, possessing the fortress and terri- 
 tory of Ser Jingel, can arm 900 horse and 800 foot. 
 
 The tribes under these three chiefs are Mussulmans of the sect 
 of Shiah, but very lax in the practice of their faith and forms of 
 worship. 
 
 The Sirdar Hassan Khan ben Zorab is recognised as their 
 supreme chief by the other three tribes of the Hazarah Pusht 
 Koh, though they are broken up into many separate camps, and 
 each chooses a commander to be confirmed in his authority by 
 Hassan Khan. This chief can assemble in arms 5000 horse and 
 3000 foot, and even double the number in a case of pressing 
 necessity. It is not astonishing that these tribes should furnish 
 so many soldiers, because, the armed force simply signifies every 
 
Chap. XA'I. THE IIAZARATI TAIl'J'AES. 221 
 
 adult male, for they are always capable of bearing arms. In time 
 of war no one remains in the camp but the old men, women, and 
 children. 
 
 The Pusht Koh Hazarahs of Hassan Khan ben Zorab are 
 constantly divided amongst themselves, either by the intrigues of 
 subaltern chiefs, or by family quarrels ; they are always scheming 
 and plotting one against the other, and thus are ever exhausting 
 that strength to their own detriment, which, if consolidated and 
 well directed, would render them terrible to the Afghans, with 
 whom they are constantly at war. Their country is difficult to 
 invade, its natural defences being excellent ; they could emerge 
 when they pleased, ravage the plains of Kandahar and Ghuzni 
 and retreat to their inaccessible haunts, if they would but act 
 together. Such, however, is their disunion, that the Afghans 
 always contrive to get through their passes and attack them on their 
 own ground, though they cannot occupy it permanently, and they 
 content themselves with straining every nerve to get a good booty 
 and be off again. By this constant hostility is maintained such a 
 lively hatred between the Afghans and the Hazarahs, that it is 
 scarcely possible for the latter to venture singly in the Paro- 
 pamisus — a lonely traveller would assuredly be assassinated. He 
 is obliged, therefore, to make a considerable circuit to go from 
 Kabul to Herat, or vice versa, to accomplish a journey which 
 would be so short if the country of the Hazarahs were safe. The 
 caravans generally go by Balkh or Kandahar, and it requires 
 more than a month to perform that distance, while the direct 
 road between the two towns could be travelled in a fortnight 
 easily. Yar Mohamed Khan assured me that the Emir Dost 
 Mohamed sent him a letter in 1844 by a Ser Jingel Hazarah 
 he had in his service, and that going straight through the 
 country on his own horse, the man had been only eight days on 
 the journey. 
 
 Tamerlane seems to have been the last sovereign who subjugated 
 the Hazarahs ; they shook off the yoke at his death, and have 
 remained free in their mountains ever since. The Sufaveans, the 
 Grand Mogul, Nadir Shah, and Ahmed Shah, Suddozye, have 
 never been able to subjugate them again. It appears that they 
 have been the same from time immemorial ;* for Quintus Curtius, 
 
 * The Hazarahs are not, however, the the Parapamisus, but are Tartar tribes, 
 descendants of the old inhabitants of first settled in the country by Gengis 
 
222 QUINTUS CUIÎTIUS. Chap. XVI. 
 
 one of the historians of Alexander, speaks of them in these 
 terms : — 
 
 " Alexander advanced into a region imperfectly known to the 
 bordering nations, as it cultivates no interchange by commerce. 
 Designated Paropamisadœ, the wild inhabitants are the most 
 uncivilized amongst the barbarians: the bare aspect of the local 
 scenery has petrified their minds. Seated for the most part on 
 the northern side of the frozen ridge, they touch Bactriana on the 
 west. That portion of their territory which is enlivened by the 
 sun stretches towards the Indian Sea. Their cottages are built, 
 the lower part of brick and the upper of tile ; for no timber grows 
 in the sterile fields, nor on the naked mountains : their form, 
 broadest at bottom, gradually contracts as the structure rises, till 
 it terminates in the fashion of a ship's keel, with an aperture in 
 the centre to admit the light. Such vines and trees as can endure 
 the rigour of such a climate the inhabitants press down and cover 
 with earth during the winter, and when the snow is dissolved, they 
 dig them out and restore them to the air and sun. So deep are 
 the snows which shroud the ground, and so bound up by ice and 
 almost perpetual frost, that the vestige of a bird or beast is not 
 perceptible. The light is rather an obscuration of the sky 
 resembling darkness, in which the nearest objects are with diffi- 
 culty seen. 
 
 " In this uncultivated wild the destitute army had every variety of 
 ill to endure — scarcity, cold, weariness, despair. The blast of the 
 snow extinguished life in many, and caused the feet of others to 
 mortify ; its white glare perniciously affected the eyes of the 
 majority. Some, having stretched on a bed of ice their exhausted 
 frames, through want of motion were so stiftened by the activity 
 of the frost, that when they essayed to rise they were unable. 
 The torpid were lifted up by their comrades ; there was no better 
 remedy than compelling them to walk : the vital heat being thus 
 excited, the use of their limbs in part returned. Such as could reach 
 a cottage were restored quickly ; but through the density of the 
 atmosphere, huts could be traced out only by the smoke. The 
 inhabitants had never seen a foreigner in their territory ; and as 
 theu' armed visitants suddenly presented themselves, their hearts 
 
 Khan. It is very remarkable tliat they the Persian. Their Tartar physiognomy 
 should have entirely lost their original remains, however, unchanged, so that 
 language, and adopted an old dialect of it is impossible to mistake them. — Ed. 
 
 I 
 
CiiAP. XVI. DEHAS. 223 
 
 died with fear : petitioning to have tlieir lives spared, they produced 
 what tlieir hovels ailbrdcd." — Vol. ii. ch. iii. 
 
 This recital appears to indicate that the Macedonians crossed 
 the Paropamisus in the winter, and I have no difficulty in 
 believing the sufferings they endured ; but had they goiîe in 
 the summer they would have found as much pleasure as 
 they did misery : for the soil of the valleys, nourished by 
 the melting of the snow, becomes in the spring exceedingly 
 fertile, streams intersect it in all directions, and the heat which is 
 so intense in the Afghan plains is tempered by the mountain 
 breezes, fresh from their contact with the snowy summits. This 
 explains at once the difference between my narrative and that of 
 Quintus Cur tins. 
 
 Amongst the Hazarahs there is a tribe called Berber, like the 
 inhabitants of Algeria.* The former disown these latter, and do 
 not admit their common origin, but it is incontestably true that the 
 Algerian race is Eïmak, and the corrupt or rather the primitive 
 Persian is the only language in use amongst them. The Berbers of 
 Africa are Mussulmans of the sect of the Shiahs, as are a small 
 number of the Pusht Koh Hazarah : the majority of the latter, 
 however, belong to the sect of Ali-illahi, who believe in the divinity 
 of Ah. 
 
 Dehds, July 8th — eight parasangs — along plains and valleys 
 tolerably fertile ; the supply of water near the road was deficient, 
 but supposed to be more abundant at a distance, because we saw 
 there many nomadic tents, which would hardly have been the 
 case had the plain been perfectly arid. We avoided them all, 
 and travelled entirely across country under the guidance of a 
 Hazarah, sent with us by Alayar Beg to see us safe to Sirpool. 
 After having ridden six parasangs, we crossed a range of thinly- 
 wooded hills which branched from a mountain skirted at the 
 base by the Balkh river. This was the only village that we saw 
 on the journey, and its position was at once picturesque and 
 startling : it appeared actually hung up on the side of the rock ; 
 our guide told us that the way to it was on the other side of the 
 mountain, by an exceedingly difficult road cut in the solid rock. 
 The inhabitants of this place make extremely beautiful carpets, 
 which sell very well at Khulm and Kabul. This manufacture 
 
 * The tribes of Berbers are to be met with in every part of the East. — Ed. 
 
224 snnw)r>. Chai-. xvi. 
 
 would procure them not only a livelihood, but an honest one ; the 
 latter, however, is apparently of no particular value to them, for 
 they are the cleverest and most daring thieves in the country. 
 They assert that they are descended from the aborigines, and have 
 never submitted to any conqueror ; their language, as well as that 
 spoken by the Elazarahs, is the most ancient Persian, and their 
 religion a species of idolatry mingled with Islamism. 
 
 In approaching the river of Balkh, we crossed immense tracts, 
 the long grass of which reached the horses' bellies, and made 
 riding very disagreeable ; this pasture was intersected by an 
 infinity of trenches, which lead the water of the river through 
 the lands of the nomads, whose tents we had avoided as much as 
 possible. 
 
 It was night when we reached Dehas (the name of the river), a 
 very small Hazarah encampment of two-and-twenty tents, com- 
 manded by Chopan Ali, a cousin of Alayar Beg. We did not 
 see him, for he remained in his tent, but ordered that one next to 
 him should be prepared for our reception, and at midnight sent 
 us for supper a side of grilled venison, Jeran* deer, which he 
 had killed the day before, and some very black bread. To my 
 great satisfaction, we had no visit from any one, and at daybreak 
 were again in the saddle for Sirpool. 
 
 Sirpool, July 9th — ten parasangs. After having crossed the 
 Dehas (which is rather rapid just here) by a ford, we travelled an 
 hour and a half through fields, and then entered a chain of moun- 
 tains of moderate height. The path was stony and ran near the 
 edge of an abrupt precipice, and at the bottom of the ravine flowed 
 a torrent, at which we saw troops of deer and wild boar come 
 to slake their thirst, and lave and refresh their limbs ; of the 
 latter there were hundreds, and they especially splashed about and 
 disported themselves in the water with peculiar delight. We lost 
 the pleasure of watching them when we reached the top of the 
 mountain, to which the latter part of the road was smooth and easy. 
 The other side was slightly wooded, and the brushwood afibrded 
 capital cover for the red-legged partridge which abound here ; at 
 the foot of the mountain I remarked, for the first time in Central 
 Asia, patches of the oleanderf on the borders of the streamlets. 
 
 * Jeidn means an antelope.- — Ed. " asss-poison," is, however, very com- 
 
 t The oleander, " khur-zdhreh," or mon all over the East. — Ed. 
 
Chap. XYI. IMAIIMOOD KHAN". 225 
 
 Thence to Sir]")ool the road is over a plain or slightly undulating 
 ground ; the country is uninhabited to about a couple of para- 
 sangs from the town, but there the tents become numerous, and 
 the flocks also. We had a good deal of trouble to reach it, for 
 Roostem's horse and the one my servant rode were completely 
 beat. Poor creatures ! they were all of them reduced to skin and 
 bone, and had suffered terribly from the forced marches which 
 our difficulties and disappointments — not to mention danger — 
 had driven us to make. If there had been another day's work 
 between us and Sirpool, I really believe they could not have done 
 it ; we must have stopped on the road. 
 
 Sirpool is an agglomeration of houses utterly devoid of regu- 
 larity, and built on the slope of an eminence crowned by a 
 fortress in which the Governor resides. Numerous tents are 
 grouped round the houses, and, including their inhabitants, the 
 place contains 18,000 souls : the population of the Khanat 
 does not amount to more than four times that number ; most 
 of them are Usbeks, a third only being Ser Jingel Hazarahs. 
 Sirpool occupies a position greatly favoured by nature, for the 
 valley is abundantly watered by streams from the mountains, 
 which unite there and form a river that flows on to Shibbergan ; 
 the inhabitants wore gathering in the harvest when we arrived, 
 and the breadth of cultivated land and orchards of various fruits 
 appeared to me considerable. 
 
 Mahmood Khan, the governor, is the son-in-law of the Mir 
 Wall of Khulm, and is one of his best and most faithful allies. 
 The influence of this chief exjtends far amongst the Eïmaks of the 
 Paropamisus, and he is dreaded by them on account of his great 
 daring and bravery : he is not less feared by his neighboiu's 
 the Usbeks, and a letter from him carries as much weight with it 
 as if he sent an army. He is about forty years of age, of middle 
 height, and powerfully made ; his countenance is open, and his 
 features have more the Persian than the Tartar character; for 
 although he is of Usbek race, I was told that for three or four 
 generations his ancestors had allied themselves with Persian 
 women of Kabul. Mahmood Khan keeps up a standing force of 
 2000 superior horsemen and 2000 foot, which number can be 
 trebled in case of necessity. 
 
 All that I had heard of the character of Mahmood Khan 
 determined me to take a perfectly open course with him, and to 
 
 Q 
 
22G MAHMOOD KHAN. Chap. XYI. 
 
 put him in possession of my real position and history. As soon, 
 therefore, as we had encamped, 1 sent my guide and Roostem 
 to the citadel to inform him of my arrival, when he immediately 
 sent his Naib to escort me to his presence, and we were at 
 once installed in the fortress. He came down into the court to 
 receive me, and, in the unceremonious Tartar fashion, make him- 
 self sure that the room which had been given to us was clean and 
 well provided with carpets. His welcome was rough, but warm 
 and frank, and prepossessed me in his favour ; and after he had 
 seen that everything was properly arranged for our comfort, he led 
 the way to his own room. This apartment was furnished in the 
 sitnplest style, utterly devoid of the least appearance of luxury, and 
 he took his seat by the corner of the window, retaining, according 
 to his custom from his earliest youth, his sword and pistols in 
 his belt. After inviting me to be seated also, he inquired the ob- 
 ject of my journey to Sirpool. 
 
 My reply was a short but exact account of the troubles and 
 vexations that overtook me after I left Meshed, adding a request 
 that he would grant me his protection to enable me to reach 
 Kandahar in safety. Mahmood Khan's instant reply was couched 
 in such kind terms that I felt at once that I had neither overrated 
 his character, nor presumed upon it too far ; and after a few 
 words of consolation, he added, " They have however been for- 
 tunate for me, for I have thus the unlooked-for opportunity of 
 showing you hospitality, and the presence of a stranger always 
 draws down a blessing from Heaven on the roof under which he 
 reposes." 
 
 The conversation then turned upon his quarrels and disputes 
 with his neighbours, particularly Roostem Khan of Shibberghan ; 
 afterwards he made many inquiries about the military art, and 
 desired me to explain to him the European system of attack and 
 defence — endeavouring to fix it clearly in his mind with a view 
 to its being of use to him at some future time. With him Feringhee 
 meant an Englishman, but he had never quarrelled with them 
 during their occupation of Kabul, and he had heard much of their 
 generosity ; therefore, as they were now out of reach of his country, 
 he had no objection to make an alliance with them. " It would," 
 he said, " give him great pleasure if I would act as his mediator;" 
 only he begged I would not do so after the Asiatic fashion, and 
 keep half the subsidy that he expected from the liberality of the 
 
Chap. XVI. MAHMOOD KHAN. 227 
 
 Government of Calcutta ; in return he promised me all sorts of 
 good offices. Of course I was lavish of fine promises, for my posi- 
 tion rendered it necessary I should do all in my power to please 
 him, and the best way to do so was by flattering- his cupidity. I 
 succeeded, it appears, in convincing him of my sincerity, for he 
 promised that I should arrive at Kandahar without finding out 
 that I had been travelling ; " you shall be wafted there as if 
 in your bed — the journey will seem like a delightful dream." 
 Though I did not anticipate the enjoyment of all the sweets that 
 his metaphorical language held out to me, I nevertheless con- 
 gratulated myself on having removed all the scruples that he 
 might have had 
 
 In spite of the great fatigue I felt, I was anxious to set off 
 the next morning ; but the Khan would not hear of my doing so ; 
 he said I must absolutely remain his guest for one day more ; 
 besides there were eight or ten letters that he was to write for me, 
 and that could not be done at night. He advised me to sell my 
 poor broken-down horses, and the Hazarahs to do the same. 
 We consented, and in order to compensate my travelling com- 
 panions, I gave them the price which my own three fetched, and 
 had the satisfaction of seeing them contented. 
 
 " The country you will pass through," said Mahmood Khan, 
 " contains more horses than men, and with the letters that I shall 
 give you, if you wanted twenty horses at every encampment be- 
 tween here and the fortress of Lar (the residence of Hassan Khan 
 ben Zorab), they would be given to you in ten minutes without the 
 cost of -A poul. The camps are very near each other, and you will 
 always be well mounted ; so with these fresh and vigorous horses 
 you can if you like ride twenty parasangs a-day. Nothing will 
 impede your course, only conceal carefully that you are a Fe- 
 ringhee ; not because they ai'e disliked in this country, where they 
 have never done any harm, but because they are supposed to be 
 great alchemists, and some of them would believe your flesh is 
 gold. Say everywhere that you are a Persian in my service, as I 
 shall write in the letters you will take with you, and that I have 
 sent you to confer on matters of importance with Hassan Khan. 
 Be sure you will get to his encampment safe and sound, and, if 
 you take my advice, you will not go to Kandahar ; the Sirdars 
 there are bad fellows. With the aid of Hassan Khan, and travel- 
 ling as rapidly as you have done, you will take but five days to 
 
 q2 
 
228 ETMAK DOGS. Chap. XYI. 
 
 go from Lar to Kabul, and thus shorten your journey and avoid 
 the suspicion which the Hazarah chief, who hates him of Kandahar, 
 will not fail to entertain if you persist in going to that town after 
 having traversed his country, with which the Afghans are very 
 imperfectly acquainted. I shall write to him that you are a 
 merchant of Meshed, so mind you behave accordingly." 
 
 It was impossible to make kinder arrangements for my comfort 
 and security, and I presented the Khan with a pair of pistols 
 in testimony of my gratitude. If the proverb that " small pre- 
 sents preserve friendship " be true iu Europe, it applies in no 
 country so forcibly as in Asia. Mahmood Khan had never seen 
 any like them ; he admired and caressed them as if they had been 
 alive, and I had made him the happiest of men. 
 
 July 10th, I spent in rest and quiet in the fortress of Sirpool, and 
 left it on the 11th. In the morning six horses were brought into the 
 court-yard — four for riding and two for baggage. When the Khan 
 saw my trunks, he advised me to leave them, for they would excite 
 thievish propensities more than anything else. This was true, for, 
 seeing them always padlocked, they fancy they are full of gold, and 
 are always endeavouring to do some mischief to their owner, in order 
 to get possession of them ; and a large sack which it is the custom 
 to throw across the horse does not attract half so much the atten- 
 tion of the evil-disposed. I therefore transferred my effects into 
 two of these sacks, and one was put on each horse ; thus divided 
 the baggage was much lighter, and the animals so laden were 
 either led or driven before us. 
 
 This was the most agreeable way in which I had as yet tra- 
 velled in Asia, but such accommodation cannot always be pro- 
 cured. Up to my return to Herat, I travelled ten or fifteen 
 parasangs a-day with horses that were fresh from every camp 
 on the road ; the firman of Mahmood Khan sufficed to bring' 
 them out at a moment's notice. A guide accompanied us to re- 
 turn with the horses, and was charged to smooth every difficulty. 
 Never did I cross a more dangerous country, and never was I less 
 uneasy. I avoided, it is true, putting myself forward, left it to 
 Roostem and Rabi to procure what I wanted, and when I 
 arrived at a halt lay down immediately, pretending to have a bad 
 sore throat. 
 
 If, however, we were free from the suspicious investigations of 
 the Eimaks, I cannot say the same for their dogs ; they were the 
 
CiiAi-. XVI. ROCK INSCUirTlONS. 229 
 
 most morose, ill-disciplined brutes that it has ever fallen to my lot 
 to meet with. The moment we arrived in an encampment we 
 were so surrounded and assailed that we could scarcely get off our 
 horses. At last they gradually quitted ray companions, satisfied 
 with having smelt their legs and feet, and fastened themselves 
 more savagely on me, as if they wanted to point me out to the 
 whole camp as an intruder. 
 
 Boodhi, July 11th — ten parasangs. The country that we 
 crossed in this stage was very varied in character ; the most 
 vigorous vegetation was to be seen close to the most arid sterility. 
 The sides of the mountains on our left were abruptly broken and 
 rocky, and utterly bare, while those on the right had many trees 
 on them, and in some places patches of cultivation which indicated 
 the presence of a village. 
 
 The valley through which we rode was remarkably fruitful, but 
 the heat was concentrated in it like a furnace ; the nomadic popu- 
 lation was numerous, and their camps prettily situated amongst 
 groves of trees, through which flowed streams of water. This 
 scenery lasted about six hours when the valley began to rise, and 
 contracted gradually into a narrow defile, the sides of which were 
 nearly perpendicular and much broken ; on the summits we dis- 
 tinguished pieces of wall indicating clearly the existence of fortifi- 
 cations in times past, which must have made the passage of the 
 defile exceedingly difficult if not impossible. 
 
 It brought us out upon an enclosed space of which the centre had 
 been occupied by a small square fortress with towers at the corners, 
 under the murderous fire from which it would be absolutely necessary 
 to pass to reach the other side of the mountain. On the most ele- 
 vated point I remarked an enormous block of rock, turned to the 
 sun, on the smooth surface of which were sculptured several 
 figm-es and inscriptions. The former were in a group ; one repre- 
 sented a king on his throne administering justice before his as- 
 sembled court ; a warrior stretched on the ground in chains had 
 been executed, as the monarch's attitude and extended right arm 
 appeared to indicate, by his order ; another captive, liberated 
 from his chains, has fallen at the prince's knee, and with terror 
 depicted on his countenance seems to implore his mercy. The 
 Arab inscription, which I could not read, seemed to me much 
 more recent than the bas-relief, and appears to have replaced 
 another which once existed a little higher up, where a hollowed 
 
230 DIV IIISSAR. Chap. XVI. 
 
 part of the rock indicates that it has been cut or scraped to efface 
 something. 
 
 My guide could not tell me anything about the sculptures, 
 excepting that the people of the country attributed them to Sultan 
 Mahmood the Ghuznehvide. He added that on the plain, two 
 parasangs to the right, there were the ruins of a large town, 
 amongst which lived some herdsmen of the tribe Mongol,* subject 
 to the Khan of Sirpool. The descent of the mountain occupied 
 only half an hour, and we continued to advance over a rather 
 extensive steppe, on which an immense number of hares were 
 enjoying themselves. Having travelled ten parasangs in seven 
 hours, we stopped at the fortified village of Boodhi, situated just at 
 the entrance of the first gorges of a chain of high mountains, and 
 perched on a conical hill ; the walls are of burnt brick, and loop- 
 holed. The importance of this town in times past when the 
 Mongols held sway in Central Asia, must have been very 
 different from what it is now ; for this fort guarded on the north 
 the Paroparaisus. The fortifications and nearly all the houses 
 are in ruins ; and there are but two hundred and fifty, or at the 
 utmost three hundred, inhabited. Murad Beg Usbek, who com- 
 mands there for Mahmood Khan of Sirpool, made us welcome to 
 his house after having read the letter of his chief. The next 
 morning he gave us a new guide, with our rested horses, and we 
 started for 
 
 Div Hissar, July 12th — ten parasangs. After an hour's ride 
 along a deep gorge we began to ascend a mountain, and found 
 at each parasang a small stone fort, situated in the best position 
 for defence ; a detachment of a few resolute men could hold 
 it a long time against an invading army. We worked up for 
 four hours, with large blocks of detached stone obstructing the 
 very narrow and winding road all the way to the top. 
 
 We descended the other side by a deep defile, at the bottom of 
 which ran a torrent formed by the melting snows from the sur- 
 rounding summits ; in this defile we were frequently obliged to get 
 off our horses, so utterly impracticable was the road any way but 
 on foot — it was the worst I had yet seen. We were two hours 
 amongst the gradually decreasing mountains reaching the plain 
 
 * It is an important fact to have small colony on the skirts of the mouu- 
 found Mongols in this place, as before tains of Gour, far to the south-west of 
 they were only known to exist in a Sirpool. — Ed. 
 
Chap. XVI. THE SEHERAI. 231 
 
 into which they, as it were, subside : this is a space of thirty-six 
 parasaiigs in circumference, entirely enclosed by mountains, from 
 which there is only one other exit, and by that we were to leave 
 the next morning. 
 
 The vegetation in this basin was magnificent ; every part of the 
 surface was cultivated in fields or gardens in every direction ; there 
 were trees also, and water from the mountains. These were indeed 
 a contrast to the plain, being exceedingly rocky, but where there 
 happened to be a little vegetable earth, a few shrubs would sprout 
 up, which the inhabitants dignified by the term jan(/al (jungle). 
 Many wild beasts infest these hill sides, and are nmch dreaded by 
 the woodcutters, who are sometimes killed by them. The inhabi- 
 tants of this plain call themselves Mongols, but they are known 
 only by the name of Seherai, inhabitants of the plain ; they form 
 a small republic, which is in some degree subservient to the Khan 
 of Sirpool, the lion of the country. They pretend to have been 
 settled there by Ghengis Khan, and to have braved the efforts of 
 every conqueror since the days of that grand exterminator ; having 
 seen how difficult is the access to their country, I could believe 
 it, the more so as their plain produces everything necessary for 
 their maintenance. They are not obliged to have dealings with 
 or in any way concern themselves about their neighbours. The 
 Seherai have a vague idea of Islamism, and sometimes swear by 
 Ali and the Prophet ; but these w ords are, I apprehend, mere 
 relics of their former intercourse with the Mohamedan world, 
 for, as far as I could discover, their worship is real idolatry. Like 
 the ancient Persians, they recognise a principle of good and a 
 principle of evil, but under the modern names of Khoda and 
 Shaïtan, signifying God and Devil — they are uncircumcised, never 
 pray, and condemn no animal as unclean. 
 
 Their habits are quite patriarchal : living far from the din of 
 cities, and ignorant of their refinements as well as their super- 
 fluities, their manners have something wild and savage that 
 at first shocks a stranger ; but the feeling of dislike soon 
 wears off w^hen you find that, ignorant as they are of all that in 
 our eyes contributes to social well-being, they are not the less 
 content, and are exempt from many tribulations which we inflict 
 upon ourselves in search of happiness. The largest collection of 
 tents and houses on this plain was at the foot of the mountains 
 which enclosed it on the south, exactly opposite the point at which 
 
232 TIMOUU BEG. Cjiap. XVI. 
 
 wc had entered this extraordinary basin. It stood on a little 
 plateau, thickly covered with trees, which almost entirely concealed 
 from view the fortress of Div Ilissar, of the giant : a high tower 
 rising on the north from the left angle alone indicates its presence. 
 
 We saw at the foot of the rise before going into the village a 
 building that appeared to be a temple, with three sides closed, and 
 open on the east ; within were coarsely carved wooden idols, on 
 which were hung many skins of wild beasts — the offerings of 
 hunters. In conformity with the custom of the country, I bent 
 seven times before the gigantic Jupiter, and then proceeded direct 
 to the house of Timour Beg, chief of this secluded little domain. 
 Roostem gave him the letter from the Khan of Sirpool, which he 
 kissed three times and carried to his forehead four, before un- 
 sealing it ; after having read it, he sent us a message of invitation 
 to enter the fort by a pretty young slave, which surprised me 
 much, as I was not aware of the freedom enjoyed by the fair sex 
 at Div Hissar. I had, it is true, observed that the women we 
 passed on the road were unveiled, and as this was the custom in 
 Turkistan, I thought it might obtain here, but I did not expect 
 to receive any invitation to be sent by one of the fair sex. 
 
 Timour Beg welcomed me with the rough and simple cordiality 
 natural to the Tartars. He was between thirty-five and forty years 
 of age, almost beardless, short, and built like a Hercules ; a kind 
 smile animated his countenance, and his features were far less 
 ugly than those of Mongols in general. He received us with 
 great cordiality, and immediately ordered a repast which would 
 have sufficed for at least thirty persons ; the beverage at this 
 meal was a description of cider, with which he finished by in- 
 toxica+^ing himself, and when we heard him snore we requested 
 permission to retire ; this was granted, and the Seherai ladies 
 who had waited during dinner conducted us to our apartments. 
 Their subsequent attentions were remarkable, for they not only 
 assisted at our toilette, but washed our feet, and to my great 
 astonishment subsequently shampooed me from head to foot, and 
 this too in the most free and easy manner possible. I did not 
 think it necessary to refuse to receive attentions which they thought 
 it a duty to pay me under the sacred name of hospitality, for it has 
 always been my habit to respect the customs of those countries 
 through which I travel ; but having a long ride before me on the 
 morrow, I ventured to request the lady who had charge of me 
 
Chap. XVI. TIMOUR BEG. 233 
 
 to moderate her exertions, and leave me to take some repose. 
 Such is the invariable custom practised towards strangers at Div 
 Hissar. At first I flattered myself that mine was an exceptional 
 case, and intended as a special mark of honour on the part of 
 Timour Beg, but I subsequently ascertained that my fellow-travellers 
 and even my servant were equally the objects of these ladies' care, 
 and that the chiefs daughter is not exempt from the duties at- 
 tendant upon this singular custom. 
 
 Timour Beg insisted upon my remaining the following day, and 
 accompanying him on a bear and tiger hunt, — an invitation I, to 
 his great annoyance, declined, accepting, however, an excellent 
 horse to carry me to the next halt. 
 
234 SINGULAR EXCAVATIONS. Chap. XVII. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Singlak — Singular excavations in the rocks — The legend connected with them 
 — Quarrel between the Hazarahs and Firooz Kohis — Unsuccessful attack by 
 the latter — Courage of the Tartar women — Their military capabilities — 
 Alteration in the author's route • — Kohistaui-baba — Highest elevation of the 
 mountain range — Magnificent view — Valley commencing at the sources of 
 the Dehas — The Ser Jingelab and Tingelab — The Siah Koh and Sufeid 
 Koh — Course of the Heri-rood — Coins found in the ruins of Karabagh — 
 Hassan ben Zorab — Encampment of Kohistani-baba — The silent Agha — 
 Deria-dei-ré — ■ Picturesque scene near a lake — The province of Gour — The 
 tribe of the Taymoonis — Their military force — Wily policy of Yar Mohamed 
 Khan — Ibrahim Khan — The value of seven Korans — Spirited conduct of 
 this Khan — The author in a difficulty — Osman Khan, 
 
 SiNGLAK, July 13th — ten parasangs. We had as much trouble to 
 cross the mountains south of Div Hissar as we had in passing those 
 by which we reached it on the previous day, and saw on our road some 
 more small forts. Emerging from the gorges we came upon a steppe 
 abounding with game ; the wild boars fled at our approach to hide 
 themselves in the reeds on the marshy ground. An encampment 
 of Firooz Kohis were upon this plain and I once more had a 
 narrow escape of being despatched by their detestable dogs. 
 Thence we struck into another mountain on which are three ancient 
 fortresses in ruins and deserted ; the Malls of a fourth enclosed a 
 considerable space of ground full of trees ; some cultivation and 
 huts built of reeds and plastered with mud and straw proved the 
 existence of a few inhabitants. 
 
 A parasang further the mountain had a sombre appearance, the 
 scarped but smooth rocks on either side of the road being divided 
 into the most whimsical forms possible, and at about sixty feet 
 from their base pierced with oblong holes open towards the east. 
 I could not account for these holes, and an observation made by 
 my guide having increased my curiosity, I dismounted and climbed 
 up to one by a steep fissure which appeared to have once been a 
 staircase. Here I came to an excavation, which I entered and 
 found that it led to a vast number of chambers cut in the living 
 rock, the loopholes visible on the outside being intended to admit 
 
Chap. XVII. SINGULAR EXCAVATIONS. 235 
 
 the light and air. These chambers led into a corridor one hundred 
 and fifty yards long and ten wide ; in the centre is an open 
 cutting with basins at intervals, which seemed to warrant the sup- 
 position that a stream of water once flowed through it ; the moun- 
 tain has been excavated in the interior, and contained several 
 stories of apartments one above the other, the access to them being 
 by a spiral path round the cavity. I asked the guide whether he 
 could give me any information respecting the origin of these 
 singular and interesting habitations, but he knew nothing of their 
 history ; nor had he even a legend, excepting that they had been 
 seized by genii, who had turned out the first occupants, and he 
 oflfered up a prayer for my benefit that no misfortune might 
 happen to me for having been so audacious as to intrude upon 
 their abode.* 
 
 After this unusually interesting interruption to our journey we 
 proceeded for five parasangs through valleys and in the mountains 
 where many Hazarahs and Firooz Kohis dependent on the Sirdar 
 Hassan Khan commanding at Doulet-yar were encamped. This 
 chief married the sister of Mahmood Khan of Sirpool, and I had 
 a letter for him from the latter that I was to have given him ; but 
 as I must have gone four or five parasangs out of my way to 
 reach Doulet-yar, I preferred sending it by Rabi, which I did, 
 giving him a guide from the camp at which we changed horses 
 and desiring him to rejoin us at Singlak where I intended to 
 sleep. But I much regretted this afterwards, for on arriving at 
 Singlak I found the place perfectly deserted, with evident traces 
 of recent devastation ; not a tent was to be seen and nearly all 
 the huts had been knocked down ; a few snarling dogs were 
 prowling about them, and alone in the midst of this mournful 
 scene was one old man, who was evidently dying. At first we 
 had not perceived him, but his moaning attracted our attention to 
 the small hut in which he lay, and which we had taken for a hen- 
 house. It was with much pain and difficulty that he turned 
 towards us, and though incapable of uttering a word, he replied to 
 our inquiries by raising his hand towards the neighbouring 
 mountain, whither Ave directed our steps almost in despair. A 
 nomad that we met told us the Hazarahs of Singlak had been 
 
 * Eocks similarly honeycombed occur of the ascetics of the sect. There are 
 
 in many parts of Afghanistan, and are some fine remains of this class in the 
 
 in-obably of Buddhist origin. The small Upper Valley of the Urgandàb. — Ed. 
 chambers were intended for the abode 
 
236 SKIRMISH BETWEEN Chap. XVII. 
 
 suddenly obliged to decamp, for fear of the vengeance of the 
 Firooz Kohis, some of whom were only two parasangs on the 
 right. The Hazarahs had in a scuffle recently killed two of this 
 tribe, and refused either to give up the murderers or pay the 
 price of blood. Knowing themselves however to be the weaker 
 party, they moved for their better security from the open plain on 
 which they were usually encamped, to the mountains ; the ravines 
 and rocky caves of which would aiford shelter for their families 
 and flocks. Though we followed with precision the directions this 
 man gave us, we rode a considerable distance up the ascent without 
 seeing anything of the Hazarahs : so after having sought them 
 in vain, I fired a pistol the report of which, a thousand times re- 
 peated, was borne far away by the mountain echoes, and in an 
 instant every rock above our heads was alive with armed men who 
 started to their feet from every cleft and ravine, imagining we had 
 intended to challenge or attack them. Their reply came sharp 
 enough, for before we could make them understand us they gave 
 us a rattling volley, from which we were fortunately sheltered by the 
 ground or must have suffered some casualties. Seeing we were 
 so few in number they accepted our shouts as of a friendly character, 
 and listened to our explanation that we were unoffending travel- 
 lers seeking their hospitality. AVe then approached, and my guide 
 informed them that w^e wished to remain with them till we could 
 receive the answer to a letter I had sent to the chief at Doulet-yar, 
 when they made no further difficulty about receiving us, a lamb 
 was killed for our supper, and we were soon sleeping as soundly as 
 men might be expected to do after so long a day's journey. But 
 not so the Hazarahs, who kept on the qui vu'e— which was indeed 
 necessary, for towards three o'clock in the morning an alarm was 
 given that aroused us all. The enemy had hoped to surprise the 
 hare on her form, and endeavoured to seize the heights which 
 commanded our retreat, but the Hazarahs were on the alert and 
 prepared to receive them. Our hosts, posted behind the rocks, 
 preserved a profound silence ; we ranged ourselves near them and 
 waited with impatience the signal for the attack. A white streak 
 on the horizon ushered in the dawn and just permitted us to dis- 
 tinguish the enemy advancing silently, and creeping stealthily 
 towards us. The wary Hazarahs stood calmly to their arms, and 
 when they were near enough, rolled down upon them large stones 
 that had been previously collected for the purpose. This ma- 
 
Chap. XYII. HAZARAIIS AND FIIIOOZ KOHIS. 237 
 
 nœuvre brought them upon their feet, when a general discharge 
 was poured in upon them which speedily made them retire. The 
 women showed themselves as daring as the men in this affray, and 
 were in the foremost rank, replying to the shots of the retreating 
 foe like true heroines. No one was killed or wounded on our side, 
 but at broad daylight, when the Hazarahs went over the ground 
 occupied by the Firooz Kohis, they found traces of blood, clearly 
 proving that some of our shots had taken effect. It was a re- 
 markable sight to see brave and energetic Tartar women under 
 fire amongst and as forward as the men ; they fight also on horse- 
 back, and ride or act under any circumstances as well as the other 
 sex : more than one of them would, I have no doubt, meet any 
 European horseman on more than equal terms ; the dexterity with 
 which they manage their horses is extraordinary, and their courage 
 is not less great — they take part in every war, and the vanquished 
 dread their cruelty more than that of the men. 
 
 During this anxious night, I had been uneasy at the non- 
 appearance of Rabi ; he ought to have joined me on the previous 
 evening, and the disordered state into which the country had been 
 thrown by the quarrel between these two camps gave me much ground 
 for uneasiness. This was however dissipated, for at six o'clock in the 
 morning Rabi arrived in company with the Naib of the Khan of 
 Doulet-yar, who had been sent to settle the differences in question. 
 The Naib gave me letters to the chiefs of several encampments, 
 charging them to provide me with horses ; and he warned me that 
 the Sirdar of Doulet-yar had altered my route because Hassan 
 Khan ben Zorab, of the Pusht Koh Hazarah, to whom I was to 
 pay a visit, had left his usual residence at Lar, and was gone with a 
 body of troops to the mountains of Jevedge, fearing that the army 
 from Herat which had invaded the province of Gour would cross 
 the border and pillage his territories also ; but the Naib assured 
 me this would make no difference as to the safety of the two roads. 
 The Sirdar of Doulet-yar no doubt intended for the best, but 
 this alteration did me no service. I had been represented to him 
 as a dependent of the Chief of Sirpool on my way to transact some 
 business with the Chief of the Hazarahs, and he thought himself 
 quite right in directing me to where he was to be found ; but as I 
 foresaw that this incident would create fî-esh difficulties and com- 
 plications, I grumbled heartily at my protector. In any case my 
 best plan was to get on, which we did, and proceeded with the 
 
ans KOHISTANI-BARA. XVII. 
 
 same horses we had ridden the day before, our hosts in this in- 
 stance not having any to lend us. We were now three parasangs 
 beyond Singlak, and had therefore eight remaining for our day's 
 journey to — 
 
 Kohistani-baha, July 14th — eleven parasangs from Singlak. On 
 leaving the hiding-place of the Hazarahs, we continued to ascend 
 the mountain, and, passing crest after crest, at last found ourselves 
 on the summit, and at the highest elevation I had reached in this 
 country. The soil varied a good deal in this range, and we saw 
 the oak, pine, and barbery shrub ; many streams were crossed 
 which, on the authority of my guide, are the sources of the 
 Moorghab. 
 
 During the last hour occupied in the ascent, the ground was 
 covered with snow ; and although the sun's rays darted full upon 
 us, the cold was so bitter that I was obliged to wrap my cloak close 
 about me. Standing actually on the highest point of the ridge, I felt 
 an indefinable sensation of admiration at the splendid sight thrown 
 in bold relief at my feet. There was much variety in this magni- 
 ficent view, and it was possible to see clearly the details of it. In 
 the horizon, and at thirty parasangs from us, was the grand peak 
 of Tchalap, which, capped with its eternal and unchanging snows, 
 seemed to reach the heavens. The high mountains we had crossed 
 in our ascent looked mere hillocks, compared with the distant 
 giant. The district we had traversed between us and Sirpool was 
 but a spot on the surface of the country spread out before us ; 
 and the chain on which we stood, stretched E. and W. to a dis- 
 tance that exceeded the powers of vision to measure. An infinity 
 of lower chains diverged from the principal, and, I may say, im- 
 perial range, decreasing gradually in height towards the N., 
 leaving lovely and productive valleys between them, with here 
 and there an encampment of the black tents of the nomadic 
 inhabitants, and luxuriant verdure intersected by streams of water 
 shining in the sun like threads of silver. All this had such ani- 
 mation about it, that I felt charmed and riveted to the spot by 
 the entrancing pleasure of contemplating it. 
 
 We were but two hours descending to the valley beneath, which 
 was three or four parasangs wide and of considerable length. 
 According to the inhabitants, it commences at the sources of the 
 Dehas, the river of Balkh, at the foot of the Hindoo Koosh, and 
 stretches without interruption beyond Herat, being in its whole 
 
Chap. XYIT. TPIE HERI-rtOOD. 239 
 
 length fertile and well populated. This valley, as appears by the 
 course of the waters, inclines from E, to W. Two small rivers, 
 the Ser Jingelab and the Tingelab take their rise in the chain 
 of mountains which separates them from the Dehas, and after 
 having kept an independent course of about twenty-five parasangs 
 each, they join at Dowlet-yar, pursuing, under the name of Heri- 
 rood, their course through the countries of Sheherek, Obeh, and 
 Herat. The valley through which this river, the Heri-rood, runs, 
 is bounded on the S. by a chain of mountains called Koh Siah, 
 black mountains, from the dark colour of the rocks. It is a 
 little lower though as extensive from E. to W. as the one we had 
 crossed which borders this valley on the north ; and which, from 
 the snowy drapery that always hangs in dazzling folds over the 
 summits, are called the Sufeid Koh, white mountains. The waters 
 which descend on the northern side of the Sufeid Koh are lost in the 
 steppes or join the Oxus ; of those flowing from the southern side of 
 the Siah Koh some join the Helmund — (the Etymander of the 
 Greeks) — and some flow into the Lake Seistan. The Heri-rood is 
 the intennediate line which marks the division of the waters that 
 flow from the mountains on either side of it. 
 
 The first part of its course, as far as the village of Jaor, is 
 many thousand feet above the level of the sea ; and it is only 
 between this village and the town of Obeh that it begins to 
 increase its fall ; from here its course is rapid, and there are several 
 cataracts many feet in height. The compact character of the Siah 
 Koh range, which borders it on the south, forbids the supposition 
 that this river could have taken any other course even in remote 
 ages. 
 
 The point at which we crossed it was six parasangs S.W. of 
 Sheherek, once a populous and flourishing town, now much 
 reduced and inhabited by Eimaks. The Prince Saadet Muluk, 
 who had been governor of this district, said that he believed this 
 city was in ancient times the capital of the kingdom of Gour. 
 But admitting this, it could have been the case for a short period 
 only, for all the traditions and written history of the country men- 
 tion Zerni as the usual residence of the Gooride princes of the 
 d}Tiasty of Malek Gour, corrupted into Malek Kurt. 
 
 The Prince also told me that Karabagh, another very ancient 
 town situated beyond Lar, is surrounded by a great extent of ruins, 
 and is even now w^ell inhabited. Gold and silver coins are 
 
240 VALLEY OF THE HERI-ROOD. Chap. XYIL 
 
 found there of dimensions rarely seen in our days, for, according 
 to his description, they are nearly three and a half inches in dia- 
 meter. Major Todd, to whom the Prince showed one, informed 
 him that it bore the effigy of Alexander the Great. The posi- 
 tion of the ruins in the centre of a fertile country leads to the con- 
 jecture that Karabagh was the town of Nysa. It is now known 
 only for the excellent quality of the Kourk hareks* woven there, 
 second only in reputation to those of Derzi. 
 
 In the valley of the Heri-rood we found a succession of camps 
 and villages and cultivation of all kinds, with cattle, horses, and 
 camels in vast numbers on the pastures. The point at which we 
 crossed this river was in the possession of the Sirdar of Dowlet- 
 yar, who had declared himself the ally of Hassan Khan ben Zorab, 
 the chief of the Pusht Koh Hazarahs, and who, in consequence 
 of this act, would in all probability expect to receive an early visit 
 from the troops of the Vezir Sahib of Herat. He was, they said, 
 endeavouring to avert the storm by recognising his suzerainty. 
 Two hours after passing the Heri-rood, we reached the base of the 
 Siah Koh, the summit of which we reached without difficulty in 
 two hours, and descended by the bed of a small stream that 
 tumbled from rock to rock with beautiful and picturesque effect. 
 As we advanced the descent became more difficult, and we were at 
 last obliged to proceed with the utmost caution. At one spot the 
 ground was almost precipitous ; a powerful torrent rolled in the 
 gorge beneath it, and the path, sometimes cut in the rock by ma- 
 nual labour, sometimes worn by the travelling of ages, was just wide 
 enough for the passage of a laden horse. To look down into the 
 gulf beneath us was impossible without feeling giddy ; and I was 
 just rejoicing in the idea that we had passed the worst part, when, 
 on emerging from a deep hollow, we saw some horsemen coming 
 towards us at full speed. Happily they were only half-way up a 
 low hill from which a small valley separated us, and being well 
 mounted we increased our distance in spite of their exertions, and 
 before they could come within gunshot we arrived at Kohistani- 
 baba, an encampment of Hazarahs situated on a high plain 
 covered with pasture in the midst of the Siah Koh. 
 
 * A ooarse brown cloth, half woven the English occupation, it was a favourite 
 and half felted, fonniug the ordinary article of dress both with officers and 
 winter dress of the Afghans. During men. — Ed. 
 
Chap. XV Lt. PICTllKESQUE SCENE. 241 
 
 Agha Ali, the chief of this encampment, received us in his tent, 
 treated us handsomely, and was discreet in his conversation to an 
 extent that 1 should have been very glad to find in some of our 
 former hosts. He spoke but three times while we were under his 
 roof: "Good morning," when we arrived; " All right," when he 
 had read the letter from the Sirdar of Doulet-yar ; and " Good 
 bye," when we departed. To make amends, however, for this 
 extraordinary silence, he smoked his tehilim, water pipe, without 
 quitting his hold all the time ; his gurgle was the last thing I 
 heard when I fell asleep, and the first when I awoke in the morn- 
 ning. This place was a dependency of the Sirdar's, who was 
 Governor of the district Dagha-rejeb. 
 
 Deria-dereh, also called Dereh Mustapha Khan, July 15th — 
 thirteen parasangs. We travelled three hours before we got clear 
 of the Siah Koh, at the foot of which w^e found a large encamp- 
 ment of Mongols, who gave us a good remount. We had then 
 five hours of a plain to cross, on which were some low hills ; the 
 plain was pretty well peopled with Eïmaks and Taymoonis, and 
 was partly steppe and pasture, but without wood. Two hours 
 more amongst a chain of not very high mountains brought us to 
 their summits, from which we saw a most lovely landscape at our 
 feet. In a small oblong valley, entirely enclosed by the mountains, 
 was a little lake of azure colour and transparent clearness, which 
 lay like a vast gem embedded in the surrounding verdure ; there 
 w^as no stream from this beautiful natural reservoir, and its surplus 
 water therefore must be consumed by evaporation. From this 
 chain of hills we descended by a gentle slope to the borders of the 
 lake, round W'hich were somewhat irregularly pitched a number of 
 Taymooni tents, separated from each other by little patches of 
 cultivation and gardens enclosed by stone walls breast high. The 
 prodigious height of the grass particularly attracted my attention, 
 for it almost concealed the cattle that were grazing there. The 
 luxuriance of the vegetation in this valley might compare with 
 any that I had ever seen in Europe. On the summits of the sur- 
 rounding mountains were several ruins, and the inhabitants on 
 the borders of the beautiful little lake had a legend to tell of each. 
 The north side, by which we had arrived, was the least elevated, 
 and pastures stretched half-way up the mountain ; on the west 
 w^ere projecting rocks of most capricious form, under which were 
 a few copses of ash and oak ; and the east was covered from the 
 
242 I'ROVINCK OF GOUII. Chap. XYJI. 
 
 summit to the base with a forest of small trees. The southern 
 side, quite a contrast to the others, presented a chaotic mass of 
 naked rocks, broken up into ravines, whence gushed abundant 
 waters and completed the circle round this oasis of the mountains. 
 Fishermen were dragging the lake ; the women, unveiled, were 
 leading the flocks to water ; and young girls sat outside the tents 
 weaving bareks, with the most simple machinery — health, cheerful- 
 ness, and contentment were depicted on every face. The inhabitants 
 of this isolated and romantic valley would surely be the losers were 
 they transported to the sumptuous cities of civilised countries, of 
 which perhaps they have heard something w ithout desiring in the 
 least to change their lot ; their desires are limited by what they pos- 
 sess — what more is necessary to happiness ? 
 
 Our arrival excited to the highest pitch the curiosity of these 
 people, who reiterated their questions until we were fairly stupefied; 
 and we refused to gratify their curiosity before we had seen their 
 chief, Mustapha Khan, for whom I had a letter. As he lived on 
 the opposite shore of the lake, we were conveyed across it in two 
 little boats, made of reed and plastered on the inside with a 
 whitish cement. Mustapha Khan's dwelling stood in the middle 
 of a very pretty garden, in which we were hospitably received, 
 though, as he was engaged when we arrived, we did not see him 
 till supper time. AVe found with him an Afghan from Herat, 
 who had arrived a few days before us, and I at once recognized 
 him as one of my most obtrusive visitors there. His name was 
 Osman Khan, and he appeared as much astonished to see me as I 
 was to find him there ; but, independently of the surprise, I was 
 not at all pleased to meet him, for his presence was a fresh source 
 of difficulty for me. Before, however, I speak of my personal vexa- 
 tions, I must say a few words on the local politics of the country in 
 which I was, and which, influencing to a considerable extent the 
 conduct of Mustapha Khan respecting me, was the cause of much 
 fatigue and many annoyances. 
 
 The province of Gour, south-east of Herat, is the inheritance of 
 the Gouride Princes, who raised their throne on the ruins of the 
 kingdom founded by Sebek-Taghi and his son Mahmood the 
 Ghuznivide. This part of the Paropamisus was then inhabited 
 by a tribe called Soor, of which there still remain four or five 
 thousand families in the north-west of the province. In proportion 
 as the civil wars reduced the power and prosperity of this tribe, 
 
Chap. XVII. THE TAYMOONIS. 243 
 
 the star of the Taymoonis rose in the ascendant ; they peopled 
 the country vacated by the Sooris, and soon found themselves 
 strong- enough to form an independent government under the 
 protection of the sovereig-ns of Herat ; but after the death of the 
 Timouride prince Sultan Hussein Ghazi, at the commencement of 
 the sixteenth century, they looked upon their vassalage to that 
 power as merely a nominal affair. When the principality of 
 Herat was at peace and in possession of an army capable of 
 invading- them, they quietly paid a small tribute in kind, of g-rain, 
 cattle, or horses ; but these were exceptional cases, for Herat 
 was almost always in a state of violent agitation when the Taymoo- 
 nis dispensed with the duty of paying the tribute. This tribe was, in 
 sliort, either an excellent ally or a powerful enemy to its suzerain. 
 In latter years it has been divided into three branches, viz. — 
 
 1st. That under the orders of the Sirdar Ibrahim Khan, who 
 resided at Teivereh. This was the nearest to Herat, and the most 
 powerful, and in great emergencies could bring into the field 
 1000 horse and 700 foot, effective men. 
 
 2nd. That commanded by Mustapha Khan of Deria-dereh, 
 whose force consisted of 200 horse and 3000 foot. 
 
 3rd. That whose chief was Mahmood Khan, encamped in the 
 valley of Jevedge, who had at the utmost 1000 foot. 
 
 The chief, Ibrahim, was devoted to the Shah Kamran, the last 
 of the Suddozye monarchs of Herat, from whom he had received 
 many favours, and who refused at his death to recognise the usurped 
 authority of Yar Mohamed Khan. He gave an asylum to 
 the two sons of Kamran and other exiles from Herat, who took 
 refuge with him. But the Vezir Sahib, who was not a man to put 
 up with his opposition patiently, attacked him and for a couple of 
 years failed to subdue him ; for he had the support of the two 
 other branches of the Tayraooni tribe, and Hassan Khan ben 
 Zorab of the Pusht Koh Hazarah. The wily policy, however, 
 of Yar Mohamed Khan having detached them from the common 
 cause, gave him at length an advantage over the Sirdar ; and at 
 the close of 1844 he had carried off half his population, men, 
 women, and children, and settled them in Herat, where he made 
 all the men capable of bearing arms serbas,* militia. After this 
 
 * "Serbas" properly means playing troops. " Janbas," playing with your 
 with your head, or risking your life, life, is applied in Afghanistan to the 
 and is the name applied in Persia and irregular cavalry, similar to the Lashi- 
 the adjoining countries to the regular bouzouks of Turkey. — Ed. 
 
 R 2 
 
244 SniUTKD CONDUCT OK 11ÎIJA1IIM KHAN. Chap. XVlf. 
 
 severe reverse, Ibrahim Khan shut himself up in the impregnable 
 fortress of Chalap-dalan, and here he held out stoutly against 
 every effort of the Vezir, and vi^hen his provisions v^ere exhausted 
 endeavoured to cut his way, sword in hand, through the 
 Afghan army ; unhappily his horse fell at the very moment he 
 was fiercely engaged in the midst of his enemies, and the gallant 
 and spirited chief had the grief and mortification of being taken 
 prisoner : but he did not remain so long, for in a few days he 
 made his escape and reached Chalap, when he was again sur- 
 rounded by the troops ; and famine, which had in the first instance 
 forced him to quit his stronghold, now drove him to ask a truce of the 
 commander, Sirdar Habib Ullah Khan, the terms of his submis- 
 sion being a promise to surrender if he were allowed to retire to 
 Kabul. On this the Afghan chief sent for seven Korans, in which 
 Yar Mohamed had written with his own hand, and sealed with his 
 own seal, a solemn promise to grant his demand ; but the confidence 
 of the Khan was betrayed, for as he came out of the fortress he was 
 seized, and his captors fully intended to carry him to Herat, had 
 he not escaped from their hands ; two of his sons, also at the 
 time captives in the citadel of that town, found means to regain 
 their liberty and rejoin him. With a handful of Taymoonis they 
 attacked and pillaged a Mongol encampment, subject to Yar 
 Mohamed, and then retired to Kandahar, the sovereign of which 
 was his most powerful antagonist, and without doubt well pleased 
 to have in his hands a man who might cause much embarrassment 
 to the Chief of Herat. To revenge himself for the escape of these 
 important prisoners, the Vezir Sahib seized three thousand 
 families of Taymoonis, and with them he peopled the new 
 villages in the neighbourhood of Herat. An equal number of 
 these wretched people managed to escape and gain the territory of 
 Hassan Khan ben Zorab, who, finding a part of his frontier 
 exposed by the discomfiture and exile of Ibrahim Khan, had 
 moved over to that side. Yar Mohamed did not let this pass 
 without observation, and gave strict orders to his lieutenants 
 respecting him. 
 
 As to my host, the Sirdar Mustapha, who, to gain favour with 
 Yar Mohamed, had betrayed his own cousin, Ibrahim Khan, into 
 his hands, he might have had to regret this base conduct and 
 cruel complaisance had not his rugged mountains presented natural 
 obstacles to an invasion of his country. There was indeed very 
 
CitAP. XVII. THE AUTHOR IN A DIFFICUI/iT, 245 
 
 little chance of this, for I heard him declare before Osman Khan 
 that he acknowledged himself the vassal of the Vezir Sahib, and 
 would pay him tribute for the future. 
 
 It is easy, therefore, to understand that my presence at Deria- 
 dereh would excite the suspicions of Mustapha and Osman. The 
 latter, who was not in all his master's secrets, could not tell whether 
 his opinions respecting me were or were not satisfactory, lie had 
 seen me a prisoner at Herat, vowing by all that was sacred I was 
 going to Lahore, and having put faith in my representations, 
 believed I was on my way through Turkistan to Kabul, to which 
 place I had not gone. On the contrary, he finds me at Deria- 
 dereh, introduced to Mustapha Khan as a Persian in the service of 
 the Khan of Sirpool, and going to the Vezir's declared enemy, 
 Plassan Khan ben Zorab. It was useless my stating to these 
 Khans the real truth, and the reasons that forced me to change my 
 route and take a false name ; for they would not listen to anything, 
 and telling me it was impossible to allow me to go about the 
 country intriguing with the Pusht Koh Hazarahs against the 
 Khan of Herat, informed me that I should be sent the next 
 morning to the camp of Sirdar Habib Ullah Khan, to whom I 
 must account for my presence in a district where no European had 
 anything to do, and through which I had no authority fi*om the 
 Vezir to travel. This appeared to me the best course I could have 
 taken had I been at liberty to choose, and the most likely one to 
 extricate me at once from my difficulties, so I announced my 
 perfect acquiescence in the decision. I reflected that from Zerni, 
 where the Khan then was, I could by Zemindavar reach Kandahar 
 in five days, and a trifling delay would be the only unpleasant 
 result ; this hope consoled me, for I was far from foreseeing the 
 misery in store for me.. 
 
2-l« ZERXl. Chai'. XVIII. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 The author leaves for Zerni — Storm iu the mountains — Afghan faith — Ancient 
 capital of Gour — History of the province — The Sirdar Habib Ullah Khan — 
 The author detained — The mountain of Chalap-dalan — The ancient towns 
 of Kaleh Kaissar, Kaleh Sigeri, and Fakhrabad — Destruction committed by 
 Yar Mohamed's troops — Inhabitants of the Paropamisus — The Eimaks — 
 Admirable horsemanship of their women — The necessary qualification before 
 they marry — Eïmak women dreaded by the Afghans — Mineral riches — 
 Geographical features — Difficulty in describing this country — Its inhabitants — 
 Abiuevane — Author obliged to separate from the faithful Hazarahs — Bad 
 traits of Afghan character — Narbend — Tarsi — Herat — Kind reception by Yar 
 ISIohamed — Preparations for departure to Kandahar — Interesting account of 
 Captain Conolly's servant — Letters of Yar Mohamed to Dost Mohamed 
 and Akbar Khan. 
 
 Zekni, July 16th — fourteen parasangs. A stormy sky replaced 
 the brilliant sun of yesterday, and the whole valley was over- 
 shadowed in gloom and darkness. Mustapha Khan did not like 
 the appearance of the weather, and endeavoured to detain me a 
 couple of hours by relating many fearful accidents that had oc- 
 cun-ed in such hurricanes as the one which now threatened us ; but 
 the distance to be travelled this day was long, I was not afraid of 
 a little rain, and was very impatient to see the Sirdar Habib Ullah 
 Khan, from whom I expected a decision favourable to my wishes 
 and intentions. I paid therefore no attention to the advice of the 
 chief of Deria-dereh, and he ceased to press it, especially when 
 Osman Khan gave it as his opinion that I had better start at once. 
 This double-dealing Afghan wished the proof of his zeal to arrive 
 at Herat as quickly as possible, and he wrote to the Vezir Sahib 
 the most absurd letter about me : in this I was described as a 
 dangerous intriguer, and himself as an example of penetration, 
 ability, and devotion. 
 
 It was soon evident that Mustapha Khan's advice bad been 
 sincere, for a few minutes after I had left the shelter of his tent 
 the certain approach of such a convulsion of nature as we look for 
 before the Day of Judgment was apparent The granite masses, 
 
Chap. XVIU. STOJiM IN THE MOUNTAINS. 247 
 
 scantily covered with brown, scrubby, and almost leafless trees 
 looked dark and wild, and as we entered a gorge between them, a 
 cloud hid the valley from our sight. We had heard distant 
 thimder since daybreak, but at this height we were in the midst 
 of it ; here it rolled in loud detonations over and around us — 
 crash after crash, echo after echo — as if the very heavens would be 
 rent asunder. There was something in it so sublime, that I could 
 not help feeling admiration, at least equal to the sense of terror 
 that I could not repress. To the roar of heaven's artillery suc- 
 ceeded the wind, at tirst in gusts, but finally in a hurricane, which 
 tore the trees up by the roots and carried them to a considerable 
 distance ; blocks of granite were hurled down the mountain-side, 
 and clouds of dust, of earth and stones mingled with moss and 
 leaves, were whirled into the air, and formed every now and then 
 a cloud which added to the darkness. A deluge of rain followed 
 the other fearful features of this furious storm : the clouds looked 
 like the agitated waves of the sea, and every loose or earthy 
 particle of the mountain-side was mingled with the waters and 
 washed away by the torrents that gushed forth on every side. 
 
 Happily for us we were able to shelter ourselves in a cave, and 
 in this we watched, in silence, the awful tempest which lasted 
 three-quarters of an hour. The sky then began to clear, the 
 clouds dispersed, and it was then only we could see the effects of 
 this convulsion of the atmosphere. The valley at the base of the 
 mountain had not suffered from it, the tents were all standing- on 
 their verdant carpet, and the cattle grazing tranquilly just as they 
 were when we lost sight of them. My guide said that these fearful 
 visitations were usually confined to the mountain, and that they 
 rarely occurred in the winter or spring. 
 
 The storm over, we proceeded on our road, and ascending passed 
 from one table-land to another, until we reached a steep descent 
 which took us into a fertile valley well peopled with Taymoonis, 
 whose tents we did not gain without difficulty, in consequence of 
 the swollen torrents. Here we entered another chain of mountains 
 of very singular formation, presenting difficulties of all sorts to the 
 traveller, and occasioning much delay. Our vexation was not a little 
 aggravated by the people on the opposite side of the valley, who, 
 taking us for Afghans by the form of our turbans, were far from 
 polite, calling out as we passed, " Fine country this to invade ; 
 fine roads, smooth as the faith of an Afghan." "Go and tell 
 
248 GOUE. Chap. XVilf. 
 
 your countrymrn we shall be delighted to receive them." " We 
 will meet them handsomely sword in hand. Go, and God be with 
 you." The rascals always finished their perorations with a giggle 
 in no way flattering to our pride, and had it not been for the pre- 
 sence of Mustapha Khan's people, I doubt whether they would have 
 waited the arrival of our supposed countrymen to compliment us 
 with the swords they talked about. These sallies were not sur- 
 prising, for they were, and not without reason, irritated at the 
 conduct of the troops of Herat, who had laid waste the most fertile 
 part of the province of Gour, cut down the trees, turned the water- 
 courses, destroyed the houses, and driven the population froin the 
 country. These reasons were, it must be admitted, more than 
 sufficient to exasperate the Tayraoonis against them. The storm 
 and the difficulty of the road prevented our reaching Zerni before 
 two in the morning. The Sirdar was up, but half inebriated with 
 his nocturnal libations, so I postponed my visit to the next day, 
 and went to seek the repose I so much needed. 
 
 Zerni was, as I have before remarked, the ancient capital of the 
 country of Gour ; ruins lie upon ruin : the town is small and 
 enclosed by a wall of stone and burnt brick, which has in many 
 places fallen in. Its position — in a valley — is ha})pily chosen, the 
 hills around are covered with trees, and the vigorous shoots of the 
 vine have interlaced their branches with them in such luxuriant 
 festoons, that they appear to form one mass of foHage, Beautiful 
 streams, in which are vast quantities of trout, wind through this 
 delightful spot. Zerni is forty parasangs from Herat, the popula- 
 tion does not exceed twelve hundred, Sooris and Taymoonis ; there 
 are also a few Gheber families, the only ones I met with in 
 Afghanistan.* 
 
 The principality of Gour occupies its own little niche in Asiatic 
 history. It formed, in the twelfth century, an independent sove- 
 reignty, the princes of which made themselves celebrated by the 
 taking and sack of Ghuznee, and extending their dominion over all 
 the countries known in these days as Afghanistan and the Seistan. 
 The Gooride dynasty commenced in a.d. 1150 (Hejira 528), and 
 lasted sixty-four years. There were five sovereigns, viz. : — 
 
 * If the information on this point Ghebers are known to exist between 
 yiven to M. Ferrier be correct, the cir- Kirman and India.— Ed. 
 cumstance is verv curious, a.s no other 
 
C'liAi". XVIII. THE AUTHOR DETxilNED. 249 
 
 xVllal-eddin-djehan-sooz, who reigned G years. 
 Seif-eddin Mohamed „ 7 „ 
 
 Ghyaz-eddin-abool-fetah „ 40 ,, 
 
 Shehab-eddlii-abool Moozaffer „ 4 ,, 
 
 Mahinood ,, 7 „ 
 
 July 17th. — The astonishment of the Sirdar Habib Ullah Khan 
 was great when he heard of my arrival in his camp. I went to 
 him at daybreak, and he received me with a politeness which I 
 thought augured well. We talked much about the journey I had just 
 made, and he seemed surprised that I should have accomplished it 
 without any misadventure, and in a country in which an Afghan 
 could not travel three or four parasangs without risking his life. 
 At last he drew from his pocket the letter of Osman Khan contain- 
 ing one, unsealed, which the rascal had written to Yar Mohamed, 
 and read to me the contents of both It was not difficult to refute 
 his stupid allegations against me, indeed the Sirdar appeared not 
 to give them credence ; but he would not allow me to go on to 
 Kandahar, observing that the chief of that province was the 
 declared enemy of his master, and that if the Vezir had intended me 
 to pass by that town he would not have sent me by way of Balkh. 
 It was in vain that I protested he had given me my choice, and 
 that I had taken the northern route entirely of my own accord ; 
 he thought it would be committing himself too far to let me pro- 
 ceed by the road I wished, and I was obliged to resign myself to 
 the necessity of wasting three or four days in his camp while he 
 despatched a courier to Herat, with whom he intended subse- 
 quently to send me back to that town. This fresh annoyance 
 nearly cost me a fit of illness. Were all my cares, fatigues, and 
 exertions during the three last months to be thrown away ? Was 
 all the fine weather to pass before I could reach Kabul, where the 
 winter is so severe as to put a stop to all communication ? My po- 
 sition was not an enviable one ; I dreaded to be sent before Yar 
 Mohamed — that prince might believe all the foolish tales against 
 me and keep me an indefinite time a prisoner, or, what would dis- 
 tress me just as much, send me back to Persia. However I could 
 only submit. 
 
 In the interval I was obliged to accompany the Sirdar in his 
 devastating excursions. The peak of Chalap-dalan, one of the 
 liighest in the world, commanded this part of the country, rising 
 before us in imposing majesty, and developing beneath its elevated 
 
250 ANCIENT TOWNH. Chap, XVIII. 
 
 and snow-capped cone a variety of graceful and picturesque out- 
 lines. The circumference at half its height is twelve parasangs ; 
 the sides are covered with forests and pastures, villages and tents, 
 and also some naturally impregnable positions, where successive 
 chiefs have built strongholds to which they might retire in stormy 
 times. That so lately the refuge of Ibrahim Khan was only three 
 parasangs from us, and plainly visible from the camp of the Herat 
 army. In winding round the mountain to the S.E., I saw three 
 ancient towns, large and fortified, which must in former times 
 have been of some importance in the principality : — * 
 
 1st, Kaleh-kaissar, built by Ghyaz-eddin-Abool-fetah. 
 
 2nd, Kaleh-sengy, built by Shah Sultan Hussein Ghazi. 
 
 3rd, Fakhrabad, built by the Emir Fakhreddin, 
 These three fortresses are situated only a few parasangs N.E. 
 of Teivereh and in the most fertile and picturesque part of the 
 province. Unhappily the scourge of war had driven away the 
 people, who retreated into the mountains and ravines, from which 
 they could see, without being able to prevent them, the ravages 
 committed in the plain by the troops of Yar Mohamed ; and 
 whatever the inhabitants could not carry away was pitilessly 
 destroyed — harvest, trees, houses, nothing was spared. 
 
 July 17th. — We encamped in a funnel-shaped hollow, the sides of 
 which were covered with trees and brushwood, in the centre of which 
 was a small lake about a parasang in circumference, and from it 
 I saw some fine trout taken. In a brook that fell into the lake 
 I found some delicate little craw-fish, the only ones I had seen in 
 Central Asia. There is a small island in this lake, and on it 
 are many pines and tamarisks shading the ruins called by the 
 inhabitants Butguiah, the place of the idol. 
 
 The town of Kaissar is not far from this, but nothing remains 
 of it but the citadel, built of burnt brick, and situated on the top 
 of a small hill, the side of which is so steep that there would be 
 little chauce of taking it by escalade. On the N. was an aqueduct 
 now in ruins, which conveyed the water from the Chalap-dalan 
 
 * Altliouj^h the mountains between European. A memoir on the adjoining 
 
 Herat and Kabul have been ti-aversed in district to the north, called Gharshis- 
 
 some directions by previous travellers, tdn, by Baron Von Hammer, is to be 
 
 this particular portion of the range, found m the 4tli volume of the ' Mines 
 
 forming the ancient kingdom of Gour, de l'Orient.' — Ed. 
 has never before been visited by an 
 
Chap. XYIII. EIMAKS. 251 
 
 into the town ; a few of the arches are still standing ; there were 
 two rows, one upon the other. 
 
 Kaleh-sengy is very near Kaleh-kaissar, and is so called from 
 the materials of which it is constructed, se7igy, meaning, of stone. 
 This fortress also crowns an eminence level at the top. The 
 wall which surrounds it is built of large and roughly cut stones, 
 piled upon each other without any cement : it is nevertheless 
 very solid, for it has resisted the effects of time and the destruc- 
 tive tendencies of the Afghans. Portions of these I'uins are 
 covered with climbing plants ; there are no inhabitants, and wild 
 beasts lurk about the fallen débris. It was once supplied with 
 water by two aqueducts similar to those of Kaleh-kaissar, which 
 led it into an immense tank in the centre of the fortress. On 
 its sides were some broken columns, which lead to the supposition 
 that it was once surrounded by a colonnade, of which these are 
 the only traces left. On the N.E. is seen a road paved with pieces 
 of rock in pretty good preservation ; it is said it reached as 
 far as Ghuzni. A paved road is an unusual thing to see in 
 Central Asia, for the roads are generally traced out at random by 
 successive travellers, and are never kept up or repaired. Yar 
 Mohamed, fearing these ruins might be made available by the 
 rebels, had just ordered the Sirdar to raze them to the ground. 
 
 Fakhrabad, situated about cwo hours more to the S., and inha- 
 bited by Mongols, is now only a large village. There is also a 
 great extent of ruins here, and it is said that many gold and silver 
 coins have been from time to time found in them. Mongols are 
 also encamped round Kaleh-sengy and Kaleh-kaissar. 
 
 It would be a useless endeavour to make any researches with a 
 view of ascertaining what are the races of men known under the 
 name Eimak, inhabiting the Paropamisus, for they are so inter- 
 mingled, their origin is so uncertain, and their own ignorance on 
 the subject so great, that all investigation must be renounced as a 
 hopeless task. The conjectures that have been formed with re- 
 gard to their history much resemble the far-fetched ideas which 
 are so frequently and readily brought forward in support of some 
 theoretical subject. I have already said that under the name 
 of Eïmaks are comprehended all the tribes descended from the 
 ancient conquerors of the Paropamisus speaking the Persian 
 language. There is amongst them such a conformity of man- 
 ners and language, such a physical resemblance, and also such 
 
252 EIMAKS. Chap. XVllI. 
 
 a decided tendency to unite afii^ainst the Usbeks and A%lians 
 who endeavour to subdue them, that it is allowable to suppose 
 they are one great nation subdivided into small governments or 
 republics, which are frequently obliged to unite and act together 
 by the force of circumstances and for their mutual interests. 
 The Eïmaks live a comparatively savage life, passing from 
 a state of animal repose to the activity of a soldier as the 
 occasion requires, without suspecting it to be possible to adopt 
 a middle course, which would be more beneficial to their wel- 
 fare and theii' health. The Usbeks and the Afghans are civilized 
 people compared with them. The Persian they speak appears 
 to be exceedingly ancient, and there is but little Arabic mixed 
 with it ; they only recur to the latter on occasions — and they are 
 rare — when their own language does not afford a word by which 
 they can express any particular idea. I think the fact of the 
 Koran being very imperfectly known amongst them is the cause of 
 this. However, ignorant as they are, they are not the less happy, 
 and wish for nothing beyond a tent, a horse, a wife, and plunder. 
 They are very hospitable, and to each other faithful and de- 
 voted. Well organised, they would make excellent soldiers, 
 especially cavalry ; their arms are the lance and bow, and they 
 have very few fire-arms. 
 
 Their women do all the work, domestic and agricultural, and, like 
 the Hazarahs, take part in the combat ; the Afghans dread them 
 as much as they do the men. A girl does not marry until she has 
 performed some feat of arms ; they never cover the face, even in 
 the presence of strangers ; their forms are large and robust, and 
 well developed, but their beauty is mediocre, and at forty they 
 are frequently decrepid. Though the winters in the Paropamisus 
 are very severe, the inhabitants prefer a tent to a house because 
 they can more easily gratify their love of frequent change, or even 
 comply with the necessity for it, without being obliged to leave 
 anything behind them. Their tents, made of felts woven of camels 
 wool, are thick and impervious, and when carefully closed the cold 
 rarely penetrates them. The remarks I have made in connection 
 with the fertility of their country when describing my journey 
 are, if not complete, at least sufficient : there are few jjo})u]ations in 
 Asia more favoured in this respect. They are shepherds rather 
 than cultivators of the soil, nevertheless they have some crops of 
 corn, barley, maize, and a kind of millet which they consider a 
 
Chap. XVII f. THE rAROPAMTSUS. 253 
 
 great delicacy. I have seen but, little rice ; they keep what they 
 have for feasts and vs^hen they receive a guest. The fruits are 
 as abundant as they are delicious, and all articles of first neces- 
 sity are exceedingly cheap. They procure everything by barter, 
 caring very little for silver or gold, and copper has no currency 
 amongst them. The Eïmaks encamp in the plains during the 
 winter, and on the table-lands of the mountains in the summer and 
 autumn. They are intrepid sportsmen, and frequently neglect the 
 small game to pursue the wild beasts which abound in their 
 country. Ruins are frequently met with, but no inscriptions are 
 found that can lead to any explanation of their origin. I could not 
 at fii-st comprehend why there were so many camels in such a moun- 
 tainous country, these animals being of no service for transport 
 excepting on a plain. I found afterwards that the tribes keep 
 them expressly for their wool, which is so valuable to them for 
 bareks and tents ; they told me they could use them for travelling 
 provided they kept in the valleys, though to gain the principalities 
 near them this would involve a considerable circuit. Judging by the 
 form of the highest peaks of the Paropamisus,* their origin must 
 have been volcanic, and warm springs frequently issue from their 
 sides. The mineral riches of this district are very great — gold, 
 silver, copper, iron, lead, sulphur, coal, rubies,t and emeralds ; but 
 no mines have ever been worked. 
 
 The country that imitating the ancients I have called Paropami- 
 sus, is not known to its inhabitants by this denomination, who have 
 no name for it that comprises its whole extent ; they never speak 
 of it but by the name of the tribe inhabiting it or the chief who 
 commands it, as for example, Velayet Firooz Kohi, country of 
 the Firooz Kohis, Mulk Hassan Khan ben Zorab, the territory 
 of Hassan Khan ben Zorab. I have included in the term Paro- 
 pamisus all the mountain country enclosed by the circle formed 
 by Herat, Meimoona, Balkh, Bamian, Ghuzni, Kilat i Ghlljie, 
 Kandahar, Zemindavar, and Sakhir ;;j; it may be looked upon as a 
 vast natural fortress thrown on to the centre, and on the culminating 
 
 * This name first occurs in the tri- dakshan, and emeralds are found still 
 
 lingual tablets of Darius, where the farther to the E., but in that part of 
 
 mountain range of Gaudara is termed the range which intervenes between 
 
 Paru-Parisanna. Paru merely means a Kabul and Herat precious stones are 
 
 mountain, in Sanscrit. — Ed. unknown. — Ed. 
 
 t This requires explanation. The î This place is on the frontiers bs- 
 
 well-known Balass ruby is so called tween Gour and Herat, 
 from Badakshan, which ia N.E. of Ba- 
 
254 rAl;TL\(; with KOOSTEM and kaki. Chap. XVIJI. 
 
 point of the groat Asiatic table-land. From whatever side, it must 
 be approached by rugged and high mountains, and it is also 
 intersected by others in various directions, particularly E. and W. 
 Successive travellers will in vain endeavour, by their observations 
 and researches in the Mohamedan districts of Central Asia, to give 
 exact ideas of that country and population that will be correct for 
 any length of time. They will never be able to do more than 
 describe with precision the state in which they find it, on account 
 of the multiplicity of political changes, followed by the displace- 
 ments of whole tribes, the turning of rivers and destruction of towns, 
 near the ruins of which others will rise in an incredibly short space 
 of time — the very existence of either the old or the new being un- 
 known beyond the province. How is it possible to establish any 
 system for the future student or traveller where everything is per- 
 petually changing, or even to relate distinctly what has happened ? 
 What I have said of the movements of the Jemshidees, the 
 Hazarahs, Zeïdnats, Taymoonis, &c., will make the difficulty, if 
 not impossibility, perfectly evident. 
 
 Abirevdn* July 19tli — fourteen parasangs. The Sirdar having 
 finished his despatches for Herat, we left for that town on the 
 evening of this day. It was, I acknowledge, the most painful 
 moment of my whole journey, for Habib Ullah Khan pushed his 
 ideas of zeal and prudence to the extent of separating me from 
 my excellent fellow-travellers, Roostem and Rabi, under the 
 pretext of not finding horses enough at the different camps at 
 which we were to change on the road. I offered to pay for the 
 hire of them, but he would not grant my request, and in the 
 order specified six — two for me and my servant, two for the 
 messenger and one of his own servants, and two for the baggage. 
 I had to pay for all six, and that in advance, as he wished to 
 appropriate the cash to himself. It was little, it is true, but any- 
 thing is a windfall to an Afghan, and well they know the necessity 
 of taking care of the brooks to feed the rivers. My heart was 
 heavy indeed when I parted with my friends, who had gone through 
 so much for my sake — a lengthened circuitous journey and many 
 troubles, and all now fruitless, and they had reaped only discomfort, 
 vexation, and danger from having linked their fortunes with mine. 
 At parting I slipped some pieces of gold into the hand of each, 
 
 * This name means running water. 
 
Chap. XVII r. HERAT. L'55 
 
 and after we were at some distance I still heard them calling for 
 the blessing of Heaven upon ray journey. 
 
 The road as far as G our lay among mountains, the forms of 
 which were scarcely distinguishable in the pale starlight, and at 
 sunrise we came out upon a plain, and after two hours' travelling, 
 reached an encampment of Noorzyes of Abirevan, where we found 
 a crowd of Afghans, come from I know not where to quarter 
 themselves upon the unfortunate nomads. The hospitality in the 
 tents of these wanderers is often basely taken advantage of by the 
 idlers of the tribes, who avail themselves of every opportunity of 
 living entirely upon the bounty of others ; they go from camp to 
 camp, and havmg practised upon good nature in one, proceed to 
 the next, where, on the score of their claim upon the virtue of 
 hospitality, they continually eat the bread of those who have 
 gained it by the sweat of their brow. But an Afghan is always a 
 bird of prey, and so low is his standard of morals, that it is im- 
 possible ever to trust him. If, from the force of habit or preju- 
 dice, he respects a stranger while in his tent, he loses sight of his 
 own character of host directly his guest has left it, and considers 
 it perfectly legitimate to overtake and despoil him, to whom two 
 hours before he had given food and shelter. 
 
 Narhend* July 20th — twelve parasangs — in a desert where water 
 is scarce. Here was a small mill, standing on a brackish water- 
 course. We passed two or three villages and a few tents on the 
 road, and rested at Narbend for two hours. 
 
 Tarsi, July 20th — four parasangs. A large encampment of 
 Eimaks, with a few mud-houses and a great many modern ruins 
 near it, 
 
 Herat, July 21st. — We travelled nearly all night amongst low 
 mountains, and had some ditficulty in crossing the Adreskau 
 river. At dawn, and in the distance, a forest was seen on the 
 plain, and a cupola and minarets rising from it indicated the 
 position of Herat, We reached the city about seven in the 
 morning. The servant of the Sirdar, who had gone on an hour 
 or two in advance of us to inform the Vezir Sahib of my arrival, 
 met us at the gate and conducted me to the house of my old 
 acquaintance the Sertip, as he had been ordered to do. Lai 
 Mohamed was not at home, but he soon came and appeared very 
 
 * Narbeud, or Xarwund, is the name of a species of tree resembling the dwarf 
 elm of England. — Ed. 
 
250 TUE AUTMOIl'S DIFFICULTIES. Chap. XYJII. 
 
 kindly disposed towards me. He was accompanied by a mirza 
 who took notes of all the incidents of my journey, and having 
 done so, hurried off with them to Yar Mohamed. I waited in 
 much anxiety for the Vezir's decision, for all the precautionary 
 measures which had been observed when I was here before were 
 renewed. It was only towards evening that the Sertip returned 
 and brought me the agreeable news that Yar Mohamed, knowing 
 war had broken out between the chiefs of Khulm and Kabul, 
 admitted the truth of my statements, and authorized me to continue 
 my journey to India. The Sertip then withdrew the guard which 
 had been placed over me, informed me that I was free to go 
 where I pleased, that the Vezir Sahib would look upon me as a 
 friend ; and this Yar Mohamed repeated to me when I saw him 
 an hour afterwards. He approved of my determination to go by 
 Kandahar and Kabul, promising me letters of recommendation to 
 the sovereigns of these principalities, but, he added, " leave them 
 in ignorance of the journey you have made in Turkistan and the 
 Paropamisus ; it might awaken their suspicions. I shall write to 
 them to say that I have advised you to take the road by Kandahar, 
 and I think that whatever may be the differences between me and 
 those chiefs, they will in this instance pay respect to my wishes." 
 I was surprised at this treatment, especially when I remembered 
 how different it was from that I received at my first visit. The 
 Sertip attributed this change to the answers the Vezir had re- 
 ceived to inquiries he had made respecting me when he heard of 
 ray departure from Meshed for Herat. It seems the replies had 
 been completely satisfactory, and Osman Khan's missive, from 
 which so much was expected, was treated as a joke. 
 
 The preparations for my journey detained me three or four days 
 in Herat, and at one time I thought I should be obliged to give it 
 up altogether, for I had great difficulty in finding any one who 
 would accompany me as my guide to Kandahar. Many persons 
 endeavoured to dissuade me from going there, representing the 
 province as full of fanatics, exceedingly hostile to Europeans, and 
 prophesying much trouble and danger from the attempt. I found 
 only one person who offered his services, but, apprehensive that 
 some misfortune might happen to him in the course of the journey, 
 he would only engage himself at so exorbitant a price for the 
 hire of his camels, that I relinquished the idea of taking him. 
 However after a wonderful deal of talking, bargaining, and trouble 
 
Chap. XVIII. THE AUTHOR'S DIFFICULTIES. 257 
 
 of all sorts, I succeeded in obtaining three yaboos, baggage horses, 
 from the same Sultan Mohamed, the brother of the Sertip who 
 had charge of me on my first visit to Herat. This gentleman 
 had at that time the coolness to ask me for a present, to recompense 
 him for the trouble imposed on him in being my jailer. To this 
 request I never condescended to reply ; but he had a hold upon me 
 now that I wanted to hire his horses, and although the affair was 
 entirely one of business and under the orders of the Vezir, I was 
 obliged to pay three times the usual price for them. He also 
 provided me with a servant, by name Ali, a serbas under his 
 command. 
 
 My own servant, a young Heratian, the only Asiatic whom I had 
 ever found faithful, had fallen ill, and I sadly regretted being obliged 
 to leave him, for that was the only reason for our separation. 
 About ten years before his family had, for some peccadillo, fallen 
 under the displeasure of the Shah Kamran ; some of them were 
 put to death, others sought safety in flight, and he, then but a 
 child, was sold by Yar Mohamed Khan to the Turcom.ans, and 
 carried to Khiva. Many years after, and while still a captive, 
 he had the g-ood fortune to find a purse containing twenty tellahs.* 
 This was about the time that Captain Conolly arrived in Khiva, 
 and that oflScer added sixteen to them, enabling him to pur- 
 chase his freedom, and took him into his service. From that 
 period Mohamed shared the misfortunes of his master, and 
 remained with him up to the day of his assassination by the 
 Emir of Bokhara. After he regained his liberty, he returned 
 to India, where he served successively Captain Conolly's brother, 
 Sir Richmond Shakspear, and Major Rawlinson ; the latter brought 
 him to Bagdad, which place he left at the same time as myself, 
 but he did not enter my service till after the theft and flight of 
 the rascal Sadeuk at Meshed. 
 
 In addition to this Ali, there was a man in charge of the horses, 
 a Parsivan named Ahmed, and Yar Mohamed ordered the 
 Major, Habib XJllah Khan, to give me a subaltern as an honorary 
 escort. The gallant Major ought to have provided this officer with 
 the necessary funds ; but under the pretence of buying a robe and 
 boots for Mr. Jubbur Khan, he cheated me out of thirty-six shillings. 
 This was simply a falsehood, as the latter never had either the 
 one or the other, and was started with the odd six shillings to keep 
 
 * A tellah is a gold coin worth about ten shillings. — Ed. 
 
 S 
 
258 LF/rTERH FROM YAR MOHA]\IE]). Ciiai-. XVllI. 
 
 him on the journey to Kandaliar and back. Before leavhig Herat 
 I made an unlucky outlay in buying- two trunks for the better pre- 
 servation of my luggage, which had fared but indifferently in the 
 bags that I used when on my journey to Sirpool. I had reason to 
 regret the })urcha3e, for they were nearly stolen several times, it 
 being supposed, as the Khan had warned me, that they were full 
 of gold or silver. The letters that Yar Mohamed Khan gave me 
 for the Emir Dost Mohamed and his son, but which I never had 
 the opportunity of presenting, were admirable specimens of the 
 flowery and bombastic style adopted in Eastern courts. The 
 following is a translation : — 
 
 Letter from Yar Mohamed Khan to the Emir Dost Mohamed 
 
 Khan. 
 
 " By the Divine protection, and to the affectionate person of my 
 most happy brother, the dispenser of the clemency, of the power, 
 and of the force of the state ; the glory of the standard of the 
 kingdom, of its strength and its fortune ; the ornament of the 
 throne of magnificence, grandeur, and glory ; the conservator of 
 renown and the inaccessible fortresses ; the setter up and em- 
 bellisher of the crown of prosperity and splendour ; the founder 
 of great things and great ideas : May you be on the carpet of 
 wealth and of fortune ; in the sanctuary of the Creator preserved 
 from all accident and every mischance of this world ! May you 
 in short further augment the splendour of the seat of magnificence 
 and power ! 
 
 " The rules of sincerity and intimacy having been set forth, the 
 testimonies of sympathy and friendship presented, I will communi- 
 cate to your high wisdom that, as the laws and friendship of the 
 union that exists between us require that I should, as a matter 
 obligatory upon me, inform you of any circumstance affording me 
 the opportunity of testifying my sincerity, I shall by this page of 
 rejoicing increase the sensibilities of your generous heart. I profit 
 by this opportunity of informing you that one of the great Lords 
 of the Kingdom of France, the General Ferrier, on his way from 
 Persia, came to the holy city of Meshed, and from thence arrived 
 in the capital of Herat, where he has sojourned some days. After 
 having seen him, and after many inquiries regarding the object of 
 his journey, it is proved that he has none other than to reach 
 
CiiAP. XYIII. LETTERS FROM YAR MOHAMED. 259 
 
 Lahore. In consequence, and as observing the laws of hospitality is 
 a duty, especially when they apply to a government, I have, while 
 he remained at Herat for the purpose of determining the route by 
 which he would proceed to the place of his destination, rendered 
 him all the services and performed all the duties that the most 
 perfect hospitality could require at my hands. I have thought it 
 desirable for the security of his person, and for the honour of us 
 both, to recommend to him as the safest road, combining the 
 greatest ease and advantages, that which goes by Kandahar and 
 Kabul. 
 
 " The very sublime above-named Lord having appreciated my 
 advice, I immediately undertook to provide him with all that he 
 could possibly require to transport himself and his baggage to 
 Kandahar, I have also sent a person charged with his safe con- 
 duct to that city in all security and convenience. I have also 
 written on the same subject a letter to the (Sirdar Kohendil) 
 Khan of Kandahar, the all-powerful and my generous and very 
 noble brother. I trust in the Divine power that out of regard to 
 my letter he w'ill order the sublime aforesaid Lord to be accompanied 
 by one of his servants who will conduct him with all propriety to 
 the presence of my well-beloved, very indulgent, and very clement 
 brother the Emir Dost Mohamed, that he may have the honour 
 of being presented to him. I have a profound conviction that the 
 sublime above-named will travel under good protection to his 
 destination, and that in every way my very generous and very 
 clement brother will acquire renown by his cordial reception of 
 him. As it was urgent and necessary, 1 have increased your 
 trouble with this letter. I am alw^ays ready to receive your orders 
 and recommendations. — Salutation, &c." 
 
 Letter of Yar Mohamed Khan to his Smi-in-Laiv, Mohamed 
 Akhar Khan. 
 
 " By the grace Divine, the sublime and joyous person of my very 
 generous and very happy son, the light of my eyes, whose presence 
 is the presage of a good augury ; the star of the zodiac of the king- 
 dom, of power, and of fortune ; the pearl of the treasure of gran- 
 deur, of magnificence and munificence, the morning light of dignity 
 and prosperity ; the true source of a noble and valorous origin : 
 May God prolong his days ! may he be preserved here below 
 
 s 2 
 
260 T.ETTElîft FROM YAIl MOHAMED. Chap. XVI 
 
 froiu every snare and deceit, from all trouble and all affliction, 
 that the course of the object of his desires and wishes should 
 be subject to him ; And, lastly, that his cup should overflow with 
 the nectar of joy and felicity ! 
 
 "The rules of friendship, and all that depends upon them being 
 set forth, I announce to my most generous son, whose wisdom is an 
 object of rejoicing and satisftiction, that, as his intentions, which 
 flow from clemency, are and have always been to be kept by me 
 informed of all aflairs and events, I fulfil this task in writing this 
 sheet of rejoicing, and profiting by the opportunity of telling him 
 that at this time a Lord of the Kingdom of France, General Ferrier, 
 coming from Persia, has been at the holy city of Meshed, whence 
 he came to the capital of Herat. After his arrival there he 
 remained several days, and it was clearly established and demon- 
 strated, after many inquiries, that he had no intention but that of 
 travelling to Lahore, and that that was the only object he had in 
 coming to this country. As under all circumstances it is a duty to 
 honour and respect a guest, above all when he is admitted to be 
 one of a government, I observed towards him, during the time 
 that he remained at Herat, all the laws of hospitality ; and I 
 considered it my duty to advise him for the security of his person 
 to take the road by Kandahar and Kabul, that he might so arrive 
 in safety at his destination, and that the honour resulting therefrom 
 should be upon him as well as upon us. The very sublime above- 
 mentioned having approved and appreciated my counsels, I sent 
 with him a person charged to serve him as guide and protector to 
 Kandahar, who will return after having reached that town, I have 
 the conviction that my most generous son as well as the Sirdars 
 and Grandees of Kandahar will take my letter into consideration, 
 and exert themselves to testify their friendship to the sublime above- 
 mentioned Lord, and that they will make every effort to satisfy 
 his wishes ; that on his arrival the admirable laws of friendship 
 and hospitality will be observed with regard to him ; and that after 
 this he will proceed to his destination loaded with attentions and 
 benefits, which will be honourable to both of us. 
 
 " As it is urgent and necessary that you should be instructed in 
 this matter, I have addressed you this present letter, and I beg you 
 to inform me constantly of the state of your health. — Salutation." 
 
CuAr. XIX. SHABITH. 2G1 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 The author leaves Herat — Shabith — luimdations of the Heri-rood — Mode of 
 preventing them — Continuation of the Siah Koh — Steppes between Herat 
 and Kandahar — Adreskau — Caravanserais built by the English — River of 
 Adreskan — Called by various names — Description of it — Route of an 
 army going to Kandahar — Kash-jabaran — Irruption of Afghans into the 
 author's tent — Scene there in consequence — The friend of man in Afghanistan 
 — A nice specimen of this country — Diplomacy of the author — Rascalitj' of 
 Mons. Ferrier's escort — The Jlese': — Ab-Kourmeh — Cool impudence of 
 Jubbur Khan — Necessity for submission — Scarcity of water — Fever and 
 
 thirst — Thermometer in the shade — Militai-y position — Rascally exactions 
 
 Afghan character — Miserable condition of the author — Gurm-ab — The 
 hot wind — Jubbur Khan again — The plain of Bukwa. 
 
 Shabith, July â4th. — Having completed my preparations, I set out 
 this evening with my guide Jubbur Khan, my groom Ahmed, and 
 the serbas Ali, who was to unite the functions of valet and cook. 
 At one hour's distance from the town we crossed the Heri-rood 
 by a bridge of twenty-six arches, called Pid Malan ; it is built of 
 burnt brick, and has been recently restored by Yar Mohamed. 
 In Europe it would have been an ordinary work ; but at Herat it 
 was an object of general admiration. At this place the bed of the 
 river is hollowed out of the sand, and the waters flow through 
 fifteen canals, twelve feet wide and very deep, enclosed between 
 two embankments, formed of the earth taken out of the excavations. 
 They have been made as a precautionary measure against the over- 
 flowing of the river, from which the country had often suffered ; and 
 however great be the volume of water in future, there are now 
 channels suflScient for it to flow in. The rise of the Heri-rood in 
 the spring is considerable ; but such is the number of outlets cut 
 from it to carry on the irrigation of the country between Obeli and 
 Herat, that it was nearly dry when we crossed it at Piil Malan. 
 The cultivation extends for two miles south of Herat, and scattered 
 in various directions are the remains of houses, aqueducts, and 
 other monuments of antiquity, which even now give an idea of 
 what the environs were in former times. The royal residence of 
 Rozeh Bagh closes the long series of country-houses in this neigh- 
 
2G2 ADRESKAN. Chap. XIX. 
 
 bourhood. Hence we ouffht to have taken the direct road to 
 the caravanserai of Mir Davood, four pai'asangs distant; but 
 Jubbur Khan having to receive the orders of Major Habib Ullah 
 Khan, whose residence was at Ziaretgah, we were obliged to go 
 a parasang out of our way. ' I passed in making this détour the 
 ruins of a beautiful mosque ; within is the tomb of some holy per- 
 sonage, to which many a Mussulman makes his pilgrimage. At 
 the caravanserai of Mir Davood, half way to this halt, is a well. 
 It is dry during the summer and autumn, and the land for a 
 couple of parasangs all round it is arid and desert. 
 
 After having passed this spot we struck into a chain of moun- 
 tains, decreasing in height as it approached to the town of 
 Kaffrooge. It is a continuation of the Siah Koh which I had 
 crossed near Doulet-yar, and I now saw it was impossible that 
 this high mountain should ever have been anywhere intersected by 
 the Heri-rood ; the waters which descend from it, instead of taking 
 a southern course, fall on the contrary into that river on the north, 
 as I have already stated. The similarity between the names 
 Heri-rood and Haroot-rood must have given rise to these errone- 
 ous conjectures. The uninhabited caravanserai- shah at Shabith, 
 that we reached at midnight, is close to a torrent, the banks of 
 which are covered with reeds and a little grass, the only forage to 
 be found for the horses. The surrounding country is perfectly 
 uncultivated and uninhabited ; red and grey partridges abound 
 there. Between Herat and Kandahar there are a hundred and 
 twenty parasangs of steppe, often destitute of accommodation for 
 the traveller, who must frequently pitch his tent in nameless spots, 
 depending only on the resources he may have with him for refresh- 
 ment, and to enable him to encounter the great heat of the sun. 
 The length of the day's maJrch must, therefore, always depend upon 
 such circumstances as the weather, means of locomotion, supply of 
 provisions, water, &c. These often obliged me to make long stages, 
 or sometimes to travel a little by day and a little by night, in an 
 irregular manner, and therefore, as I give my dates from memory, 
 the specified distances only are to be depended on : from them the 
 time requisite for the journey must be calculated. 
 
 Adreskan, July 25th— nine parasangs — across mountains and a 
 little plain. The streams, which at Shabith flowed to the north, 
 here take the opposite direction, down the southern side of the 
 mountain. Occasionally we could descry the tent of a nomad in 
 
CiiAr. XIX. ADllESKAN. 2G3 
 
 the horizon ; but the track was destitute of inhabitants and water, 
 though tolerably wooded. It was the same thing all the way to 
 Kandahar, and I might have concluded that the tamarisk and 
 mimosa, of which there were thick copses, were trees that never 
 required any water, as they would here have oidy three months' 
 rain to support them through nine of excessive drought. I could 
 not reconcile this foct with the one that I had previously noticed, 
 that there are almost always forests of these trees along the banks 
 of the Euphrates, Tigris, Helmund, and other rivers. 
 
 Almost all over Afghanistan a dwarf kind of reed grows freely, 
 and on this, as it is tender, the horses will graze readily. So far, 
 therefore, as their food is concerned, the traveller need only carry 
 a supply of barley ; but it is quite otherwise for himself. He might 
 die of hunger in these steppes if he did not take provisions for the 
 whole journey, and from many places the party must carry sufficient 
 water to last them to the next supply — perhaps far distant. This 
 is not difficult to manage in the small skins, called meseks, generally 
 used for the purpose, which are slung behind the baggage. Without 
 this precaution, one would infallibly die of thirst in these burning 
 regions. 
 
 From Herat to Shabith is a distance of eight parasangs, and six 
 from the caravanserai at Shabith to the river Roodi-gez, so named 
 because it has formed its bed across a forest of tamarisks, which much 
 encumber it.* Three parasangs farther is Adreskan, a small cara- 
 vanserai built of mud, and a dry well, both the work of the English.f 
 
 * The tamarisk in Persian is called (?t'^. intermediate stations, where water was 
 f Between the Khash-rood and He- procurable, convenient buildings (chup- 
 rat, caravanserais were found at distances per khanas) wei-e ei'ected of sun-dried 
 varying from thirtj' to fifty miles. They bricks for a similar object, 
 were in a most dilapidated condition, By means of these horsemen the mis- 
 and had evidently for many years been sion at Herat was generally able to 
 more the resort of Belooche and Af- eomnumicate with Kandahar in shorter 
 ghan robbers than of peaceable travellers time than was taken between Cabul and 
 and caravans. They were said to have Kandahar, although the distance was 
 been built by Shah Abbas, and were at greater by 100 miles; and so efficient 
 some places evidently designed on a was the protection of the road, that, if 
 large and commodious scale, though I rightly recollect, only two or three 
 apparently left unfinished. robberies, and those of trifling extent. 
 As it was necessary for the Herat occurred during the eighteen months 
 mission to keej) up communication that the mission remained at Herat 
 with Kandahar, horsemen were posted after their establishment. The employ- 
 along the road at convenient distances, ment of two or more Afghan foot- 
 averaging about twenty miles ; and soldiers at each station, on the sccii/it;j 
 wherever any of these caravanserais of the "Sir 2 AVurjV" (chief of the tribe) 
 could be made available for their ac- of greatest influence in the neighbour- 
 commodation, and the recejition of pass- hood, to assist the horsemen m pro- 
 log travellers, they were temporarily tectiug travellers, contributed no doubt 
 rej)aired and suited to thepiu'pose. At grcatlij to our success. — L. 
 
264 COURRE OF THE IIAROOT-ROOD, Chap. XIX. 
 
 A large river, bearing- the same name, passes Adreskan a little 
 above the caravanserai ; it receives the waters of the Roodi-gez, 
 and thus increased directs its course through the districts of 
 Snbzawar, Jedge, and Kaleika, of which it takes the name, in 
 crossing this territory. A little lower down it is called the Haroot- 
 rood, and that seems to have been the name it anciently bore 
 through its whole course, which is closed by its falling into the 
 Lake Seistaii on the south. Near its mouth it receives the Kha- 
 shek-rood, which is dry in the summer and fed in winter and spring 
 by the rains and melted snows which descend from the Siah Koh. 
 The multiplicity of names by which this river is known is caused 
 by the custom of each government dividing a river into as many 
 parts as it crosses districts, each of which pays a rather heavy tax 
 for the use of that part of it within its own boundaries for the pur- 
 poses of irrigation and agriculture. It follows that the inhabitants 
 consider it as their own within these limits, and give their portion 
 the name of their own district. The Adreskan-rood, which in 
 the upper part of its course is incorrectly marked on the maps of 
 Asia, takes its rise near Jaor, above Obeh, and debouches in the 
 plains of the district of Adreskan, following to the south the 
 Sefid Koh. 
 
 The bed of this river, like that of the Roodi-gez, is partially dry 
 during the hottest part of the year ; but there is always enough 
 water for the purposes of irrigation. In the winter and spring the 
 Adt^skan river is as large as tlie Heri-rood, and flows without 
 interruption from its source to the Lake Seistan 
 
 An army marching in the summer months from Herat to Kan- 
 dahar, or vice versa, ought to follow the course of this river, for it 
 would be the best route, and the movement might afterwards be 
 prolonged by the banks of the Helmund to avoid suffering from 
 the want of water. On this account it is not surprising that the 
 English, who up to the present time are nearly the only people 
 who have had the privilege of visiting this country, should have 
 left the Russians in ignorance of its topography and resources, as 
 at their hands they expect, and with reason, an invasion of India. 
 
 Kash'jaberan and S'hah-JeJian, July 2Gth — thirteen para- 
 sangs — alternately plain and mountain, but always descending 
 towards the south. The country uninhabited and uncultivated, but 
 covered with tamarisks up to Kash-jaberan, a village enclosed 
 by a wall of earth, and distant six parasangs from Adreskan : 
 
Chap. XIX. AFGHANS IN THE AUTHOR'S TENT. 2G5 
 
 it contains seventy-six houses. A water course passes near it. 
 The heat during this stage was intense, and not a drop of" water 
 coukl be procured to quench our burning thirst. Two parasangs 
 further west is the small fortress of Subzawar,* or Sebzar, which 
 must not be confounded with Subzawar in Khorassan, of which 
 I made mention when I passed through it. Subzawar is 
 situated at the extremity of a large oblong plain, ten or twelve 
 leagues in circumference, on which are seen here and there a few 
 tents and villages of nomads. The ruins of large buildings, houses, 
 and dried up wells, give an air of desolation to the whole plain. 
 It was formerly well peopled and fertile ; but the wars between 
 Herat, of which it is a dependency, and Kandahar have reduced 
 it to its present wretched condition. 
 
 From the morning of my departure I found it was impossible to 
 place any confidence either in my guide Jubbur Khan, or the 
 servants, and on my reaching Jaberan they immediately pub- 
 lished to the village the arrival of a Feringhee. The little tent 
 given to me by Lai Mohamed Khan was, of course, rapidly filled 
 with Afghans, crowding one upon another as if they came to look 
 at a wild beast, and wished to know whether my eyes, nose, and 
 mouth answered the same purposes as their own, and in fact I was 
 subjected to a repetition of the impertinences I experienced else- 
 where. I believe, too, they were by no means guiltless of an intention 
 to pilfer had anything been lying about, or a favourable opportunity 
 presented itself of putting their hands into a trunk — for thieving is 
 the principal subject of their thoughts, and how and where they can 
 lay their fingers upon other people's property is a constant topic of 
 conversation with them, indeed I may almost say the only one, I was 
 not, as the reader may imagine, very much flattered by their pre- 
 sence, or at all pleased with their usual eff'rontery and curiosity. I 
 was pestered with questions which, to avoid aimoying them, I was 
 obliged to answer ; besides, it was as well to be on good terms with 
 them. Some of these vagabonds, finding every corner of the tent 
 occupied, were almost upon my back and in my lap watching how 
 I ate, so that I was obliged to keep my plate on a level with my 
 chin, lest they should put their noses into it. Some of them who had 
 taken off their shirts and seated themselves upon my felts, hunted 
 
 * The proper name of this place is ture), of which Subzavar or Sebzar is a 
 Isphizar (old Persian for the horse-pas- modern corruption. — Ed. 
 
266 A SrECIMEN OF THE COUKTKY. Chap. XIX. 
 
 the vermin with which they were covered ; wliile one fellow, who had 
 caught one of these loathsome creatures of unusual size, brought it 
 to me with an exclamation of delight, in order that I might myself 
 judge of its proportions and the beauty of the species. Disgusted at 
 this proceeding, I requested my visitors to leave the tent, which 
 they seemed in no hurry to do, " What business have you to be 
 offended ?" said one fellow ; " the louse is the friend of man — an 
 Afghan has always at least a hundred about him. You don't 
 suppose we catch them because, as you are pleased to say, they are 
 impure ; but because they make one itch, which is disagreeable. 
 The fact is they are so fond of us, they will never leave us." This 
 peroration was followed by a furious diatribe against all Feringhees, 
 with an announcement that it was fortunate that I was accompanied 
 by Yar Mohamed' s people, or they would have made mince-m.eat 
 of me. 
 
 This rascal had a villanous expression of countenance, and 
 looked as if he would willingly have made his words good ; and 
 then, with all the bravado and impudence of an Afghan, he favoured 
 me, and in the most meaning manner, with a recital of all his deeds 
 of blood — how many Englishmen he had killed, and ho\v many 
 more he intended should share the same fate — concluding that 
 flourish by saying that if they had not opposed them with cannon, 
 " the Afghans would have made but a mouthful of India, and 
 then gone on to Franghistan (Europe), and brought all the people 
 away bound like children, and sold them for slaves. &>hemsheeri 
 adam hestiin ! " we are all swordsmen ! And this was the climax, 
 for when an Afghan has said that, he considers he has said and 
 proved everything. There was, of course, no use in my keeping 
 up a war of words with this scoundrel, so I listened patiently to 
 his bravado, telling him that it was really of no consequence, for I 
 was a Frenchman, and that there was as much ditierence between us 
 and the English as between him and a Persian ; therefore that the 
 hatred he bestowed upon me as an European, because his nation 
 had had to complain of the British Government, was in no way 
 deserved by me ; and as I had carefully avoided wounding his 
 pride, he left me, perfectly satisfied that I had formed a high esti- 
 mate of his bravery. 
 
 A little diplomacy had dissipated the storm the unlucky 
 insect had raised ; but I thought tliat if some Europeans could 
 have heard me make such a liberal use of flowery Persian meta- 
 
Cii.vr. XIX. WANT OF WATEl!. 2G7 
 
 pborical praises and conipliracnts to soften these obdurate and 
 pitiless brutes, they would have conceived a very poor opinion of 
 my character. Nevertheless, I only acted as circumstances obliged 
 me to do, and conformably to my knowledge of the prejudices and 
 ignorance of the people with whom I had to deal and at whose 
 mercy I was. To speak of humanity, personal liberty, loyalty, 
 laws, or honour to such a set, would be like addressing oneself to 
 so many buffaloes. The Afghans are to be met only in two ways — 
 by force or by the hope of gain : chance flattery may occasionally 
 help, but it must be administered with dexterity. I had been 
 tolerably successful, and my antagonist retired pretty well content 
 with me, but not so much so as if I had been an Englishman and he 
 could have brought me acquainted with his sword or his matchlock. 
 
 I was rejoicing in the tact with which I had avoided a conflict 
 when a fresh incident occurred to augment the désagrémens of 
 my stay at Jaberan. The three rascals sent with me had 
 during this scene sided more with the Afghans than with me ; and 
 when they were gone began to annoy me themselves. Although I 
 had given Sultan Mohamed three times the tarif price for the use 
 of his horses, Ahmed his groom endeavoured to make me pay for 
 their forage, and that at four times its value. Jubbur Khan, and 
 the serbas Ali supported him in this attempt at extortion, adding 
 to it a demand that I should feed all three of them, which would 
 have been impossible had my store been ten times larger than it 
 was. On my refusal Ahmed threatened to return to Herat with 
 his beasts and leave me in the middle of the road ; I had, there- 
 fore, no choice but to compromise the matter with the villains, 
 and we left our camping-ground in the afternoon. 
 
 Our little caravan was joined at Jaberan by a young Afghan 
 merchant of Kandahar, making his annual journey to Teheran, 
 where I had known him. This was no small comfort, as, doubt- 
 less, his presence was a restraint upon the evil designs of my rascally 
 escort upon me — or, at all events, my baggage and the immense 
 sums of money they fancied 1 had in my portmanteaus. 
 
 AVe travelled till midnight— for three hours on a plahi, and the 
 rest through low mountains, arid, rocky, but of picturesque and 
 varied forms. Our last skin of water had been consumed at sun- 
 set, and our intense thirst was aggravated by the suffocating state 
 of the atmosphere and the blasts of the hot wind, which every now 
 and then dried up the mouth till it felt like a piece of parchment. 
 
268 RASCALITY OF AUTHOll'S ESCORT. Chap. XIX. 
 
 To aggravate the misery there was no water in the marsh near 
 the caravanserai at Shah Jehan, or, indeed, moisture ; and I 
 suffered tortures impossible to describe from the stings of the 
 mosquitoes and the bites of the vermin that had fallen on me from 
 my Afghan visitors. Guided only by accident in choosing the 
 site of our halt we pitched our tents near some brushwood, uneasy 
 enough as to what might befal us during the night, for the road 
 was one of ill repute for robbers. 
 
 I have remarked that foot-passengers never travel this road 
 without a mesek tilled with water attached to the body like a car- 
 touche-box ; the water even when exposed to the sun is kept 
 very cool in it by the evaporation effected by the slightest breeze, 
 while in a jug it soon becomes heated. I have also found that 
 mastication alleviated the sufferings occasioned by thirst. 
 
 Ah-Kourmeh and Giraneh, July 27th — fourteen parasangs — 
 at first in the mountains, then on the plain ; the country, uncul- 
 tivated and almost uninhabited, was well wooded, and abounded 
 in game, notwithstanding the want of water. 
 
 Before we left Shah Jehan I had had another altercation 
 with Ahmed. This rascal, finding that I gave in on the previous 
 evenino' about their food, declared the next morninsf that he would 
 not go a step further if 1 did not give him the Afghan robe I 
 wore. It was in vain I told him 1 had none other, and in- 
 voked the protection of Jubbur Khan, my guide and protector. 
 The rascal replied by demanding my boots for himself, and Ali, 
 the serbas, my turban ! For an instant I thought of bringing the 
 matter to a crisis with the scoundrels. I was well armed, and, 
 though they were the same, by taking the initiative I might kill 
 them — treat them, in fact, as I should have done bandits who 
 demanded my money or my life. But that would not have for- 
 warded me in any way. How could I present myself in the midst 
 of a hostile population ? how explain my reasons for having shot 
 them ? Would they have been believed ? So I finished by com- 
 pounding with them, as 1 did at Jaberan ; there was nothing 
 else to be done, and I gave them the value in money instead 
 of stripping the clothes off my back. After this new scene I 
 was so exhausted by excitement and thirst that I could not have 
 gone one step farther, if, by God's mercy, a traveller on foot had 
 not come up at the time, and given me a draught of water from 
 his mesek, for which I paid a franc. Despite the price, the 
 
Cjiap. XIX. SHAMEFUL EXACTIONS. 'Ii\9 
 
 bargain was a most advantageous one for me, for that water 
 probably saved my life, and certainly enabled me to travel five 
 parasangs farther across the scantily wooded mountains that 
 separated us from Ab-kourmeh, a deserted English caravanserai. 
 Near it was a camp of thievish nomads, from which we considered 
 it best to keep at some distance, and we therefore took shelter 
 amongst the tamarisks on the borders of a stinking marsh, at 
 which man and beast were obliged to quench their thirst. After 
 resting a couple of hours we mounted our horses, though I was 
 suffering from burning fever aggravated by twelve hours of the 
 hot wind. We travelled all the afternoon and all night, over a 
 vast salt plain, on which we lost our way, and after riding ten 
 parasangs instead of seven, cirrived as the day broke, perfectly 
 worn out, at Giraneh. 
 
 Very near here was a custom-house, on the bank of a river 
 nearly as rapid as the Heri-rood, bearing the name of the place ; 
 it falls into the Furruh-rood. The heat this day was 46^ of 
 Centigrade in the shade.* Giraneh is an open village of forty 
 houses and two hundred tents ; there are many others not very 
 far off, as well as a fortress of burnt brick, apparently very ancient 
 and falling to pieces — on one side it rises abruptly out of the 
 water, and on the three others the base of its thick walls can only 
 be reached by climbing up a steep slope about thirty or thirty-five 
 feet high. 
 
 This position is important ; it commands the passage of the 
 river and the defiles in the mountains on the South. A small 
 force quartered there might maintain its authority in the dis- 
 tricts of Subzawar, Furrah, Laush, Bukwa, Gulistan, Gour, and 
 Sukkur, Giraneh being the central point round which converge 
 these localities — information for the English and the Russians. 
 Here, as at the halt of the night before, my servants made further 
 extortionate demands, which I was content to pacify with ten 
 francs. I resisted as well as I could, for I could afford no 
 more ; but, had I been richer, I should have done the same, for 
 making one present to an Afghan is only creating a claim for a 
 second : he looks upon the first as an acquired right, and acts 
 accordingly. It is therefore necessary, as a matter of policy and 
 
 * This equals about 135° Fahrenheit. sun, a heat which enabled him to poach 
 Major Sanders' thermometer, on the eggs in the burning sand. — Ed. 
 Furrah-rood in 1840, rose to 17ô° in the 
 
270 RHAMEFTJL EXACTIONS. Chap. XIX. 
 
 security, to prevent an Oriental from having the idea that you 
 possess any superfluities, but most especially an Afghan ; that 
 idea always excites their cupidity, and renders them capable of 
 every crime. To live amongst them it is requisite to be pre-con- 
 vinced that, even if they are treated with the utmost kindness 
 possible, it will never ensure their gratitude, or render their 
 affection any more constant than their enmity ; their sole incite- 
 ment to action, the sole influence over their conduct at all times 
 is — the love of gain. 
 
 The grand argument which the cut-throats who formed my 
 escort always threw in my teeth when I refused them anything, 
 was, that they were wearing themselves out and ruining their 
 health in my service ; but, as they were well paid, I had good 
 reason to complain of their conduct. At every halt they would 
 throw themselves down to sleep, and leave me to help myself and 
 watch the baggage, which, for any care they took of it, would have 
 been stolen at the first stage ; indeed, in all probability they would 
 themselves have commenced the pillage. Three-fourths of the 
 time I had to cook for all of us, and they invariably ate by far the 
 greater part of the provisions I had purchased for myself.* 
 
 * It ai^pears very evident that the mouey (in sovereigns) to Herat, for 
 men who accompanied M. Ferrier from the use of the mission; inspecting the 
 Herat had taken their instructions from line of horse and foot men, and the 
 the Vezir as to the manner in which arrangements for protection of travel- 
 he was to be treated, and that it was lers, and conciliating, as far as he 
 not Yar M ohamed's wish that he should could, the chiefs of the various khails 
 find the journey a pleasant one. Had of ncanade Afghans on his way. In 
 not his Herat attendants eucoin-aged effecting all this he was very successful ; 
 the Afghans in their impertinence, his control over the guaids on the road, 
 they would never have presumed so and a well-armed party of ten or twelve 
 much. men, being not more useful to him in 
 
 The bravado regarding the number one way, than his reputation as a " Fe- 
 
 of English they had killed I believe to riughee hakim " in the other ; and the 
 
 have been merely assumed. Some of consequence was that he met with the 
 
 these Noorzyes of the Adreskunde may utmost civility and kindness, in their 
 
 have taken part in the attack on the i-ougli way, at every khail he passed 
 
 English at Kandahar, 300 miles dis- through. The Afghan nomads are cer- 
 
 tant; but the greater number had pro- tainly as dirty a race as can be ima- 
 
 bably seen no other Feringees than gined; but they were quite on their 
 
 those attached to the Herat mission, good behaviour when he travelled 
 
 against whom they had no enmity what- among them, and he saw nothing of the 
 
 ever. disgusting insolence which M. Ferrier 
 
 The circmnstances under which Dr. exi^erieuced. He has no doubt, how- 
 
 L. travelled between Herat and Kan- ever, of the correctness of M. Ferrier 's 
 
 dahar, when detached from the mission, statement; indeed the whole account of 
 
 were very different. The objects of his journej' in those countries appears 
 
 his journey were to convey despatches eminently truthful and graphic, and 
 
 and jiresents to Kandahar, for trans- evinces his high qualifications as a tra- 
 
 mission to England, and to bi-iug back veller. — L. 
 
CiiAi". XIX. (.iUini-Alî AND SHAHGUZ. 271 
 
 At last my spirits, as well as my strength, began to fail under 
 the combined effects of fever, anxiety, vexation, and fatigue, 
 crowned by frequent and overpowering distress from the want of 
 water. I grew melancholy ; I yearned for my own country ; I 
 thought of those dear to me that I had left there, and began to 
 feel as if courage would forsake me. It would indeed be difficult 
 to imagine the horrors of my position in the company of such 
 villains, in the midst of this vast and burning plain, in which often 
 a quart of water and a black loaf was all the sustenance I had 
 for a wliole day. When I succeeded in overcoming one obstacle 
 another and a greater rose before me, and when 1 put up with 
 any privation it was only a warning that I must submit in 
 everything. 
 
 In this country the difficulty of procuring what you want is 
 much increased by the circumstance I have before alluded to, — 
 that the nomads know not the value of money, and it is sometimes 
 impossible to purchase anything with it. Whatever articles they 
 let you have they insist upon being paid for with something that 
 they can wear, such as sashes, turbans, trowsers, or a piece of 
 cotton cloth, called kerbas, for a shirt ; or tea, coffee, sugar, or to- 
 bacco : and I have often suffered the pangs of hunger for hours, 
 because I had not had the forethought to bring a packet of such 
 articles with me for the purpose. 
 
 Gurm-ab and Sliahguz, July 28th — thirteen parasangs — in 
 narrow valleys between high mountains, quite uncultivated and 
 covered with brushwood of tamarisk ; a few tents now and then 
 appeared in the distance. We arrived here after a march of six para- 
 sangs in the night. The place is named after a so-called warm- 
 spring, but its heat is not more than four or five degrees above 
 zero. It has no particular metallic flavour, nevertheless it seemed 
 to me scarcely probable that it should always have been so 
 tasteless. I think it likely that, for want of being preserved, it 
 may have become mixed with others and deteriorated. One thing, 
 however, is certain, — that in former times the place was fre- 
 quented, for there are the ruins of an edifice which might have 
 been princely, and they are still shaded by trees centuries old ; 
 the heat was, in the shade, 45° of Centigrade. Close to it is an 
 unfinished English caravanserai. 
 
 I had purchased a small supply of provisions at Giraneh — all 
 that they would sell me, but my honest companions had eaten 
 
272 TJIK HOT WIND. Chap. XIX. 
 
 them durin<>' the night's march ; when, therefore, I expected to 
 breakfast, nothing was to be found but a little rice. Exceedingly 
 savage at this, I determined, in spite of hunger, fatigue, and 
 the heat, to shoot some of the immense number of partridges 
 that with other game abounded near the halt, and in the 
 course of an hour I returned with three birds and a larger 
 appetite ; but how can I paint my disappointment, my grief, my 
 rage, when I saw that the rice, which was such an important 
 ingredient in my repast, had been eaten— eaten, as Ali told me, 
 by four sepoys on their way from Herat to Kandahar ! They 
 pounced upon it, said he, without the least ceremony. I could not 
 avoid being his victim, but I was not his dupe, for his beard being 
 full of rice and grease, clearly showed he had been a partici- 
 pator in the theft, if he had not instigated it. The same proofs 
 convicted Ahmed and Jubbur Khan: they had not even done 
 masticating. What could I do ? To be angry was useless, 
 perhaps dangerous ; so when my strange guests departed, ironically 
 complimenting my eatables and my cook, I answered in the same 
 tone that I quite regretted that a supper intended for four only 
 had to serve for seven, and, without manifesting further discom- 
 posure, sat down to pluck my partridges. When they were 
 roasted, 1 ate two, and, to the great disgust of my three villains, 
 put the other into my pocket to eat alone at sunset. 
 
 At three o'clock in the afternoon we were again in the 
 saddle and continued our way along a deep valley ; but in 
 about two hours the horses absolutely refused to advance further 
 against the burning wind. This terrible hot blast, which in- 
 flicts upon animals the same tortures as on the human race, is 
 called sirocco in the south of Europe, hliamsine in Egypt, and 
 saum and simoom in Arabia and Persia.* In Egypt, Damascus, 
 Arabia, and Bagdad, it blows by sudden squalls, the approach 
 of which is indicated by a certain perturbed state of the atmos- 
 phere. It is filled with masses of livid opaque vapour, which 
 
 * M. Ferrierhere alludes to the ordi- cause it does not come in contact with 
 
 nary hot blast of the desert, and not the it, as it rarely approaches within one or 
 
 real saum or simoom. The latter is a two feet of the ground. The camel, 
 
 poisonous ciu'rent of air, probably elec- instinctively being aware of its approach, 
 
 trie, of rare occuri-ence, and causing kneels down, and lays its head close to 
 
 instant death, and peculiar, I believe, to the ground, thus escaping its deadly 
 
 the deserts of Arabia. It has no in- effects. — Ed. 
 jurions effect on vegetation, perhaps be- 
 
CiiAi'. XIX. PLAIN OF r.UKWA. 273 
 
 conceal the horizon, and not unfrequently objects that are at no 
 great distance from the traveller : the light of the sun comes 
 through it tinted red, and causes visible alarm to the animals, who 
 drive their noses into the sand, or turn their backs to the squall 
 till it has passed, and men are almost suffocated by it; perspiration 
 is suddenly arrested, an impalpable sand fills up every pore — eyes, 
 nose, ears, and mouth ; the pulse beats violently, and the suflerer 
 sometimes falls down suddenly, as if struck by apoplexy. Decom- 
 position always rapidly follows death under these awful circum- 
 stances, and at the slightest touch the corpse becomes dismembered 
 — everything attending the prevalence of this death-charged blast 
 is singular, exceptional, startling. In the vast southern steppes of 
 Central Asia it rarely blows in squalls, it is only in the deserts of 
 the Seistan that it exhibits that characteristic ; but here it blows 
 about three days in moderate force, in which one suffers much, 
 though death rarely ensues. There is no protection against it, ex- 
 cept a house hermetically closed on the side from which it comes. 
 
 We had suffered sadly during the seven parasangs between 
 Gurra-ab and Shahguz, because our mesek had been torn, and 
 much of the water had escaped ; nevertheless, by turning it, I 
 had contrived to save about a small basinful, of which I took the 
 greatest care, in case, as might very possibly happen, one or other 
 of us should be struck by the simoom ; but Jubbur Khan, seizing 
 the opportunity, while I was rolling on the ground in agonies 
 from a kick I had received from one of the horses, drank the 
 precious liquid. I perceived that he had done so the moment I 
 asked him for some to recover me a little ; and to my reproaches 
 he only answered that he could see no necessity for my being 
 angry at his taking a little mud that hardly served to wet his 
 moustache. "Water," he added, jeeringly, "is the drink of 
 Mussulmen — infidels, like you, drink wine. We must each take 
 our chance ; I have not encroached upon yours, so let me hear 
 no more about it.' I had no resource, so suffered without com- 
 plaining. 
 
 Four hours before daylight we came out of the defile of Der- 
 vazeh, upon the immense plain of Bukwa, bounded only by the 
 horizon. All the mountains were left behind us ; and the vast 
 level, naked surface was modified only by two or three small and 
 isolated hills, at great distances from each other. 
 
 The exceedingly steep and high mountains bordering this plain 
 
 T 
 
271 PLAIN OIM'.UKWA. Chap. XIX. 
 
 on the north arc. doubtless the southern limits of the country 
 known to the ancients by the name of Paropamisus ; those we 
 had traversed in coming from Herat were its boundary on the 
 west. Extensive plains arc spread immediately at their base. 
 That of Bukwa may be considered the largest, but it is not the 
 most populated. A few villages, or camps of nomads, are met 
 with in the northern part, others more numerous are ranged on 
 the banks of the llelmund or the Khash-rood ; all the central 
 part is uninhabited, not because it is sterile, but from the want of 
 water to irrigate the cultivation. Anciently it was well supplied 
 with water from the mountain by numerous wells, and then con- 
 tained many villages ; but during the last century it has been the 
 theatre of the almost constant wars between the states of Kanda- 
 har and Herat ; and the result has been that the inhabitants have 
 fled from the perpetual miseries entailed upon them by their fron- 
 tier position between the two countries. In the plain of Bukwa 
 the heat is excessive, though the air is healthy, and nothing grows 
 there except scanty brushwood of tamarisk and mimosa; w^ere 
 it peopled and cultivated to the extent that it might be, it would 
 become an abundant granary for Afghanistan. 
 
 We stopped at Shahguz, near a well of brackish water, by 
 the side of which were a few nomadic tents. Bukwa is not the 
 name of a place, but of the district embracing the whole plain. 
 
CiiAi-. XX. TAX ON TRAVE[.LERS. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Tax upon travellers — Camp of Noorzyes — Another scene in a tent — Curiosity 
 and questions — Why the European's skin is white — The limits of Iliate hos- 
 pitality — Haji-Ibrahimi — A night with the nomads — Their dish called 
 kooroot — The Persian Kesht — Attack of the Noorzyes — Hatred existing 
 between Afghan tribes — Character of the Afghan — Incapable of amelioration 
 
 — Habits of the Eïmaks ■ — Washeer — Afghan instincts • — Mode of calculating 
 
 time — The Persian talker — The author enters the territory of Kandahar 
 
 Crosses the Khash-i-ood — The Wall of Washeer — The advantages of hospitality 
 
 — More troubles — What a Europeaa is in the eyes of an Afghan — The 
 author turns cook — Imprudence of travelling with trunks — Treachery of the 
 new guide — Attack upon Mons. Ferrier and his servants — Character of the 
 Parsivaus — Biabdnak. 6 
 
 HAJi-lBRAHtMi, July 29th — six parasangs — a few tents and a 
 little cultivation appearing on the horizon. In the middle of the 
 plain, by the road-side, is the village of Kassem-abad, containing 
 about one hundred and fifty hearths, and enclosed by a wall of 
 earth. The governor of the district resides in it, and also the 
 contractor for the toll upon travellers. 
 
 This tax is frequently renewed in Afghanistan, and is very 
 onerous, for it must be paid every three or four stages. In 
 Herat the contractors are generally rich Indian merchants, 
 and pretty easily satisfied ; but their deputies, usually Afghans, 
 are much less so, and always claim more than is fixed by the 
 tariff. It is certainly possible to complain to their superiors, 
 but the traveller would gain nothing by so doing : he would 
 only protract indefinitely the vexatious examination of his effects ; 
 and in revenge the official would probably find the opportunity, 
 during the process, of slipping some little article into his own 
 pocket. I therefore always paid at once what they demanded. 
 Kassem-abad is the last inhabited spot in the principality of 
 Herat, towards the frontier of Kandahar. 
 
 We stopped to breakfast near a camp of nomadic Noorzyes, 
 and found the men armed to the teeth, and ready for any sur- 
 prise that might be attempted against them by the tribe of Haji- 
 Ibrahimi, whose camp lay a few parasangs farther east. Tlie two 
 
 T 2 
 
276 ANO'J^HEIÎ TENT-RCENE. Ciim'. XX. 
 
 tribes had been at war for the last few days, about the turuhig of 
 a water-course, and several men had lost their lives. 
 
 Scarcely had I succeeded in settling myself in my tent when 
 these ragged warriors crowded in upon me, close as herrings in a 
 tub, to my no small discomfort, for the mercury stood at 48^' of Cen- 
 tigrade in the shade. The rascal Jubbur Khan, instead of pre- 
 serving me from this intrusion, amused himself by pressing them 
 to come in and inquire after my health ; this the fellows did most 
 pertinaciously, and with the most unpleasant familiarity. Some 
 had their itchy, filthy children on their knees ; and these wretched 
 little monkeys screamed and cried most frightfully. In short, it 
 was a repetition of Jaberan ; each one, great and small, seemed 
 bent upon trying which could make the most noise ; and I was perse- 
 cuted by a continuous cross-fire of the most stupid and impertinent 
 questions. " What are you ? " " Where are you going ? " " Where 
 do you come from ? " " What is your rank ? " " What do you want 
 to do ? " " Are you rich ? " " Is your country more fertile than 
 ours? " " Have you as good melons there ? " " Are the men as 
 clever and brave as we are ? " This last was characteristic ; for 
 they are exceedingly conceited, and look upon themselves as in 
 every respect the first people in the world. 
 
 They touched upon every subject ; would be told everything, 
 and applied everything to themselves ; they inquired about the 
 smallest details, and with endless repetitions — nothing could be 
 more irritating, more tormenting. If I took up my kalioon, they 
 walked off with it before I had drawn two puffs ; passed it 
 from hand to hand, and sucked the pipe till it was consumed. 
 They pounced upon my meals, leaving me only the scraps ; and 
 scrupled not to ask me for sugar, tea, coffee, and tobacco, in 
 tones that made it clear they had no intention of submitting to a 
 refusal, which it would have been dangerous as well as useless to 
 give. 
 
 These fellows never for a moment considered they were 
 annoying me. It was a duty of hospitality to keep me company. 
 It would have been the same to give as well as to receive ; but 
 covetousness, that thoroughly Afghan vice, drove them, in spite of 
 themselves, to trespass upon the laws of hospitality, or, even as other 
 nations would consider, ordinary civility. They did not leave me 
 five minutes' peace in which to change my shirt, but pleased them- 
 selves with ascertaining whether I was of the same shape as them- 
 
C'li.M". XX. LIMITS OF HOSPITALITY. 277 
 
 selves or not ; feelino;' by turns my face, hands, feet, and body ; and, 
 above all, holding- long- discussions upon the whiteness of my skin. 
 They could not account for the difference between us on this point, 
 each offering some most ridiculous conjecture about it, till the 
 mollah brought them all to one mind by telling them, — " His con- 
 demned faith forbids the European women to suckle their children, 
 and they supply the mother's place by an ewe. This, therefore," 
 he added, " preserves the natural whiteness of the skin ; but they 
 are not the less half-beast, half-man ; and that is the reason they 
 cannot understand the sublime religion of our venerated Prophet." 
 What I suffered from these investigations exceeds belief; for 
 similar scenes were enacted in various places. I found, however, 
 exceptions to the multitude in several Afghan chiefs, who pos- 
 sessed both good manners and strong good sense under a rough 
 exterior, and who were in some degree educated ; but the middle 
 and lower classes were all unintelligent brutes, in the most de- 
 graded state of ignorance. 
 
 When I visited the plain of Bukwa two years only had elapsed 
 since it had been replaced under the dominion of the Khan of Herat ; 
 and the iron hand of Yar Mohamed pressed heavily upon the people. 
 They dared no longer live by pillage, formerly their best resource. 
 They now cultivate the ground, and rear flocks, by which they 
 realise larger profits ; but that sort of life is odious to them, and 
 they cease not to curse the Vezir, by whom the change has been 
 forced upon them. One of these Iliates frankly told me that but 
 for the awe in which he stood of Yar Mohamed he should have 
 followed me a couple of parasangs beyond the prescribed limits of hos- 
 pitality, and then rifled my trunks, which he was persuaded were 
 filled with gold, and undisguisedly expressed his vexation at not 
 being able to appropriate the contents. The confession of my 
 avaricious visitor no way increased my confidence in him : I much 
 doubted whether the temptation might not overcome his fears even 
 of the Vezir Sahib, and therefore, setting out immediately, after 
 five hours' journey I arrived before nightfall at Haji-Ibrahimi, 
 The encampment is watered by a kariz,* near which there is an 
 English caravanserai, and the tomb of the Imaum from whom the 
 place takes its name.t 
 
 * A kariz is au underground water- in all the plain country of Persia and 
 
 course or aqueduct, with shafts at inter- Afghanistan.— Eu. 
 
 vais for the convenience of repairing it. t In illustration of I^I. Ferrier's re- 
 
 Thcy are met with in great luuubers mark in the text, an incident may be 
 
278 
 
 ATTACK OF NOOIIZYES. 
 
 Chap. XX. 
 
 The inhabitants of Ilaji-Ibrahimi were armed and on their 
 guard, like the tribe with whom I had breakfasted, and they only 
 received us because it was night, and there was neither water nor 
 inhabited spot within ten hours' march. Had it been daytime they 
 would not have considered it imperative upon their hospitality to 
 receive us, and we must have pushed on. My companions, weary 
 and longing for repose after the fatigues of the day, thought to 
 obtain it sooner by carefully concealing the fact of my being an 
 European, for fear of exciting their curiosity ; they therefore gave 
 out that I was a Parsivan, in the service of Yar Mohamed, thus 
 procuring me the tranquillity which I required even more than 
 themselves. We were soon provided with supper — " for the love 
 of God " — ez bcrayé Khoda — no payment being asked for in any 
 
 mentioned in Dr. Login's journey from 
 Herat to Kandahar in 18+0. He had 
 been received, with all his party, by an 
 Afghan chief in the neighbourhood of 
 Washeer, in a most courteous and hospi- 
 table manner; for he had been honoured 
 with au "Istigbal'' in the Afghan style 
 — the eldest son of the Khan, with 
 several horsemen, having been sent out 
 to meet him, and to display their feats 
 of horsemanship as he approached. The 
 chief had also invited all the principal 
 men of his tribe to a fea.st on the occa- 
 sion. 
 
 It was arranged before they parted 
 for the night that the Khan, with some 
 of his peojjle, were to accomi^any Dr. 
 Login next morning fora short distance 
 on his way to Girishk. It happened, 
 however, that he awuke very early (the 
 Afghan pilau may have been indigest- 
 ible! ), and could not again fall asleep; and 
 finding that the moon was very bright, 
 and the weather most favourable, he 
 left his little tent, which was pitched in 
 the court-yard of the caravanserai, and 
 walked outside the gate, where he found 
 a Pharsivan awake, holding the horse of 
 a sleeping Afghan, who was supposed 
 to be on duty as sentinel. After a little 
 conversation with this man, during 
 which he was enlightened as to the 
 character of his host and his people in 
 general, and their treatment of Pliar- 
 sivaus in pai-ticular, he determined, 
 being anxious to get on to Girishk as 
 soun as possible, to wake up his men 
 and proceed on his journey. He ac- 
 cordingly did so, sending a message to 
 the Khan apologising for starting so 
 
 early, and a small present in acknow- 
 ledgment of his kindness. On hearing, 
 however, of his intention to depart 
 sooner than had been arranged by fully 
 two hours, the Khan came out to dis- 
 suade him ; but failing in this, he or- 
 dei'ed his horses out to accompany him. 
 Dr. Login very civilly declined his 
 escort. MiQV rather a trying march, 
 nearly fifty miles, he reached Ghirishk 
 in safety, and was cordially welcomed 
 
 by Captain E , then in charge of the 
 
 district. 
 
 Ou the day after his arrival there 
 information was brought in by some of 
 
 Captain E 's police agents that Dr. 
 
 Login's host of the pi'eceduig day had, 
 while he was enjoying his hospitality, 
 sent notice to a Dooranee chief named 
 Akhtar Khan, who had for some time 
 been in arms against us, and who was 
 encamped with liis followers not far 
 from Sadaat, that Dr. Login would 
 pass that place at a cei'tain time, urging 
 him to intercept him, as he might prove 
 a valuable jn-ize ! 
 
 Had Dr. Login not providentially 
 been induced to start so eax'ly, and to 
 decline the proffered escort, he might 
 not have got into Girishk so safely; 
 and a valuable copy of the '' Shah- 
 nameh," presented bj' Shah Kamran to 
 her most gracious Majesty, of which he 
 was the bearer, and which he has 
 since had the happiness of seeing in the 
 Ro5^al Library at Windsor, might have 
 passed through the hands of a few more 
 Afghan murdei-ers before reaching those 
 of her Majesty's librarian. — L. 
 
Chap. XX. IMUTUAL HATKED OF AFGHAN TRIBES. 279 
 
 form. It consisted of black bread, sour milk, and an uneatable 
 ragout — grains of maize cooked and crushed, with small pieces of 
 broad, floating in boiling and rancid grease. Despite my vora- 
 cious hunger, I contented myself with the bread and milk, and left 
 the kouroot to a score of fellows, also at supper, amongst whom it 
 disappeared in tlie twinkling of an eye. When this dish is well 
 made it is excellent, though I believe unknown in Em'ope — in 
 Persia it is called keslit, and is thus prepared. Some butter-milk 
 is boiled in a very large saucepan, by which means the watery 
 particles escape in the form of steam, and the solid ones are depo- 
 sited at the bottom of the vessel ; when sufficiently thickened the 
 mass is divided and made into little balls about the size of a 
 pigeon's e^g, which are dried in the sun, and will keep for years. 
 When required, these balls of concentrated grease are continuously 
 stirred in hot water, and in a metal dish, till completely dissolved : 
 the epicures add a quarter of a pound of fresh butter, which gives 
 the sauce an exquisite flavour. It is poured over the bread, maize, 
 or meat which it is intended to season, just at the moment it is to 
 be served. Kesht is used with meat, but more particularly with 
 black cucumbers and fish. 
 
 To return from this culinary digression. After the repast was 
 finished our hosts pressed us to go to rest immediately, and pro- 
 ceeded to do the same themselves around us, charging our party 
 not to pass beyond the circle-, lest we should receive a shot or two 
 from their matchlocks, which were on the ground beside them 
 ready for the anticipated attack of the Noorzyes should they 
 present themselves. The precaution was not altogether useless, 
 for in the middle of the night we were awoke by the noise of firing. 
 Our hosts, who rose at the first shot, put us in safety in the cara- 
 vanserai, and then marched resolutely to meet their enemies, of 
 whom they wounded several, and put them to flight. Not caring 
 to remain longer than we could help in this place, we Mere as early 
 on the road as possible. 
 
 The mutual hatred existing between the various Afghan tribes 
 and their subdivisions, each of which might almost be called a 
 separate nation, will for a long time impede the establishment 
 amongst them of any combined action or form of government. 
 The smouldering fire of old grudges and quarrels is not to be ex- 
 tinguished ; the most trifling motives will revive the flame and 
 arm them against each other, and the consequence-* of the con- 
 
280 ri{El)A'ro]{Y HABITS. Ciim'. XX. 
 
 flicts are deplorable for the country and the population : but for 
 this the Afi>han cares little ; nothing can exceed his patience 
 under misfortune — it is only equalled by his turbulence, ferocity, 
 and love of vengeance. An energetic man, just, generous, and 
 brave, might perhaps soften their character a little, but such a 
 man is rarely to be iound amongst them ; and I believe that even 
 he would fail to arouse them from the idleness in which they love 
 to indulge ; once in possession of a paltry little mud cabin, a tent, 
 a wife, a horse, and arms, their ambition is satisfied, and they will 
 only rouse themselves from their torpid existence to fight and pil- 
 lage. Their ideas rarely take an industrious or mercantile turn ; 
 those amongst them, and they are few in number, who have a little 
 property are obliged to apply to a Parsivan to tell them even the 
 value of it, or how to turn it to account. It is to the industry and 
 activity of these })eople that the country is indebted for all it pos- 
 sesses, but they derive only a small profit from their exertions, and 
 but few of them ever attain a position which is not in some degree 
 subservient to their tyrants. Amongst the nomadic Eïmaks I have 
 seen many old men who have never tasted meat, though their 
 whole lives have been devoted to the rearing of flocks ; they have 
 never been able to afford to buy any : a coarse loaf, fruit, and a 
 few grains of maize, are their only subsistence. 
 
 Although the severity of Yar Mohamed Khan has repressed 
 the thievish tendencies of the Afghans in the plain of Bukwa, a 
 traveller cannot feel himself perfectly safe in the district, because 
 it is constantly scoured by the independent Belooches inhabiting 
 the banks of the Ilelmund. Mounted on their fast dromedaries, 
 they make frequent incursions upon the territory of Herat, and, 
 when in sufficient force, attack the encampments and villages, 
 which they utterly ruin. It is to these raids, as frequent as 
 those of the Kandaharians, that the desolation and depopulation of 
 this fine plain is to be attributed ; and the few inhabitants living 
 between the alternatives of pillaging or being pillaged have ac- 
 quired a courage, daring, and ferocity beyond what it is easy to 
 imagine any people to possess, which, however, does not prevent 
 them from being very hospitable. As under the sovereignty of 
 Yar Mohamed they dare not carry on their skirmishes in Herat, 
 they exercise their predatory talents upon the Belooches subject 
 to. or in Kandahar. They always go out at night, and when they 
 have learned from their spies the position of an encampment they 
 
CiiAi'. XX. WASPlEb]!!. 2bl 
 
 advance stealthily to surprise the sleeping travellers, arranging 
 themselves in parties of three to attack each person. One throws 
 himself on the body of a victim and ties his hands with cords, while 
 the other two seize his head and feet, and pin him to the gromid — 
 every man carrying a short chain, with a large nail attached to 
 each end of it, to be used for the purpose. Having by this ma- 
 nœuvre deprived the unfortunate man of the power of moving, 
 they proceed to strip him quite at their ease ; retiring with their 
 chains, satisfied with leaving his hands tied. But when these 
 thieves are too few in number to follow their usual plan, two of 
 them creep together in silence to the unhappy object of their 
 cruelty and avarice ; one approaches his head, the other in the 
 opposite direction, and while the latter draws a well-sharpened 
 knife across the soles of his feet, to disable him entirely, the 
 former simultaneously slips his havresack, which generally con- 
 tains all he possesses, from under his head, and both escape at full 
 speed. 
 
 Washeer, July SOth— thirteen parasangs — over fields; the road 
 followed the base of the mountains, but as that was a long round 
 out of my way, I preferred taking a direct line for the Kohi-duzdan, 
 the Robbers' Mountain, which stands, like a detached sentinel, 
 in the middle of the plain, and in front of the river Khash-rood. 
 Between Haji-Ibrahimi and Khash-rood there is not a drop of 
 water ; and he who journeys through these arid plains must endure 
 the lively torments of burning heat and thirst that I have before 
 mentioned. All his strength is consumed by fever, taking from 
 him almost the sense of existence ; the only relief is in mastica- 
 tion, w hich creates saliva, and so far alleviates the feeling of intense 
 thirst as to render it bearable. The facility of travelling straight 
 across the country, from one point to another, renders strategy a 
 very useless science in Afghanistan ; and an army is seldom uneasy 
 about securing its communications, being sure of always finding an 
 open passage by which to retreat. For the same reason it always 
 marches straight on, without any uneasiness as to the enemies that 
 may swarm on its flank or rear. I have never seen a people so 
 clever in judging of the direction in which they ought to travel, 
 be the place they want to go to at ever so great a distance. In 
 crossing the steppes they always strike the point they intend to 
 reach. 
 
 The country which separates Ilaji-Ibrahimi from ^^'asheer is 
 
WASHF]EIÎ. 
 
 Chap. XX. 
 
 covered with briars and brambles ; and among^st them were 
 scattered groups of tamarisk, serving for the shelter of scores of 
 wild asses, goor hhur, and every variety of antelope ; there were 
 also a great many partridges and bustards.* 
 
 * The road by which M. Ferrier trta- 
 velled is not the most direct one fi-om 
 Bukwa to Girislik. That by Dilaram 
 to the south of the Kohi Duzdan is con- 
 siderably shorter tliau by Wa8heer;but 
 the distance between the halting-places, 
 from the scarcity of vrater, and the 
 dread of Beluoche robbers, have caused 
 it to be less frequented. 
 
 Perhaps an incident or two in the 
 journey of the mission from Herat to 
 the Helmnnd may serve to illustrate 
 M. Ferrier's text. 
 
 Our party, under Major D'Arcy Todd, 
 consisting (with the escort commanded 
 by Sirdar Futteh Khan, our Mehman- 
 dar) of about .Jot) persons, had passed 
 through the Herat tenitories by the 
 ordinary kafilah mai'cliea, and without 
 the least molestation, receiving indeed 
 mai'ks of goodwill at several places 
 where we halted; but on reaching the 
 frontier of the Kandahar state we 
 wei'e more doubtful as to our reception, 
 as Akhtar Khan, a Dooranee chief 
 already mentioned in a former note, 
 was known to be on the watch to inter- 
 cept us, with a considerable force, at 
 no great distance to the left of the 
 Washeer road. It was therefore deter- 
 mined to conceal tlie rovite by which we 
 wei'e to travel until we had passed 
 through Bukwa, and we proceeded by 
 the lower road to Dilaram. 
 
 On arriving at the latter place in the 
 afternoon, after leaving Hagee Ibrahim, 
 our people prepared their encampment 
 for the night in the usual way, and, to 
 avoid suspicion, were not prevented ; 
 but after having had their meals, and a 
 veiy short sleep, the whole party were 
 quietly turned out, and prepared for the 
 march as quickly as possible. 
 
 Accompanied by Sirdar Futteh Khan, 
 who was in the secret of our councils, 
 and whose conduct liad always given us 
 cause to trust him, Dr. Login proceeded 
 during the night, with an advanced 
 party of well-mounted horsemen, a 
 little in front of the main body under 
 charge of M;ij<ir Todd, until early dawn, 
 when the advance pushed on rapidly to 
 take possession of the first set of wells, 
 which they were apprehensive might be 
 
 held by a party of Akhtar Khan's men. 
 
 Finding these, however, unoccupied, 
 the advanced party halted there until 
 the main body came up within a suffi- 
 cient distance to secure them, when it 
 again pushed on to occupy another 
 small pool in a similar way, and thence 
 reached the appointed halting-place, a 
 distance of upwards of fifty miles from 
 Dilaram, where it waited the arrival of 
 the main body. 
 
 Halting only a sufficient time for a 
 slight refreshment to men and ani- 
 mals, the order of march was again 
 formed as on the jirevious evening; but 
 as it was considered dangerous to show 
 any lights, for fear of attracting the 
 notice of the Afghans, much difficulty 
 was experienced in finding the proper 
 pathway; and heavy clouds having for 
 a time obscured the stars, by which he 
 guided us, our one-handed Cossid — a. 
 man well known in these parts for his 
 wonilerful intelligence as a guide — "' 
 actually had to feci for the trodden 
 path on the hard surface of the desert, 
 and found it. By occasionally sending 
 back a hoi'seman from the advanced 
 party, communication was kept up with 
 the main body during the night; but 
 as soon as the moi'ning dawned our 
 advance was pushed more rapidly on- 
 wards. 
 
 On approaching some broken ground 
 near the " Houz," said to be a favourite 
 rendezvous of Belooche mai-auders, and 
 likely to be occujjied by a party of 
 Akhtar Khan's men, our advance was 
 made with much precaution, covered by 
 files of horsemen in front and on our 
 flanks ; and on a signal being made from 
 our right flank, and a horseman riding in 
 to report that a large number of saddled 
 horses were seen in a ravine near the 
 Houz, we immediately prepared for 
 action in Afghan style. Chogas (cloaks) 
 were put in saddle bags, kummer-bunds 
 tightened, turbans firmly bound, loose 
 sleeves turned up, arms bared to the 
 shoulders, and matchlocks and bucklers 
 unslung. The signal of the horseman 
 had been seen fi'om the main body, 
 about a mile distant, and the effect of 
 his repoi-t observed ; and we were 
 
Cjiai'. XX. MODE OF CALCULATING TOIE. 1^83 
 
 One of the greatest annoyances in travelling over these immense 
 solitudes is the complete uncertainty which always exists as to the 
 distance that must be accomplished before the next halt. The in- 
 hnbitants have no clocks or watches; many of them are ignorant 
 of the divisions of time in use in Europe ; and some do not know 
 even the length of a parasang. They divide the time in their 
 own manner ; from one prayer to another ; from one meal to 
 another ; till time to sleep, or time to rise ; and as every one cal- 
 culates distance by the power of his own legs, or the speed of his 
 own horse, it follows that there exists no fixed idea either of time 
 or distance. I have often travelled five or six parasangs when the 
 Afghans had assured me that it was only a short gallop, yeh mel- 
 dane asp, to the place to which I proposed to go. 
 
 Our little party was increased at Haji-Ibrahimi by a Persian 
 merchant, who joined us. He was a native of Meshed, and, like 
 all his countrymen, boaster, gossip, and buffoon ; he perfectly 
 stupefied me with his perpetual talking, from the time we left 
 the halt, being, according to his own statement, on his twelfth 
 journey to India. He related a thousand adventures, of which 
 ,he was, of course, the hero. On one occasion he threw himself, 
 alone, sword in hand, upon three hundred Belooches, and mas- 
 sacred them fearfully. At another, he had ridden a hundred and 
 sixty parasangs without drawing bridle ; and in fact, let the subject 
 be what it might, in the boasting line he kept the conversation to 
 himself for eight hours, and always in the same strain, till we had 
 reached the top of the Kohi-duzdan. There a score or so of horse- 
 men suddenly appeared upon the road, and came towards us at 
 a gallop ; the moment he perceived them he was silent. Our 
 
 shortly jf)ined by a large party whom been laden and prepared to start when 
 
 Major Todd detached in support. They seen by our vedette, and in the haze of 
 
 came up at full gallop, similarly pre- the morning were mistaken for horses ! 
 
 pared, each man wishing to appear a After passing through the broken 
 
 very Roostum. Thinking it strange ground, and again emerging on the 
 
 that no horsemen from the front had level desert, oar main body closed up, 
 
 fallen back, the ground becoming more and we proceeded together to Girishk, 
 
 broken preventing our seeing them, Dr. having safely accomplished a distance of 
 
 Login proposed to the Sirdar to ride on upwards of 100 miles, with camels and 
 
 with him to ascertain the cause ; and on other slow -travelling animals, with 
 
 losing sight of their party, and descend- only a few hours' halt. It was reported 
 
 iug into a ravine, they came suddenly to us afterwards that we had got over 
 
 in view of a kafila of asses, laden with our difficulties just in time, and that a 
 
 corn and butter from the Helmund, on detachment of Akhtar Khan's men had 
 
 its way to Bukwa, escorted by a good been sent to Houz to intercept us, but 
 
 many Afghans on foot! They had just arrived too late. — L. 
 
28-i- TlIK riOKSIAN TALKE1Î. Cjiap. XX. 
 
 valiant Mirza Zein Allah Bedin was soizcd with a complete panic ; 
 his face became ashy white, and his tongue clove to the roof of his 
 mouth. I felt uneasy myself, hut endeavoured to rouse my com- 
 panions to show a firm front ; a point in which they were quite as 
 much interested as 1 was, for the Belooches never give quarter to 
 the Afffhans. But the Persian considered what 1 had said ex- 
 ceedingly imprudent, and in an instant, turning from white to 
 black, declared the defensive attitude that 1 had reconnnended 
 perfectly ridiculous. " Just like the f^eringhees," he said, " always 
 ready to quarrel for the slightest reason ; for my part, I have 
 managed twenty times to get out of such a difficulty. Imitate me 
 and all will be well." Quickly endeavouring to assume a composed 
 and jovial countenance, under which, however, he could scarcely 
 conceal his alarm, he advanced towards the two leading horsemen, 
 who, detached from the group, had come forward to reconnoitre, 
 whom he took for granted were a couple of real robbers. In 
 the most pressing manner he presented to them his Cashmir sash 
 and his muslin turban, accompanying the offer with a most charm- 
 ingly flowery address: "May the hour be propitious; may you 
 be most welcome," he said; "my eyes have been enlightened» 
 since your illustrious shadows have been projected before me ; may 
 Allah never diminish them ! Blessed be the fortunate constellation 
 that brought you to this spot ; but you were really too good to 
 take the trouble to come to meet us — we poor folks, who have 
 nothing, who were going to find you, to kits the dust of your feet, 
 and offer you as a present these wretched rags, so unworthy of 
 you ; but God is merciful ; he will permit me to meet you again, 
 and satisfy the wishes of my heart, in ofiering you presents that 
 shall be worthy of you." The good man accompanied his truly 
 Persian oration by an infinity of bowing and scraping, and seemed 
 not in the least att'ronted at the roars of laughter which the horse- 
 men could not repress at his ill-dissembled fear, and his naked 
 shaven skull shining in the sun. When, however, he found his 
 presents were not accepted, he tried to make up a new tale, to 
 save his amour-propre from our ridicule ; but clever as he thought 
 himself, he became so completely entangled in his own rhodo- 
 montade that even we joined in the laugh against him. Mirza 
 Zein Allah Bedin, now rendered furious, declared we were all 
 Jangeli, inhabitants of the forest, incapable of appreciating the 
 resources of his intellect. 
 
fiiAP. XX. THE WALI OF WASHEEi;. 285 
 
 The horsemen wlio had so startled us on their first appearance 
 belonged to the Khan of Washeer. Having been informed that 
 the Belooches were prowling about this part of the country, their 
 chief had sent them on a reconnaissance beyond the Khash-rood, 
 to render assistance to those who might be in need of it ; but 
 not having found the dreaded Belooches, they were going home, 
 and we took advantage of their escort to enter the territory of Kan- 
 dahar. After nine hours' march from Ilaji-lbrahimi we reached 
 the Khash-rood, the boundary between Herat and Kandahar. 
 At the spot where we crossed its banks were deep, and covered 
 with tamarisk brushwood. We continued our way along a 
 defile, in which we observed some nomads, and then arrived at 
 Washeer, a district composed of four villages, almost touching 
 each other, though each is separately enclosed with a wall of 
 earth. They stand on a plain stretching on the left to a 
 chain of mountains, the torrents from which provide water 
 for the irrio^ation of the surroundino^ cultivation. After havinof 
 pitched my tent under the shade of some trees, near a wall 
 breast-high, I sent Jubbur Khan to Sultan Khan Wali of the dis- 
 trict, with a letter of introduction from the Sertip Lai Mohamed 
 Khan. The Wali came to see me immediately, bringing some 
 cakes of black bread, and a jug of milk, which he ofl'ered me in 
 the name of hospitality ; a trifling offering, indeed, in itself, but 
 very precious as a mark of his feeling towards me. It is really 
 most difficult to understand why one of these nomads, so hospitable 
 in his tent, should pillage the traveller without mercy, if he meets 
 him a hundred paces from it. Sultan Khan told me, laughing, 
 " You are my guest ; may Allah shed his blessings upon you, 
 and may your shadow never be less ! But it would have been a 
 tine piece of good luck to meet you half a parasang from this place. 
 Those pistols, that gun, and that sword that you always have your 
 hand upon, would soon have been hung up in my divan hhaneh ;" 
 and he closed his teeth upon his lower lip, as a man would do 
 who felt vexed at having lost a good chance. However, I heard 
 something of this sort at every halt ; and the danger was generally 
 the greatest in an inhabited place. To prevent the miscreants 
 from taking my baggage, I was obliged to sleep upon it, scarce 
 daring to cease watch even then. I was never less anxious than 
 when I encamped in the middle of the wide steppe in a desert 
 spot ; my felt spread upon the ground, I rested for a time before 
 
28G MORE KNAYETÎY. Chap. XX. 
 
 I cooked my food, if Ali, whose duty it was, did not choose to do 
 so, and I had r.othing' further to think of. 
 
 On entering- the principality of Kandahar, I foresaw many dif- 
 ticulties, of a nature different from those I had encountered in 
 Herat, where the protection of Yar Mohamed had restrained 
 the actions of those whose feelings were hostile to me. But 
 now, before I could find another protector, I had forty para- 
 sangs to travel through a country recently occupied by the 
 English, and where any one supposed to be English could look 
 for nothing- but persecution ; I was therefore most anxious to 
 reach Kandahar, and present myself to Kohendil Khan, the 
 sovereign of that country. To accomplish this as quickly 
 as possible, I determined to proceed by forced marches ; and 
 therefore at sunset, after six hours' rest, proposed to my com- 
 panions to load the horses and depart. But I had not yet cal- 
 culated the extent of their avarice. Though I had already paid 
 Ahmed and Ali the value of the clothes they asked for, actually 
 from my back, at Kash Jaberan, they renewed their demand at 
 AVasheer, and, on my second refusal, declined to accompany me 
 further, and prepared to return to Herat. Jubbur Khan was not 
 less exacting ; and though before setting out from Herat I had 
 paid his master three tomauns for the express purpose of securing 
 his services as far as Kandahar, he declared that he would not go 
 beyond Washeer, and stated his intention of supplying his place by 
 a new guide, a servant of the Wall Sultan Khan, for whom I was 
 to pay an additional sum, forming, of course, no part of my 
 agreement. 
 
 This knavery irritated me to the last degree ; and 1 decisively 
 refused the demands of all three. " Return without my certificate 
 to Herat," I said, " and see how the Vezir Sahib Yar Mohamed 
 Khan will receive yoa I shall write to him." This threat 
 frightened them suflBciently to prevent them from deserting their 
 duty so far as to return ; but as they knew it was impossible for 
 me to replace them with Afghans taken at random from amongst 
 the bandits of Washeer, they insisted on stopping there till I had 
 satisfied their other demands. Perhaps I should have given way so 
 far as to change my new robe for All's tattered and filthy dress, had 
 I not been well convinced that any concession would only induce 
 them to make fresh demands. I resisted, therefore, and remained 
 at Washeer that night, much against my wish ; for delay might 
 
Chap. XX. DELAY AT WASHEEl!. 287 
 
 seriously ag-gravate the dangers of my journey. Up to this time 
 I had, by the rapidity of my movements, ke[)t in front of the 
 caravans that started from Herat at the same time I did ; and 
 the fanatical population through which I had to pass, though tliey 
 might have learned that a Feringhee was expected, would not 
 be able to fix the precise moment, and could not recognise me in 
 my disguise, unless I were betrayed by my escort, or pointed out 
 by travellers who knew me. What 1 had so much endeavoured 
 to avoid, however, resulted from my stay at Washeer ; five or six 
 persons who overtook us, and continued their journey to Kandahar, 
 would, without doubt, mention the fact of my being on the road — a 
 circumstance that caused me great uneasiness. 
 
 At nightfall the Wali bid me look out for myself, because his 
 officials would not hesitate to plunder me when it became dark ; 
 and his warning was in no way superfluous, for I found some days 
 afterwards that I had really been in danger. At the insti- 
 gation of a mollah and two syuds several persons assembled and 
 unanimously agi-eed to rob me, the only question being whether 
 they -should not also take my life. This came to the ears of the 
 Wali, who dreading lest their villany should compromise him, 
 suddenly appeared in the midst of the group and conjured them to 
 renounce their project. In this he with some difficulty succeeded, 
 and subsequently imparted information of it to me. 
 
 July 31st. — This day was also passed atWasheer, surrounded by 
 a crowd of Afghans, whose proceedings were simply a da capo 
 of what 1 have already described at Kash-Jabaran. To their 
 curiosity, impertinence, and rhodomontade I showed the patience 
 of a martyr, and was careful not to betray any symptoms of fear 
 or anxiety, as that would only have increased the annoyance and 
 the evil. With Orientals of all classes it is the wisest plan to 
 assume a Mussulman imperturbability, to evince neither timidity 
 nor bravado, to be apparently incapable of any demonstration of 
 feeling, — for emotion of any kind is sure to bring on some compli- 
 cations which lead to disastrous results. These Afghans were 
 curious to know why we eat pigs and frogs, in their eyes unclean 
 animals, which they imagine are, with rats and serpents, our only 
 articles of food. 
 
 One of their favourite subjects of conversation with an European 
 is religion. They are generally better informed than we suppose 
 upon the dogmas of the (Jhristian faith, and will discuss each article 
 
1 
 
 2S8 TXSnT-KXf!]': OF Ain'ITOirS SERVANTS. fiiAP. XX. 
 
 of it with wonderful tenacity : but not choosing to give them the 
 satisfaction of obtaining a triumph over me, which their power and 
 my fear of annoying them would, under the circumstances, have ren- 
 dered easy, I declared myself a Deist, believing neither Trinity, 
 Miracle, nor Prophet, but simply a natural law ordaining good 
 and rejecting evil. Their amazement was great ; but as they 
 were not prepared to dispute that ground, and their intellects 
 were not fertile in resources, they left me alone, satisfied that I 
 spoke of their religion and their Prophet with deference. I men- 
 tion this anecdote in the interest of future travellers in Afghan- 
 istan who may find themselves in a similar difficulty. 
 
 My compulsory stay at ^^^asheer was useful to me as an oppor- 
 tunitv of studying Afghan manners ; but I should have been driven 
 mad had it lasted one day longer — my mind being ever on the 
 strain to watch, to converse, diplomatize, and suffer with patience. 
 My servants had evidently come to an understanding with the 
 inhabitants to torment me in every way, and if possible drive me 
 from this war of endurance to some composition of the matters in 
 dispute between us. Ali ate and drank under my very beard the 
 small store of tea, coffee, and sugar I had kept back in case of 
 illness, and yet it was droll enough to see him doing the honours 
 to the bystanders with my property, without even offering me a 
 share. Sometimes, as I have said, he refused to cook my dinner, 
 and I then performed that important operation myself: when it 
 was ready I had the gratification of seeing this rascal come and 
 plunge his filthy unwashed hand into my pilau and eat his share. 
 On one occasion, when the meal was over, he took two copper 
 plates of mine and changed them away for some articles he fancied 
 and kept for himself. 
 
 I think I never felt such concentrated rage in my life as when I 
 saw the insolent provocations of these miscreants ; but prudence 
 imposed silence, and I adopted the shortest and only course, 
 namely, to compound with them. In the first place I came to 
 an understanding with Jubbur Khan, the least hostile of the three, 
 consenting to let him leave, and to engage another guide, 
 whom I was to pay : I then made him a present of my boots, 
 which secured his services as mediator between me and the other 
 two, who were for the time satisfied with a tomaun each and the 
 promise of my Afghan dress the day I should arrive at Kandahar. 
 Urgent necessity drove me to this, for small as my baggage was 
 
Chap. XX. TREACHEEY OF THE NEW GUIDE. 280 
 
 the cut-throats at Washeer were bent upon getting possession 
 of it. As they believed the trunks contained gold and silver 
 I knew not how long the protection of the Wall would have 
 availed me. 
 
 As a general rule it is the height of imprudence to travel with 
 trunks or boxes that are locked, for in Afghanistan the sight of them 
 is sure to generate in the minds of the natives the most rapa- 
 cious ideas. They immediately believe they are full of specie or other 
 valuables, and cannot conceive that any one would take so much 
 care of his clothes. Their cupidity is greater than their fear of 
 danger, and they will not stop at the commission of any crime 
 to attain their object. Khourjines, a kind of sack, is the best 
 and most convenient thing to carry one's baggage in this country. 
 
 Mahmoodabad, August 1st — twelve parasangs — the first half 
 in the mountains, the rest on a plain. I started at daybreak from 
 Washeer, accompanied by a man on foot, the successor of Jubbur 
 Khan ; but, instead of taking the direct road to Biabânak,* my 
 new guide followed that to the right, a very difficult and stony 
 one across the mountains. To justify this proceeding he told me 
 the report of my arrival had spread, and that robbers would pro- 
 bably be lying in wait for me on the other. I had the simplicity 
 to believe this, which I ought not to have done, having seen a 
 caravan take the ordinaiy road at the very moment that we were 
 leaving Washeer, and by joining that I should have had nothing to 
 fear, but, unfortunately, to do so never occurred to me till a couple 
 of hours afterwards. At this time we were in a narrow pass, where 
 the road was exceedingly bad ; and I noticed that my guide was 
 wonderfully perturbed and disconcerted, or on the watch for some- 
 thing. Suddenly he made off over the rocks and ravines with the 
 rapidly of a gazelle, while on our left arose ferocious cries from 
 a dozen rascals, who soon appeared with lances, swords, and 
 shields. I glanced instantly at Ali and Ahmed to see if their 
 countenances indicated any expectation of this attack, but their 
 alarm convinced me of their ignorance ; they evidently feared as 
 much for their lives as I for mine. 
 
 This point cleared up, I looked about me, and espying, fifty 
 paces in advance, a rocky eminence, I ran to it, followed by my 
 two servants, determined to sell my life as dearly as I could. 
 
 * i. e. The little desert. The Euglisli had a post both here and at Washeer 
 during the Afghan war, — R. 
 
290 ATTACK ON THE AUTHOR. Chap. XX. 
 
 Fortune favoured us, for we found the position could be gained 
 only along the road by which we reached it. A few minutes later 
 our adversaries came near enough for us to see they had no 
 fire-arms, while we, on the contrary, were well provided. All 
 had a gun, I gave my double-barrel to Ahmed, and reserved for 
 myself a pair of six-barrelled pistols : sixteen balls therefore were 
 at the service of these cavaliers. However, on they came, and 
 steadily, for Ali's first shot did not take eff'ect ; but Ahmed's 
 having told, seeing that I was ready to follow it up, they halted, 
 and, as we rapidly reloaded, kept their distance. Our block- 
 ade lasted an hour and a half ; to every summons to surrender 
 we replied with a volley, when suddenly, to our great amaze- 
 ment, they fled and left us. At the moment we could not see 
 the reason, but were soon enlightened ; five or six Afghan horse- 
 men, on their way to Herat, hearing the firing, came up at a rapid 
 pace. For a trifling sum they consented to turn back and ride 
 with us a couple of hours. When they left we proceeded at a 
 sharp trot, and soon reached Karakan, a small village of fifteen 
 hearths, surrounded with gardens, watered from a kariz, and in- 
 habited by Parsivans. 
 
 I always found that I could at once distinguish this race of 
 people from the Afghans ; their reserve, politeness, and respectful 
 bearing indicating a conquered and oppressed people. I remarked 
 also that the laws of hospitality were not observed amongst them 
 in the same degree as amongst the Afghans ; they sell everything 
 very dear, are active, but greedy of gain, and deceitful, I stopped 
 at Karakan only for breakfast, and an hour after reached Bia- 
 bânak, a village surrounded by a wall of earth, containing sixty 
 hearths : its numerous gardens are irrigated by abundant water- 
 courses. It lies at the base of the mountains, at the com- 
 mencement of a vast plain. I remained here only four hours, 
 having learnt that the Sirdar Mohamed Sedik Khan, commandant 
 of the fortress of Girishk, to whom Yar Mohamed had given me 
 a letter of recommendation, was not at his usual residence, but at 
 another, called Mahmoodabad, nearer to Biabânak. Taking a 
 new guide, I pressed on, and arrived under the walls of the former 
 village three hours after midnight. At that unseasonable hour I 
 would not, of course, disturb the Sirdar, and encamped in a field 
 for the night. Mahmoodabad is five parasangs from Biabânak. 
 
Chap. XXf. AlîKlYAL AT MAHMOODABAD. 291 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 An-ival at Mahmoodabad — The Mooiishee Feiz Mohamed — Interview with 
 Mohamad Sedik Khau — The scene at his house — His personal appearance — 
 Ferrier's spirited conversation with him — The Englishman with green eyes — 
 Sedik Khan demands the author's notes — The Khan's specious arguments — 
 His cunning conduct when alone with the author — Places Ferrier in confine- 
 ment — Character of Sedik Khan — His administration — Englishmen arrested 
 in Kandahar — English prisoners sold to the Turcomans — Attempt of one at 
 Girishk to communicate with the author — The messenger returns from 
 Kandahai- — Ferrier still detained — Journal — Vile conduct of the Khans — 
 The Moonshee's opinion of Ferrier's position — Singular termination of a 
 marriage — Visit from an Afghan Khan — He proposes a plan of escape — 
 Brutality of the guard — Unpleasant reflections — Erroneous opinion respecting 
 the Afghans — Sir Alexander Burnes — Insults of the soldiers — The author 
 leaves Mahmoodabad — Arrives at Girishk — Occupied by the English in 
 1841 — Courage overcomes prudence — The author in prison hei-e. 
 
 I WAS far from expecting the annoyances that befel me in the 
 morning. I had scarcely awoke when I was surrounded by a 
 crowd of sepoys and farrashes* belonging to the Sirdar, who 
 hailed me with bad jokes and insults. The proverb, " Like master 
 like man," came into my mind, and from that moment I felt a 
 presentiment of the tribulations that were to be my fate here. I 
 had been for upwards of an hour the butt of these scamps when 
 1 was accosted by a young man dressed entirely in black, whose 
 manners contrasted singularly with those of the other individuals 
 around me, and the moment he appeared my persecutors retired 
 to a distance and remained silent. It was the Moonshee secretary, 
 Feiz Mohamed, who, having heard of my arrival, had come to 
 offer me his services. 
 
 This young man had been employed by the English when they 
 occupied Afghanistan, and having been well treated remembered 
 them with gratitude and secretly sighed for their return. His 
 father was an Afghan, and his mother an Indian ; and after the 
 disasters of Kabul, and its evacuation by the British army, he had 
 
 * Literally "carpet-spreaders," but applied to imder-servauts generally in 
 Persia and Afghanistan. — Ed. 
 
 u2 
 
202 INTERVIEW WITH Chap. XXI. 
 
 much difficulty to escape from the barbarity of his countrymen, 
 who reproached him with having allied himself with the oppressors 
 of his country. lie had, however, acquired a little knowledge 
 of Eno-lish, and, as the Sirdar Mohamed Sedik wished to learn 
 that language, he attached him to his service, and the Moonshee 
 was thus placed under his protection. At my request he imme- 
 diately carried to his master the letter I brought from Yar Mo- 
 hamed Khan. About a quarter of an hour afterwards he returned 
 with a huge shabby-looking fellow, named Sadullah Jan, the 
 Sirdar's man of business, who seized me roughly by the hand 
 and desired I would follow him. I did so, and we entered the 
 kaleli* Several courts through which we passed were filled 
 with scowling soldiers ; the last was that of the harem, and from 
 this we descended immediately into a serdah,^ or cave, to which the 
 Asiatics usually retire during the heat of the day. The stairs 
 were narrow, dark, and winding, and I could hardly persuade 
 myself that he was taking me to an inhabited place : it seemed 
 rather as if I were being led to secret execution or imprisonment. 
 The darkness concealed my discomfort from my guide, but it was 
 dissipated only when I found myself in the presence of the Sirdar 
 and his numerous court. Opposite to him was Akhter Khan, the 
 irreconcilable enemy of the English, and at his side Rahimdil 
 Khan, brother of the famous Sirdar Abdullah Khan,| who insti- 
 gated the revolt against them at Kabul ; there were besides in 
 the serdab, Mohamed Azim Khan, the Sirdar Mohamed, Sedik's 
 own uncle ; lastly, Berkhordar Khan and five or six Mollahs 
 and Syuds — all hostile to Europeans, who gave me an icy-cold 
 reception ; the Sirdar acknowledged my scdam alek by only a 
 slight inclination of his head, and made me a sign to seat myself 
 in the last place, near the door of entrance. His countenance was 
 dark and severe, and produced the most unpleasant impression 
 upon me. His false look, abrupt questions, wounding remarks, 
 and haughty and contemptuous manner, indicated a predetermina- 
 
 * A name given to everytbing — ing coolness is increased by the play of 
 
 town, village, or private residence — sur- fountains, and punkahs or large fans 
 
 rounded by a wall of earth. hung from the ceiling. This is the 
 
 f Most houses in the East are pro- favourite place for the ladies' afternoon 
 
 vided with subterranean chambers, called siesta. — Ed. • 
 
 serdabs (literally cold waters, to which j: The head of the Achikzyes, and a f 
 
 the family retire during the heat of the man of great influence. He died of 
 
 day. They are often furnished with wounds received at the fatal battle of 
 
 the greatest luxury, and their I'efresh- Bimaroo.— Ed. 
 
Chap. XXI. MOHAMED SEDIK KUAN. 2t)3 
 
 tion in his mind against me. To ascertain the purpose of my 
 journey was his first object, and his interrogations respecting it 
 were exceedingly pinching. He also attempted to prove that I 
 contradicted myself; wherefore I subsequently limited my replies 
 entirely to the following : — 
 
 " I am a Frenchman ; and not, as you suppose, an Englishman. 
 I am going to Lahore entirely on my own account, to take service 
 with the Maharajah of the Punjab. I have no political mission, 
 either for Afghanistan or any other country or government. 
 The Vezir Sahib Yar Mohamed Khan tells you so in his letter ; 
 and here are other firmans of Mohamed Shah, your ally, whom 
 I have served, testifying the truth of what I state." 
 
 " These firmans," he replied, "may have been made out for 
 some other person ; and as to your confidence in Yar Mohamed, 
 it might have been better placed ; that chief was wrong to send 
 you into this country — his orders are of no effect in Kandahar." 
 
 " But that is not an order," 1 remonstrated ; " it is a friendly 
 introduction from an ally, which I did not think would be thus 
 received." 
 
 To my objections he replied, " You were quite wrong to come 
 this way. Do you know," he added, " the Englishman who came 
 last year from Persia to Kandahar ? " 
 
 I answered in the negative. " Well," he said, " then I am 
 better informed tlian you are. He was an officer of rank, with 
 green eyes and a red beard, and having been in garrison at Kan- 
 dahar during the time it was in possession of the English, one of 
 my people knew him, and we seized him, and he is now in a safe 
 place — der jali-i-qaiem — from which he will not escape to trouble 
 Afghanistan again. There is another besides him, who, also an 
 Englishman, passed by Candahar about seven months ago ; may 
 God pardon him ! — Klioda biy amurzed esh,'^ meaning that he 
 was dead. " All these visits of the Feringhees in our country 
 are very extraordinary, and we mean to put a stop to them. I 
 know you have written every day all you have seen from one 
 stage to the next. Who gave you leave to act thus? Where 
 are your notes? Give them to me this instant, or I shall order 
 you the bastinado, which will surely make you do so." 
 
 " But what mischief can my notes do ? " I represented. " You 
 are spoken of as one of the most enlightened Afghan chiefs ; you 
 love the sciences, and arc not ignorant that the Europeans en- 
 
294 SPECIOUS ARGUMENTS AND Chap. XXI. 
 
 deavour to extend them. I have noted, it is true, the direction 
 of the mountains and the rivers, the positions of the towns, villages, 
 and tribes ; but that is a work which the English, your enemies, 
 have done before me, and better than I have. Tliey have occupied 
 your country, and know it, beyond a doubt, topographically better 
 than you do yourself." To this he sharply answered, — 
 
 "Never mind, I will have the notes." 
 
 There was no refusing this formidable demand, but I partly 
 eluded it by sending for a small case, and taking therefrom a 
 copybook with the notes of my journey from Constantinople to 
 Bassora, which I regretted the less because I had sent a copy of 
 them to France before I quitted Bagdad ; unhappily it contained 
 also my route in Turkistan and the Paropamisus — this I had 
 forgotten, and it was now too late to hope to withdraw^ it from 
 beneath his searching glance. Giving up the manuscript appeared 
 to satisfy him, and, after he had turned it over, without under- 
 standing a word, for he knew nothing of French, he made renewed 
 attempts to force me to acknowledge that I was an Englishman. 
 My denial was of no use in correcting his false impression, for 
 this reason. 
 
 During the first part of my stay at Herat, before Yar Mo- 
 hamed's suspicions of me were dissipated, he wrote as follows 
 to Kohendil Khan : " An English agitator, calling himself a 
 Frenchman, has just arrived at Herat. He wants to go by 
 Kabul to Turkistan, but I will not let him, and will only leave 
 open to him the road by Kandahar. When he reaches you, you 
 will deal with him according as you think fit." Besides this, two 
 messengers from Kabul to Herat had, on their way back, assured 
 the Sirdar that they knew me perfectly, by having seen me at 
 Ghuzni in 1840. 
 
 It was, therefore, perfectly useless to endeavour to convince 
 hiiTi to the contrary, and he told me that he intended to write to 
 his father Kohendil Khan for instructions as to what he should 
 do with me. He did not conceal that the letter of Yar Mo- 
 hamed only added one more to his preconceived opinions, be- 
 cause there was enmity between that chief and his family ; and 
 that, after having been pointed out as an agitator, he could not 
 understand my being so warmly recommended by him. In his 
 opinion it could only be the result of machination between me and 
 the chief of Herat, to the injury of his father the sovereign of Kan- 
 
Chap. XXI. CUNNING CONDUCT OF THE KHAN. 295 
 
 dahai'. I could not help secretly thinking he was right. He judged 
 his neighbour of Herat as he knew he should be judged himself, — 
 that is, by supposing him capable of every species of disloyalty 
 and dark intrigue which forms the foundation of Afghan policy, 
 and I could not impute it to him as a crime that he put my senti- 
 ments on a level with his own. Had he not had for thirty years 
 before his eyes the English system of invasion in India ? And 
 could he not cite me a hundred examples of the audacious policy 
 which subdued by turns Moguls, Nawabs, Emirs, and Rajahs ? 
 All that I could do was to affect a tranquil indifference, which, 
 however it might impose upon the Sirdar, was far indeed from 
 reflecting my own feelings. After an examination and cross- 
 questioning of two hours the Sirdar ordered breakfast, which the 
 ferrashes brought on several trays, and placed before the guests, 
 and of this I was desired to partake with some persons who were 
 present, but of the less elevated ranks. 
 
 The repast over, the visitors retired, and I was going to do the 
 same, when the Sirdar made me a sign to be seated. Directly we 
 were alone he dropped his surly manners, and seemed desirous of 
 showing himself to me in more favourable colours. "Forget," he 
 said, " the severities I have shown you ; it was impossible for me to 
 act otherwise in the presence of the fanatics who were about me. 
 You see in me now a friend who will preserve you from every 
 danger ; but, in return, I have one service to ask of you. You 
 are English, I am certain, and your denials will not aifect my 
 opinion on that point ; listen, then, and do me the service I am 
 going to ask of you. At the death of my father Kohendil 
 Khan there will be twenty pretenders to the sovereignty of Kan- 
 dahar, and he whom the English favour will be sure to succeed : 
 therefore, to obtain their support, there is no sacrifice that I 
 am not ready to make ; I would take up arms against my father, 
 my brothers, my uncles ; I would do it without hesitation ; I 
 would be the devoted slave of the English, and ask nothing in 
 return but their influence to assist me in maintaining my hold upon 
 the sovereign power." 
 
 Possibly I might have (^een beguiled by the air of sincerity 
 assumed by this miserable wretch, if I had not detected something 
 in his expression which warned me to put no faith in him. I 
 also saw that, being in the hands of an ambitious villain, I must 
 make use of his vices to secure my own safety. I assured him 
 
29G CHARACTER OF THE KUAN. Chap, XXI. 
 
 that, tliough positively a Frenchman, it was not out of my power 
 for uie to make known his wishes to the British Government of 
 India. After a long discussion on that subject, therefore, he 
 assured me it was impossible for him to treat me publicly with the 
 respect he was disposed to show me, but he promised faithfully 
 that no harm should happen to me. " If they are harsh to you, 
 shut your eyes to the brutality of my people ; they look upon you 
 with distrust and hatred, and would not forgive me if I mani- 
 fested any consideration for you." 
 
 Before I left his presence he despatched a messenger to Kan- 
 dahar to demand his father's instructions respecting me, and the 
 Sirdar then conducted me to a small building covered with straw, 
 near the post of the sepoys who were to be my guard. Rahim- 
 dil Khan was ordered to watch me, and my friend the Moonshee 
 to establish himself in my den, and not to leave me for an instant, 
 even in the night ; moreover he dismissed the Heratians, Ahmed 
 and Ali, saying he should provide me with servants himself, if I 
 went to Kandahar at all. 
 
 Although I had serious grounds of complaint against Ahmed 
 and Ali, I forgave them on account of their brave and energetic 
 conduct when we were attacked by the brigands near Washeer ; 
 and besides an attestation that I was satisfied with them, I gave 
 them my long-coveted robe and turban, and added a small sum of 
 money : and so they went away contented. 
 
 Mohamed Sedik Khan, the eldest son of the Sirdar Kohen- 
 dil Khan, is about thirty-two years of age ; his person is small, 
 and his regular features are not wanting in expression. His 
 deep-set black eyes are three parts covered by the eyelids, and 
 indicative of a treacherous character. Ferocious and intractable, 
 he has a heart of bronze ; his ambition is insatiable, and I have 
 known but one Afghan more covetous or more vain. Knowing no 
 law but his own will, governing by fear only, his rule is heavy in- 
 deed to bear, for he tyrannizes and tortures with or without reason. 
 His heart is incapable of friendship ; he has no affections, and would 
 without remorse sacrifice his nearest relations to gratify his ambi- 
 tion or his pride. With respect to r^igion, he is the worst Mus- 
 sulman in Afghanistan. For years he has never said a prayer, 
 fasted in Rhamazan, or observed any other precept ordained by 
 the Koran ; his scepticism is extreme, and in that respect it is 
 certain that his equal is not to be found in the whole country. 
 
Chap. XXI. CHARACTER OF THE KHAN. 2U7 
 
 But tl)e character of this Sh'dar is a strange compound ; for, 
 combined with the lowest vices, he possesses some superior intel- 
 lectual qualirications. It is impossible to deny that he has an 
 inexhaustible imagination and amazing intelligence, and that 
 possessing a pow'erful memory, and earnestly desiring to acquire 
 knowledge, he has learnt much from Europeans, and classed his 
 desultory information in his own mind in a very remarkable 
 manner. He can perceive the salutary influence of science and 
 the arts on the regeneration of nations, and if ever he attains the 
 supreme powder, though his reign will be that of a bloody and 
 avaricious tyrant, it may also be that of a reformer. In his youth 
 he had an Italian drawing-master, and profited exceedingly by 
 his instruction ; his talent for the art would be appreciated even 
 in Europe. It is truly deplorable to see the manner in which this 
 chief misuses all the gifts bestowed upon him by nature. His 
 mind is ever bent towards evil, but this perhaps is less owing to 
 his own organization than to the manner in which he was brought 
 up, for he was made governor of Girishk in his childhood, and 
 confided to the care of strangers, who found their own account in 
 flattering all his passions and caprices. They therefore left him 
 to the intoxicating enjoyment of absolute power, wdthout ever 
 seeking to give him the slightest insight into the diff'erence be- 
 tween good and evil, or directing him in the good course. All 
 his relations, including even his father, cordially detest him, and 
 he possesses not a friend in all Afghanistan. He has not con- 
 trived to retain even the alliances most necessary to the attain- 
 ment of the great object of his desires — the sovereign power. In 
 1844 he was secretly connected with Yar Mohamed Khan and 
 Mohamed Akbar Khan of Kabul, with the intention of assisting 
 each other to secure the immediate possession, or ultimate suc- 
 cession to the three Afghan principalities. But the dealings of 
 Mohamed Sedik were so tortuous, his outbursts of overbearing 
 pride so absurd and so frequent, that, when I was at Girishk, he 
 had alienated even these allies ; and now all he can hope for 
 is to hold the government of his own fortress and the territory 
 connected with it, from which he draws a very large revenue. 
 Complaints, how^ever, of his violent and deceitful conduct have 
 been so often carried to his father that he has taken from him his 
 jurisdiction over the villages from which he drew the largest portion 
 of his revenues. 
 
298 THE MOONSHEE FEIZ MOHAMED. Chap. XXT. 
 
 In the immense steppes extending- over tlie south of Afghan- 
 istan roads are rare, and caravans are necessarily obliged to 
 follow those on which they find provisions and inhabited places. 
 Girishk is, with reason, considered one of the principal points, 
 and they cannot avoid it, for, besides the custom-house, the ferry 
 by which they must cross the Helmund is there ; and as the 
 Sirdar has ])osted guards in all directions to oblige them to pass 
 at this place, they are always exposed to extortions of some kind. 
 Besides the duties fixed by his father, he has imposed another 
 very high one on his own account, and sometimes seizes on a par- 
 ticular bale of choice merchandise, or a remarkably fine horse, 
 and sends it to India to be sold to the English for his own exclu- 
 sive benefit. 
 
 It must, however, be added that the severe measures taken by 
 Mohamed Sedik have gi-eatly reduced the number of robbers in 
 the country, though he has done so only by monopolising the 
 trade, not annihilating it, and the caravaneers have gained little 
 by this transition of interests. He is so detested by his country- 
 men that he can only recruit his army from the very dregs of the 
 people ; every man in his service has committed a murder or a 
 crime of some description. Living, like their master, by continual 
 depredations, they do anything but protect their countrymen ; 
 they are like so many pirates wandering over the country and 
 committing every sort of iniquity : master and dependents equally 
 worthy of each other. 
 
 As soon as I was installed in my hut, Rahimdil Khan and the 
 Moonshee Feiz Mohamed took charge of and remained with 
 me. The former was a pretty good fellow in his way, and gave 
 me no annoyance ; but the Moonshee was my guardian angel 
 during my captivity, and I certainly owe my life to him. If his 
 efforts to preserve me from the insults of the subordinates did not 
 always succeed entirely, they at least softened many an aggra- 
 vated insult, and he constantly endeavoured to make my keepers 
 more tractable. (Jlearly foreseeing that my baggage would not 
 escape the cupidity of the Sirdar, he concealed the articles most 
 precious to me in his own lodging, and I kept with me little more 
 than w^as actually necessary for present use. 
 
 What the Sirdar told me of the two Englishmen who had been 
 travelling in Kandahar occupied my thoughts much, and the first 
 time I was alone with the Moonshee I begged him to tell me what 
 
Chap. XXI. ENGLISH CAPTIVES. 299 
 
 he knew of their history, and from him I learnt that tlie one first 
 mentioned by the Sirdar had been recognised and arrested in 
 Girishk, and then transported ta the district of Znmeendawer, 
 and confided to the keeping- of the Sirdar Akhter Khan. The 
 second, who spoke Persian perfectly, wore the costume of a Syud, 
 and passed for such, calling himself a native of Samarcand, and 
 replying to all questions that he was on a pilgrimage to Mecca. 
 He was accompanied by two servants, and all three were per- 
 fectly well mounted, armed, and equipped. They had been eight 
 days at Kandahar v/hen he was first suspected, and the Moonshee 
 Feiz Mohamed was the person who gave him the earliest intel- 
 hgence of the fact, immediately on receiving which he mounted his 
 horse and secretly left the town. Kohendil Khan did not know 
 of his flight till the following day, when he despatched horsemen 
 after him in all directions ; but they preserved so strict a silence 
 on their return that no one in Kandahar ever knew whether he had 
 been taken or not. However that may have been, the Moonshee 
 told me that he had acknowledged to him that he was an Eng-lish- 
 man, and had assured him that many of his countrymen, who had 
 formed part of the army of occupation in Kabul, had been sold 
 into slavery in Turkistan, where, less fortunate than himself, 
 they still dragged on a mournful existence. 
 
 In 1846, when I returned to Teheran, I communicated this 
 fact to Colonel Sheil, who exerted himself much to rescue his 
 suffering countrymen, and sent an Afghan, Akhond-zadeh Saleh 
 Mohammed,* to find them out. I placed some faith in the 
 sincerity of the Moonshee, because, as I have already said, when 
 I passed through Khulm, an Afshar told me that these unfor- 
 tunate people were still in captivity. 
 
 The following circumstance, however, which occurred very few 
 days after my arrival at Mahmoodabad, would have removed every 
 doubt from my mind, had any existed, of the fact of there being an 
 Englishman at Znmeendawer. A sepoy of the governor of that 
 district, Akhter Khan, kept hovering about my prison, but dared 
 not approach me too closely for fear of exciting the suspicion of 
 the guards. I had observed his manner, and also detected that 
 
 * This is the Moonshee who saved oulj^ tmistworthy reports ever received 
 Captain Abbott's life on the shores of the of the execution of Stodart and Conolly. 
 Caspian, when he was in the hands of See p. 458, where M . Ferrier again men- 
 the Turcomans, and who furnished the tiens him. — R. 
 
300 THE MESSENGER'S RETURN. Chap. XXI. 
 
 lie made signs to me, but I abstained from acknowledging tlicm, 
 fearful of compromising him. After a time a momentary oppor- 
 tunity presented itself for his speaking to me unobserved, and he 
 seized it with alacrity. 
 
 "Sahib," said he, "I bring you news of your countryman : he 
 has been very ill, but is better to-day. Having heard of your 
 stay at Herat and arrival in Kandahar, he gave me this letter for 
 you, knowing that about the time I should arrive here you also 
 would have reached Mahmoodabad." ^Vith these words he 
 slipped into my hand a sheet of coarse grey paper, folded in the 
 form of a letter, and in fact containing one, but without any 
 address. I opened it Vv^ith impatience, thinking to learn the story 
 of the unhappy writer's sufferings, and to prepare to bear with 
 resignation those which were probably reserved for myself; but 
 what was my vexation, my grief, at finding that I could not read 
 a single word ! It was written in English ! 
 
 AVhile endeavouring earnestly to make out the sense, a pich- 
 khid-met of the Sirdar's came up, and seeing the paper in my 
 hand, and the sepoy near me, suspected some mystery, and in- 
 formed his master. Mohamed Sedik questioned me most severely, 
 and my denials were useless ; for the unfortunate letter was found 
 under my felt carpet. As he could read and understand a little 
 English, he proceeded to do so, and therefore learned more or 
 less what unhappily it could not reveal to me. Then ensued a 
 most violent scene. He accused me of coming into Kandahar to 
 revolutionize it, and overwhelmed me with invectives, I believed 
 my last hour was come ; but nothing happened beyond remanding 
 me to my prison, to be more carefully watched. The unhappy 
 soldier was seized, bound, and bastinadoed in a fearful manner ; 
 and though he fainted, the executioners did not leave off until his 
 feet were reduced to a bruised and bleeding mass. 
 
 From this moment I was incessantly the object of insults from 
 my guards, despite the representations that I made to the Sirdar. 
 The wretch endeavoured, indeed, to make me believe he felt kindly 
 towards me, by showing me occasionally, though at rare inter- 
 vals, some little civilities, such as sending me a dish from his 
 table, or some other refreshment ; but I was not deceived, for 
 more frequently he allowed me nearly to die of hunger, and my 
 daily fare seldom exceeded three or four ounces of coarse bread. 
 
 The messenger, who had been sent by this villain to his father 
 
CiiAr. XXI. BEHAVIOUR OF ^lOIIAMED SEDIK KITAX. 301 
 
 to demand instructions as to how to dispose of me, returned in 
 five days ; and Kohendil Klian informed his son that in his opi- 
 nion I was an Englishman ; nevertheless he commanded him to treat 
 me well, till he had further orders, and to send the courier 
 back with an exact description of my person. " Was I a man of 
 capacity and a certain rank ? Could I serve him as a negotiator 
 with the English ?" That was the point it was most important 
 to know. In communicating these details the Sirdar informed 
 me that his father, confiding but little in the Court of Persia, 
 and wishing to ensure himself protection against his neighbours, 
 Yar Mohamed Khan and Dost Mohamed Khan, had the most 
 anxious desire to ally himself with the English, but had hitherto 
 been restrained from making his friendly overtures by the dread of 
 the vengeance that this alliance would bring upon him on the part 
 of his nephew Akbar Khan. He added that my presence would 
 strengthen his resolves, and determine him to break with his dan- 
 gerous relative, if I would undertake to procure him the alliance 
 and support of the English. 
 
 Was all this told me in good faith, or was it a snare to induce 
 me to confess that I was an Englishman ? I could not satisfy my- 
 self on this point ; but in any case I could only repeat that I was 
 a Frenchman, and had no connexion whatever with the British 
 Government ; but that if such was the pleasure of the Sirdar of 
 Kandahar, there was nothing to prevent me from carrying his 
 propositions of amity to his neighbours, without in any way 
 answering for the success of my endeavours. My reply was given 
 to the messenger ; and Mohamed Sedik bid me hope that he 
 would return with permission for me to proceed to Kandahar. 
 
 The behaviour of Mohamed Sedik Khan to me during my 
 imprisonment was always a puzzling problem. He hoped through 
 me to render the English favourable to his cause, and yet did 
 nothing to induce me to interest myself in his favour ; he kept 
 me in a place not fit to be a stable ; the dogs of his hunt were 
 better fed than I was ; and the Pariahs in India do not submit to 
 outraoes greater than I endured from his ill-conditioned and 
 savage soldiers. In fact, his protestations of friendship were 
 never followed up by any act that could induce me to believe 
 in them. He always looked upon me with the eyes of an Afghan, 
 and always fancied he had to deal with a countryman. It is scarcely 
 possible to conceive the facility with which an Afghan is deceived. 
 
.",02 AFUIIA.N LOQUACITY. Chap. XXI. 
 
 With the facts before them to deny what they are told, they 
 are always to be caught with fine words. 
 
 Various motives induced the Sirdar to allow his people to mal- 
 treat me ; but the most important was to impress me with the 
 belief that the Afglians had a violent hatred to the English. 
 Another was, the desire of satisfying his covetousness at my ex- 
 pense ; to compass which purpose he excited them to abuse and 
 ill-treat me, and then would appear just at the appropriate moment 
 for putting a stop to their proceedings, and seeming very angry ; 
 thus, as he flattered himself, establishing a claim upon my grati- 
 tude, and making use of it to despoil me, one by one, of the few 
 things I possessed. During fifteen days that I was in his custody 
 at Mahmoodabad he took all my arms, and many other 
 things ; afterwards he stole all my money. I will now give the 
 reader an opportunity of perusing a few notes that I made 
 secretly and in haste during my imprisonment here ; sometimes 
 almost in the dark, and often by moonlight, when the Argus for 
 the time was asleep. 
 
 August 6th. — Seized with ennui, depression, and a violent de- 
 sire of vengeance against my tormentors ; I feel also a lively 
 dread of reaching Lahore too late, where events might take a turn 
 very unfavourable for me, and all my exertions, sufferings, and 
 dangers would then prove useless. My sepoy guard are the 
 vilest of the Afghan race, and daily circumscribe my remaining 
 liberty. I am not now allowed to leave my den. 
 
 A rather rare occurrence varied the monotony of to-day. Some 
 Afghans, with the permission of the Sirdar, came to visit me. I 
 know neither their names nor their rank ; and I was to them only 
 as a curious animal. I bent to circumstances, and answered their as 
 usual disagreeable questions with a tolerably good grace. On my 
 part I turned their loquacity to account, in obtaining easily, though 
 cautiously, information that I was very glad to have. They are so 
 talkative that only a word thrown in at the right moment — a com- 
 pliment dexterously administered — will make an Afghan talk for 
 an hour, quite unconscious he has only fallen into your trap. He 
 will tell you all you want to know, and a great deal more than the 
 best of memories would care to remember. I could not help think- 
 ing how ridiculous is the whole affair of my imprisonment. They 
 shut me up to prevent me from knowing their country, and then 
 cotne and tell me more than I should have found out about many 
 
Chap. XXI. UNLUCKY INCIDENT. 303 
 
 things, which, if I were an Englishman, as they believe I am, it 
 would be doubly their interest to conceal. 
 
 In the evening the Sirdar took me into the country with him. 
 I had before been thankful to him for this pleasure, though in 
 taking me he had an object of his own. Preserving some appear- 
 ance of dignity, he wanted to cajole me out of my pair of pistols, 
 six-barrelled, and my dress uniform. He promised to pay me for 
 them, but has never done so. 
 
 August 7th. — To-day the Sirdar sent me a melon, with a mes- 
 sage, to the effect that he should thank me to send him my double- 
 barrelled gun as a present in return, for he wished to present it to 
 his cousin Akbar Khan of Kabul. To refuse would not have 
 forwarded my interests, and in any case he would have taken it, 
 so 1 acceded. The rascally Afghans ! Moonshee Feiz Mo- 
 hamed did his utmost to console me. In his opinion I ought to 
 consider myself fortunate in being alive. "The stranger who 
 ventures into Afghanistan," said he, " may look upon himself as a 
 man specially protected by Heaven, if he gets out of it safe and 
 sound, with his head on his shoulders. You ought to see that 
 yours is wonderfully shaky. Have patience, then, and do not com- 
 promise yourself by any violent recriminations." This was wise 
 advice ; but I could not profit by it ; I could not remain silent. 
 I wanted to assure these villains that my energy and courage were 
 not failing me under all the infamies they heaped upon me, or the 
 bodily privations they had inflicted. If this violence caused me an 
 increase of persecution on the part of these ruffians, it served at 
 least to elevate my character in their eyes, as I found out after- 
 wards. 
 
 Yesterday the Sirdar extorted my pistols from me ; to-day he 
 takes my maps and my telescope, thermometer and compass, and 
 twenty other things, which were exceedingly precious to me, and 
 impossible to replace. When shall I escape from the hands of 
 this cut-throat? 
 
 An unlucky incident that occurred this day made me more 
 anxious for that much-wished-for moment. Attended by a 
 soldier on all occasions, I one day, when outside the kaleh, 
 tore up two leaves of a book written in Arabic charac- 
 ters, which I found on the ground. 1 had scarcely left the 
 spot when the tutor to the children of the Sirdar happening to 
 pass that way and see the leaves, immediately raised a yell 
 
304 SIXCiULAR TERMINATION OF A MAEEIAGi:. CirAP. XXI. 
 
 which brought half the population of the village about him. 
 " There," said the mollah, " there is the work of an intidel ; 'tis 
 thus he desecrates the holy Koran ; death to the impious dog !" 
 and he and the crowd, some with drawn knives, were soon round 
 my hut and shouting in chorus, "To the death! to the death !" 
 It was with difficulty that Rahimdil Khan and the Moonshee 
 prevented them from entering my room ; for the soldiers, excited 
 by the mollah, were on the point of doing so, and probably drill- 
 ing a hole in my jacket, w^hen Sedik Khan appeared, and seizing 
 a musket from one of his adherents, vowed by the head of the 
 Prophet he would shoot the first person who entered my apart- 
 ment. There seemed to me to be a good deal of acting in 
 this ; for I had seen the Sirdar at a distance, and he did not 
 attempt to appease the tumult, of the cause of which I was then in 
 complete ignorance ; but, be this as it may, the rioters left in ap- 
 parent indignation at the protection I obtained from Sedik Khan, 
 who endeavoured to impress upon me the obligation I was under 
 to him, for having thus saved my life. As to the mollah, who 
 had, it appears, been hunting for the missing leaves all the morn- 
 ing, he was, there being no other Koran in the village, obliged to 
 re-copy them, and, we may conclude, not much to his gratification, 
 which, I confess, did not particularly grieve me. 
 
 August 9th. — Some Afghan merchants arrived to-day from 
 Meshed, and having seen me when I passed through that town 
 two months before, went to the Sirdar and swore to him by the 
 beard of the Prophet I was a real live Englishman, and per- 
 fectly well known to them. This declaration convinced him more 
 than ever that my firmans from Mohamed Shah are false, and 
 that my journey is positively undertaken with the intention of in- 
 triguing against the peace of the country. Confusion to all im- 
 postors ! 1 thought. 
 
 This afternoon, hearing a great noise outside my prison, and 
 seeing the last soldier of my guard disappear in a great hurry, I 
 seized this moment of freedom, and rushed up to the terrace, to 
 learn whence the tumult proceeded. It arose near some tents 
 pitched towards the south, about a gunshot oflp, and I saw distinctly 
 six corpses, around which were several armed men. I returned 
 to my prison, and heard from the Moonshee what had happened. 
 Two persons, each having a son and a daughter, had projected a 
 double marriage, and the celebration of the event was at hand, 
 
{;iiAr. XXT. VISIT OF AN AFGHAN KHAN. 305 
 
 when the fathers quarrelled about a stream of water that one of 
 them had allowed to run upon his land half an hour longer 
 than he had a right, to the detriment of the opposite party. 
 According to Afghan custom, but few words had passed when the 
 daggers were called into play, the friends on either side took part 
 in the fray, and the wedding was soon converted into a funeral. 
 
 Shortly after this catastrophe I received a visit, authorised 
 by the Sirdar, from an Afghan Khan of the Ghilzee tribe. 
 He was chief of a branch composed of twelve or fifteen hundred 
 tents, which had been for nearly a century in the province of Kir- 
 man in Persia. These were all that remained of a much larfifer 
 number who had taken part with Nadir Shah at the period when 
 he became sufficiently powerful to destroy the Afghan monarchy 
 in Persia. These Afghans remained faithful to the Persian war- 
 rior, who made them some concessions of territory on the frontiers 
 of Seistan, which they were to guard against their countrymen of 
 Kandahar, and prevent them from gaining a fresh position in 
 Persia. They had not modified their habits in their last resi- 
 dence, and were accounted the greatest bandits in the country. 
 The Persians fled from their neighbourhood, and their presence 
 was scarcely tolerated in that of Boom and Burpoor. This state 
 of exclusion had disgusted them with Persia, and their chief had 
 come to Kandahar to obtain the authority of Kohendil Khan to 
 settle in his dominions ; but he had been unable to reach the 
 sovereign, as his son had arrested him at Mahmoodabad, and 
 transmitted his request to Kandahar. Some days after an answer 
 was received from Kohendil Khan, refusing his consent to the 
 proposal of the Ghilzee chief The Sirdar well knew the intre- 
 pidity of this migratory colony, and was not inclined to receive 
 them, lest they should at some time prove a powerful accession to 
 the*discontented amongst his population, who were very numerous. 
 The language of the Ghilzee convinced me that Kohendil Khan 
 had acted prudently in rejecting his offer; for, before he knew 
 whether it would be accepted or not, he did not disguise from me his 
 smothered hostility to him whose generosity he was supplicating, 
 or his intention to injure him as soon as he might have it in his 
 power. When he heard, therefoi'e, that he had no chance of re- 
 establishing himself and his people in his 'dominions, he pro- 
 posed that I should escape with him, promising to take me safely 
 to Shikarpoor, by Beloochistan, where he said he was known to 
 
 X 
 
30G BRUTALITY OF THE GUARD. Chap. XXT, 
 
 the chiefs of all the tribes. I did not think it wise to trust a 
 man who had shown himself capable of so much duplicity ; and 
 there the affair ended. 
 
 Auy-ust 10th and 1 1th. — These two days were passed in the 
 most gloomy reflections, in a state of ravenous hunger, for I 
 had had scarcely half a pound of bread for the last thirty-six 
 hours. Up to that time I had forborne to buy provisions, the 
 greatest portion of which would most certainly have been eaten 
 by the sepoys ; moreover, they would then have known that I 
 had a little money, and acted accordingly — as Afghans ; but my 
 prudence could hold out no longer against my sufferings, and I 
 gave a rupee to one who had appeared to me somewhat less of a 
 brute than the rest, to buy me something to eat. He soon returned 
 with an ass-load of melons, but I could only judge of them by their 
 beautiful appearance, for they were eaten by my guards, who 
 afterwards brought me some of the rind on a plate, begging me 
 ironically often to purchase the annoyance of a similar offering — 
 they almost crazed me. The Moonshee at last told me plainly 
 that they would not dare to act tlius if they were not authorised 
 by the Sirdar ; he told me also that it was entirely his planning 
 that prevented my now being at Kandahar, for he had requested 
 his father to leave me with him till he had made his determination 
 respecting me. By acting thus he had secured the opportunity of 
 pilfering me at his leisure, intending to keep what he stole under 
 the name of presents if I were allowed to go on, and to strip me 
 of everything in case of the reverse. 
 
 This confidential information determined me to speak categori- 
 cally to the Sirdar on the subject, let the consequences be what 
 they might. The next time, therefore, that he passed before my 
 prison on his way into the country I asked him what he meant to 
 do with me ; and why he did not send me to his father, to whom 
 I could explain myself much better than through his correspond- 
 ence. I accused him of cruelty in allowing me to perish with 
 hunger, and exciting his satellites against me. Perfectly con- 
 founded as the villain looked by this apostrophe, he nevertheless 
 contrived to elude all serious explanation, and only gave me a few 
 words of reply. " Never mind," he said, " my apparent coldness ; 
 it is caused by the force of circumstances. I suffer more than you 
 suppose at seeing the brutal conduct of my people ; but what can 
 I do with low-born Afghans, devoid of reason ? They are already 
 
 i 
 
Chap. XXI. ERRONEOUS OPINION OF THE AFGHANS. 307 
 
 more irritated with me than enough for having taken you out of 
 their hands the day before yesterday. They would never forgive 
 me for too much kindness to you. Nevertheless, do not be alarmed, 
 I will see to your safety ; I will write again to my father, and 
 request him to order you to Kandahar. If he does not, do not be 
 uneasy, I will send you safely and honourably back to Herat ; 
 and you shall be protected from all insult." 
 
 After this hasty speech he left me, without waiting for a reply, 
 and I remained in as uncertain and painful a position as ever, a 
 prey to the most distressing and mournful anxiety. I called to 
 mind the words of my companions from Teheran to Meshed, 
 and their unceasing endeavours to dissuade me from " going 
 amongst those barbarians, those anthropophagi ; if they do not 
 eat you, they will not fail to cut your throat." I could not con- 
 ceal from myself that to all appearance there was every chance 
 of their predictions being verified ; but from frequently reflecting 
 upon it I accustomed myself to meet that awful moment. I 
 remembered the proud and heroic deaths of Stoddart and Conolly, 
 and I would not have had it said that a Frenchman died with less 
 courage. I was therefore fully armed against the bitter reflections 
 suggested by the prospect of my approaching end : but, strange 
 to say, that was not my greatest trouble ; I actually suffered more 
 from the mortal weariness of the long unoccupied days, and the 
 total privation of intercourse with civilised beings. I felt the 
 loneliness far more acutely than the danger. 
 
 August 12th. — My detention, cruel as it is, is less painful to me 
 than the behaviour of my guards is aggravating and exasperating. 
 These brutes stand at my door immovable as logs, and stare in 
 and giggle for half a morning at a time. In the countenances of 
 one or two I sometimes fancied I could read this reflection, — 
 " Poor fellow ! what induced you to come here, where there is 
 nothing but death to hope for ? " The many never come near me 
 but with an insult on their lips or in their gestures, and in time 
 make way for their neighbours to do the same ; they look upon my 
 presence among them as an event, and never leave me alone or 
 quiet. All the strangers who arrive in the town come as a mat- 
 ter of course to look at the Feringhee Kaffir, European infidel, as 
 a curiosity ; and, then, am I not a prisoner ? Can they not outrage 
 me at their pleasure, without fear of reprisals ? They hold the 
 most ridiculous discussions upon my shape, my features, man- 
 
 X 2 
 
308 !S1K ALEXANDER P.UKNES. Chap. XXT. 
 
 ners, and religion ; the extent and absurdity of the rude and 
 vile things they say is not to be imagined, nor my sufferings at 
 hearing them ; but patience again is my only refuge. 1 
 
 August 13th to 16th.— Before 1840 so little had Afghanistan 
 been visited by Europeans that they could not possibly form any 
 just ideas of the character of'its inhabitants. I will explain, there- 
 fore, how previously to that date they had almost generally been 
 looked upon in a favourable light by those who wrote about them. 
 The unfortunate Sir Alexander Burnes himself, who may be looked 
 upon as an incontrovertible authority upon a multitude of facts 
 relating to these people, on the point of character fell into the 
 errors of his predecessors. He believed the Afghans to be honest, 
 well educated, devoid of religious prejudices, and capable of great 
 things. I conceive that he took this impression on his first journey 
 to Kabul, in 1832, because the English had then in that country 
 a great reputation for ability, justice, power, and, above all, gene- 
 rosity. The Afghan princes all ardently desired the alliance, 
 and the sympathies of the people flowed from theirs. 
 
 Sultan Mahmood Khan of Peshawur, and the Emir Dost 
 Mohamed his brother, having an interest in impressing Burnes 
 in their favour, received him with the greatest consideration ; it 
 was natural therefore that he should form a favourable opinion of 
 them, and the Chiefs of their courts. But the upper classes 
 alone do not exhibit the character of a nation. In Asia, as every- 
 where else, they are more civilized than the masses. It might be 
 supposed that Burnes, travelling as he did in the Afghan dress, 
 and in an unostentatious manner, would have mixed enough 
 with the people to see them as they are, and appreciate them 
 at their just value ; but this would only be the case if his 
 expenses were consistent with his appearance of an Afghan 
 in moderate circumstances : by paying as he did generously 
 every one about liim, and for everything he wanted, he de- 
 prived himself of the best means of judging them, for if gold 
 will soften the habits or manners anywhere, it is most as- 
 suredly in Afghanistan. If, instead of having only to pay 
 them, he had been obliged to ask of them, or to make them feel 
 his power, as happened after he had printed his Travels and was 
 Resident at Kabul, I am convinced he would not have praised 
 them so jnuch. After all, the Afghans, to do them justice, never 
 pretend to the possession of great virtues — they never praise 
 
L'liAP. XXI. AFGHAN CHAKACTKli. 309 
 
 themselves for any thing but their courage ; and if they hear of a 
 bad action or a great crime, tlicy exclaim at once, with the con- 
 sciousness of their own sentiments, " In kai' Afghan est" that 
 is Afghan work. But, notwithstanding this sincerity, it will 
 always be difficult for a traveller, however keen his penetration, 
 to estimate them as they really are, unless he allows them to 
 express their own feelings before he satisfies their avarice. 
 Neitlier must he fear to degrade himself by adopting the Asiatic 
 costume or mixing freely with the people ; it is only by so doing 
 that he can acquire an insight into their real nature. 
 
 I cannot believe that so fine an intellect as Burnes's could not see 
 what 1 advance, but perhaps he preferred avoiding annoyances, 
 and even dangers, by disposing freely of the Company's gold. 
 His opinion of the Afghan character is, with one or two exceptions, 
 almost the only subject on which any one can differ from him in 
 what he has written respecting Afghanistan.* His work, taken as 
 a whole, is one of the greatest merit, and will long be the surest 
 guide on that country. I should not probably have fallen into 
 so many troubles if I had consulted it before I undertook my 
 journey ; but, unhappily, it was not until I returned to Teheran, 
 and I could not profit by the information it contains, that I first 
 had the opportunity of reading it. 
 
 Nearly sixteen days have passed, and Kohendil Khan has not 
 yet come to any decision : this delay is more depressing than 
 captivity itself The society of Moonshee Feiz Mohamed, who 
 seeks to cheer me by every means in his power, is my only con- 
 
 * " The Afghans are a sober, simple, childreu ; in their quarrels they fight, 
 steady people. They always iuterro- and become friends without any cere- 
 gated me closely regarding Europe, the mony. They cannot conceal their feel- 
 nations of which they divicle into twelve ings from one another, and a person 
 'koollahs,' or crowns — literally, hats. with any discrimination may at all times 
 It was delightful to see the ctu'iosity of pierce their designs. If the j^ themselves 
 even the oldest men. The gi-eatest evil are to be believed, their ruling vice is 
 of Mohamedanism consists in its keep- envy, which besets even the neai-est and 
 ing those who jirofess it withui a certain dearest relations. ITo peo2ile are more 
 circle of civilization ; tlien- manners do incapable of managing an intrigue. I 
 not appear ever to alter. They have was particularly struck with their idle- 
 learning, but it is of another age ; and ness ; they seem to sit listlessly foi' the 
 anything like philosophy in their history whole day staring at each other : how 
 is imknown. The language of the Af- they live it would be difficult to dis- 
 ghaus is Persian, but it is not the smooth cover, yet they dress well, and are 
 and elegant tongue of Iran. Pushtoo is healtliy and hajipy. I imbibed a very fa- 
 the dialect of the common people; but vourable imjiression of their national cha- 
 some of the higher classes cannot even racter." — Extract from Burnes's Travels 
 speak it. The Afghans are a nation of into Bokhara, vol. i. pp. 143 and 144. 
 
310 LEAVP]S MAHMOODABAD— GIIUSHK. Chap. XXI, 
 
 solation ; he has, however, little enough of comfort to impart, for 
 he tells me that the Sirdars persist in believing I am an English- 
 man, and only spare my life for their own interest. The English 
 army, having its advanced posts in the Bolan pass, might return 
 any day in a few marches to Kandahar, and in that case I might 
 be a hostage, through whom they could make advantageous 
 terms. In the meanwhile, no alteration of my condition ; the 
 rascally guards, by most unmistakeable signs, give me to understand 
 that I shall have my throat cut, and call out to the passers by 
 to " come in, come in, and look at the Ingleez KafEr." " He is 
 thirsty, and wants to drink," said one, and he flung a jug of 
 dirty water over mc ; others say that I am hungry, and throw 
 rinds of melon at my head, with other varieties of annoyance ; 
 and to all ray complaints the Sirdar always replies, " Have 
 patience, for I cannot alter these brutes." 
 
 August IGtk — At last I am informed that we set out to- 
 morrow for Girishk. One prison was not more likely to please 
 me than another, but the unhappy cling to the smallest hope, 
 and I did hope to find in change of place some relief from my 
 misery. This thought afforded me comfort, when another source 
 of satisfaction arose. During the day the Moonshee found an 
 opportunity of getting a friend of his, whose handwriting was 
 unknown to Mohamed Sedik, secretly to write a letter in my 
 name to Kohendil Khan, in which I loudly complained of the 
 treatment I had been subjected to, and entreated him to grant 
 me my liberty, or terminate my sufferings by a speedy death. 
 
 Cririshh, August 17th — five parasangs — eight hours — on a 
 plain, broken, undulating, and covered with brambles, which 
 shelter multitudes of partridges, deer, hares, and gazelles. 
 At three in the morning I mounted a camel, to the pitching pace 
 of which I found it difficult enough to accustom myself. The 
 fortress of Girishk is situated on an eminence, a short distance 
 from the Helmund ; the village near it and the district bear the 
 same name ; the latter is populous and very productive. The 
 castle of Girishk is very ancient, but has been enlarged and 
 repaired by the present sovereign ; it is of oblong form, with 
 towers at the angles, and could not be taken without artillery. 
 Some English sepoys, supported by Afghans attached to the 
 British interests, and commanded by the Sirdar Mohamed Kooli 
 Khan (son of the Vezir-Futteh Khan, who was assassinated by order 
 
Chap. XXI. 
 
 THE AUTHOR IN PRISON. 
 
 311 
 
 of Shah Mahmood), resisted all the attempts made by the insur- 
 gents in 1841 to possess themselves of it. The English had a 
 small body of troops here during their occupation of Afghanistan, 
 and the ruts made by their guns were perfectly visible in 1845.* 
 
 On both sides of the Helmund, above and below Girishk, may 
 be seen immense ruins and mounds, indicating that large towns 
 once existed there. The inhabitants of the country believe that 
 these flourished in the time of Alexander, particularly the one on 
 the northern side of the fortress, at the foot of the mountains of 
 the Paropamisus. 
 
 At Girishk I was put in a prison scarcely more habitable than 
 the one I had left ; it possessed, however, one advantage, for 
 which I was thankful — it was at a distance from the sepoy post, and 
 
 * During the English occupation of 
 Afghanistan, the roaintenance of Girishk 
 was always considered an important ob- 
 ject, as it not only defended the high 
 road, and offered seciu'ity to travellers, 
 but presented a good military point 
 against Herat. When the Afghan 
 troubles broke out in November, 1841, 
 the governor of Herat being at that 
 time unfriendly to ns, it was of particu- 
 lar importance to maintain Girishk, and 
 with this view Major Rawlinson, then 
 political agent at Kandahar, was anxious 
 not only to retain on the Helmund the 
 regiment to whose care the fortress was 
 entrusted, but to strengthen the posi- 
 tion with reinforcements from the Kan- 
 dahar garrison. General Nott, however, 
 insisted tliat the retention of the fortress 
 of Girishk was under the circumstances 
 a false position, and moreover imprac- 
 ticable ; he accordingly insisted on with- 
 drawing the regiment and guns to Kan- 
 dahar before the country became gene- 
 rally disturbed, and their retreat im- 
 possible. In this juncture Major Raw- 
 linson determined on sending out 
 Mohamed Kooli Khan to assume the 
 government of Girishk. He allowed 
 him a small party of Barukzye horse, 
 and further placed under his orders a 
 body of 200 musketeers, Sindis, Be- 
 looches, Punjabis, and Indians, who 
 wei'e led by a fine Indian soldier named 
 Bulwunt Singh. This small garrison, 
 supported by a couple of guns furnished 
 by the Afghan government, successfully 
 
 held Girishk throughout the whole 
 period of the Afghan troubles, from 
 November, 1841, to August, 1842, not- 
 withstanding that the Dooranees, to the 
 number of 10,000 or 15,000 men, were 
 in arms around them, sometimes as- 
 saulting and besieging the fortress, 
 sometimes cutting off the communica- 
 tions with Kandahai', and at other times 
 engaging General Nott's army in the 
 field. This defence of Girishk, difficult 
 of course as it was to furnish the garri- 
 son with food and ammunition, and to 
 communicate to them orders from Kan- 
 dahar, was one of the most brilliant 
 exploits of the war, and reflects the 
 gi'eatest credit on the leaders Mohamed 
 Kooli Khan and Bulwunt Singh. At 
 one period the Dooranees besieged 
 Girishk closely for three successive 
 mouths, and made repeated assaults. 
 It may be added, that it was mainly 
 owing to Mohamed Kooli Khtm's in- 
 fluence in the Helmund, where the 
 ooloos ^ were pjrincipally of his own 
 tribe, that we were mainly indebted for 
 the supply of provisions to the garrison. 
 Immediately before ovir evacuation of 
 Kandahar, Major Rawlinson withdrew 
 the Girishk garrison unmolested to the 
 city of Kandahar, settled their arrears 
 of pay, and transferred them to the ser- 
 vice of Suftur Jung, who was left in the 
 government when the two columns of 
 the English armj^ marched respectively 
 for Kabul and Sinde. — Ed. 
 
 The Afghan tribesmen, aa distinguished from the Parsivan cultivators. — Ed. 
 
ol2 TllK AUTliun IN i'KlSoN. Chap. XXI. 
 
 I indulocd some ho])C of quiet. This was soon dissipated, for 
 the Naib, lieutenant of the Sirdar, Gul Mohamed Khan, had 
 never seen me, and therefore proceeded to gratify his curiosity 
 the moment he heard that I had arrived. He burst into my room, 
 out of breath with haste, and then stood still and mute to stare 
 at me. After having scanned me from head to foot with a 
 savage and ironical look, he broke silence thus : " If I were not 
 afraid of the Sirdar, I should have cut your throat by this time." 
 Regardless of all prudential considerations, 1 obeyed the sudden 
 impulse to chastise his insolence, and, springing at his throat, 
 threw him down. I then rated him soundly, and pitching him 
 him out of the door, had the satisfaction of hearing him roll 
 down the staircase, while I barricaded myself inside in the best 
 way I could with two tent-poles which happened to be in my 
 prison. His cries soon brought five or six sepoys to his assistance ; 
 they broke open my door, and beat me till I was covered with 
 blood, and I hardly know what the result might have been, but 
 for the timely arrival of Rahimdil Khan and the Moonshee, 
 quickly followed by the Sirdar. Though" abusing me all the 
 time, he had the two soldiers beaten who had been most forward 
 in injuring me, and severely reprimanded Rahimdil Khan and 
 the Moonshee for having left me even for a moment. He ordered 
 them to occupy the room next to mine, and my door was locked 
 and a sentry ordered to remain constantly seated against it. 
 Whether from forgetfulness, or from an intention to punish me, 
 the rascals left me the next four-and- twenty hours without any- 
 thing to eat. 
 
 I remained in close confinement for eight days, seeing only the 
 Moonshee, who brought me each morning a few ounces of black 
 bread, and some sour milk. My prison was in the highest 
 tower of the fort, amongst the rubbish, about twenty or twenty-five 
 feet above the ditch, and on one side open to the country, for the 
 external wall had to a certain extent fallen down. On the other 
 side of this, the sentry, who was on guard there night and day, 
 ready to seize me should I be so rash as to try the leap, was 
 posted. I had thought of it more than once, to escape the suf- 
 ferings I endured in this loft : a burning sun shone into it the 
 whole day, and I was pestered unremittingly by flies, gnats, and 
 humble-bees ; but my worst misfortune was, that I was obliged to 
 sit almost constantly in the corner they particularly fancied, for, 
 
CiiAi'. XXI. THE AUTllOll IN TRISON. 3 13 
 
 if I stood or sat where the passers by could see me, I was sure 
 to be insulted. During the first few days the more humane 
 amongst them would give me words of kindness and consolation, 
 but they were sometimes beaten by the fanatical party in con- 
 sequence, so that I subsequently received nothing but abuse. In 
 keeping from the open side to avoid this, I lost my only pleasure, 
 that of looking at the country, and following the broad waters of 
 the Helmund winding through the smiling plain, covered with 
 plantations, cultivation, and beautiful green pastures. Not- 
 withstanding my helpless position, I loved to let my imagination 
 run riot : sometimes I fancied I was free ; sometimes that I 
 was in France again amongst my family and friends. The 
 romance, however, did not last long, for the vermin that I could 
 not prevent from getting into ray clothes, and the rattling of my 
 inside from the scantiness of my daily ration, quickly dispelled 
 these day-dreams, and dragged me roughly back to the sad reality 
 of my position. 
 
314 FUKTHEll DELAY. Chap. XXII. 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 Return of tlie messenger from Kandahar — Further delay — The Khan turns thief 
 
 — Khak-i-chouijan — Khoosk-i-Nakood — Tomb of the Imaum zadeh — Haouz 
 
 — Sufferings of the author — Takht Sinjavi — The Urgund-ab river — The old 
 town of Kandahar — The climate and jiroductions — The present town — 
 Inhabitants — Trade of Kandahar — Population — ■ History of the city — 
 Alexander the Great — Anecdote of its Arab conquerors — Yacoub ben Leis — ■ 
 Mahmood the Ghuznehvide — The Tartar conquests — • Kandahar taken by 
 r?aber • — By the Persians — Sultan Hussein Mirza — Kandahar taken by Shah 
 Abbas — Afterwards by Jehaughir — By the Uzbeks — By Nadir Shah — 
 Kandahar becomes the capital of Afghanistan — The family of the Moha- 
 medzye — Ferrier enters Kandahar — Lai Khan sends him a pilau — Descrip- 
 tion of the author's abode — Fate of Mirza Mohamed Wali — Villanous act of 
 Sedik Khan — Liberality of the English — The author in better quarters — 
 Interview with Kohendil Khan — • Descrij^tion of the Sirdar — Afghan politics 
 
 — The Sirdar's opinion of the Russians and the English — • Of the Persians — 
 Persists in thinking the author an Englishman — Opinions on Euroijeau 
 Governments — The Sirdar's advice to the author. 
 
 At last, on the evening of the 25th of August, Berkhordar Khan 
 returned with orders from Kohendil Khan to send me under 
 escort to Kandahar. Thank God ! I was then on the point of 
 leaving the hands of these brigands. Perhaps, it is true, I might 
 fall amongst others as bad ; but at least it was one step in the 
 right direction, and that fact gave me the liveliest sensations of 
 pleasure. 
 
 My departure ought to have taken place on the 26th, but, on 
 divers pretexts, the Sirdar delayed it till the following day, and 
 that also passed without my starting. On sending to him to in- 
 quire the motives of this conduct, he came to me himself, begged 
 me to be patient, and assured me that I should set out the next 
 night. After he was gone, the Moonshee explained the reason. 
 Mohamed Seilik had discovered that one of my trunks had 
 escaped his vigilance, and he wanted to examine it. He had 
 written about me to his father, in a tone which he hoped would 
 induce him to send me back to Herat, or by Shikarpoor to 
 Kelat, when he could have plundered me without any danger of 
 
Chap. XXII. THE KHAN TUllNS THIEF. lM.r, 
 
 my complaints reaching Kandahar. But Kohendil Khan's last 
 letter destroyed his plan, and he was undecided for a day or two 
 what to do. Eventually he sent two porters to my prison with the 
 trunk I had concealed at the Moonshee's, and arrived a few 
 minutes after, to take an inventory of its contents ; having 
 affirmed that Kohendil Khan had charged him to examine my 
 papers strictly, to see that I was not the hearer of any letters for 
 his enemies that might be injurious to him After having 
 closely examined every article, he quietly put aside those that he 
 thought he should like to keep, and then said, that in consideration 
 of the services he had rendered me, the food I had consumed, 
 and his having at different times saved my life, he hoped I would 
 make him a present of the trifles he had selected. Although so 
 entirely in his power I refused, and reproached him in the bitter- 
 est terms for his barbarous conduct ; but the villain was in no way 
 moved, and only remarked that he should have been willing to 
 obtain my consent, but could do very well without it, and then 
 retired, carrying off two-thirds of my things and all my money, 
 for fear, he said, that I should use it to his father's detriment, and 
 promised to restore it at Kandahar. 
 
 lihaJc-i-eJioicpan,' August 28th — seven parasangs — over a barren 
 plain. I was very early on horseback, with my escort of eight 
 soldiers, and left Girishk with a heart full of hatred for its in- 
 habitants and lively joy at my departure. We forded the Hel- 
 mund a quarter of an hour from the fortress. This can only be 
 done in the three summer months ; for the rest of the year it is 
 so much swollen by the rains and the melting of the snows in the 
 mountains of the Paropamisus that it can only be crossed in a 
 ferryboat which the Sirdar lets to the highest bidder. After seven 
 hours' travelling we came to a muddy and offensive marsh, near 
 which we made our halt. There was a village about half an hour 
 further on the right ; but as a bad fever was raging there, my 
 escort would not go into it. They dined in a few minutes off' 
 bread and cheese and raw onions, and threw me the fragments 
 when they had finished. I was obliged to be content, all insuf- 
 ficient as the meal was to satisfy my ravenous hunger. 
 
 Khoosk-i-Nakood and Haouz, August 29th — eight parasangs — 
 through a plain destitute of water, and covered with brambles. 
 When I awoke in the morning I found my escort had been in- 
 creased by two soldierS; who had been sent after me by the Sir- 
 
316 TUM13 OF 'J'llE IMAUM-ZADEH. Chap. XXII. 
 
 dar. lie had taken from me the first volume of Bianchi's Turk- 
 ish and French Dictionary, but I had succeeded in concealing the 
 second by sliding it under me unpcrceivcd, as I hoped, by any 
 one ; but his rogue of a naib had noticed me and told the Sirdar 
 after I was gone. Immediately on receiving this information he 
 sent these two satellites on my track, with orders to overtake me 
 and bring it back ; and they performed their mission with their 
 usual brutality. 
 
 Vie remounted when they had left, and stopped again, after 
 two hours' riding, near a caravanserai of mud built by the English, 
 named Khoosk-i-Nakood ; close to which we found one or two 
 inhabited houses, with gardens, supplied with water from a kariz. 
 Vast ruins surround this place ; the most remarkable is an im- 
 mense artificial mound, anciently crowned by a fortress said to 
 have been destroyed by Nadir Shah. This had undoubtedly been 
 the citadel of the town, of which there are traces all round, but 
 of which nothing habitable remains except an Imaumzadeh, 
 where a dervish lives in charge of the tomb. 
 
 It was here that Ahmed Shah Suddozye was elected king of the 
 Afghans by the united Sirdars. I do not know why the inhabi- 
 tants of this place call it also Kaleh Nadir. Besides the Imaum- 
 zadeh there are several other tombs in pretty good preservation, 
 and about twenty cypresses, the perpetual verdure of which is in 
 singular contrast to the aridity of the place. We waited here 
 through the four hottest hours of the day, and then rode on to 
 Haouz, leaving a little on our right the river Urgund-ab, and 
 having mountains of dark rocks, most capriciously tossed about, on 
 our left. The moving sands, of the reddish tint of the desert 
 south of the river, are brought by the south wind as far as the 
 base of the mountains. By night we had very nearly reached 
 Haouz, so named from the vast reservoir of water there. The 
 Prince Sufder Jung, the governor left by the English in 1842, 
 was here defeated by Kohendil Khan. 
 
 A league to the right, a short distance before arriving at 
 Haouz, is seen an artificial mound, similar to that at Khoosk-i- 
 Nakood, named Sungusur. Several large villages surround it ; and 
 in one near the road, beyond Haouz, we halted. I arrived at this 
 place so exhausted by heat, hunger, and thirst, that I could not 
 dismount by myself ; and when 1 had been lifted from my horse 
 I fell down. The guards did on this occasion show me some com- 
 
Chap. XXII. KANDAHAR— THE OLD TOWN. 317 
 
 passion, for they gave me a larger allowance of bread than usual, 
 and added to it some cheese and a jug of milk. 
 
 Kandahar, August 30th — six parasangs of plain. After having 
 travelled three hours across a desert, we sheltered ourselves from 
 the mid-day heat under a plantation of trees on the borders of 
 a branch of the Urgiind-ab, in a place called Takht-i-Sunjuree ; 
 thence to Kandahar it is three parasangs, and the country all the 
 way is covered with houses, trees, and cultivation, on both sides. 
 We crossed the Urgund-ab an hour and a half before we reached 
 the town. The bed was nearly dry, and contained only a few 
 pools of water in the deepest parts ; for all that the heat had 
 left was consumed in artificial in'igation. Beyond the river the 
 country contracts, and rocks are scattered here and there over it ; 
 it is intersected by streams, watering large gardens and orchards. 
 
 The old town of Kandahar was situated halfway between the 
 Urgund-ab and the present town. It occupied an exceedingly 
 strong position upon a very high mountain of abrupt rocks, and 
 was divided into three distinct parts, each on a separate eminence, 
 and capable of mutual defence. The highest crests of these 
 mountains are crowned with many towers, united by curtains ; 
 the one on the culminating point may be called impregnable. It 
 commanded the citadel which stood lower down on the second emi- 
 nence, and this in turn commanded the town, which was on a 
 table- land elevated above the plain. The triple walls surround- 
 ing the city were at a considerable distance from it, and enclosed 
 a space between them and the town to admit of the encampment 
 of a garrison in time of war ; it was used as garden-ground in 
 time of peace. Close to the road I observed the remains, in pretty 
 good preservation, of a formidable bastion that had been built by 
 the troops of Nadir Shah, to breach the v;alls. 
 
 Above this bastion may be seen a flight of sixty steps cut in 
 the side of the rock, leading to a small chamber also cut in the 
 rock ; the walls of the inside are decorated with sculptures, 
 amongst which two chained lions attract particular attention from 
 the grandeur of their dimensions. 
 
 The ramparts of the old town were principally constructed of 
 pieces of rock, cemented together by a mixture of clay and chopped 
 straw ; and thus constructed they resist much longer than would be 
 expected the attacks of artillery. That of Nadir Shah was nume- 
 rous and well served, and yet he M'as a long time under the 
 
318 
 
 KANDAIIAll— THE PKESP^NT TOWN. 
 
 Chap. XXII. 
 
 walls before he made a practicable breach. It was from the 
 heig'hts, and by the heroic gallantry of the Baktiyaris, that the place 
 was taken and subsequently entirely ruined. Nadir Shah rebuilt 
 it a cannon-shot lower down, on the ])lain, and called it Nadir- 
 abad ; but it was not long before the new city underwent the same 
 misfortunes as its predecessor,* Ahmed Shah Suddozye depopulated 
 it when he obtained the Afghan throne, after the death of Nadir, 
 and installed its inhabitants in another new town which he built 
 on the same plain, three quarters of an hour more to the east. 
 This he surrounded with a ditch, and flanked with a citadel. 
 The whole is now in existence, and may be approached in all 
 security to within forty or fifty yards of the walls, under cover 
 of the numerous gardens and orchards. It is commanded on 
 several points by the rocky hills, the last slopes of which come 
 almost up to the ditch of the fortification. The place could be 
 easily reduced ; and nothing can compensate for the security of the 
 fine position that Kandahar originally occupied.! The environs 
 
 * "The ancient city is sometimes said 
 to have been founded by Lohrasp, a 
 Persian king, who flourished in times of 
 very remote antiquity, and to whom 
 also the founding of Herat is attributed. 
 It is asserted by others, witli far gi-eater 
 probability, to have been built by Se- 
 cunder Zoolkurnyne ; that is, by Alex- 
 ander the Great. The traditions of the 
 Persians here agree with the conjectures 
 of European geographers, who fix on 
 this site for one of the cities called 
 Alexandria. 
 
 " The ancient city stood till the reign 
 of the Ghiljies, when Shah Hoossein 
 founded a new city, under the name of 
 Husseiu-abad. Nadir Shah attempted 
 again to alter the site of the town, and 
 built Nadirabad ; at last, Ahmed Shah 
 founded the present city," to which he 
 gave the name of Ahmed Shauhee, and 
 the title of Ashrefool Beluiid, or the 
 noblest of cities ; by that name and 
 title it is still mentioned jn jiublic 
 papers, and in the language of the court; 
 but the old name of Kandahar still pre- 
 vails among the people, though it has 
 lost its rhyming addition of Daurool 
 Kurrar, or the abode of quiet. Ahmed 
 Shah himself marked out the limits of 
 the present city, and laid down the 
 regular plan which is still so remarkable 
 
 in its execution. He surrounded it 
 with a wall, and proposed to have added 
 a ditch ; but the Dooranees are said to 
 have objected to his fortifications, and 
 to have declared that their ditch was 
 the Chemen of Bistan (a meadow near 
 Bistan, in the most western part of Per- 
 sian Khorassan). Kandahar was the 
 capital cf the Dooranee empire in 
 Ahmed Shah's time, butTimour changed 
 the seat of government to Kabul." — 
 Extract from Elpli'mstone s Kabul, vol. ii, 
 p. 129.— Ed. 
 
 At the foot of the ruins of the old town 
 of Kandahar is one of the most celebrated 
 reliques of antiquity belonging to the 
 Eastern world. It is neither more nor 
 less than the water-pot of Fo or Buddha, 
 It was carried to Kandahar by the tribes 
 who fled in the fourth century from 
 Gendharra on the Indus to escape an 
 invasion of the Yutchi, who made the 
 irruption from Chinese Tatary with the 
 express purpose of obtaining the pot. 
 It is the holiest relique of the Buddhist 
 world, and still retains among the Ma- 
 hometans of Kandahar a sacred and 
 miraculous character. It is called the 
 Kash-guli-Ali, or All's pot. It is formed 
 of stone, and may contain about twenty 
 gallons. — Ed. 
 
 t According to the ordinary military 
 
 In 1753 or 1754. 
 
Chap. XXTI. 
 
 ENVIRONS OF KANDAHAR. 
 
 319 
 
 are exceedingly picturesque. The town may be said to be buried 
 amongst gardens, orchards, and plantations of beautiful shrubs, 
 through which flow streams of the clearest water. In these gar- 
 dens are many little hillocks and rocks, on the slopes of which 
 the inhabitants have cut slides, on which they amuse themselves 
 on gala days. Fruits and vegetables grow here luxuriantly, 
 better than anywhere else in Afghanistan ; the pomegranates 
 have not their equal in the world. The sweetmeats and grapes 
 also deserve to be noticed ; and the tobacco, which is produced in 
 abundance, is much esteemed The cereal produce is of superior 
 quality, most especially the wheat : its whiteness and beauty are 
 rare. All the necessaries of life are sold here surprisingly cheap ; 
 and with these advantages it has that most valuable one, an agree- 
 able climate.* 
 
 opinion, a position on the plain is always 
 stronger than a position on the side of 
 a hill, and it is difficult to say why this 
 should not apply as much to Kandahar 
 as to other places. Kandahar is weak, 
 because, in the first place, it has no 
 glacis, nor has it any ravelins or flank- 
 ing defences to defend the long line of 
 curtain. The ditch, moreover, on the 
 southei'n side is very shallow, and the 
 ■water might be cut off from the city, 
 the streams which sujiply the city 
 being divei-ted by an enemy on the 
 Urgund-ab. It may be remembered, 
 however, in speaking of the weakness 
 of Kandahar, that it was strong enough 
 to resist the whole Afghan army of 
 10,OoO men, when held by a very weak 
 garrison, on the memorable night of 
 the 29th March, 18-tJ.— Ed. 
 
 * The following is Burnes's account of 
 Kabul, the other capital of Afghan- 
 istan: — 
 
 " Kabul is a most bustling and popu- 
 lous city. Such is the noise in the 
 afternoon, that in the streets one cannot 
 make an attendant hear. The great 
 bazaar or ' chouchut,' is an elegant 
 arcade, nearly 60U feet long, and about 
 30 broad: it is divided into four equal 
 parts. Its roof is painted, and over 
 the shops are the houses of some of 
 the citizens. The plan is judicious, 
 bi;t it has been left unfinished ; and 
 the fountains and cisterns that formed 
 a part of it lie neglected. Still there 
 are few such bazaars in the East, and 
 one wonders at the silks, cloths, and 
 
 goods -which are arrayed under its 
 piazzas. In the evening it presents a 
 very interesting sight ; each shop is 
 lighted up by a lamp suspended in 
 front, which gives the city an appear- 
 ance of being illuminated. The number 
 of shops for the sale of dried fruits 
 is remarkable, and their arrangement 
 tasteful. In May one may purchase the 
 gi-apes, pears, apples, quinces, and even 
 melons of the bygone season, then ten 
 months old. There are poulterers' 
 shops, at which snipes, ducks, par- 
 tridges, and plovers, with other game, 
 may be purchased. The shoj^s of the 
 shoemakers and hardware retailers are 
 also arranged with singular neatness. 
 Every trade has its separate bazaar, 
 and all of them seem busy. There are 
 booksellers and venders of paper, much 
 of which is Russian, and of a blue 
 colour. The month of May is the 
 season of the ' falodeh,' which is a 
 white jelly strained from wheat, and 
 drunk with sherbet and snow. The 
 people are very fond of it, and the 
 shopkeepers in all parts of the town 
 seem constantly at work with their 
 customers. A pillar of snow stands on 
 one side of them, and a fountain plays 
 near it, which gives these places a cool 
 and clean appearance. Around the 
 bakers' shops crowds of people may be 
 seen waiting for their bread. I ob- 
 served that they baked it by plastering 
 it to the sides of the oven. 
 
 " Kabul is famed for its kabobs, or 
 cooked meats, which are in great re- 
 
S20 
 
 CITADEL OF KANDAIIAK. 
 
 Chap. XXII 
 
 The great heats of summer are tempered by the north-east wind 
 which comes fresh from the snowy regions of the Paropamisus 
 mountains. Snow does not fall on the plain every winter ; and 
 when it does it melts almost as soon as it touches the ground. 
 The mildness of the temperature in that season attracted the Suddo- 
 zye sovereigns irom Kabul, where they resided in the summer ; 
 and thus both towns were equally looked upon as capitals. But 
 Kandahar lost the title in the reign of Timour Shah, for having 
 supported the pretensions of his brother Suleiman Mirza to the 
 Afghan throne, on the death of their father Ahmed Shah. 
 
 The town of Kandahar is an oblong, with nearly a parasang of area. 
 It is surrounded by a high and thick wall of earth, protected by a 
 deep but not very wide ditch. The citadel is situated on the north 
 of the town, and contains a very good residence, which Kohendil 
 Khan inhabits. The fortifications were put into a good state by 
 the English, and are capable of resisting the attacks of an Afghan 
 army ; they also built large barracks on a great space situated 
 outside the Herat gate ; these were uninhabited, but in good con- 
 dition, in 1845. 
 
 The interior of Kandahar is in no way remarkable. The water 
 circulates abundantly through all parts of it, and would be of 
 infinite value to the inhabitants if they did not deprive themselves 
 of it in a thousand stupid or careless ways. A swarm of women 
 
 quest. Few cook at home. ' Rhu- 
 wash ' was tlie dainty of the May 
 season in Kabul. It is merely blanched 
 rhubarb, which is reared under a careful 
 protection of the sun, and grows up 
 raukly under the hills in the neigh- 
 bourhood. Its flavour is delicious. 
 ' Shabash rhuwash ! Bravo rhuwash ! ' 
 is the cry in the streets, and every one 
 buys it. In the most crowded parts of 
 the city there are story-tellers aniusing 
 the idlers, or dervises proclaiming the 
 glories and deeds of the prophets. If 
 a baker makes his appearance before 
 these worthies, they demand a cake in 
 the name of some prophet ; and to 
 judge by the number who follow their 
 occupation, it must be a profitable one. 
 There are no wheeled carriages in 
 Kabul. The streets are not very narrow; 
 they are kept in a good state during 
 dry weather, and are intersected by 
 small covered aqueducts of clean water, 
 which is a great convenience to the 
 
 people. We passed along them with- 
 out observation and even without an 
 attendant. To me the appearance of 
 the people was more novel than the 
 bazaars. They sauntered about dressed 
 in sheepskin cloaks, and seemed huge 
 from the quantity of clothes they wore. 
 All the children have ruby-red clieeks, 
 which I at first took for an artificial 
 colour, till I found it to be the gay 
 bloom of youth. The older people 
 seem to lose it. Kabul is a compactly- 
 built city, but its houses have no pre- 
 tension to elegance. I'hey are con- 
 structed of sun-dried bricks and wood, 
 and few of them are more than two 
 stories high. It is thickly peopled, and 
 has a population of about 6(),0i)0 souls. 
 The river of Kabul passes through the 
 city, and tradition says it has three 
 times carried it away or inundated it. 
 In rain thei-e is not a dirtier place than 
 Kabul." — Extriict from Burnes's -Travels 
 into Hokliara, \o\.i. pp. 141, 145, 146, 147. 
 
Chap. XXfl. POrULATION OF KANDAHAI^. 321 
 
 are always washing their clothes in it ; the men go in with their 
 clothes on to get rid of the vermin in them ; and every species of 
 impurity from the houses and shambles is thrown into it — never- 
 theless, the population feel no repugnance to using it with their food ! 
 The mosque, which contains the tomb of Ahmed Shah Suddozye, 
 is the only fine monument existing in the town. The bazars are 
 composed of four covered streets, which meet at a round point 
 called Charsook, where the chief judge resides, and where his 
 sentences are executed. The town is divided into many mohullas, 
 or quarters, each of which belongs to one of the numerous tribes 
 and nations which form the inhabitants of the city. The popu- 
 lation of Kandahar is composed as follows : — 
 
 1. One-fourth, Afghans of the tribe of Barukzyes. 
 
 2. An eighth, Afghans of the tribe of Ghiljees. 
 
 3. An eighth, Afghans, various other tribes, Dooranee. 
 
 4. Half, Parsivans and Hindoos.* 
 
 There are neither Jews nor Armenians there. 
 
 The trade of the place is almost entirely in the hands of the 
 Parsivans and Hindoos, and was considerable till 1841. The 
 merchandise came from India, and was dispersed amongst the 
 Hazarahs and Belooches in Kabul, Herat, Bokhara, and even Khiva. 
 But since Kohendil Khan regained the reins of government in 
 1843, after the retreat of the English, his tyranny and spoliations, 
 for his own benefit and to provide himself a store against reverses 
 of fortune, have driven away the principal merchants, or obliged 
 them to realize their property and bury it in the earth, awaiting 
 the return of security. 
 
 The population of Kandahar amounted, eight years ago, to 
 G0,000 inhabitants : it is now reduced to half that number, 
 and diminishes every year, on account of the inflictions and in- 
 sults which weigh upon the people. Kohendil Khan has given, 
 in vain, the most severe orders for the unhappy emigrants to be 
 arrested at the frontiers ; the greater number always escape, and 
 seek security in Herat or in India. But woe to those who are 
 caught! they suffer piteously indeed. Brought back bound to 
 Kandahar, they are not only stripped of the property they may 
 have upon them, but are put to the torture to make them disclose 
 
 * One large quarter of tlie town, however, the N.E., is entirely inhabited by the 
 Berdorani tribe. — Ep. 
 
322 HISTORY DF KANDAHAR. Chai-. XXII. 
 
 where, if they have any more, they have hidden it ; and they are 
 afterwards employed on public works, where they earn nothing 
 but an insufficient subsistence, their small pay being seized by 
 the sovereign — who, by exactions of every description, alienates 
 more and more the good-will of his subjects. Up to the year 
 1844 he confined his cruelties to the industrious classes only, the 
 Parsivans and Hindoos ; but since that period he has persecuted 
 the Afghans equally, and that may eventually cost him dear. 
 
 From the remotest times Kandahar must have been a town of 
 much importance in Asia, as its geographical position sufficiently 
 indicates, it being the central point at which the roads from Herat, 
 Seistan, Gour, India, and Kabul unite, and the commercial mart 
 of these localities. 
 
 Some authors consider Kandahar as an Indian, others as a Persian 
 town ; the Afghans themselves include it in Khorassan, to which 
 province they assign the Indus (called also the Attok and the 
 Scinde) as the limit. According to them India commences only 
 on the other side, and to the south of this river, from the point at 
 which it receives the Sutlej ; that is to say, north of the territoiy 
 of the Mahrattas and Moguls. 
 
 The Punjab, comprehending Kashmir and the country of the 
 Sikhs, and Zablestan, comprehending Ghuzni and Kabul, form 
 another country called by them Hindostan. 
 
 The inhabitants of India they callHindees, and those of Hindostan 
 Hindostanees. This arrangement apppears to be a very ancient 
 one ; and it is not astonishing that Kandahar, being so near both 
 these countries, and frequently added to one or the other by con- 
 quest, should have been considered as alternately belonging to 
 either by the ancient authors, whose ideas have been adopted by 
 some geographers of our own days. They consider Kandahar to 
 have been one of the seven cities built in the interior of Asia by 
 Alexander the Great, resting their opinion on the slight supposi- 
 tion that Kandar or Kandahar* is only an abbreviation of the 
 name Iskandar, by which Alexander is known in the East ; and in 
 this there is nothing improbable, for it must be the point to which 
 the Macedonian conqueror advanced when he quitted Furrah to go 
 
 * Kandahar is said to have been called from the Gandharra of the Indus iu the 
 so from the Gandharras (Greek Gan- fourth century. See Appendices for 
 daridse), who migrated to the westward further account. — En. 
 
 M 
 
Chap. XXII. HISTORY OF KANDAHAR. 323 
 
 to Arachosia,* whence he turned northward. Finding the country 
 rich, and a desirable site existing on the southern point of the 
 mountains, from which the various roads coukl be commanded, he 
 could not select a better for the purpose, and there he erected a 
 fortress, destined to shelter his troops and contain the population. 
 
 From the hands of Alexander Kandahar passed into the power of 
 the Seleukides, whose history is involved in obscurity. It is scarcely 
 possible to determine what its condition was under the dominion of 
 the Parthians and Sassanides, for the history of Kandahar at that 
 time is enveloped in darkness, which lasted nearly to the period 
 when the successors of Mahomet invaded Persia ; but it appears 
 certain that the Arabs penetrated into it in the first age of the 
 Hegira. That is the opinion of Herbelot, who founded it upon 
 that of Kawan el Moolk. These, are his words : — "In the year 
 of the Hegira 304 (a.d. 916), in the Caliphat of Mocktader, in 
 digging for the foundation of a tower at Kandahar, a subterranean 
 cave was discovered, in which were a thousand Arab heads, all 
 attached to the same chain, which had evidently remained in good 
 preservation since the year Heg. 70 (a.d. 689), for a paper with 
 this date upon it was found attached by a silken thread to the ears 
 of the twenty-nine most important skulls, with their proper 
 names." This would indicate that the Arabs at first met with no 
 great success in their enterprise against this town : nevertheless 
 they eventually became masters of it.j 
 
 In Heg. 252 (a.d. 865), Yacoob ben Leis, founder of the 
 dynasty of the SoflTarides,! possessed himself of Kandahar ; the Sas- 
 sanides drove out his successors, and it was taken from them by 
 the famous Mahmood Ghuznevi, whose dynasty was overthrown by 
 that of the Gaurides. Under these last Kandahar fell by turns 
 into the hands of petty ambitious chiefs, who all succumbed to the 
 Seljookides. These possessed it till Sanjar, a prince of that 
 dynasty, was overthrown by the Turkomans. 
 
 * Arachosia can be distinctly shown, % Soffar means a worker in copper, 
 
 bj' the Greek measurements, to have The Soffaride dynasty began, according 
 
 been at the ruins of Shehr-Zohauk, or to some, Heg. 259, according to others, 
 
 OlanRobat, between Kilaat-i-Ghiljie and 248, and lasted for three generations, 
 
 Mokoor. — Ed. till it was replaced by that of the Sapa- 
 
 f The early campaigns of the Arabs nides, abolit the end of the same ceu ■ 
 
 against Kandahar are given at length tury of the Hegira. See D' Herbelot. — 
 
 from the work of Beladeri, in M. Ke- Ed, 
 naud's 'Fragments of AralD History,' 
 Paris, about 1843, — Ep, 
 
 Y 2 
 
321 JIISTOKY OF KANDAllAJî. Cjiap. XXll. 
 
 The last were established in the town in Ileg. 540 (a.d. 1153), 
 and a few years after it fell under the power of Ghyaz eddin Mo- 
 hamed, a Gauride prince. Allah eddin Mohamed, Sultan of 
 Khaurism, took it, Ilef?. 597 (a.d. 1210); and his son was dis- 
 possessed by the ftmious Ghengis Khan, Heg. 609 (a.d. 1222). 
 
 The descendants of that conqueror allowed it to be wrenched 
 from them by the prince of the dynasty of Malek-Kurt, who were 
 succeeded by the chiefs of the country till the period at which 
 Tamerlane invaded and took possession of it, Ileg. 776 (a.d. 
 1389) ; at his death it became part of the dominions of his son, 
 Shah Rokh. The Timourides retained it till Heg. 855 (a.d. 
 14()8), at which epoch the death of the Sultan Aboo Seid caused 
 the dismemberment of the empire : after this time Kandahar and 
 some surrounding districts soon formed an independent state. 
 In Heg. 899 (a.d. 1512) it was in the power of a chief called 
 Shah Beg, who was dispossessed by the famous Baber, founder of 
 the dynasty of the Moguls in India, to whose dominions it was 
 annexed. 
 
 Not long afterwards Kandahar was seized by the Persians, and 
 became from that moment the cause of perpetual wars between 
 the two empires. In ^îeg. 922 (a.d. 1535) it was taken, and 
 for some time after held, by Sam Mirza, a revolted prince of the 
 dynasty of the Seferiges ; but it was retaken by Thamasp Shah, 
 and the government of it confided to Pir Boodak Khan, Kajar, 
 who, having been besieged the following year by Kamran Mirza, 
 son of Baber, gave him up the place, which fell therefore for a 
 short time into the power of Thamasp. At the death of that 
 prince one of his nephews, Sultan Hussein Mirza, had himself 
 proclaimed king, and declared himself independent of the Shah 
 Ismael, son and successor of Thamasp to the throne of Persia. 
 
 This prince, wishing to take the life of one of his officers whom 
 he distrusted, laid a plan for having him poisoned at a banquet 
 to which he invited him ; but his intended victim, being warned 
 of Hussein's treachery, dexterously managed that the cup in- 
 tended for him should be presented to the Sultan, who unsus- 
 piciously quaffed the contents, and died, as he deserved to do, the 
 victim of his own perfidy. 
 
 After this event, Ilumayoon, son and successor of Baber, seized 
 upon Kandahar ; but having been dethroned in a revolt, he re- 
 warded Thamasp, who aided him in regaining his power, by the 
 
 ! 
 
Chap. XXII. HISTORY OF KANDAIIA1Î. 325 
 
 cession of this town, Heg. 932 (a.d. 1545). Akbar, son of 
 Humayoon, took it by stratagem from the Persians ; but Shah 
 Abbas the Great retook it, Heg. 996 (a.d. 1609), and it soon 
 after fell under the power of Jehanghir, Emperor of the Moguls. 
 
 It fell to the Persians again Heg. 1007 (a.d. 1620) ; but 
 at the death of Shah Abbas, the Usbeks, thinking they 
 could recommence their depredations with impunity, invaded 
 Khorassan ; beaten however by the Persian troops who held this 
 provinc©,*tliey marched upon Kandahar, of which they possessed 
 themselves by means of the defection of the Persian governor, 
 Ali Murdan Khan, who, conceiving he would be condemned 
 to death by Shah Sefi, grandson and successor of Shah Abbas, 
 evacuated the town, and at the head of his troops arrived at the 
 court of the Great Mogul, to whom he rendered homage. 
 
 The Usbeks were not driven from the place till Heg. 1021 
 (a.d. 1634), by the Emperor Shah Jehanghir, from whom the 
 Persians took it, Heg. 1037 (a.d. 1650), under the reign of Shah 
 Abbas the Second. After this epoch, although frequently besieged 
 by the Moguls — once commanded by the famous Aurungzebe in 
 person, Heg. 1096 (a.d. 1709) — they were never able to retake 
 it, and it continued Persian up to the time of the revolt of the 
 famous Mir Veis, an Afghan chief of the Ghiljee tribe, who was 
 succeeded, first, by his brother, Mir Abdullah, and afterwards by 
 his two sons, Mir Mahmood and Mir Hussein. 
 
 The last was dispossessed by Nadir Shah, at whose death Kan- 
 dahar became the capital of the new kingdom of Afghanistan, of 
 which Ahmed Shah Suddozye was the founder ; his dynasty was 
 overthrown by the Barukzyes, Heg. 1203 (a.d. 1816). The family 
 of the Mohamedzyes possessed itself of the various provinces of 
 Afghanistan, from which it was expelled by the English, Heg. 
 1226 to 1228 (a.d. 1839 to 1841) ; but after their retreat, Ko- 
 hendil Khan returned to Kandahar, and reigned there absolute, 
 [until his death in 1855. Kandahar is now said to be in the 
 possession of Dost Mohamed.] — Ed. 
 
 To return from this historical sketch to my own journey. One 
 of my escort went on in advance from Tekie Sindjavi to give 
 Kohendil Khan notice of my approach, and at nightfall I met 
 him near the English barracks returning for me, accompanied by 
 ten ferocious-looking rascals, by whom I v/as surrounded to prevent 
 the possibility of any person coming near me. The sun was settiiig, 
 
32G THE AUTHOR'S ABODE AT KANDAHAR. Chap. XXH, 
 
 and the voice of the muezzin from the tall minarets summoned all 
 good Mussulmans to prayer ; my guards immediately formed up in 
 line and went through their various genuflexions with a precision 
 worthy of a picked company. In one instant after they proceeded 
 to satisfy the most voracious appetites it was ever my lot to witness 
 amongst all the hungiy men I have seen. They fell upon a pile of 
 melons exposed for sale in the open air, and having thrown two or 
 three pieces of small coin to the owner, vrho knew better than to 
 grumble at the price offered by the soldiers of the great "Sirdar, a 
 score of them disappeared in a moment of time. I had at first 
 thought them savage, but they seemed to me absolutely kind, 
 when, after they had finished, they threw a melon to me, calling 
 out " bigir" catch. I did so with the dexterity of the most 
 practised monkey, and in an instant the delicious fruit had dis- 
 appeared, for I was famished, and it was a long time since I had 
 tasted anything so nice. 
 
 After this short halt we entered the town, but the captain of the 
 escort not having found at the gate the man who was to take us to 
 a lodging, set about looking for him in a labyrinth of tortuous 
 streets, the kiabane,* and the bazaars, where I was carefully 
 scrutinised by the people ; we rode to and fro for an hour 
 without finding him, and at last stood still, waiting for the return 
 of a messenger that my guard had sent to look for him. Sur- 
 rounded and, as usual, questioned by the crowd, and my escort 
 being completely puzzled what to do with me, they at last decided 
 upon taking me to the Char-sook, where I was provisionally placed 
 in the public prison, from which some criminals were turned out 
 to make room for me. Happily Lai Khan, an Afghan Barukzye, 
 came about half an hour after, and took me from there to a house 
 that had been prepared for me. 
 
 The darkness prevented me from seeing much of its details, but 
 it appeared tolerably comfortable. What, however, I enjoyed 
 exceedingly was an excellent pilau that the Khan sent me from 
 his own kitchen. I ate it with avidity, and, feeling greatly 
 refreshed and renovated by such a meal, threw myself down to 
 rest, and slept profoundly, under the happy impression that my 
 reception at Kandahar augured better treatment for me than I 
 had met with at Girishk. 
 
 * i.e. The aveuue. 
 
 I 
 
Chap. XXIJ. THE AUTHOR'S ABODE. 327 
 
 August 31st. — When I awoke this morning I was struck with 
 the beauty of my dwelling ; it was worthy of a prince. This 
 palace contained various blocks of building, and I occupied the 
 one destined for the harem. My guard amounted to fifty, and their 
 orders were neither to let nie go out of it, nor to let any one come 
 in to see me ; the commander Lai Khan was not to lose sight of 
 me for a moment, and to sleep across my door at night. As, 
 however, every avenue to the harem was well secured, 1 was 
 allowed my liberty within the building ; the portion next to me 
 contained another prisoner who had also come to wander in this 
 dangerous country ; it was Saadet Mulook, son of Shah Kamran, 
 the enemy of the Moharaedzye then reigning. The room which I 
 occupied was spacious, and the walls were covered with many and 
 various ornaments, beautifully executed in relief in a species of 
 plaster hard as stucco and shining as quartz, in which one 
 might fancy spangles of silver had been mixed ; this plaster is 
 found in abundance in the plains of Kandahar on the very surface 
 of the earth, but, instead of being compact and in lumps like that 
 which we use in France, it resembles when found a bank of 
 coral, is brittle, and crumbles under the slightest pressure ; some- 
 times it is found of the consistency of raw honey coming from the 
 comb, but the colour is always of silvery whiteness. 
 
 Besides its beauty, my apartment had the chann of a shady 
 aspect in the daytime, and at night, by opening the upper part of 
 the blinds, it could be kept cooler than the terraces on which the 
 inhabitants of Kandahar sleep in the summer ; the court was 
 large, well-aired, and ornamented with two little gardens, separated 
 by a very large basin, the water in which was frightfully filthy, 
 but the soldiers would not take the trouble to change it, and even 
 bathed in it morning and evening. Whatever might be my sen- 
 sations of disgust at the thoughts of this water, 1 was nevertheless 
 obliged to drink it all the time I was at Kandahar. My guards 
 would not take the trouble to bring me any other ; why should 
 they ? They drank it themselves : it was their only drink. 
 
 Continuing my inspection of this elegant prison, and congi'atu- 
 lating myself on the selection that had been made for me, I 
 wandered, accompanied by Lai Khan, into a small garden, o 
 which the alleys were paved with tiles, but as I approached the 
 point where they met, which was occupied by a small dry basin, 
 my breath was almost taken away by a dreadfully fetid ouiell that 
 
328 FATE OF îklIRZA MOHAMED WALL Chap. XXIL 
 
 proceeded from a mass of corruption alive with millions of worms 
 and flies. Supposing it to have been the carcase of a sheep, I 
 asked my companion, in some astonishment, how they could 
 possibly use such a place as a butcher's shambles ? lie replied 
 to my quoj^tion with so strange a smile that I repeated it, and he 
 answered sharply, " This house belonged, some months ago, to the 
 Mirza Mohamed Wall, during the time that he received the 
 taxes for the English, and the blood you see there is his. Ko- 
 hendil Khan had him killed for a traitor. God recompense him 
 in this world and in the next." This sally was accompanied by a 
 grin so ferocious that I felt almost alarmed by it, and my heart 
 sank within me at the fearful scene and recital. ^Mshing, how- 
 ever, to hear more details of the wretched story, I inquired of one 
 of my guards, whose answer was an ironical laugh that might be 
 thus translated, " Take care they do not do as much for you." 
 
 I could not learn the history of the Mirza Mohamed Wali 
 till after my return to Girishk, when the Moonshee Feiz Mo- 
 hamed told me that he had lost his life simply because Moha- 
 med Sedik Khan coveted the house that I inhabited. This most 
 rapacious and cruel Sirdar had not one of his own at Kandahar in 
 which to spend the winter season ; he was tired of living in a 
 hired domicile, and to build one would cost more money than he 
 could make up his mind to part with, so he preferred appro- 
 priating to himself, by the crime of murder, the beautiful residence 
 belonging to the unfortunate Mirza. 
 
 The first step towards the attainment of his object was the 
 writing of a false letter in the name of the English governor 
 of Shikarpoor, in which he informed Mohamed Wali that the 
 English, not having given up the intention of taking Kandahar, 
 would arrive almost immediately in great force, and charged him 
 to purchase a large quantity of corn, barley, and straw for the 
 army, and also to keep the partisans of the English cause together 
 in the town, ready to seize the Sirdars on the first signal. 
 
 This precious missive once fabricated, the villain informed his 
 father of the unwary Mirza's pretended treachery, and advised 
 him to set spies round his house to seize his correspondence ; 
 this was done, and of course it was not long before the malignant 
 forgery was intercepted, and taken to Kohendil Khan, who com- 
 manded the unhappy victim of his odious son to be killed imme- 
 diately. Mohamed Sedik then begged his father to give him 
 
 J 
 
Chap. XXII. INTERVIEW WITH KOHENDIL KHAN. 329 
 
 the house as a reward for his shrewdness and zeal in his interests, 
 and, as he expected, his request was granted. 
 
 The English are, it must be acknowledged, great and generous, 
 and reward handsomely those who serve them well or suffer in 
 their cause. When the news of this atrocious assassination reached 
 Calcutta the Directors ordered a pension of 1200/. a-year, and 
 a present in ready money of '2000/., to be paid to the sur- 
 viving nephew of Mirza Mohamed Wall ; the other had been 
 killed with his uncle.* 
 
 September 1st, 2nd, 3rd.— However beautiful the residence in 
 which I was now kept, it was quite impossible for me to forget 
 that it served me only as a prison, and the consciousness of that 
 fact, with the remembrance of the tragical end of the proprietor, 
 was well calculated to make a mournful impression even on the 
 firmest mind. The delay also in obtaining an audience of Ko- 
 hendil Khan made me profoundly sad, though excepting that 
 delay and my seclusion I had nothing to complain of at Kandahar. 
 A good meal was brought to me daily, morning and evening, 
 from the Sirdar's own kitchen ; my guards, though neither better 
 brought up nor more sociable than those of his son, w^ere far less 
 coarse ; they were content to keep their watch in my room, and 
 sometimes laugh at me, but they never insulted me by word or 
 deed, and that was an amazing amelioration of my condition. As 
 I was continually supplicating Lai Khan to try to induce the 
 sovereign to receive me, he at last consented, and his intercession 
 was crowned with success. About two hours after sunset on the 
 3rd, I was conducted to the presence of this prince, who has the 
 reputation of being one of the most valiant sons of Payendeh 
 Khan. 1 went on horseback, in an Afghan dress, and with a 
 good escort, though the citadel was only ten minutes' ride from 
 my prison ; a large space in front of the fortress was crowded 
 with booths, wood, bricks, and camels. 
 
 * Another chief of the Parsivan party, ships to which he was subjected, he 
 
 Jan Mohamed, cotival, or chief of the effected his escape, and came through 
 
 police of Kandahar during the English Persia to Bagdad. Hence he was sent 
 
 occupation, was of the utmost .service on by Colonel Eawliuson to Bombay, 
 
 to our government throughout the war. and Lord Elphinstone, the governor, in 
 
 After our retirement he succeeded in consideration of his services, nominated 
 
 maintaining himself in favour with the him to the police mastership of the 
 
 Sirdars longer than others of his party. town of Shikarpore. He died on his 
 
 In 1854, however, having been pillaged way up, but his fnmily are still in the 
 
 of his last farthing, and lost several receipt of a small pension from the 
 
 meijibers of his ftxuiily from the hanl- British government. — Ed. 
 
330 AFGHAN POLITICS. Chap. XXII. 
 
 (Kohendil Khan gave me audience, in the garden, and when I 
 was ushered into his presence he was seated on a carpet near a 
 fountain ; several mollahs, who were in attendance, retired at my 
 approach, and left us alone. The expression of his countenance, 
 lighted by the moon, was entirely different from the character of 
 the man. It was serious, gentle, and kind, and though his com- 
 plexion, pale and sickly, contrasted strangely with his beard dyed 
 black, I should have taken a favourable impression of him, 
 if his eyes, like those of his eldest son, had not warned me of 
 falsehood and perfidy. His age was about fifty-eight or sixty, and 
 his figure short and stout. His dress was perfectly simple ; a 
 thick white cotton robe, and a white muslin turban ; round his 
 waist was a rich Kashmir shawl ; the only article that could be 
 called an ornament waB a Persian knife, with a jewelled handle. 
 
 He invited me to take a seat near him ; and as I did so he 
 politely rose on his knees, and we exchanged the usual compli- 
 ments. After the preamble, always sufficiently long amongst the 
 Afghans, he asked what business had brought me to Afghanistan. 
 My reply was the simple truth, that I desired to take service at 
 Lahore. He then insisted upon knowing if that was the only 
 motive that had induced me to traverse the country, and seemed 
 to doubt it, giving as a reason that the Sikhs had seen Europeans 
 leave them who had been twenty years in their service, without 
 feeling any regret at their doing so, and he thought it very un- 
 likely that my offer would be accepted. 
 
 " From having been our enemies," he said, " the Sikhs have 
 become our allies. I have to-day received the news of the cession 
 of Peshawur and Attok, made by them to my brother Dost 
 Mohamed Khan. His son, Mohamed Akbar Khan, ought soon 
 to take possession of the country at the head of a large body 
 of troops, who are assembhng at this moment, and, Inshallah ! 
 please God, we will soon join Kashmir to those two places. 
 The concessions they make prove how the Sikhs value our alliance. 
 They do not want Europeans, — their enemies and ours. You 
 must know that, and vainly seek to deceive me. You can only have 
 come to this country to ascertain the feelings of the people, and 
 to raise them a second time against us. The firmans of the 
 Sultan of Istambul and the Shah of Persia that you have shown to 
 my son, do not prove to us that you are not English ; for you 
 may have stolen them from a Frenchman ; and that, in my 
 
Chap. XXn. ENGLISH — KUSSIANS — PERSIANS. 331 
 
 opinion, is the truth. Own it now." This speech, made in a 
 very cahn and distinct tone, and with an appearance of its being 
 his profound conviction, really embarrassed me, as my agitation 
 might have been visible to the Sirdar. In reply, I assured him 
 " that the character of Englishman was quite honourable enough 
 for me to have no wish to throw it off, if it had really belonged to 
 me ; but that I was a Frenchman, w^hich was equally good, and 
 that so I presented myself to him without any mental reserva- 
 tion." Kohendil Khan did not seem convinced, but suddenly 
 abandoned his investigations concerning me and my intentions, 
 and commenced a long oration, in which he threw a retrospec- 
 tive glance over the history of the few previous years. 
 
 He complained in equally strong terms of the English, the 
 Russians, and the Persians. He reproached the first bitterly with 
 having violated the conventions made by Burnes in the name of 
 the government with him and his brother Dost Mohamed, with 
 having disloyally invaded the country, turned out and set aside 
 all persons of rank or importance from public appointments, and 
 replaced them by upstarts. 
 
 He held the Russian government, he said, to be no less disloyal, 
 because they had not fulfilled a fourth part of the engagements 
 that Vitkevich had made for them. " The Czar has allowed you 
 English to invade us, and abandoned Mohamed Shah at the 
 moment that he would have taken Herat ; just when my son had 
 started with four thousand horsemen to make a diversion in his 
 favour on the Furrah side of the country." 
 
 " Thus," said he, " the two nations of whom we had the highest 
 opinion, whose truth and loyalty were proverbial among us, have 
 proved this reputation to be groundless ; they are second to none 
 in duplicity. But the Afghans now are fully aware of the value 
 of their promises, and their protestations of friendship ; they know 
 they have but one object, the subjugation of their country, and 
 have ceased to listen to perfidious advice, tending only to arm 
 them one against the other. It is in vain to try to do that now ; 
 you ought to have found that out since you arrived in the prin- 
 cipality ; for there is everywhere the same cry : — War to the 
 death with the Feringhees and the Infidels ! " 
 
 After that he discussed the Persians with no less bitterness, 
 recriminating against the Shah and his minister Haji Mirza 
 Aghassi, laying to their incapacity the failure of the siege 
 
332 KOIIKNDIL KUAN. Chap. XXII. 
 
 of Herat, and, besides, accusing them of having tampered with 
 the negotiations that brought on his ruin ; but the point on 
 which he felt the gi'eatest indignation against them, was the 
 manner in which they treated him when he took refuge in their 
 country. 
 
 He considered that the estate, appointed him by the Shah for 
 the support of himself and his family, was unequal to the mainten- 
 ance of his dignity. This fief was the district of Shehribabek, lying 
 between Kirman and Shiraz ; the revenue was estimated by the 
 Persian government at 12,000 tomauns, but its real value is 
 nearer 20,000, and Kohendil Khan, putting in practice the 
 system of oppression that made him so hated in Kandahar, 
 had raised it to close upon 30,000. I could, therefore, with 
 justice, have appeared astonished at his unreasonable discontent, 
 had I not long been aware that gratitude is a virtue unknown in 
 the breast of a Mussulman. He sees only the finger of God in 
 everything that happens to him ; therefore, whoever does a man 
 a kindness, stands simply in the position of an instrument, and 
 as such has no claim upon the feelings of him whom he has 
 benefited when nothing more can be expected through his agency. 
 However, I did not think it incumbent upon me to defend the 
 governments the Sirdar chose to abuse, and contented myself 
 by replying, that the facts of which he complained had taken place 
 without the knowledge of the other European states, who blamed 
 the successive aggressions of the Russians and the English, though 
 they could not prevent them. 
 
 The conversation then turned on a variety of subjects ; the 
 Sirdar took much interest in the details that I gave him respecting 
 the different countries of Europe, and their respective riches and 
 power. He had heard much of France, and talked a long time 
 about it, making me specially repeat all that concerned her 
 commerce, manufactures, and modern inventions worked by steam. 
 The Asiatics believe everything ; they imagine that in an hour 
 they can be made to understand arts and sciences of the most 
 coiiiplicated character, and which it has required ages to bring 
 to their present perfection. He was also quite surprised that I 
 could not make easy to him the political economy of the nations 
 of the West, nor enable him clearly to understand by what means 
 the population had been brought under obedience to the laws 
 without coercion by physical force. 
 
(jiiAP. XXI r. onxioxs on European goveiînmentp. p,33 
 
 " I have confiscated, bastinadoed, tortured, and cut heads off," 
 said the wise and merciful Kohendil Khan, " but I have never 
 yet been able to bring my savage Afghans to obey my decrees ; 
 and there is not a Sirdar in my principality, not excepting even 
 my brothers, my sons, or my nephews, who would not seize with 
 joy a chance of wrenching the sovereign power from my grasp, if 
 they thought it at all probable they should succeed in the at- 
 tempt. Here might is right ; why is it otherwise in Europe ?" 
 
 " It is," I answered, " because with us the governments act 
 for the benefit of the people, without regard to their personal 
 interest. All the acts of a government are subordinate to the 
 law, while yours are regulated only by your good pleasure." 
 
 " But," he replied, " what is the use of power if it is not to 
 enable one to get rich ? What is a government without absolute 
 power? What is a king who cannot, when he pleases, bastinado 
 one of his subjects and cut off his head ? It is turning the world 
 upside down, the most terrible thing that can be seen ; it must 
 be permanent anarchy — I know it ; I can judge by my Afghans. 
 They are like other men, but they respect me because they fear 
 me : and it is by constant oppression that I succeed in inspiring 
 this fear. If God had not inspired men with terror, by pointing 
 out the torments with which they would be punished, would they 
 obey the dictates of his holy book the Koran ? I think des- 
 potism, therefore, appears the best form of government for doing 
 good ; nevertheless, if you can teach me a better, I will hasten 
 to put it in practice." 
 
 " The system," I said, " was shown you by the English ^vhen 
 they were in your country : do as they did ; regulate everything 
 according to justice and equity, encourage commerce and agricul- 
 ture, carry out works of public utility, make your roads safe from 
 robbers, repress the tyranny of subordinate agents, let the people 
 know what they owe to the state, and be exempt from extortion 
 when they have paid it ; fear not then that your country will be 
 rich and prosperous, the population will increase instead of emi- 
 grating, and venerate the prince who shall first teach them the 
 value of order, justice, and abundance, and their gratitude to 
 him will be the best security for the endin-ance of his power." 
 Kohendil Khan listened, but it was plain that he thought me a 
 short-sighted Utopian visionary, devoid of any real idea of the 
 science of ffood government. 
 
334 ADVICE TO THE AUTHOR. Chap. XXH. 
 
 As in fcict I had no interest in it, I was glad to drop this 
 irritating subject for the immediate object of my visit, and I 
 begged him most earnestly to allow me to continue my journey. 
 With some embarrassment in his manner, he at first replied 
 evasively, but as I pressed my cause with earnestness, he at last 
 replied : " Although I am the absolute and independent sovereign 
 of Kandahar, my position as younger brother of the Emir Dost 
 Mohamed of Kabul imposes upon me the duty of consulting the 
 head of the family on every aifair of importance that may arise. 
 Your arrival here is one of which I could not do otherwise than 
 inform him, since your intention is to go through his states ; I 
 therefore wrote to him the day I received the letter from my son 
 announcing to me your arrival at Mahmoodabad, but his answer 
 has not yet arrived, and it is he who will decide your fate. Be 
 assured, however, his desire will be like mine, that no harm 
 shall happen to you, and whether he orders me to send you to 
 Kabul or Shikarpoor, I promise to take every precaution necessary 
 to your safety on the journey. Do not be alarmed at my refusal to 
 let you go out of your house ; prudence alone dictates that order, 
 for, in walking about the bazaars, you might easily come to misfor- 
 tune — some fanatic might perhaps assassinate you. I could not 
 bring you to life again by killing him ; and how could I answer to 
 the English, who would come to demand the price of your blood ? 
 Believe me then, and do not insist upon having more liberty than 
 you now enjoy." 
 
 " But," I said, " there is not the same difficulty about people 
 coming to see me." 
 
 " True ;" and he smiled as he spoke, "but you are best alone — 
 be content." 
 
 Seeing that, in spite of all my denials, he still thought 1 was an 
 Englishman, I insisted no more, and retired sufficiently disap- 
 pointed. He saw it, and told me to keep up my spirits ; that 
 Dost Mohamed knew the English and valued them as they de- 
 served, and recommended him to enter into alliance with them, in 
 which case my assistance would be useful to both of them. 
 
OiiAP. XXlir. SIKHS AND AFGHANS. ;',35 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Sikhs and Afghans — Intended league against the English — The result of it — 
 English policy in the north of India — The power of Russia and England — 
 The political morals of Asiatics — English government advantageous to the 
 natives — The fruits attendant upon Russian conquests — Sketch of them — 
 Her conduct in Poland — Encroachments in Asia — Universal dominion — 
 Peter the Great — Russian interference at Herat — Attempt to make the Turks 
 their vassals — Administration of the Russians in their colonies — Christian 
 population in the province of Erivan — Contrast between England and 
 Russia — Reflections on the conduct of these Governments — Imprudence of 
 the English at Kabul — The Afghan opinions of the English after the occupa- 
 tion — The author's opinion on British administration of India — Tabular 
 statement of the English possessions — The conquests of Russia. 
 
 The morning after my interview with Kohendil Khan was one 
 of happier presage for me than I had expected ; and as I looked 
 round my beautiful prison I felt more at ease concerning my life, 
 but very anxious to know how much longer my captivity would 
 last. What Kohendil Khan had told me about the alliance 
 between the Sikhs and the Afghans seemed to me incomprehensible ; 
 for -from the remotest times these two nations, though forming 
 one kingdom, had always been irreconcilable enemies, A great 
 political change, therefore, must have taken place since my depar- 
 ture from Bagdad. AMien I left it I knew there was some dis- 
 turbance in the Punjab, and that the English were watching it 
 closely ; but 1 had not thought that the conflict between them and 
 the troops of the Maharajah was so near at hand ; I thought 1 
 should arrive at Lahore at a propitious time, and obtain suitable 
 employment, with the rank that I held in the Persian army ; but 
 all that I heard in Kandahar singularly diminished my hopes. 
 Mohamed Sedik Khan had frequently spoken of the imminent 
 danger of a rupture between the Sikhs and the English, and had 
 seized the opportunity of expressing his great wish to take part 
 with the latter, if his services would be accepted by them. But 
 according to the Afghan habit of divulging everything, even 
 matters it is most important to conceal, he did not dissimulate 
 that he and his father were ready to profit by another alliance, if 
 
33(5 INTF.NDP:D league against the ENGLISH. Ghap. XXITI. 
 
 the Enfrlish refused their co-operation, and, adding proofs to his 
 assertions, he showed me several letters from Sikh, Belooch, and 
 Mahratta chiefs, which he was charged to send to his cousin 
 Mohamed Akhar Khan of Kabul, establishing in the most posi- 
 tive manner evidence of the existence of a formidable league be- 
 tween them and the Afghan princes. These chiefs had mutually 
 sworn on the Koran to strike in concert a decisive blow in the 
 northern provinces of India, subject to the English, and the Sikhs 
 especially claimed immediate aid from their allies, to support an 
 offensive movement which they were preparing to make with the 
 least possible delay against the army of the Company. I had 
 looked upon Mohamed Sedik's confidence as merely a scheme 
 for frightening me, without any object, by a false correspondence 
 about the danger incurred by those whom he supposed to be my 
 countrymen. The subsequent revelations of his father induced 
 me to give some credit to what he had said, and I began at last 
 to think that the English were likely to have a serious struggle 
 with their antagonists. Nevertheless I doubted not for a moment 
 of their success, knowing well that a lasting union amongst the 
 coalesced Asiatic chieftains was a thing impossible ; they were 
 différent in nation and religion, and, above all, in interests, sub- 
 mitting to no species of subordination, and each aspiring to 
 sovereign power. 
 
 [The result was just what I expected ; for the Sikhs, having 
 attacked the English four months after, gave way at Sobraon, 
 notwithstanding the courage of which they gave proof, without 
 having been assisted by those who were as much interested as 
 themselves in their not being beaten by the Indo-British army. 
 
 The Belooches of Scinde, Kelat, and Kharran, who had shoM'n 
 themselves the most furious in their correspondence, never raised a 
 hand when the time came to take up arms ; and a part of the 
 force under Sir Charles Napier was enabled to quit this country, 
 and effect a diversion useful to the Bengal army, by moving towards 
 Multan. 
 
 The corps of 800 horsemen sent by Dost Mohamed to help 
 the Sikhs did not arrive at Peshawur before the English had 
 beaten thera at Sobraon and crossed the Sutlej. It was the 
 same with the thousand cavalry that went out of Kandaliar under 
 the orders of Mohamed Omar Khan, second son of Kohendil 
 
CiiAi'. XXlir. ENGLAKD AKD lîUSSIA. ;î37 
 
 Khan; they heard of the rout of the Sikhs on the second day 
 of their march ; and he was so frightened at anticipated punish- 
 ment that he forbad the soldiers on pain of death saying- that 
 they had set out to fight the English, and had it reported that 
 they were simply in search of brigands amongst the Belooches 
 dependent on Kandahar. 
 
 Every progressive step of the British in India has been marked 
 by similar events ; there have always been leagues against them, 
 but of materials too heterogeneous to offer any effectual opposition. 
 The superiority of their policy and arms has insured them their 
 colossal dominions ; and whatever may be said in Europe, their 
 firmly-seated power is less odious than that of the tyrants they 
 have dispossessed, and will last for ages, if not attacked by any 
 European nation. 
 
 The public press protests daily against the grasping tendency 
 of England and Russia ; and it is, I own, reasonable for less- 
 favoured nations to be alarmed at it. But is it not the fault of 
 those who allowed them to act upon it ? What can the papers hope 
 to do by vain and sterile words ? AA'hen a flood is not restrained by 
 dykes it sweeps all before it. It is the same with the politics of 
 Russia and of England, which have for a long time destroyed 
 the equilibrium which the treaties of 1815 were intended to secure 
 in Europe. The fortunate possessors of India and the Caucasus 
 have reaped the benefit of these possessions, and now give laws 
 to empires more vast than either the Roman or the Macedonian, 
 and whose fate is in the one case in the hands of the most absolute, 
 the most severe, and the most ambitious of sovereigns ; and in the 
 other in those of the too selfish, egotistical, and calculating Com- 
 pany of London Merchants, who, tranquilly seated behind their 
 counters, enjoy without trouble the revenues of opulent Asia. 
 
 These immense empires have now attained limits which might 
 content the most unbridled ambition ; but there is an unseen 
 power, stronger than their will, which impels Russia and England 
 to seize upon the countries that lie between them. They obey 
 this impulse in spite of themselves, in spite of reason, in spite of 
 their conviction of the danger to themselves in augmenting their 
 territories. They cannot resist it, much as they may endeavour 
 to do so. Once entered on the path of conquest, it became im- 
 possible for them to m.aintain the limits they had proposed to 
 themselves, and within w^hich wisdom dictated they should remain. 
 
338 POLITICAL MOEALR OF ASIATICS. Chap. XXIIL 
 
 Let us take a «i^lance at the necessity for these invasions, and begin 
 with the English in this retrospective sketch. 
 
 The obstacles which they encountered and wished to vanquish 
 arose more especially from the petty independent princes their 
 neighbours, who passed their whole lives in intrigues, and unceas- 
 ingly maintained an underhand war, of which it was impossible for 
 them to unravel the policy or prove its hostility, so as to meet the 
 enemy fairly in the field. They have been obliged to meet him 
 with his own weapons : in that manner only could they consoli- 
 date their power over their early conquests. Then, to put an end 
 to Indian du])licity, which kept them in continual uncertainty, they 
 threw oft" all reserve, and openly acknowledged a policy which, 
 however much in accordance with oriental practice, could not be 
 sanctioned by moral and international laws, to subdue these faithless 
 princes, who, in truth, were lawless depredators. It is far from my 
 intention to applaud the means by which the English became pos- 
 sessed of some of these principalities ; but it is impossible not to 
 admit that, to possess them,* they could not act otherwise. Our 
 ideas of morals and politics do not coincide with those of Asiatics ; 
 and it is just because we judge of circumstances which concern 
 them from our point of view, and never from theirs, that we 
 make such frequent mistakes. They simply make a joke of all 
 loyalty and treaties and the most sacred oaths ; and all these 
 dispossessed Rajahs and Emirs were so many tyrants, oppressing 
 those whom they ruled with a rod of iron, and the traveller who 
 witnesses the effects of their tyranny and cruelty, or who has lived 
 under their laws, feels little pity for them. 
 
 It may be regretted that on the English only devolves the mission 
 of succeeding them, on account of the frightful expansion of the Bri- 
 tish power, the weight of which is already felt in every part of the 
 world. I do not contest the point ; but then the question must be 
 looked at with regard to that only, and not as a matter of com- 
 passion for these sanguinary and avaricious princes, and we 
 must refrain from raising a hue and cry in favour of these perfect 
 scourges of humanity, exercising, for the most part, a usurped 
 authority, and always maintaining it by a series of crimes. To 
 say that the English might have done more than they have done 
 for the material amelioration of their Asiatic subjects would be 
 
 * Rather, with justice, say, " to sr<v(re their o'cti possessions they could not," &c.— L. 
 
 I 
 
Chap. XXIII. ENGLISH (U)VEllNMENT ADVANTAGEOUS. 33ti 
 
 risking very little ; but the moral transformation of them would bo 
 quite another thing — this is a question which involves a careful re- 
 view of many important circumstances. Before any other would come 
 the consideration of the consequences resulting from changes made 
 too suddenly, without allowing time for gradual transition. Amongst 
 so many native populations, whose origin and habits are so various, 
 hasty changes — such as some well-meaning people have thought 
 would insure their happiness — would very probably only astonish 
 them, and provoke irregularities, the sad consequences of which 
 might be avoided by awaiting the effects of time, patience, and 
 the judicious and persevering application of the principles of mixed 
 government ; causing the rational and vivifying European system 
 progressively to succeed the enervating and anarchical govern- 
 ments of the native sovereigns. 
 
 By founding entirely European governments the English would 
 not at once amalgamate the various elements of which their Indian 
 empire is composed. It would take many years to bring about 
 unity of administration ; and they would have to use force to sur- 
 mount many difficulties, it being the sole means in that country 
 of completely developing its resources, and destroying the rivalry 
 of existing races. But the power of England is much too solidly 
 settled on the banks of the Indus for her to dread the disasters 
 with which the press threatens her by means of the conquered 
 nations. So true has that been, that every revolt, every attack 
 that she has had to repress for the last fifty years, has only given 
 her the opportunity of a fresh triumph. 
 
 If there has been one instance to the contrary, of which in 1841 
 Afghanistan was the theatre, its existence may be traced to cir- 
 cumstances perfectly exceptional ; above all to the imprudence of 
 the English Government, in sending their troops so far from the 
 base of their operations, and yielding a sense of security which there 
 was nothing to justify. Enlightened by their misfortunes at Kabul, 
 their vigilance has not failed them a second time ; and the revolt 
 of the Sikhs in 1848 proved once more that India belongs to the 
 English, and cannot be taken from them by any of the native 
 powers. An European nation only could wrench it from them. 
 Their power is too firmly rooted to be shaken by any Indian con- 
 spiracies. I shall not, as most authors who have written upon 
 this country, indulge in sterile declamation against the unmeasured 
 and insatiable ambition of the English ; first, because with them 
 
340 ENGLISH GOVERNMENT ADVANTAGEOUS. Chap. XXIIT. 
 
 conquest is a question of their existence in India until it is com- 
 pletely absorbed ; and, secondly, because I should like to know 
 what state would abstain from increasing its well-being, prosperity, 
 and grandeur, when it had the power of so doing. 
 
 What I heard and saw in Afghanistan gave me the most pro- 
 found conviction that the moment the British flag is seen in an 
 Asiatic state the shameless government in force under the native 
 ruler is replaced, if not by abundance, certainly by security and 
 justice. However burdensome the taxation of the English may be, 
 it is always far less so than that extorted by Native princes, who 
 add persecution to rapacity. I have naturally adopted these 
 opinions from hearing the Afghans, so hostile to the English, sigh 
 for the loss of their administrative system. The Sirdars, Mollahs, 
 Syuds, and soldiers, classes who live by plundering the industrious 
 portion of the inhabitants, were always declaiming against the 
 English, because luider them they could not practise their ini- 
 quities. The people were irritated, it is true, because their pre- 
 judices had been shocked, and rose to shake off their yoke ; but 
 now they regret them ; and I have twenty times heard Afghans 
 speak in terms of just appreciation of what they had done for their 
 good.* 
 
 They remembered with gratitude their justice, their gratuitous 
 care of the sick in the hospitals ; the presents of money and clothes 
 they received when they left them cured ; the repairs of their 
 public works, and the extension of commerce and agriculture 
 owing to their encouragement. These, it is true, were the ex- 
 pressions of a newly-conquered people. They were brave ; and it I 
 was good policy to tame them with kindness ; and they were cer- ; 
 tainly less taxed than other parts of the British dominions in India, '. 
 though what I relate is not the less true ; and after exhausting ! 
 all their praises of their unfortunate conquerors, they would finish J 
 up by — " ^Vhat a pity they were not Mussulmans like us ; we I 
 
 * It is satisfactory, to Englishmen diate object, from circumstances by no 
 generally, to observe the manner in means discreditable to the officers who 
 which an intelligent French traveller composed it, and Major Todd was se- 
 alludes to their rule in Afghanistan; verely censured for a time, there can 
 but, to the few surviving officers of the be little doubt that, of all our transac- 
 mission to Herat, it is especially gratify- tions in Afghanistan, there are none on 
 ing, as M. Ferrier's impressions are which we can look back with greater 
 derived from what he witnessed and pleasure— certainly none more honour- 
 heard in that quarter. Although the able to our creed and country, than 
 mission to Hera 1 failed in its imme- our proceedings at Herat. — L. 
 
Cil . VI'. XX 1 1 r. RUySIAN EXCKOACHMENTS. 34 1 
 
 would never have had any other masters ! " After hearhig such 
 observations, is it not allowable to regret, in the name of humanity 
 and civilisation, that the British power was not consolidated in 
 Afghanistan, whatever means might have been employed to 
 attain that end ? For my part, I should much have preferred it to 
 the melancholy perspective of seeing the country consigned to 
 lasting barbarism, either in the government of its own chiefs, and 
 the continuance of ancient circumstances, or under the influence 
 of Russia, whose civilising tendencies are small indeed. 
 
 The Czars have never had any inclination to civilise the masses. 
 The ancient barbarism of the Muscovite empire is modified only in 
 the upper classes. The middle classes and the mujiJcs are just where 
 they were when Ghengis Khan and his Tartars appeared amongst 
 them. How is it, then, that with everything to be done at home, 
 the Emperor of Russia should have the presumption in these days 
 to aspire to be arbiter of the destinies of the Old World ? Con- 
 stantinople, towards which he extends his right hand, appears in- 
 sufficient for the gratification of his ambition, for the left is at the 
 same time seeking to grasp India. How is it that this empire, 
 that scarcely two centuries ago was almost unknown — certainly 
 had scarcely emerged from the regions of the icy pole — has 
 acquired such preponderance in Europe ? Russia has continued 
 to extend the radius of her power from the hour when the Western 
 nations permitted the dismemberment of Poland. The wars at 
 the commencement of that century brought out in relief the real 
 valour of her soldiers ; but the fatal disaster of 1812 — disaster 
 of which the elements were the principal cause — was wanting to 
 give her the influence that she has possessed ever since. From that 
 epoch must be dated the real importance of Russia. She has 
 never since then neglected an opportunity of throwing her weight 
 into Europe ; and her acute foresight is especially observable, 
 when, favoured by events, she co-operated in the reconstruction of 
 the kingdom of Greece. After this she subdued the Tartars, 
 
 Since the treaty of Adrianople her influence at the Porte has 
 become almost sovereign : the treaty of Turkmantchai confirmed 
 it equally in Persia. She had nothing then to fear in Asia, and 
 turned towards the West, and threatened to arrest the course of 
 events in France in 1830. Poland, however, her advanced guard, 
 faced about, and, attacking her with vigour, for some months held 
 the sword of Damocles suspended over her head. Thanks to this 
 
342 THE EMPEllOR KICIIOLAS. Chap. XXIII. 
 
 generous diversion, Europe may yet be called free, Poland, how- 
 ever, has been sacrificed ; for, left to her own resources, she 
 sank under the pitiless dominion that she sought so earnestly to 
 shake off. The Russian government, powerless this time to sub- 
 jugate Europe, threw itself afresh upon Asia, and pushed its en- 
 croachments on that side with greater ardour than ever. It 
 approached at the same time Constantinople and Herat. 
 It seeks not impregnable frontiers for itself, for Russia is 
 covered on the south by tremendous natural obstacles ; this move- 
 ment is only the persevering and consistent carrying out of the 
 will of Peter the Great. It is the craving for universal dominion 
 he bequeathed to his successors, and each has endeavoured, so 
 far as in him lay, to accomplish it triumphantly. 
 
 The Emperor Nicholas has staked his honour upon it, and 
 he will not rest till he has extended his empire to the Indus in 
 Asia, and to the Dardanelles in Europe. This ambitious project 
 is revealed in all his transactions with the Sultan, and in the 
 pressure that he exerted in 1836 and in 1837 on the Shah of 
 Persia, by obliging him to besiege Herat. The checks that he 
 encountered did not repulse him ; they only rendered him more 
 tenacious and more vigilant than ever : but in order that we may 
 be perfectly fair, let us at once acknowledge that the Emperor 
 Nicholas has made but trifling use of the cunning and address so 
 often employed by the English, who are always anxious to keep up 
 appearances on the score of rectitude. He has justified his course 
 by the power of his armies, and cared but little for what the 
 world's opinion of it might be. Taking advantage with much 
 judgment of the opportunity left him of subjugating Turkey and 
 Persia, he made them his vassals. The occupation of the Moldo- 
 Wallachian provinces, which he reserved to himself in the treaty 
 of Adrianople, has enabled him to throw all his weight upon the 
 Divan whenever he wished to alarm the Sultan ; and under the same 
 treaty, and that of Turkmantchai, he has enticed into the Trans- 
 caucasian provinces the Armenian population subject to the Turks 
 and Persians : in fact, he has neglected no opportunity of placing 
 himself in the position of arbitrator between the Sultan and his 
 subjects. He has been, perhaps, even more exacting with the 
 Shah of Persia, who now governs his own empire only by the 
 prompting of the Czar's will, leaving him the upper hand in the 
 administration of his finest provinces. 
 
CiiAP. xxm. p.iu'rrsii administration of india. 343 
 
 If complaint is sometimes made, and with reason, of the little 
 interest manifested by the Indo-British government on certain 
 questions respecting the welfare and moral amelioration of its 
 provinces, what will be said if the veil were removed from the 
 secrets, not very well kept either, of the administration of the 
 Russians in their new conquests ? The venality of the public func- 
 tionaries passes all that the force of imagination can depict ; pecu- 
 lations and depredations are permanent ; and they so crushed the 
 Christian population (who moved from the Pashalik of Erzeroum 
 and Azerbijan into the province of Erivan), and made them so 
 wretched, that they bitterly regret their migration, and are not 
 deterred from attempts to escape and return to the Mussulman do- 
 minions by any severity employed against them if detected. '^ Such 
 is not the fate of the Christians of the south of Turkey and Persia. 
 Those who emigrate to India find with the English liberty and 
 security, and may always, with a little intelligence, realise a 
 small fortune, which is in no danger from the functionaries of 
 that government — under the Russians all hopes are prematurely 
 blighted. 
 
 This contrast between the extension of the Russian empire and 
 its internal disorder shows that the Czar has much to do before 
 he can justify the pretensions he has set up to universal do- 
 minion. I repeat, therefore, that the point to be regretted in the 
 conquests of the Russians and the English is, that it will destroy 
 the equilibrium between these nations and other European states, 
 and throw into their hands an amount of power and riches but 
 little encouraging for the political independence of their neigh- 
 bours. I frankly acknowledge that I look with terror on the 
 success of Russia, for her rule will set barbarism in array 
 against civilisation, and from that antagonism there would be 
 nothing good to hope. 
 
 The English nation, in all ages, have prominently shown the love 
 of wealth, and that has induced them to commit many actions not 
 justifiable by European morality; it is not my object to defend those 
 actions, but England has in my eyes partly redeemed the wrongs she 
 has committed by introducing unquestionable ameliorations in the 
 
 * The Russian administration has sympathies of the Christians in Turkey 
 
 been much improved since tliis account are consequently to a great degree with 
 
 of it was written, and that of Turkey the Russians, but if Turkey impi'ovcs 
 
 remains weak and oppressive. The they will not remain so. — Ed. 
 
i 
 
 344 ANGLO-INDIAN POSSESSIONS. Cii.vp. XXIII. 
 
 countries where she has established her power. As it is impossible 
 for me to say the same of Russia, it is easy to understand why my 
 sympathies are not entraged on her side. In conclusion, the other 
 powers of Europe will only have themselves tp thank for the mis- 
 fortunes that these two countries may one day inflict upon them 
 at home — Europe to one, Asia to the other ; it will only be the 
 just reward of the indifference with which they have seen their 
 encroachments. Not that I think that the other states ought to 
 have opposed them entirely, but they ought to have co-operated 
 each in due proportion. It would only have required a better 
 understanding amongst themselves ; but that was too much 
 trouble ! ^Vhat matter to them these unknown and distant coun- 
 tries? Rather than take the trouble to become acquainted 
 with them, they thought no more about them. England and 
 Russia could desire no better ; for while others slept in delusive 
 security they acquired territories which doubled their power. The 
 great European governments will not discover the evil of their ' 
 want of vigilance till it is past remedy — too late for them to arrest 
 the disastrous consequences. 
 
 The foregoing ought naturally to interest the reader in all that 
 concerns India, and he will no doubt be glad to examine the follow- 
 ing tabular statement of the extent and population of the British 
 empire in that country, its tributary states and allies, and the in- 
 dependent states on the frontiers. This will show at one glance the 
 immense importance of the interests attached to the safety of the 
 Anglo-Indian possessions. 
 
 TabU 
 
Chap. XXIir. 
 
 THE CONQUESTS OF RUSSIA. 
 
 34; 
 
 liuiTisii Teriutorv. 
 
 Presidency of Bengal 
 
 ,, Madras 
 
 ,, Bombay 
 
 Territory of tlie Deccan, acquired since 1815, andl 
 forming part of the Presidency of Bombay . . ) 
 
 Allies and Nations Tributary to the English 
 
 1, The Rajah of Mysore 
 
 2. The Nizam 
 
 o. The Rajah of Nagpore 
 
 •1. The King of Oude 
 
 5. The Guicowar 
 
 G. Bhopal, 5000; Kotah, 6500; Booudi, 2500 . 
 
 7. The Rajah of Sattara 
 
 8. The Rajah of Travancore, 6000; Cochin, 2000 
 
 9. The Rajah of Jyepore, Odeypore, Bikaneer, and 
 
 other Chiefs of Rajpootana 
 
 10. Holkar 
 
 11. Sikhs — Gonds, Bheels, Koolis, and Kattis 
 
 Independent States. 
 
 1. Scinde 
 
 2. Rajah of Nepaul 
 
 3. Rajah of Lahore 
 
 4. The Pamirs of Scinde 
 
 5. Afghanistan 
 
 General Total 
 
 Square Miles. 
 
 328,000 
 
 154-, 000 
 
 11,000 
 
 60,000 
 
 553,000 
 
 27,000 
 96,000 
 70,000 
 20,000 
 18,000 
 14,000 
 14,000 
 8,000 
 
 288,000 
 
 Population. 
 
 57,500,000 
 
 15,000,000 
 
 2,500,000 
 
 8,000,000 
 
 83,000,000 
 
 3,000,000 
 10,000,000 
 3,000,000 
 3,000,000 
 2,000,000 
 1,500,000 
 1,500,000 
 1,000,000 
 
 15,000,000 
 
 1,108,000 I 123,000,000 
 
 30,000 
 
 1 4,000,000 
 
 53,000 
 
 1 2,000,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 3,000,000 
 
 24,000 
 
 1,000,000 
 
 18,000 
 
 1,000,000 
 
 1,283,000 
 
 134,000,000 
 
 The conquests of Russia during the same period have been as 
 follows : — 
 
 1 
 
 1 Square Miles. 
 
 Population. 
 
 Pi'ovinces conquered from Pohmd 10,498 
 
 German provinces conquered from Poland and) i „o- ^.n,-, 
 Sweden .... ? /I 7oo,000 
 
 11,950,000 
 2,715,000 
 
 Provinces conquered in European Turkey ... ; 4,517,000 
 Provinces conquered from the Cossacks and) ' . om A-i- 
 Tartars in Europe f 4,»yd,000 
 
 1,902,000 
 3,289,000 
 
 Provinces conquered in Asia 115,000 
 
 1,500,000 
 
 10,270,498 
 
 21,356,000 
 
346 AN^^EXATION OF THE PUNJAB. Chap. XXIY. j 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Remarks on the annexation of the Punjab to the British possessions — Shere 
 Sing, the predecessor of Runjeet — Origin of the Sikh kingdom — The army 
 disciplined by foreign officers — Their advice to Runjeet — Policy of the 
 British Government towards him — Karrack Sing — Nahal Sing — Murders at 
 Lahore — Peshora Sing — Treaty with Dost Mohamed of Kabul — The Maha- 
 ranee Chauda — Murder of Peshora Sing — Revolt of the Troops — The 
 Maharanee proceeds to the camp — Her brother's just punishment — The 
 Maharanee returns to the palace — Gholab Sing refuses the throne — The 
 Maharanee again in power — Sketch of the campaign in the Punjab — Murder 
 of Messrs. Vans Agnew and Anderson — Fight at the ford of Ramnuggur — 
 Battle of Chillianwallah — Battle of Goojerat — Reflections. 
 
 It will be seen by the foregoing statement that the extension of 
 territory by the Russians is in square miles upwards of ten 
 millions, while that acquired by the English in Asia has been 
 little beyond one million, With the exception of Nepaul and 
 Afghanistan, the powers that are mentioned as independent in the 
 preceding Table (1842) have been brought within the list of con- 
 quered countries. Scinde has been annexed, and if we turn our 
 eyes to the Punjab, we shall there find that another fragment of 
 the Afghan kingdom passed under the dominion of the English, 
 apparently without the least wish in the world on the part of the 
 Company. 
 
 To persons who look no further back than the events that have 
 happened since the death of Shere Sing, the last king of Lahore but 
 one, it cannot be doubted that the Sikhs were the aggressors, and 
 voluntarily brought upon themselves the hostility of the English ; 
 but that is only because the latter, knowing perfectly well the former 
 would some day furnish them with legitimate grounds for an inva- 
 sion, persevered quietly in a system of ostensible inaction, though 
 it had been their secret policy for years to add the district of the 
 Punjab, or the Five Rivers, to their possessions. It is now theirs ; 
 and it is only necessary to say a few words as to the manner in 
 which they succeeded. 
 
 The province of the Punjab was raised to the rank of one of the 
 
Chap. XXIV. 
 
 lUJNJEET SINGH. 
 
 347 
 
 most flourishing- kingdoms of Hindostan by the genius of a man 
 of humble birth and without education. Runjeet Singh was 
 originally only a petty chief, and appointed governor of Lahore by 
 the King of the Afghans, Zeman Shah. Favoured by the dis- 
 sensions between this prince and his brothers, he made himself 
 entirely independent, and soon* added to the province confided to 
 his care Kashmir, Peshawur, Kohat, Dereh Ismael Khan, and 
 Mooltan, which accessions of territory rendered his power equal, if 
 not superior, to that of his former master. 
 
 The English, his southern neighbours, did not see without jea- 
 lousy a state rising into power close to them, which might prevent 
 their encroachments towards the north ; and they endeavoured, 
 therefore, secretly to undermine it from the commencement, leaving 
 the Maharajah to believe that they sincerely desired his alliance.j 
 
 Runjeet, however, penetrated their designs, and to prepare 
 himself the better to resist them successfully, should a war break 
 out between them, engaged the services of several officers who 
 
 * Runjeet did not extend his con- 
 quests to Kashmir, Mooltan, Peshawur, 
 or even beyond the Jelum, until he was 
 assured of the pacific intentions of 
 the English. It is very doubtful whe- 
 ther he eve; required the advice of 
 the French officers in his service to re- 
 strain him from attacking us./ The 
 characters of the several French' officers 
 in the Sikh service hav3 been very well 
 described in the ' Adventurer in the 
 Punjab,' already alluded to. — L. 
 
 t A more correct impression of the 
 policy of the English Government may 
 be obtained from Kaj'e's ' Life of Lord 
 Metcalfe.' A note at page l:il of Law- 
 rence's 'Adventurer in tlie Punjab,' 
 also describes the circumstances under 
 which Lord Metcalfe made known to 
 Runjeet our wish to restrict him to the 
 Sutlej as a boundary. Kaye has found 
 nothing in Lord Metcalfe's papers re- 
 fen-ing to the circumstance, and dis- 
 credits it ; but Lawrence's informant 
 had it fronr Lord Metcalfe's own lips at 
 Agra, in 18 j7, about the time General 
 Ventura waited on him there by order 
 of Runjeet Singh, and, to the best of 
 his recollection, Lord Metcalfe stated 
 that it occurred at Kussoor. 
 
 On taking charge of the Maharajah's 
 ti-easury at Lahore, in IS-tO, a small 
 miniature of Lord Metcalfe wa.s found, 
 
 bearing an inscription, probably in the 
 handwriting of Fakeer Azeezoodeen : — 
 " Mister Charles Metcalfe. Sahib Baha- 
 door, Dost-Kudeem," (an old friend). 
 
 We are indebted to Lord Metcalfe 
 and to Fakeer Azeezoodeen —Runjeet's 
 confidential adviser — for the favourable 
 impression which the old Lion enter- 
 tained of us, and whicii he continued to 
 have up to his death, notwithstanding 
 many attempts to arouse his suspicions 
 against us. 
 
 It was told the writer of this note at 
 Lahore, in 1849, that when our Govern- 
 ment had, through the agent at Loo- 
 dianah, on one occasion, asked permis- 
 sion of Runjeet Singh for an English 
 traveller to visit Cashmere, Gholab 
 Singh strongly dissuaded the Maharajah 
 from granting it, and expressed his sus- 
 picions as to our motives in asking for 
 it. Whereupon Runjeet immediately 
 ordered him away from the Durbar ; 
 declared his high confidence in our 
 Government, and his readiness to meet 
 their wishes in evei'y way ; and did not 
 permit Gholab Singh to make his ap- 
 pearance again at the Court until he 
 had paid a heavy fine. The person who 
 related this anecdote was the late Fakir 
 Nooroodeen, to whom Englishmen have 
 also been much indebted for many kind 
 offices at Lahore. — L. 
 
348 EUNJEET SINGH. Chap. XX lY. 
 
 had served the Emperor Napoleon — Messrs. Allard, Court, Ven- 
 tura, and Avitabile (the two first Frenchmen, the third a Mi- 
 lanese, and the fourth a Neapolitan), whose honourable reputation 
 is sufficiently established in Europe for me to dispense with an 
 eulogium here, that has been already so much better made by 
 others. But I cannot refrain from saying that they not only be- 
 came Ins" right hand in organising the Sikh army on the French 
 system, but by their judicious advice restrained his impetuosity for 
 war when it might have perilled his reputation for ability, and 
 endangered his rising power. This was not the least of the 
 services they rendered him, and those who think differently in 
 Europe know neither Asia nor the character of its inhabitants, and 
 still less the resources of every description possessed by the East 
 India Company. 
 
 However that may be, Runjeet Singh always avoided compro- 
 mising himself with the English ; and, without ceasing to mistrust 
 them, he constantly kept up friendly relations with their govern- 
 ment, which was eager to support him, with the view of confirming 
 him in the possession of the Afghan provinces which he had seized 
 without right or excuse. It should be added, that if the Directors 
 gave their support on this occasion to Runjeet Singh, it was less 
 from sympathy with that prince than with the intention of pi*e- 
 paring the way to gaining eventually for themselves the provinces 
 of which he despoiled the Afghans, and which they had long since 
 destined to be their own, though they had the prudence not to 
 attempt the conquest during the life-time of Runjeet Singh.* If, 
 
 * M. Ferrier has uiisunderstood the stand, that while a Lirge iusubordiiiate 
 policy of the English Government; for, army occupied the Punjab, threatening 
 although they occupied Afghanistan our north-western frontier, and talk- 
 for a defensive purpose, which they now ing, freely, of what they were to do at 
 know to have been unnecessary, they Delhi, Benares, and Calcutta, Govern- 
 have had no wish, for many years, to ment found use for all the spare reve- 
 enlarge their territories. They were nues of India, in keeping up a sufficient 
 perfectly satisfied with the Sutlej as a force to protect its subjects against such 
 frontier, and it was considered by no an invasion ; but now that this danger 
 means a bad one. Had Runjeet Singh's no longer exists, and this drain on their 
 successors shown equal confidence in resources has been removed, they can 
 our policy, it might have continued our afford to pay interest un large advances 
 boundary until the present day; but for railways, and convert their " iradas" 
 then it is doubtful whether, for years (lines of roads mai'ked out — liteially 
 to come, we could have seen railroads in "good intentions ") into metalled roads. 
 India, or even the completion of the Asif to make amends, so far as he could, 
 Ganges canal. for having been in any way an obstacle 
 When asked, by one of Runjeet Singh's to so great an improvement, he ex- 
 successors, whj' railroads had not been pressed his readiness to take shax'es in 
 laid down in India, as well as in England, the East India Railway. — L. 
 it was not difiicult to make him under- 
 
Chap. XXIY. CONSPIRACIES IN THE PUNJAB. 3-!0 
 
 after the death of that sovereign in 1839, his kingdom fell rapidly 
 to decay, it was the fault of his heirs and successors, who could not 
 continue his intelligent policy. 
 
 His son, Karrack Sing, was a hopeless nobody, poisoned at 
 the end of the first year of his reign, just when his folly had 
 engaged him in a war with the Company, whose army was march- 
 ing against him 25,000 strong, and stopped on its way only on 
 hearing of his death. His son, Nahal Sing, of whose character 
 some hopes were entertained, was crushed the morning after his 
 accession by the falling of a beam upon his head as he was passing 
 under one of the town gates. The death of these two princes ex- 
 tinguished, according to the opinion of the Sikhs, the legitimate 
 succession from Runjeet Singh ; for the old Maharajah had always, 
 right or wrong, disowned his third son, Shere Sing, whose father 
 was said to have been one of the officers of his court.* 
 
 He was, however, none the less elevated to the sovereign power 
 at the death of Nahal Sing, and succeeded in suppressing, though 
 not without some trouble, the partial revolts by M'hich he was 
 opposed This prince possessed sufficient intellect and decision 
 of character to have consolidated his kingdom on the basis esta- 
 blished by his father ; but his excesses, and particularly the 
 immoderate use of spirituous liquors, turned him from the worthy 
 course on which he had entered. 
 
 From that time the Sikhs relaxed in their obedience ; there 
 were conspiracies in every town in the Punjab ; and, after three 
 years' reign, Shere Sing came, like his predecessors, to a premature 
 death by assassination. It was a general of his own army who 
 committed the treacherous deed on the 15th of September, 1843. 
 Having pretended to the Maharajah that he wished to show him 
 an improvement in the equipment of his dragoons, Ajit Sing 
 brought into the palace court six troopers in the altered uniforms, 
 and drew them up in line for inspection, when, in compliance with 
 his request, Shere Sing placed himself on a balcony to look at 
 them ; but the unsuspecting prince had scarcely done so when he 
 received a volley fi'ora the villains, one of whose balls struck him 
 on the forehead and laid him dead on the floor.t His unfortunate 
 
 * For a correct account of all these with his own hand with a double-bar- 
 events, see ' Cunningham's Sikhs.' Con- relied rifle, which he asked the Prince 
 suit also Carmichaers ' Reigning Family to examine, to throw him off his 
 in the Punjab.' — Ed. guard. — L. 
 
 t Ajeet Singh sho 1 tiie Maharajah 
 
350 DULEEP SINGH. Chap. XXIV. 
 
 young son, Pretab Sing-, only ten years of age, who was with 
 him at the time, was murdered with swords while kneeling at his 
 prayers by other remorseless wretches, who had rushed into the 
 palace. 
 
 After this atrocious villany, Ajit Sing and his brother, also a 
 general in the army of the murdered king, possessed themselves of 
 the fortress of Lahore, and succeeded in attracting to it the Rajah 
 Dyan Sing, first minister of Shere Sing; they put him to death 
 also, and then appealed to the people in the name of liberty, 
 taking for their motto, " No more masters ; death to the English :" 
 for one of the most prominent of the motives for which these in- 
 sensate men had murdered their sovereign, and summoned their 
 countrymen to arras, was the cordial understanding that existed 
 between him and the East India Company. 
 
 To this they attributed all the evils, real or imaginary, that 
 weighed upon the kingdom ; but the people showed themselves 
 very little inclined to support them, and the troops, cantoned 
 within a couple of hours' march of Lahore, responded to the 
 harangue of lleera Sing, son of the murdered minister. They de- 
 clared against his assassins, and arrived in the town the next 
 morning, commanded by General Ventura, when a cannonade of a 
 few hours, and an assault, sufficed to reduce the fortress and place 
 it in the power of the assailants. Ajit Sing and his brother were 
 taken and put to death ; but this did not repair the evil they 
 had done, for the difficulty still remained of finding a man capable 
 of holding the reins of government. 
 
 The first person thought of was Gholab Singh, the brother of 
 Dyan Singh, a very influential man in the country ; but he 
 declined the proffered honour, for his accepting it might have 
 created new difficulties ; the Sikhs refused his conditions, and 
 the revolted soldiery threatened his life. ^Li his place therefore 
 was substituted a child, Duleep Singh, whose mother, the Maha- 
 ranee Chanda, was charged to exercise the ruling power during her 
 son's minority, and she associated with her in quality of regent her 
 brother Jovaher Singh, a man disgraced by more than one crime. 
 
 Duleep Singh, the youngest acknowledged son of Runjeet 
 Singh, born about ten months before the old Lion s death, was 
 placed on the throne by the Sikhs. ;^ The two first years of his reign 
 were troubled by incessant disasters and crimes provoked by the 
 Sirdars, and an undisciplined soldiery gave the law to the govern- 
 
Ckap. XKIV. murder OF PESHORA SINGH. 351 
 
 ment. vThe result was general confusion, and the appearance of 
 many pretenders to the throne, of whom Peshora Singh, a prince 
 of the family of Runjeet, supported by Gholab Sing, had succeeded 
 in possessing himself of Sealkote, Attok, and Peshawur, and in 
 drawing to his standard a great part of the army. After these 
 successes he entered into a negotiation with Dost Mohamed of 
 Kabul, promising to cede Peshawur to him if he would assist him 
 in dethroning Duleep Singh. Dost Mohamed readily accepted 
 this advantageous proposition, which would replace under his 
 power the province that had cost so much blood between the Sikhs 
 and Afghans ; and that was the arrangement of which Kohendil 
 Khan had spoken to me, concealing at the same time that the 
 alliance of his brother was with the party aspiring to power, and 
 not the party who possessed it. Thus stood the affairs of these 
 two countries when I left Afghanistan, after Dost Mohamed Khan 
 had altered his plan of alliance with the Sikhs on account of the 
 death of Peshora Singh, and some other sanguinary incidents, of 
 which the following is a short summary. 
 
 Maharanee Chanda and her brother the regent, Jovaher Sing, 
 seeing the cause of Duleep Singh deserted by the army for that of 
 his competitor, resolved upon putting Peshora Singh out of their 
 way, and for this purpose despatched Chuttur Singh, furnished 
 with a royal firman, countersigned by the queen and her brother, 
 promising to secure the regency to him if he would come to 
 Lahore to take the reins of government, and thus put an end to 
 the dissensions that enfeebled the state. Peshora Singh, to whom 
 the envoy had also remitted a false letter with the pretended sign 
 and seal of Gholab Singh at the bottom of it, begging him to accept 
 the regency, acted under the advice which he supposed emanated 
 from his protectors, and imprudently started with Chuttur Singh 
 for the capital, accompanied only by a few servants, and leaving 
 at Attok the troops that were devoted to him.* 
 
 This was a most unfortunate determination, for on the journey, 
 in the night of the Loth of September, 1845, Chuttur Singh entered 
 his tent and beheaded the prince as he lay asleep. The ill-fated 
 
 * For a correct account of the mur- correct. Chuttur Singh was a chief of 
 
 der of Peshora Singh, see Cunningham's rank and influence in the time of 
 
 ' Hist, of the Sikhs.' Cunningham's Runjeet; Peshoi-a Singh was murdered 
 
 facts maj' be generally depended upon, at Attok. — L. 
 although his inferences are not always 
 
352 ltEYOT>T OK THE TllOOPS. Chap. XXIY. 
 
 victim was then only a few leagues from Lahore, and a vague 
 rumour of the crime reached the garrison ; the soldiers rose in the 
 utmost indignation against the authors of it, and devoted three 
 whole days to the most minute investigation as to what had be- 
 fallen Peshora Singh, but the search was entirely fruitless. 
 
 On the 16th of September they presented themselves tumultu- 
 ously before the residence of Jovaher Singh, and imperatively 
 demanded his acknowledgment of the crime and the details re- 
 specting it, or the immediate liberation of the prince if he were 
 still alive and a prisoner. The regent swore to them that he was 
 alive and would be in Lahore in a few days ; and sought by a 
 thousand subterfuges to calm their just irritation. His reply not 
 having satisfied any one, on the morning of the 17tli a deputation 
 of officers claimed an audience of the queen, to obtain authentic 
 information ; threatening, in case of refusal, to put her to death, 
 with the rest of the royal family. Maharanee Chanda ordered 
 three of her ministers to accompany this deputation l;ack to the 
 camp, charged, she said, to give explanations to the troops ; but 
 they, instead of satisfying them, gave evasive replies to their most 
 searching questions, and attempted to appease them with valuable 
 presents, which were indignantly refused. The ministers saved 
 their lives only by declaring that the prince was still alive ; and 
 pacified for a short space by this reiterated assurance, the soldiers 
 waited the return of Peshora Singh till the morrow, when, as he did 
 not arrive, they broke out in the most fearful tumult. 
 
 The queen, perceiving the imminence of the danger, resolved 
 to tell the truth to the negotiators of the previous day, and desire 
 them to inform the troops of the prince's death ; to represent the 
 inutility of their menaces and lamentations, as they could not 
 recall him to life ; and to recommend them to resign themselves, 
 and resume their tranquillity, as the only rational course in such 
 a case. This advice procured the envoys very bad treatment ; 
 and, having given them in charge to the camp-guard, the troops 
 went in a body to the palace, and, with terrific shouts and 
 bowlings, commanded the queen and her brother to show them- 
 selves, and justify their conduct, on pain of immediate death. 
 They also informed them of their intention of replacing Duleep 
 Singh by a son of Shere Sing's, yet alive. 
 
 The negotiations lasted till the 20th of September ; Jovaher Singh 
 strongly advised that the palace should be defended to the last, and, 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
CirAP.XXTY. rUNISIIMENT OF THE MAIIARANEE'8 BEOTIIEE. 353 
 
 as a prelude to the defence, to commit another murder. The son of 
 the unfortunate Shere Sing was in the palace, and Jovaher Singh 
 wanted to throw this young prince's head at the insurgents.* Hap- 
 pily one of the ministers, sent from the guard at the camp by the 
 troops with a truce, arrived at this juncture, and persuaded the 
 Queen of the utter uselessness of this new crime, and the perfect 
 security in which she might place her own life and that of her 
 son. The Maharanee was for once convinced, and, besides, 
 seeing herself abandoned by her servants, she no longer refused to 
 surrender to the troops. In the evening of the 21st she took 
 her way towards the camp situated on the plain of Miyan Mir, 
 carried in a palanquin, and followed by the Regent and the King 
 Duleep Singh, mounted on the same elephant ; a very scanty 
 escort of women and devoted servants accompanied them. Half 
 way to their destination the royal party met several battalions of 
 infantry coming from the camp in a state of great irritation to 
 assault the palace, under the impression that the Maharanee still 
 refused to come out to them and justify herself ; but seeing her on 
 her way, accompanied by her son and brother, they ranged them- 
 selves in silence on each side of the cortege of degraded royalty, 
 and escorted them into the camp, where the Queen was at once 
 made prisoner, and placed in a soldier's tent. 
 
 They then ordered the man who drove the elephant, on which 
 were seated the youthful King and his guilty regent, to make the 
 animal kneel, to enable them to remove Duleep Singh from the 
 howdah. While the boy was being lifted out, the soldiers fired a 
 volley at Jovaher Singh, which caused the elephant to swerve, and 
 the child, bespattered with his uncle's blood, to fall forward into 
 his servant's arms. Jovaher Singh fell dead in the howdah. 
 Duleep Singh was then placed under a guard in the same tent as 
 his mother. With the wretch Jovaher, whose life was stained with 
 so many crimes, died two of his principal officers, who had advised 
 and participated in all his villanies ; this execution having satisfied 
 the troops, the Queen and her son were kept in the camp all night. 
 On the following morning they were allowed to return to the palace ; 
 being warned, for the hundredth time, not to treat with the 
 English, as she valued her own life and that of her son, for the 
 
 * The circumstances here stated may be true, but have not been mentioned 
 by any previous writer. — L, 
 
 2 A 
 
354 GHOLAB SING REFUSES 'J'ilE TIIEONE. Chap. XXIV. 
 
 most frightful deaths awaited them if she should transgress the 
 injunction. 
 
 Maharanee Chanda, overwhelmed by the death of her brother, 
 at first refused to direct the affairs of the government ; and as a 
 report of the advance of the English to invade the Punjab was then 
 very generally credited by the Sikhs, the position appeared suffi- 
 ciently critical to some of the chiefs ; for they decided upon writing to 
 Gliolab Sing, who had retired to Jamboo, to put himself at their 
 head, promising to bring the troops to passive obedience, to renounce 
 all augmentation of pay, and the settlement of their arrears. 
 The old Rajah had once before been taken in the same snare, 
 had trusted to the same false promises ; his life had been in great 
 jeopardy in the midst of the undisciplined troops, and was pre- 
 served only by a species of miracle. He refused therefore to 
 respond to the appeal of the Sirdars ; he sent them, however, 
 one of his lieutenants, named Miyan Perthi Singh, charged to make 
 known to them the conditions on which he would act, of which 
 the following is the tenor : — 
 
 1st. To place absolute power in his hands. 
 
 2nd. To give him the right of life and death over the nobles, 
 the people, and the army. 
 
 3rd. The pay of the soldiers to be reduced to what it was in 
 the reign of Runjeet Singh. 
 
 Such was then the state of anarchy, and the necessity of a strong 
 government at Lahore, that these hard conditions were accepted 
 almost without an exception ; Gholab Sing had hoped the con- 
 trary ; and finding himself at a difficulty for an excuse for not i 
 accepting the responsibility, pretended that ill health detained him 
 in the mountains, and never went to Lahore. The Sirdars, there- 
 fore, were driven to ask the Queen to assume once more the royal 
 authority, and she consented, not, however, without expressing 
 her resentment at the death of her brother, and her determination 
 to punish the assassins. She also made known her disapprobation 
 of the application to Gholab Sing, promising, however, to think 
 no more of it if his lieutenant was sent to a safe retreat, and 
 sharply watched, to prevent his interfering with the government. 
 The Sirdars having given up these points, she resumed her power 
 with truly masculine spirit ; but she was feebly seconded by 
 the ambitious chiefs. It was impossible for her to re-establish 
 order in the country ; and, unable to oppose a contest with the 
 
CiiAP. XXIY. THE SIKHS CTOSS THE SUTLEJ. 355 
 
 English, for which the troops were clamorous, she was obliged to 
 permit it to save her own life and her son's . The time had arrived 
 when the fate of the Punjab was to be accomplished. 
 
 [The Sikhs having crossed the Sutlej in the following December, 
 to attack the English, were beaten by them, and driven back to 
 the river, near Sobraon, making their retreat in great disorder, 
 after very heavy losses, and the Indo-British army entered Lahore 
 without further opposition! Then came the first phase of subjection 
 in this nation, so proud and so hostile to the English, who, in 
 order to carry out to the last the appearance of moderation, hitherto 
 so well maintained, placed themselves simply in the position of the 
 protectors of royalty and the pacificators of the country. Duleep 
 Singh was maintained in the sovereign power, and provided 
 with ministers of his own nation ; but their nomination being 
 subordinate to the good pleasure of the English, the British 
 resident was, in fact, the supreme governmental power at Lahore. 
 The army, re-organised, was commanded by British officers ex- 
 clusively ;* and as the old Sirdar, Gholab Singh, had had the dex- 
 terity to preserve the friendship of the protectors, he was provided 
 with the independent government of Kashmir, on condition of 
 paying annually, and only for the purpose of constituting a species 
 of vassalage, the tribute of a shawl and a goat. This province 
 was as difficult for them to invade as to preserve ; and the English 
 had quite enough work on their hands in the Punjab without 
 going to Kashmir to seek for more. The appointment of Gholab 
 Sing, therefore, was a very good means of establishing the rights 
 of sovereignty over it, until an opportunity offered of rendering 
 its subjection as complete as that of the Punjab. 
 
 It was evident that a people so irritated against the English as 
 the Sikhs were sure to turn against them the little liberty they had 
 left ; and consequently the British agents passed the first two years in 
 the midst of continual agitation, at which in secret they were not 
 altogether displeased — they, therefore, allowed them to continue 
 without slackening the vigilance necessary in such cases. How- 
 ever, not to exhibit weakness, the Maharanee being actually 
 
 * In this M. Ferrier is incorrect. in command of brigades or battalions. 
 
 The French officers had certainly left The army was officered by natives of 
 
 or been removed from the Sikh army, the Punjab in whom the Durbar had 
 
 bvit no British officers were substituted confidence. — L. 
 
 2 a2 
 
356 THE CAMPAIGN IN THE PUNJAB. Chap. XXIV. 
 
 detected in the act of conspiring against them, was exiled. Her 
 firmness had been a great obstacle to the completion of their 
 object, and the obstacle was thrown down ; but they were careful 
 not to calm the turbulence of the Sikhs, and the system soon bore 
 its fruit. 
 
 In 1848, one of their chiefs, Diwan Moolraj, governor of 
 Mooltan, preceded a revolt by the murder of two British officers, 
 Messrs. Vans Agnew and Anderson, excited, it is said, thereto, 
 by the native ministers of Duleep Singh, installed in power by 
 the English. At this signal the whole of the west of the kingdom 
 rose in arms, from Mooltan northwards to the province of the 
 Hazarahs. Various circumstances at first authorized the suppo- 
 sition, and there was soon no doubt of the fact, that Gholab Sing 
 favoured the insurrection. The Sirdar Chuttur Singh, and his 
 son Shere Sing, after having quitted the English party, held the 
 country against them with very considerable forces, while Moolraj 
 kept a portion of their army in check under the walls of Mooltan, 
 into which he had retired. On the other side, the Afghans, with 
 Dost Mohamed at their head, appeared to interfere and com- 
 plicate the business. The English had heavy work on their hands 
 there ; at first their military operations were far from flourishing, 
 and several checks which they received from the Sikhs warned 
 them of the danger of their position. ^ Fresh forces were brought 
 up from Lahore to the points on which they were required, and 
 General Sir H. Gough, Commander-in-chief of the British forces 
 in India, joined them, to direct in person the military operations 
 in the Punjab. - On the 22nd of November, 1848, they came up 
 with one of the insurgent chiefs, the Sirdar Shere Sing, encamped 
 with his army on the borders of the Chenab, near a ford known 
 by the name of Ramnuggur ; there they attacked him without any 
 beneficial result, and the loss of the English was great, especially 
 in officers. But this unfortunate engagement was soon followed by 
 a brilliant victoiy. 
 
 On the 21st of January, 1849, General Whish, charged with the 
 siege of Mooltan, had reduced the fort, and made Moolraj, the 
 prime mover in the revolt, his prisoner. This advantage ought to,\ 
 and would, have been sufficient to bring the war to a satisfactory 
 conclusion for the English, if, nearly at the same time, a check "of 
 a very different character from that at Ramnuggur, and which 
 caused the liveliest uneasiness as to the pacification of the Punjab, 
 
 i 
 
CiiAP. XXIV. THE CAMPAIGN IN THE PUNJAB. 357 
 
 had not occurred. In an ill-fated moment, General Gough, without 
 having made himself sufficiently acquainted with the ground, and 
 perfected his combinations, decided on offering battle to Shere Sing 
 in his encampment at Chillianwallah. 
 
 It was the 13th of January, 1849 ; the battle was bloody, and 
 the English, charging the well-chosen position of their enemies, 
 had the misery of seeing their best troops, three regiments of 
 European cavalry, take flight before the Sikhs, with such precipita- 
 tion, that neither death nor wounds took place in their ranks ; 
 and they rode with such impetuosity through their own guns, 
 that they involuntarily killed and wounded many of the gunners, 
 upset the pieces and caissons, and threw the whole park of artillery 
 into the utmost confusion.* 
 
 This affair cost them six guns, eight flags, and 2500 men, 
 amongst whom were 97 officers of various grades. When the 
 news arrived in England, there was an universal cry of anathema 
 against the unhappy general, who had so imprudently compro- 
 mised the reputation of the British arms, and, in the panic which 
 seized them, the Directors of the Company, managing the affairs 
 from their counting-house in London, sent two officers to succeed him 
 in the command ; first. Sir William Gomm from the Mauritius, and 
 a few days afterwards. Sir Charles Napier ; but, in their anxiety, 
 they forgot to revoke the authority of General Gough, and conse- 
 quently, some time after, three Commanders-in-chief met at 
 Calcutta! t 
 
 As the commission of Sir Charles Napier bore the latest date, the 
 government there decided in his favour, but in any case he arrived 
 too late to revenge the disaster suffered by the British at Chillian- 
 wallah. General Gough did not leave him the opportunity, for, on 
 the 15th of February, he gave battle again to Shere Sing at Goojerat, 
 completely routed him, and took all his artillery. The victory was 
 decisive; the vanquished were hotly pursued, and chiefs and soldiers 
 
 * M. Ferrier is mistaken; there was the expression of public opinion was so 
 
 only one regiment of Em-opeans. — L. strong in favour of Sir Charles Napier, 
 
 t The appointment of the com- as the man for the crisis, that the 
 
 mander-inchief, like that of all im- Government were obliged to send him 
 
 portant functionaries in India, rests out. The war, howevei-, was concluded 
 
 with the English Cabinet; and in this before he arrived. He shortly after- 
 
 ca,se Sir W. Gomm, who was then at wards had a difference with Lord Dal- 
 
 the Mauritius, w-as first appointed. housie, threw up his command in dis- 
 
 Subsqueutly, when the intelligence gust, and was succeeded bj^ Sir William 
 
 arrived of the reverse of Chillianwallah, Gomm. — Ep. 
 
358 THE CAMPATCxX IN THE PUNJAB. Chap. XXIV. 
 
 ended by making unqualified submission to the British army. This 
 event entirely removed the tarnish that had for a moment 
 shadowed the reputation of General Gough, and changed his 
 failure into a brilliant triumph, which the Queen rewarded by 
 raising him to the rank of Viscount. The precipitation with 
 which he had been condemned in London was absurd, for it 
 was evident that the English army, placed as it was in a plain 
 country, and mistress of the mouths and course of the Indus up 
 to its highest ramifications, which come close upon the province 
 of Lahore, whence it drew supplies of men, money, provisions, 
 and munition of every sort, could have but little to fear from the 
 conspiracy. The same may be said of all the states on the north 
 and west of the great stream, — they must, as in this instance, 
 yield to the superiority of European tactics. England took 
 possession of the countries which the revolt of Mooltan had been 
 intended to snatch from her army, and converted them into Eng- 
 lish provinces ; and her wise policy in government in the course of 
 a few years will double the million and a half of revenue it had 
 hitherto produced. It is not only in a financial point of view that 
 this conquest will' be profitable to the East India Company, who 
 will henceforth derive from it the greatest advantages, statistical, 
 military, and geographical, as well as commercial. 
 
 If this simple summary of the events that led to the entire 
 subjugation of the Punjab should induce the reader to consult the 
 more ample documents respecting it, published by the British 
 press, he will soon see that England had for many years previously 
 anticipated and prepared the annexation of these provinces. It 
 was at first under the most friendly appearances that her diplo- 
 macy was accepted in the time of Runjeet. She caressed and 
 flattered him, supported him in his quarrels with the Afghans, 
 and, under the name of ally, took root in his dominions, to pre- 
 pare secretly for the future invasion. 
 
 If the East India Company's army did not take possession of 
 the Punjab at the death of the Maharajah, it was because its 
 services were required in China and Afghanistan. But the Eng- 
 lish are not wanting in patience, and they know how to w^ait in 
 order the better to assure themselves of ultimate success. 
 
 AVhile the accomplishment of the conquest of Lahore was in 
 abeyance, the British resident, with much talent, let the weight of 
 his unseen influence be felt, and quietly excited on the one hand. 
 
Chap. XXIV, THE CAMPAIGN IX THE PUNJAB. 
 
 359 
 
 and suppressed on the other ; he divided the chiefs, and brought 
 them into his views without appearing to interfere in their affairs, 
 till at last the furious hatred of the Sikhs ag-ainst the Ençrlish 
 was abated ; he turned their passions with dexterity against the 
 successive Maharajahs instead, by apparently giving to each his 
 interest and support. Acting thus, by the mediation of their 
 agent, the Company well knew itself to be in the best position for 
 exciting a contest with the Sikhs, and from that would arise, as 
 they were well aw-are, its mediation and protection in the Punjab, 
 taking with it a brave and numerous army, well practised in 
 European tactics, to control as a sovereign all the actions of the 
 native government, and to banish the Queen Chanda to Benares 
 when she opposed them. When the irritation of the people in- 
 creased and they conspired, the Company never interfered ; for 
 they knew they had time enough to make their preparations for 
 converting their protection into permanent invasion. At last the 
 revolt took place ; the English battalions arrived to put it down, 
 and, beaten at first, they finished by a victory that put them 
 in possession of the country ; there was no farther difficulty, 
 for everything comes to an end for him who knows how to wait 
 for it, and England has proved that she does.* It is, above all, 
 by that virtue patience, and the Roman maxim — " Divide and 
 conquer" — that she has subjugated in turn 'Moguls, Mahrattas, 
 Belooches, and so many other Indian nations, whose wealth she 
 has carried to her island home. 
 
 * M. Ferrier's idea is very natural, 
 though by no means correct. There 
 are Englishmen in India who act fi-om 
 higher motives than those for which he 
 gives them credit. The Resident at 
 Ijahore was not a man to use his in- 
 fluence in the way M. Ferrier supposes. 
 He acted in the best faith for the inte- 
 rests of both Governments ; and so far 
 from desiring the annexation of the 
 countiy, on finding that it could not be 
 avoided, and that all his efforts to up- 
 hold the native Government were una- 
 vailing, Sir H. Lawrence was only pre- 
 vented from resigning his high position, 
 and returning to his regiment, as a cap- 
 tain of artillery, at the earnest entreaty 
 of his friends. He remained at Lahore 
 almost with the sole object of exerting 
 his influence to conciliate the chiefs and 
 
 people of the Punjab to our rule. In 
 the same good faith did our soldiers at 
 Mooltan, Ramnugger, and Chillianwal- 
 lah, give their lives in support of the 
 authoiity of the existing Government, 
 but — in the inscrutable wisdom of Divine 
 Providence — not with their usual suc- 
 cess ; and it was not until after every 
 man of influence in the Punjab, except 
 two, (as Shere Sing saidj had made over- 
 tures to him, and the utter impossi- 
 bility of carrying on a native Govern- 
 ment with such instruments became 
 apparent, that the battle of Goojerat 
 was fought, and the annexation of the 
 Puujab forced upon Lord Dalhousie. 
 That the result has been beneficial to 
 the Punjab and to India, and may yet, 
 with God's blessing, be still- more so, 
 who can doubt ? — L. 
 
360 REFLECTIONS. Chap. XXIV. 
 
 The conquest of the Punjab has admirably completed the suc- 
 cession of invasions, and secured to her the finest empire in the 
 world. It would perhaps be wise were she to stop here, and be 
 content with her present power : but can she ? Does the thunder- 
 inir torrent arrest itself in a course where it meets with no obsta- 
 cles ; or even where it does ? Such is the British torrent. De- 
 scending from the snow-clad summits of the Himalaya, it will 
 yet submerge Nepaul, Birmah, China, and its dependencies ; 
 turning to the East, it will once more inundate Afghanistan, and 
 overturn the citadel of Herat. Little does this vast extension 
 of territory by the British Empire appear to signify to the other 
 European states ; they seem perfectly indiiferent, and the prophecy 
 that it would crumble of itself, either by the effects of revolt or 
 bankruptcy, has been so constantly repeated that the world has 
 finished by believing it. Well, I predict that indifference will 
 cost you, if not your liberty — because England loves liberty and 
 practises it — at least your political independence, and you will 
 submit to the law that you have not dared to give to this gigantic 
 invader. She will divide the world with the other Colossus.] * 
 
 * General Ferrier appears altogether to have overlooked America in this pro- 
 spective view of future history.— Ed. 
 
Chap. XXV. THE AUTHOR TAKEN ILL.' 361 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 The Author taken ill — His sufferings at this time — Singular disease of Mohamerl 
 Azim Khau — Visit of his brother to the author — Monsieur Ferrier's dinners 
 improve — Jlurder of one of his guards — Tlie Author's reflections on his own fate 
 — Attacked witli Cholera^ The knowing soldier-priest — Dreadful mortality in 
 the town — Fanaticism of the Mollahs — -Protection afforded to Monsieur Ferrier 
 by Kohendil Khan — Attack upon the Author's house — Gallant conduct of the 
 soldiers — Advance of the troops sent by the Sirdar — Defeat of the mob — 
 Monsieur Ferrier escorted from the town — Arrives at Girishk — Lai Khan's 
 explanation of the riot at Kandahar — The author again confined — Rascally 
 conduct of Sedik Khan — Monsieur Ferrier leaves Girishk — Boundai'ies of the 
 Belooches — • Nigiari — Jlian-pushteh — • Benader Kalan — ■ Hazar-juft — Affray 
 with the villagers there — The author returns to Girishk — Zirok — Biabanak 
 and Paiwak — Washeer — Koh i Duzdan — Ibrahimi and Shiaguz — ■ Short com- 
 mons — The escort and the shepherd — Morality of an Afghan horseman — 
 Their gossip when travelling — • Treatment of their horses — • A cool hand — 
 Khoormalek — Crypts at Shiaguz. 
 
 But to return from this political digression. On September 4tli 
 and 5th, ennui, the intense heat, privations and bad food — 
 for it had been good only the first few days — threw me into 
 a violent inflammatory fever. I raved all night, became prostrated 
 by weakness, and found it impossible to stand up ; my guards 
 stood stupidly by looking at me, and saw my sufferings with- 
 out takino' the slightest care of me. I was destitute of medi- 
 cine, for Mohamed Sedik Khan had stolen mine with my other 
 things, and my sole resource was the filthy water of the tank in 
 the garden. Kohendil Khan had not authorized me to hire a 
 servant, so that I was in a fearful state of combined suffering and 
 helplessness, which I felt most acutely. At one time the blood 
 rushed so violently to my head, that I feared it would suffocate 
 me ; no barber would bleed me lest he should be defiled by the 
 blood of an infidel, and it was necessary to procure a positive 
 order to oblige one of them to perform the operation, that I might 
 have this most necessary relief. Great God ! what misery ! 
 
 September 6th. — The bleeding did me so much good that, 
 though still weak, I could accept the invitation to go on horseback 
 to the house of the Sirdar Rahimdil Khan ; the Asiatics look 
 upon all Europeans as doctors, and he had sent for me to see his 
 
362 VISIT FROM MOHAMED ALEM. Chap. XXV. 
 
 eldest son, Mohamed Azim Khan, who was dangerously ill. He 
 was a fine young man, about four-and-twenty years of age, who 
 had been stretched on the bed of sickness and pain for fifteen 
 months, from a periodical hemorrhage by which he lost ten or twelve 
 pounds of blood at each attack ; it was accompanied by dryness 
 of the skin, and he looked like a skeleton. He spoke a few words, 
 but with the utmost difficulty, and was nearly deaf; his left eye 
 was covered with a thick film, the glands round his throat were 
 enormously swollen, and his life evidently hung upon a thread. 
 The cholera shortly after probably hastened his death by a few 
 days only. When I left him, I visited his father and uncle Mir- 
 dil Khan (both younger brothers of Kohendil Khan),* who were 
 surrounded by personages of rank and importance. They were 
 very polite to me, but very reserved, and their conversation con- 
 cerned only the condition of the sick man ; they carefully abstained 
 from touching upon any other subject, and their brother's susceptibili- 
 ties on the subject of government, no doubt, impressed this caution 
 upon them. I implored them in vain to intercede for me for a 
 little less rigorous treatment, but I could get neither promise nor 
 even answer, and I returned desolate to my prison. 
 
 September 7th. — Nevertheless to-day there was some relaxation 
 of the measures taken respecting me, and Mohamed Alem, 
 the second son of Rahimdil Khan, obtained permission of his 
 uncle to visit me ; I was the more pleased at this as the young noble 
 appeared more highly gifted than his countrymen : he was about 
 seventeen years of age, with a countenance expressive of rare 
 intelligence, and appeared at once to take the part of a friend 
 towards me. I tried a thousand devices to ascertain the real 
 object of his visit, without success, and I could come to no precise 
 conclusion ; the extent to which Asiatics can practise dissimu- 
 lation is incredible, even in children. It is more easy to penetrate 
 the designs of the Afghans than any others ; but this young man 
 seemed to me to place himself out of that category, for he said the 
 only object of his visit to me was to improve himself in the English 
 language by conversation. With a few books and the help of a 
 Moonshee, who could barely spell, he had succeeded in acquiring 
 some knowledge of it, and could write and speak it a little ; 
 he had a surprising organization. Indeed he belonged to the 
 
 * Mirdil means, in Persian, " the strong hearted ; " " rahimdil, " the 
 friendly hearted ; " kohendil " the merciful hearted." — Ed. 
 
 I 
 
Chap. XXV. IiMPROVEMENT IN THE DINNErxS. 3G3 
 
 Mohamodzyes, who form a remarkable exception to other 
 Afghans. Their intelhgence is as extensive and developed as the 
 generality of their countrymen are usually contracted and brutal. 
 This young man's visit was the only agreeable hour I passed in 
 Kandahar. 
 
 September 8th. — Since my audience with Kohendil Khan I had 
 had most wretched fare, and it was very difficult for me to reconcile 
 this treatment with his almost kind reception. Why not treat me 
 as before my visit ? I could not find out. Boiled rice or maize, or 
 a water melon, had been my diet for two days ; but as even that 
 was very superior to what I had had at Girishk I did not com- 
 plain, and only begged for some tea or broth, of which being so 
 ill I much felt the want, but my request was refused. Mohamed 
 Alem, to whom I related my grievances on his next visit, assured 
 me his uncle had ordered that I should have everything that I 
 wished for ; and I was the more inclined to believe it because 
 I saw the enormous pilau, with other meats and fruits, that 
 was brought every day and set aside till evening by the guards 
 because it was the period of some fast, which lasted several days, 
 and they could not eat them till night came on, when they de- 
 voured them without offering me a morsel. Unluckily for them 
 my complaints to the young Sirdar caused a change in their 
 capital regime ; and the same day I was provided with most com- 
 fortable meals brought by one of the kitchen attendants, who 
 waited till I had eaten what I liked and carried away the remain- 
 der, not leaving them the opportunity to touch a single dish. 
 
 September 9th. — The same scene was repeated ; Lai Khan 
 and his acolytes were furious at my having deprived them of such 
 good rations, and they took their revenge by insulting me in every 
 way ; their glances were daggers, and I saw they were looking out 
 for an opportunity to pay me off. But former suffering had 
 hardened me, and caring little to annoy myself about them I slept 
 soundly without fancying what their evil designs might be. One 
 night when fast asleep I felt myself roughly seized by the arm, 
 and on opening my eyes they met the savage face of Lai Khan 
 foaming with rage, while he pointed to some wretched verses that, 
 deploring my fate in a moment of great depression, I had scribbled 
 with a pencil on the wall. In these lines Lai Khan saw a com- 
 plete conspiracy, a project of invasion, I know not what — a thou- 
 sand fooleries, of which he made a lamentable history to the 
 
364 MURDER OF A SOLDIER. Chap. XXV. 
 
 Sirdar. Koliendil Khan immediately sent his nephew, Mohamed 
 Alem, to ascertain the truth of the crime imputed to me. I had 
 no difficulty in making my young friend understand the cause of 
 the exaggerated fears of the captain of my guard, and was soon 
 relieved from the persecutions that he had hoped to bring down upon 
 me. Finding this plan had failed, Lai Khan became furious, 
 and wreaked his vengeance on a poor wretch who could not help 
 himself ; but it was the only means left him of adding to the 
 bitterness of my position, and he failed not to use it. 
 
 The greater number of soldiers forming my guard were 
 Sunnite Mussulmans ; three or four only being Shiahs, one of 
 whom had been in the service of the English and well treated 
 by them. This man had at different times done me little services, in 
 acknowledgment of which I had made him some trifling presents ; 
 for these he had shown himself grateful, and therefore Lai 
 Khan sought to pick a quarrel with him, and did so on a suffi- 
 ciently frivolous pretence. Mohamed Ali, for that was his name, 
 replied with all the curtness of manner habitual to the Afghans. 
 The Khan grew angry, and by degrees the reprimand relating to 
 the service assumed the character of a religious discussion ; he 
 overwhelmed the Shiah with epithets insulting to his faith, and the 
 other retaliated upon the characters of Omar, Osman, and Abou- 
 bekr, but the unhappy being had scarcely pronounced the male- 
 dictions against the three caliphs condemned by his sect, when 
 twenty daggers were plunged in his breast. Attracted by his 
 cries, I rushed into the court just in time to see him fall dead, in 
 the midst of a band of villains, who hacked his corpse with their 
 sabres, dragged it to the middle of the bazaars, and finally hung 
 it on a hook where every one cursed and spat upon it. To curse 
 Omar and his two successors is a crime deserving of a thousand 
 deaths in the eyes of the Sunnites, and before so many witnesses as 
 Lai Khan could have furnished of the guilt of Mohamed Ali, 
 Kohendil Khan himself dared not have blamed his people for 
 having committed the murder. I was shocked at the sight, 
 and could not help looking at my own position in the worst pos- 
 sible light — it was frightful. 
 
 For three months I had been in Afghanistan, subject to dangers 
 of every description, and nothing seemed to indicate the probability 
 of a termination to my captivity. Perfectly isolated from every 
 living being that took the slightest interest in me, my reflections 
 
Chap, XXV. ATTACKED WITH CHOLERA. 365 
 
 grew more and more g^loomy, and I knew not whether to wish for 
 liberty or death ; the former would only leave me utterly without 
 protection amongst the ferocious Afghans, the latter would terminate 
 all my troubles at once. Not a friend was near me, and those 
 who showed me the smallest sympathy paid for it with their lives 
 like Mohamed Ali. Guards, jailers, and perhaps executioners, — 
 these w^ere the people constantly before my eyes : at last I re- 
 nounced the hope of seeing my country again, and resigned myself 
 to my fate — to die, far from my relations and friends, and lay my 
 bones in some corner which no one would ever suppose to be the 
 grave of a poor and adventurous French soldier. Sleep, which I 
 courted in the hope of forgetting my misery, proved only a con- 
 tinuance of it, for it w as ever harassed and broken by some fearful 
 dream ; to the anxieties of the mind were added very acute 
 physical sufferings ; I endured torture. My trials were too much 
 for my resignation, and I felt myself sinking under them. 
 
 September 10th. — The next morning one of my guards, seeing me 
 absorbed in sad reflections, said to me, " Have patience ; in three 
 days you will be off, dfurakhas." * This news slightly raised my 
 hopes, but the same evening a communication from Mohamed 
 Alem Khan revived all my anxiety. He had been at his uncle's 
 on the previous evening and heard him say that I was certainly an 
 Englishman, that my Persian firmans had been written for some 
 other person and not for me, and that I was sent into Afghanistan 
 by the Indo-British Government to raise the people against their 
 legitimate sovereigns. "It is," he said, "Mohamed Sedik Khan 
 who has sent this information, with the proofs, to his father." 
 
 September 11th. — After having passed a most anxious and 
 feverish night, I was at daybreak seized with cramps and vo- 
 miting, and dysentery left me no rest. I felt as if I were 
 dying. At all risks I insisted on being bled again, from which 
 I derived great benefit in my last attack, and by the evening the 
 bad symptoms had entirely disappeared. Mohamed Alem came 
 to see me in the evening, and from him I learned that the cholera 
 had been in Kandahar seven or eight days, and it was the 
 cholera that 1 had had ; the deaths had begun at 15 to 20 
 per day, but on the previous one they had been quadrupled. 
 
 The society of this young noble continued to be a great pleasure 
 
 * This is what a superior says to an inferior in dismissing him. — Ed. 
 
306 THE KNOWING SOLDIEE-PRIEST. Chap. XXV. 
 
 for me, and in some dojorce alleviated the miseries of my captivity ; 
 lie was really amiable and kind, and had all the frank and 
 open manner natural to his age. Still I perceived that he lent 
 some credence to the notion that I entertained the hostile inten- 
 tions towards his uncle that were attributed to me. He tried an 
 infinity of ways to penetrate my supposed secret and bring me to 
 confess that I knew English, which he so much wished me to help 
 him to learn ; that would, he thought, have been a conclusive proof 
 of my nationality, and I was most fortunate in concealing that I 
 knew the elementary part of that language. The perseverance of 
 my young friend was such that I was at last sharp with him, and 
 he retired angry ; I never saw him again, and regretted it, for 
 his natural disposition was excellent ; living however amongst 
 Afghans, it must of necessity be soon modified. 
 
 September 12th. — Twelve of my guard died to-day of cholera. 
 Having seen me set up by bleeding they adopted the remedy ; 
 but, as if Providence intended to punish their brutality to me, it 
 did not succeed with any one of them, and they were terribly deci- 
 mated afterwards. I saw them frequently thumping and rubbing 
 each other most vigorously, and I believe that such treatment 
 might be useful as a preservative by keeping up the circulation 
 and drawing it to the surface. 
 
 September 13th. — The intensity of the scourge reached its 
 climax : upwards of four hundred persons died yesterday. The 
 soldiers of my guard tried all kinds of extravagant remedies 
 which their superstitious countrymen suggested. One of them was 
 the son of a mollah, and he, pretty well versed in ecclesiastical 
 lore, indulged them with sermons recommending the most incon- 
 ceivable absurdities ; his stupid brethren in arms looked upon his 
 words as divine, and after having collected fifty more comrades 
 they all marched in procession round the court, he having placed, 
 himself in one corner. There he held the Koran above his head 
 wrapped in a sash, of which two persons held each an end. Each 
 soldier on arriving opposite the holy book, kissed it upon the 
 sash, carried it to his forehead in sign of his respect, and at the 
 same time slipped a few sous into the hand of their knowing 
 comrade, who for this contribution recited some short prayers 
 which he said would infallibly preserve them from the malady. This 
 ceremony was renewed after every prescribed prayer, five times in 
 the day. I looked on with an apathy that provoked glances the 
 
Ciivr. XXV. FANATICISM OF THE :\IOLLAHS. 3G7 
 
 malevolence of which could not be misunderstood. Lai Khan 
 was offended at my indifference, and said savagely, " As you do 
 not approve of our proceedings get back into your room, you 
 infidel dog ; you have not the blessing of being a Mussulman ; you 
 will never kiss the holy Koran, and if you die it will be all repro- 
 bate as you are." The same ceremony was performed in every 
 part of the town ; many families, whether happily spared or not, 
 purchased as many oxen, sheep, horses, and camels as they could 
 afford, killed them, and distributed the meat to appease the wrath 
 of Heaven. When night came, crowds of people went upon the 
 terraces of their houses and filled the air with mournful cries, 
 invoking Allah, Mohamed, Omar, and company ; and these lugu- 
 brious noises probably determined many cases of cholera that 
 perhaps might have been saved had they preserved silence and quiet 
 as religiously as they made these prolonged and terrifying bowlings, 
 Sentember 14th. — Seven or eight hundred persons died in Kan- 
 dahar this day. Consternation was visible on every face ; the 
 plague was terrible in the villages also, and the people from 
 the country came into the town in the hope of reaching a 
 place of safety ; on the contrary, the poor people only found 
 it worse, and aggravated the evils in that dense population. 
 The doctors and the mollahs had been assembled for three 
 days consecutively, consulting as to the means of putting an 
 end to the misery at once, as they had promised the people they 
 would do. But their faithful believers had waited in vain, and 
 began to murmur and threaten violence ; reports of poisoned wells 
 and bread spread amongst the masses, and it became dangerous to 
 allow the discussions of an ignorant populace to continue any 
 longer. The position was a perilous one, and the puzzle amongst 
 the Uleraas great, when one whose wits were rather sharper than 
 the rest, exclaimed on a sudden, " Mussulmans, it is in vain that 
 you search the depths of science, fast and mortify yourselves, 
 to ascertain the cause of the evil : the decrees of Providence are 
 inscrutable. But the great God sometimes allows his creatures, 
 especially the faithful, to see in a dream the reasons of his wrath 
 against them. Believe me, illustrious and learned brotbers, it is 
 not far from us. It was revealed to me in a dream last night by 
 the angel Gabriel. While Ahmed Shahi (Kandahar, from the 
 name of its founder) is sullied by the presence of an infidel, the 
 enemy of God and man," said he, in a voice of thunder, " there 
 
3G8 ATTACK ON THE AUTHOR'S HOUSE. Chap. XX Y. 
 
 will be no cessation of your affliction." The sally was too direct 
 to be mistaken. I was the infidel pointed out to their vengeance. 
 A council was held instantly as to the best course to pursue, and 
 eight of the principal mollahs proceeded to Kohendil Khan and 
 demanded my head. This the Sirdar decisively refused ; there 
 was a long discussion, but he braved their menaces, and to prevent 
 them from executing their purpose locked them up in a room, 
 while he sent a strong guard to my residence. He also sent in the 
 utmost haste provisions and ammunition, enjoined us to barricade 
 ourselves and carefully watch for the event that he anticipated. 
 The cries of the populace obliged him at the expiration of a few 
 hours to release the mollahs ; they were furious, and followed by 
 a dense crowd proceeded to the mosque ; it would not contain 
 them all, so they removed to the public square, where they ha- 
 rangued the crowd in a manner to increase their fanaticism and 
 excite them to revenge upon me the injury they had received from 
 the Sirdar. A messenger appeared soon after from Kohendil Khan ; 
 he followed them there, being charged to address them in the 
 opposite strain, and remind them that the duties of hospitality were 
 sacred ; he alleged that I was not come amongst them as an 
 enemy or a spy, but trusting entirely to their good faith. The 
 mollahs replied that all laws and usages might be broken towards 
 an infidel. The masses took this up immediately and proceeded 
 to my prison to exterminate me, but having been received with a 
 sharp volley of musketry, they fled, crying out " To arms." The 
 mollahs, of whom one was wounded, returned to the square, where 
 they set up a pole and the Koran on the top of it, which was reve- 
 rently saluted by every Mussulman that passed, as in former times 
 Gessler's hat had been in Switzerland. The crowd took an oath 
 on this venerated symbol, neither to eat, drink, nor bathe until 
 they had cut me to pieces and thrown my body to the dogs of the 
 bazaars. This demonstration against me took place about eleven 
 in the forenoon, and at five in the evening a sharp file-firing 
 was opened on the house from the ramparts on which the 
 insurgents had placed themselves ; but finding they were too 
 far off, they advanced into the houses in my neighbourhood. As 
 the one I inhabited commanded nearly all the others, we had a 
 great advantage over our assailants. I had a few moments of 
 anxiety lest the soldiers intended for my guard should join the 
 rioters, but it was soon dispelled, and those who had the most ill- 
 
 
CiiAP. XXV. GALLANT CONDUCT OF THE SOLDIERS. 3G9 
 
 used me fought as zealously as the men who had reinforced 
 them. They were all men devoted to Kohendil Khan, mIio had 
 followed him into exile in Persia, from 1839 to 1841, and their 
 hatred of me vanished before their devotion to a positive order 
 from him to defend me. Seeing their excellent feeling, I roused 
 myself from the torpor that had crept over me and joined in the 
 defence, and as the Afghans have a high opinion of European 
 officers, they, with an abnegation of self-love which I was far from 
 expecting in them, accepted my advice. In consequence, I distri- 
 buted my little party on the terrace in the manner that seemed to 
 me most suitable to defend the point most likely to be attacked ; 
 I also placed two sections of reserve in the court to defend the 
 entrance. For seven hours we were regularly besieged ; three 
 men were wounded on our side, and it was impossible to ascertain 
 the loss of our adversaries : after fourteen hours' rest, hostilities 
 recommenced, the insurgents having employed the interval in 
 parleying with Kohendil Khan, who had removed to the citadel, 
 where he was free from danger ; but the Sirdar rejected all their 
 demands, and tried to put them off with promises instead, with 
 which they were in no way satisfied. 
 
 September 1 5th. — At two o'clock in the afternoon they opened fire 
 upon us again ; it was like that of the pi-evious evening, continual, 
 but causing little loss of life. At night, under cover of the 
 darkness, many of these fanatics, following the windings of the 
 small stream which flowed by the walls of the house, reached the 
 entrance door, which they soon forced ; we let them alone, because 
 there was an inner door which would prove a fresh obstacle more 
 difficult to overcome. As soon as they had succeeded in getting 
 into the vestibule and thought they had us quite safe, they were 
 saluted with a point-blank fire from loop-holes which we had made 
 in the walls, and immediately after we forced away the props of 
 the worm-eaten ceiling and it came down upon their heads ; 
 those who were not crushed or suffocated by the rubbish, retreated 
 wonderfully knocked about into the crowd that filled the street. 
 Tlie reflux caused by this movement created a panic amongst the 
 people, which, from the inside, and owing to the darkness, we 
 could not see ; we could only judge by the cries of distress raised 
 by this sanguinary mob. Our continuous fire completely ploughed 
 them up, and the clearance became general ; by nine in the 
 evening the place was perfectly swept and our enemies retired to a 
 
 2 B 
 
370 AUTHOR LEAVES THE TOWN. Chap. XXV. 
 
 respectful distance out of our reach. Their loss was great in the 
 last encounter. 
 
 September 16th. — Part of this day we were left quiet, but at 
 five in the evening we were attacked the third time, and with a 
 vigom- from which I boded no good. The surrounding terraces 
 were covered with rioters, the projectiles beat like hail on our 
 house, and in a twinkling we had seven men killed and more than 
 double that number wounded ; in vain the reserves from the ter- 
 races came down to our aid, they only added to the evil, for the 
 more numerous we were the worse their fire told upon us. At 
 nine I saw that our position was desperate ; we could not have 
 held out another half-hour, when to our great astonishment the 
 enemy suddenly disappeared on hearing the report of sharp firing 
 towards the citadel. There Kohendil Khan had temporised and 
 amused the people for the two first days, it being quite impossible 
 for him to repress these fanatics with the two or three hundred 
 sepoys that he had at that time with him ; but at the commence- 
 ment of the riots he had sent orders to the cavalry dispersed in 
 the neighbourhood to come into Kandahar, and uniting at a 
 given spot, to enter the town and charge the mob in the rear ; 
 this diversion obliged them to face about ; they sustained the un- 
 expected shock but for a moment, and were completely put to the 
 rout. The principal mollahs having been arrested, tranquillity was 
 restored — to our great satisfaction, for we had been watching and 
 fighting for two nights. 
 
 The excitement of the last forty-eight hours had been great, I 
 therefore slept soundly, and should probably have continued to do 
 so had I not been suddenly and roughly awakened by Lai Khan, 
 who desired me to dress quickly and come with him. My first 
 fear was that I was betrayed ; but a moment after, remembering 
 the energy with which I had been protected, I rejected the idea, 
 and rejoiced in the thought of being once more comparatively at 
 liberty. " Where are you taking me ?" I asked ; " You shall see," he 
 replied ; and we left the house and at last the town (where my pre- 
 sence made Kohendil Khan fear more disturbances) by a hole in 
 the wall to prevent my being seen in any part of it again. By a 
 postern gate I found a horse, on whose back I quickly vaulted, and 
 rode away, an escort of twelve soldiers travelling with me. 
 
 CririshJc, September 17th. — By sunrise we had reached Acho- 
 o-an, a village on the left bank of the Urgund-ab opposite to 
 
Chap. XXV. LAL KUAN'S ACCOUNT OP THE REVOLT. 371 
 
 Takht Suiijuree ; this road is shorter than the one on the right 
 bank by which I had arrived, but not so well defined, being less 
 frequented. My escort baited for an hour, and told the villagers 
 that I was the Feringhee who had brought so nuich misfortune uj)on 
 Kandahar. This absurd gossiping might have put me once more 
 in a most disagreeable position ; however I escaped with a little 
 abuse, a few stones from the children, and a desperate barking 
 from the dogs, upon which the Afghans remarked that they did 
 not understand why between dogs there should be such a disagree- 
 ment. I had reached that point at which I could not be offended 
 at anything, and besides, of what use would it be to me to be 
 angry ? We continued our road at a more rapid pace, and I lost 
 sight of the inhospitable town, where, but for the firmness of Ko- 
 hendil Khan, or more correctly his fear of the English, of whom 
 he persisted in thinking me the countryman — 1 should most cer- 
 tainly have found my grave. As we rode on, Lai Khan described 
 to me the various phases of the revolt, and to those I have related 
 he added the following. The answer respecting me sent by Dost 
 Mohamed arrived at Kandahar after the 11th of September; he 
 had informed his brother that he would willingly have consented to 
 send me on a mission to the English if he had not had to contend with 
 the violent dislike to them expressed by his son Mohamed Akbar 
 and his other relations. They had given this opinion in a 
 council met to deliberate on the measures to be taken respecting 
 me, adding that Yar Mohamed, after having spoken of me as 
 an intriguer, had only recommended me to them in consequence 
 of a plot of his own hostile to the Mohamedzyes. He there- 
 fore advised sending me back to Herat, and suggested that I 
 should be well treated, though all my actions were to be closely 
 watched, and any attempt at agitation on my part repressed with- 
 out transgressing the laws of hospitality. Kohendil Khan annoyed 
 at a decision which destroyed his project of an alliance with the 
 English, at first paid no attention to these injunctions, and sup- 
 porting his own views by the individual opinions expressed by the 
 Dost, had determined upon sending me to Shikarpoor with his 
 propositions to the British Government. But according to the 
 incredible habit of his countrymen, he could not keep his own 
 secret, and showed his brother's letter to four different persons, 
 whom he acquainted with his projects. The Sirdars and mollahs, 
 secretly warned, opposed his intentions, and not having succeeded 
 
 2 b2 
 
372 GIEISHK. Chap. XXV. 
 
 in shaking liis determination, they turned the fury of the people 
 upon me — I have already related the results. 
 
 Kohendil Khan and several influential chiefs who took his part 
 had vainly represented that by remaining in hostility to the Eng- 
 lish, or by cutting my throat as they wished, they would at once 
 draw a British invasion upon Kandahar ; but they would listen to 
 nothing, and adopted for their motto that passage of the Koran 
 M'hich says that " Mussulmans shall not ally themselves with 
 infidels ;" to this they added, " to give a passage through our ter- 
 ritory to this one, is to encourage other travellers whose intrigues 
 might be fatal. Our intentions are irrevocable — he shall die ! " 
 The fear of losing their privileges rendered the mollahs audacious ; 
 they had seen their power taken from them under the British rule, 
 which had also annihilated their influence, and they wished at any 
 cost to avert the return of such an injury. 
 
 The report was generally believed amongst them that the Eng- 
 lish had been completely beaten by the Sikhs and the Belooches; 
 " India," said they, " has risen from one end to the other ;" 
 they believed a thousand other reports which harmonized with 
 their secret wishes, and all these circumstances stimulated them to 
 resistance. Kohendil Khan, better informed than they were, 
 defended my life ; far more, however, to gain himself credit in the 
 eyes of those whose countryman he believed me to be, than for 
 any real interest that he felt in my fate personally, which was pro- 
 bably perfectly indiflerent to him. Nevertheless he dared not 
 send me to Shikarpoor for fear of the indignation of ^Mohamed 
 Akbar Khan, for he knew that if his savage and ambitious nephew 
 had not been at different times restrained by his father, he would 
 before then have invaded Kandahar, to join it to Kabul. It was 
 therefore prudent on his j^art to do nothing that could give him an 
 excuse for dispossessing him, for the rupture with the mollahs was an 
 incident which went quite sufficiently against him, without its beino- 
 necessary for him to persevere in his original project of sending 
 me to Shikarpoor, which he would probably have had to regret 
 afterwards. This was all that Lai Khan could tell me on the subject. 
 
 We went on to Girishk by the banks of the Urgund-ab, 
 which in several places crossed the desert of shifting sand. The 
 heat was intense, the atmosphere heavy, and the water brackish, 
 even that of the river, of wlilch most unfortunately, I drank 
 heartily ; for instead of calming, it excited my thirst. There are 
 
CuAP. XXV. AGAIN CONFINED BY «EDIK KHAN. 373 
 
 several flourishing villages on the borders of this river, and 
 we passed in succession Demrazi, Penjwai,* Spirvan, Tulookh, 
 Moochan, Kaleh-pirabad, Kalcli-sharair, Cliesh-meh, and Beud-i- 
 Timour, where the chief of my escort had some orders to deliver. 
 Thence we turned obliquely to the right, and traversed the desert 
 to Girishk, where we arrived, having travelled twenty parasangs 
 since our leaving Kandahar. 
 
 September 18th. — 1 fell again into tlie hands of the Sirdar Mo- 
 hamed Sedik Khan. He had me incarcei^ated again in the turret- 
 room, where I had previously passed so many unhappy days, with a 
 sentinel at my door. I was to be kept in close confinement ; the 
 worthy ]N[oonshee Feiz Mohamed was not allowed to visit me. 
 However, during my short stay we contrived to communicate with 
 each other by the terrace, but our means of intercourse were rare ; 
 he would sometimes pass under my window and make me signs, and 
 his gestures or the expression of his face were the thermometer by 
 which I regulated my hopes and fears ; these occasions were the 
 only circumstances that cheered my imprisonment. The road to 
 Herat, it is true, passed under my turret, and when the travellers 
 went by, oh ! how I longed for wings to follow them ! In- 
 formed that I was there, they almost always looked up to see 
 me ; and often, if I did not appear at their call, they would throw 
 stones into the room — which was, as I have said, open to the road 
 on account of the falling of the wall — to force me to appear 
 and receive their taunts. Ah ! how many unhappy hours I passed 
 there ! 
 
 September 19th.— I had hoped to leave Girishk for Herat 
 the same day I arrived, for that was the strict order of Ko- 
 hendil Khan ; but I was mistaken — 3Johamed Sedik Khan 
 had not quite done with me. He pretended at first to take an 
 interest in me, and proposed to send me to India with his own 
 people, passing through Seistan and Shikarpoor ; and for this 
 he demanded from me the simple declaration that, in asking him 
 to send me that way, I accepted the responsibility and perils 
 of the journey and relieved him of them completely. Never sus- 
 pecting the double design that lurked in this offer, I accepted it 
 
 * In the early Mahometan period, Dooranees, and after a skirmish obliged 
 
 here stood the chief city of the dis- them to retreat. They immediately re- 
 
 trict, considerable ruins of which are turned to Kandahar and made their night 
 
 still to be seen. Near this place, in attack on the city, which so nearly suc- 
 
 March, 1811, General Nott met the ceeded. — Ed. 
 
374 SEDIK KUAN'S RASCALLY CONDUCT. Cuap. XXV. 
 
 with joy, and thought him the more sincere, because, immediately 
 after he took his h^ave, I received a portion of the things he had 
 taken from me the first time I was in his town. But my joy was of 
 short duration, for when the Moonshee Feiz Mohamed came in 
 the evening with the required declaration for me to sign, he told 
 me in confidence that Mohamed Sedik had only returned my 
 things because he knew that he should get them back with the 
 addition of a few others, for he had instructed the escort he 
 intended to send with me to rob me when we arrived in the deserts 
 of Seistan. 
 
 September 20th. — The next morning the Moonshee, at my 
 desire, informed the Sirdar that 1 refused to sign the declaration, 
 and had determined to travel by the route indicated by his father, 
 that is to say, to Herat ; this induced him to send for me. He 
 spoke to me in the most friendly terms, and insisted that I ought 
 to decide for Seistan, but I decidedly refused and was replaced in 
 my prison. An hour after, he came to me accompanied by three 
 of his rascally servants, and delared that my refusal now to go 
 by the road I had chosen implied a distrust very injurious to 
 his character. He then ordered me to give up the things he had 
 restored to me the evening before, and, without waiting for my con- 
 sent, his villains opened my trunk and rifled it. I had become too 
 much used t© this kind of thing to be at all affected by it, and saw 
 them proceed with perfect indifference ; but my anger knew no 
 bounds when this titled thief wanted to force me to write him, in 
 the presence of witnesses, a request that he would accept the 
 things he had thus impudently stolen. When he saw me 
 so resolved, he assembled a sort of council, composed of a dozen 
 rogues like himself, before whom I was brought ; here I was 
 asked to set a price upon the articles he had taken, and the value 
 was immediately paid to me, partly in shawls and partly in precious 
 stones. The ready money that he had taken was made good 
 to me by a letter of exchange on a merchant of Herat named Syud 
 Mehine Shah. Though much injured by this forced agree- 
 ment I should have been satisfied, had not Mohamed Sedik come 
 privately in the night and carried off the articles which he 
 had publicly exchanged with me in the morning, leaving me 
 only what probably he had forgotten, the bill upon the mer- 
 chant ; this 1 subsequently found was not payable when presented. 
 After having accomplished this robbery, the Sirdar left me in 
 
L'liAP. XXV. SEDIK KUAN'S RASCALLY CONDUCT. 375 
 
 triumpli with these words, " Go now by the road you like best ; I 
 will send you and your baggag-e gratis ; do not regret these trifles 
 so useless for a traveller. God is merciful, and you will no doubt 
 get safe to your journey's end." "Admit then," I said, "that 
 his mercy is not shown at this moment in leaving me in the hands 
 of such an inhuman chief as you are." "Blaspheme not," he 
 replied, " it will bring you to misfortune. The mercy of God is 
 infinite, and you should not complain, since, after your intense folly 
 in coming into Afghanistan, you have still your head upon your 
 shoulders." In spite of this indirect warning, I cursed him 
 heartily as he went out, calling up all the imprecations that are 
 current amongst Asiatics. 
 
 September 21st. — The hateful Sirdar came to me again very 
 early this morning, and demanded a written attestation of my good- 
 will, and the receipt for the articles with which he had paid me in 
 presence of the witnesses. This proposition only added to the irri-- 
 tation that the altercation of the previous evening had caused me, and 
 I rejected it energetically, overwhelming him with reproaches, to 
 which he appeared very little sensitive. Seeing that he could not 
 intimidate by words, he took me to an isolated court and tied me 
 to a post with the burning rays of the sun falling on my uncovered 
 head; here the soldiers came up by turns to insult me, and threw filth 
 in my face. This torment lasted five hours, when the Sirdar came 
 himself to ascertain if I was immoveable in my resolution to resist 
 his base demands ; seeing that I was in the same mind he menaced 
 me with his dagger, of which I felt the cold point at my throat. It 
 was a terrible moment, and I never shall forget it ; but having re- 
 solved to die, I could not bring myself to obey him. The miserable 
 wretch spared me, much more from fear of the vengeance of his 
 father and uncle than from pity for me. lie remained, however, 
 threatening me with death for nearly two hours, and in my presence 
 gave an order for heated irons and boiling oil to be prepared to 
 tortm-e me into compliance. Enraged as I was, this exasperated 
 me a thousand times more, and at last he left me without bavin"- 
 gained his point. The soldiers remained all night to torment 
 me and prevent me from sleeping. 
 
 September 22nd and 2ord. — At eight in the morning the Sir- 
 dar came again accompanied by a mollah, his son's tutor, the 
 same who would have had me killed at Mahmoodabad. This 
 fellow assured me in the blandest tone that he had pacified the 
 
370 THE AUTHOR YIELDS. Chai-. XXV. 
 
 Sirdar, and he could promise me honourable treatment if I 
 would only be circumcised and become a Mussulman ; but he 
 exerted his eloquence and arguments in vain, I remained per- 
 fectly silent, for I saw at once there was a snare in this proposition 
 which he knew I should not accept. If I had done so I should 
 have renounced all my European rights, to place myself absolutely 
 under Mussulman law; and taking advantage of my abjuration 
 of my faith they would reply by that fact only to all the remon- 
 strance of the English, my supposed countrymen. But it was not 
 upon that probably that they had reckoned. Seeing me so irri- 
 tated, they had hoped that I should bhispheme Islamism, and 
 then, according to their creed, they would have been justified in 
 murdering me on the spot, and Kohendil Khan and Dost Mo- 
 hamed could not have blamed them in any way for so doing ; but 
 findino- that I avoided the snare, Mohamed Sedik recommenced 
 the scenes of the previous evening, and exhausted all the resources 
 of his cruel imagination to reduce me, till my physical strength 
 could support me no longer : two days and nights passed without 
 food, drink, or sleep, had entirely worn me out ; my mind alone 
 had been my support ; and I at length gave way to the demands 
 of this infamous villain. I gave him a receipt for the things he 
 had stolen, and wrote on the first leaf of one of the books the 
 attestation of friendship that he wanted, tie gave me a similar 
 declaration written in the Persian language but in European 
 characters, of which the following is a translation : — 
 
 " As the very dear lord. General Ferrier and I have made 
 friendship, and that in whatever place we may be we shall remain 
 friends all our lives — I give this written declaration in proof of 
 this friendship for the lord General Ferrier. It is agreed that 
 when I shall become Sovereign Governor, General Ferrier shall 
 serve in Afghanistan. Dated the month of Rhamazan 1223 (Sept. 
 24, 1845). This is written by the Sirdar Mohamed Sedik Khan 
 of Girishk." 
 
 Persian Original. 
 
 " Tchun mehirban general Ferrier Saheb ve bendeh baham dosti 
 Kerdim ki madame ki zindeh veder hayat bashim baham dost ve 
 yek jehat bashim. Ve in khatti dosti namera bereanki nishan 
 dosti bached, be general Ferrier Saheb dadem. Qarar shud ki 
 her vaqt ki men hakim kull shude bashem general Ferrier beraye 
 
CiiAi>. XXV. DErAKTUKlO FIÎO:\I GIRISllK. 377 
 
 nokcri dor Afuhanistaii hiyayed. Ba tarikh 20 September, sani 
 Aïsai 1845. 24 llhamazan, sani Mohamedi 1223 — . 
 " In Khatt ez Sirdar Mohamed Sedik Khan, Girishk." 
 [The seal of the Khan was attached to this document.] 
 
 At the same time I made a declaration, stating that I desired 
 to change my route and go to Persia by Seistan. 
 
 September 24th. — I had scarcely slept four hours when I was 
 roused, and told I might start ; I was very tired and could hardly 
 stand, but to leave Girishk was my most ardent desire, and seein»- 
 it about to be realized I did not keep the guard waiting. In place 
 of my European clothes which had been taken from me, I hardly 
 know for what purpose, the Sirdar sent me by the Moonshee Fciz 
 Mohamed a complete Afghan dress, new and clean, which I put 
 on with inexpressible pleasure, for the one that I wore was alive 
 with vermin in every seam, notwithstanding the efforts I made to 
 keep myself clean. I could not tell exactly why, as I was re- 
 turning to Persia, the Sirdar should so greatly object to ray goino- 
 by Herat : the Moonshee told me the reason. Mohamed Sedik 
 wanted to prevent me from seeing Yar Mohamed, who might 
 have been offended that in my person so little respect had been 
 shown to his recommendation, and he was a dangerous neighbour 
 to displease. To avoid this difficulty, the Sirdar put me in charoe 
 of seven soldiers to take me as far as Banader, following the course 
 of the Helmund, and to place me in the hands of the chief of that 
 locality, whence I was to be forwarded to Laush-Jowaine, a for- 
 tress belonging to the Sirdar Shah Pesend Khan, his ally, who 
 was in his turn to send me on to Persia. 
 
 Everything was ready for my departure ; besides the seven men 
 of my escort, four Afghans and five Belooches joined our detach- 
 ment. In spite of the friendship plastered up between me and 
 the Sirdar, he threw a degree of irony into his farewell, and as I 
 climbed on to my dromedary, he said, " I hope you have nothino- to 
 complain of; I saved your life by telling my father that you are a 
 man devoid of bad intentions ; I have fed and lodged you o-ratis ; 
 hospitality made it a duty for me so to do, gratitude ought to 
 induce you to speak favourably of me to the English, and to ele- 
 vate my reputation : depart then, and God be with you ! KJioda 
 humra ! " Our little cavalcade then set off. ^^"e were mounted 
 on Belooch dromedaries, whose pace is very rapid. I did not at 
 
378 THE CAMJ':L. Chap. XXV. 
 
 first like the motion, but soon became used to it, and never 
 wished for any other animal to use in crossing the deserts. The 
 one on whieh I was mourited had both his nostrils pierced and a 
 ring in each, to which was attached a rope bridle, and by that the 
 animal was very easily guided. I remarked that it was the only 
 female in the detachment, and my escort did not conceal that she 
 was chosen on purpose, because having neither the speed nor 
 powers of endurance of the male, my being so mounted was an 
 effectual precaution against any attempt at escape. The dromedary 
 is called onti * in the Belooch language. These animals are meagre 
 in appearance and very small, but remarkably strong ; they can 
 travel twenty-five or thirty parasangs a-day for a week together, 
 and will go fifty or sixty hours without drinking. They are used 
 much more for riding than as beasts of burden, and it is their 
 speed which gives the Belooches such advantages in their forays 
 to long distances from their camps, when the horses sent in pursuit 
 of them perish from fiitigue and thirst. The onti s of the banks of 
 the Helmund are almost all of a pale brown colour, and, as in the 
 case of the camel, food that will suit them is easily found. They 
 are particularly fond of a kind of thorn, khar-i-shutar,] which grows 
 in great abundance on the Asiatic steppes, so that on arriving at a 
 halt, it is only necessary to turn them loose and they help them- 
 selves. Sometimes the drivers will give them once in the day a 
 ball of barley flour as large as a man's fist, but it is not always 
 done, and they get on without it very well. Camels with two 
 humps are also seen in Seistan, but they are difficult to ac- 
 climatise and the third generation generally degenerates ; they 
 become lean, sickly, and stunted. They exist in a healthy state 
 in those countries only where it is not so hot — above 32 degrees 
 of north latitude. In Baetria especially they attain a strength 
 and development perfectly extraordinary. They are used only as 
 beasts of burden, and carry from 6 to 8 cwt. ; but it is an animal 
 that can only be used with advantage in a level country where 
 the soil is dry. The foot not being protected by a hoof these 
 animals cannot step with the necessary firmness in a rugged, 
 hilly country ; they frequently fall, and never to rise again, for 
 they easily dislocate or even break their limbs, which are very 
 
 * Probably a corruption of the Hin- bic it is called " agûl," and all the de- 
 dostani word "ont'h." — Ed. serts of the East are covered with it. — 
 
 •j- This means camel's thorn. In Ara- Ed. 
 
Chap. XXV. AFFlîAY WITH THP] VlLLACiElIS. 379 
 
 brittle. In such a case there is no remedy, the animal must be 
 killed on the spot, and i\siatics often eat the flesh. 
 
 Nigiari, September 24th — fourteen parasangs. Our drome- 
 daries were strong and fresh, nevertheless we spared them on the 
 first three days, reservhig their best efforts for the following, in 
 which we were to cross a nearly desert and very difficult country. 
 Wq slept the first night at this place and passed the following 
 ])laces on the right bank of the Ilelmund : — Malgeerk, Baba-haji, 
 Bolan, Ahmak, Kaleh-i-Bist, Kosrabad, and Giovregi. Kaleh-i- 
 Bist is an old fortress picturesquely situated on an island in the 
 middle of the stream. * 
 
 MianpusJiteh, September 25th — fourteen parasangs. We de- 
 parted at daylight and passed by Kalach, larest, Sarkdooz, and 
 Shemalan ; there we crossed the river at a ford, and continued 
 our journey along the left bank through Hazar-juft, Khar Akoo, 
 Joui-gooroom, Basabad, Dervishanser, Dervishanpain, Kuscheh, 
 and Mianpushteh, where we stopped opposite to a large village on 
 the right bank, named Kirlaka. 
 
 Benader Kalcm,'\ September 26th — nine parasangs. On the 
 left bank of the Helmund passing Jooijaneh Khan, Lani-Sapar, 
 Jooijaneh, and Benader-reis to Benader Kalan, where we slept. 
 I arrived at the halt feverish and went to bed immediately ; but I 
 could not sleep, for an animated discussion arose between the sol- 
 diers of my escort and the inhabitants of the place, who crowded 
 into the mosque of reeds in which we had established ourselves. I 
 could understand nothing of the motives or merits of this quarrel, 
 for they spoke only Pushtou, i. or the Belooch language, of which I 
 knew not a word ; it lasted all night. Fatigued and unwell as I 
 was, I paid little attention to this incident ; but a great noise 
 which roused me the following morning, proved that the differ- 
 ences were serious and might lead to a catastrophe. 
 
 Hazar-juft, \ September 27th. — I opened my eyes at the 
 moment when the chief of my guides was demeaning himself like 
 
 * This city was known to the ancients on the sea-shore, or an emporium on a 
 
 by the name of Abeste, or Beste, and river. — Ed. 
 
 to the Arabs by that of Bost. It was J I'ushtou is the name of the Afghan 
 
 formerly a place of great consequence, language. Two languages are spoken in 
 
 and was only reduced to ruins in the Beloochistan, the Brahui and the Beloo- 
 
 time of Timour Leng. The remains of chi ; Mr. Ferrier probably means the 
 
 the city are still very considerable. — Ed. foi'mer. — Ed. 
 
 t Kahm, a word almost unused iu § i.e. "The thousand yoke of oxen." 
 
 Pei-sia, is Afghan for " great." — Ed. — Ed. 
 
 Benader, or Bender, means a port 
 
1 
 
 380 AFFRAY WITII THF Vir^LAGFRS. Chap. XXV. 
 
 one possessed, and with a stick in his hand defendin'T' himself 
 aijainst a, score of peasants who were showerini^ blows upon him 
 ■with tlieir utmost strength ; the uproar attracted six more men 
 who had been sleeping- elsewhere and arrived at the scene of the 
 coniliet, and the combat would have become general if a mollah who 
 came in with them had not pacified the combatants. A few 
 minutes after, we were mounted, but instead of continuing our road 
 to Laush, as I had hoped, I savv with astonishment that our little 
 caravan retrograded towards Girishk, by the same road that we 
 had travelled tlie previous evening. As we rode I asked one of 
 the sepoys the reason of this ; he replied that the Khetkhoda and 
 the inhabitants of Benader Kalan were " dogs, the sons of dogs, 
 grandsons of dogs," worthy of a berth in the lower regions ; he 
 hoped he should soon put the cord round their necks. I could 
 obtain no further information from this brute, but in the evening, 
 at the halt of Ilazar-juft, as the chief of my sepoys conversed 
 in Persian with the mayor of the place, I discovered by degrees 
 what had been the cause of the commotion. 
 
 The Sirdar Mohamed Sedik Khan being in want of money 
 had sent our detachment to anticipate the levy of the year's 
 taxes of Benader ; but the rayahs had not yet sold their harvest, 
 and as they were already six months in advance with the Sirdar, 
 had refused to make the desired payment still further in anticipa- 
 tion, and they threatened to appeal to Kohendil Khan. This 
 resistance did not suit the sepoys, who had hoped that the order 
 to get it would give them the opportunity of recruiting their own 
 exhausted finances by means of a little exaction ; they did their 
 utmost to render the inhabitants of Benader more tractable, but 
 finding themselves beaten they feared that worse might happen, 
 and decamped as quick as possible, taking me with them, as they 
 found the rayahs refused to send me to Laush for nothing, solely 
 to please the Sirdar Mohamed Sedik. 
 
 GirishJc, September 28th. — We arrived at this town again five 
 days after we left it, to the great disgust of the Sirdar, who ordered 
 the unlucky party to be bastinadoed for having failed in executing 
 their orders. The rogues made me testify to the cflforts they had 
 made to get the money, and the dangers they had braved. But I 
 took good care not to say much for them ; I was too well pleased 
 to see them suffer a little as a set-off" to the annoyances and indig- 
 nities they had put upon me, to intercede for the diminution of their 
 
CiiAP. XXA^ KOH I DUZDAN. 381 
 
 punisliment by one blow, and it was not till the beating was over, 
 when their feet were bleeding, and they began to look deplorable, 
 that I told the Sirdar what I had seen and heard. His anger, 
 however, did not fall upon me. I was again lodged in the tower 
 it is true, but I had the liberty of walking in the court during the 
 day, and I was allowed to talk to the inhabitants of the fortress. 
 I made use of the permission to communicate with Moonshee Feiz 
 Mohamed on many points that concerned me which I had never 
 been able to clear up. 
 
 September 29th. — Waiting at Girishk for the escort that was 
 to accompany me to the frontier of Persia. 
 
 Zirek, September 30th — five parasangs. The four soldiers 
 ordered for my escort having called for me at daylight, I mounted 
 and we set oft". The chief was a good fellow named Mirza Khan, 
 whose physiognomy pleased me at first sight. It was the first time 
 that a being with human sentiments had had custody of me since I 
 came into the Kandahar territory. The orders he received from 
 the Sirdar were that he should avoid Herat and take me direct to 
 Furrah, a town belonging to Yar Mohamed Khan and governed 
 by a mollah by whose co-operation he hoped to get me passed on 
 to Ghayn in Persia. After having travelled through a plain we 
 arrived at Zireh, a small village situated at the foot of the moun- 
 tains on the right of the road to Herat and opposite to Mahmood- 
 abad, where I had stopped on my journey to Kandahar. 
 
 Biabanak and Paiwuk, October 1st. — After four parasangs of 
 plain we reached Biabanak, a halt already described, where we 
 stopped for the heat of the day to pass over ; in the evening we 
 resumed om* journey, crossed the mountains by rough roads, and 
 slept five parasangs and a half further on at Painek. 
 
 Washeer, October 2nd — two parasangs. By sunrise we had 
 ridden this distance. Sultan Khan, chief of the district, was much 
 surprised to see me again ; he had fancied me dead long since. The 
 Sirdar Mohamed Sedik had written to him to provide me with two 
 sepoys and a horse to replace those that had come with me from 
 Girishk, who were to return. Sultan Khan peremptorily refused 
 to do so, asserting that the Sirdar ruined him by all sorts of 
 means, disposing of his goods according to his own pleasure, and 
 it required all Mirza Khan's perseverance and entreaty to induce 
 him to obey his rapacious chief. 
 
 Koh i JJuzdan, October ord. — This morning my horse and the 
 
382 SHEEP-STEALING. Chap. XXV. 
 
 two fresh sepoys were broug-ht to me. The stronf>ly marked coun- 
 tenance of one struck me forcibly, and I thought I must have seen 
 him somewhere, though I could not call to mind on what occasion ; 
 he observed that I looked at him attentively, and very soon in the 
 most shameless manner, being- perfectly sure of impunity, told me 
 that he was one of the gang who, two months before, had attacked 
 me on the road to Karakan. He expatiated much upon the affair, 
 and the resistance we had made : " ^Vhat good was it to you to 
 refuse your things to us poor devils, who, three parts of our time, 
 have no bread to eat, when a month after you had to give them all 
 up to the Sirdar, who wants for nothing ? He gives you no good 
 will for them, while I, in going upon your escort to-day, should 
 have been delighted to do it out of gratitude ; that would have been 
 far better — Khoda kerim ! " After four hours' march we crossed the 
 Khash-rood, the boundary between Kandahar and Herat ; and, 
 after three hours more, we encamped in the middle of a desert 
 steppe, in sight of Koh i Duzdan, Mountain of the Thief, where 
 there was not a drop of water. Happily we had two skins-full 
 with us. We gave the greatest part to the horses, keeping only 
 what was strictly necessary for ourselves to moisten a small ration 
 of black bread, all that we had with us. It was a scanty supper 
 after such a ride, but I soon fell asleep, and that overcame the 
 gnawings of an ill-satisfied stomach. 
 
 Ibrahimi and Shiaguz, October 8th. — At daybreak we saw 
 large herds of deer, to which the sepoys gave chase in vain ; they 
 only exhausted their ill-fed horses, that were sufficiently tired 
 with the journey. To repay themselves for their trouble they 
 seized upon a goat and a sheep from the first flock we came to. 
 Astonished at this barefaced robbery, I was surprised to see that 
 the shepherd, instead of resenting it, complimented them and gave 
 them his blessing. I asked Mirza Khan what that could mean ? 
 " That is the way of the xVfghans — in kar Afghan est," he said, 
 " we always do so when we find a flock on our road ; it is our 
 right." "But who gave you the right; would you do thus under 
 the walls of Kandahar ?" His answer was characteristic, like the 
 Lamb and the Wolf in the fable. " There, there are authorities, it 
 would be dangerous ; but their power reaches not thus far. The sol- 
 dier is king of the steppes. As to those ragamuffin shepherds, do 
 you think they would go to Kandahar to complain of our borrowing 
 twenty or thirty of their animals in a year ? his loss is not worth 
 
Chap. XXV. SHEEP-PTEALING. 383 
 
 his journey ; and besides, if any of them complained, we sliould 
 settle him the next time, — that is all. There is therefore a great 
 advantage in keeping friends with us." 
 
 This reasoning of Mirza Khan's did not convince me of his 
 justice, but I noted it as a specimen of the received ideas of the 
 Afghans ; when they are not restrained by the fear of power, and 
 have the slightest chance of impunity, they arc capable of committing 
 the most frightful excesses. As to this sheep-stealing I have seen 
 it often. They kill one, take out the inside and tie it under the 
 horse's belly in no time, and at the next halt they eat it if it is fat 
 and good ; if lean they throw it to the dogs, and rail at the shep- 
 herd as if he were a traitor and had cheated them. If the flock 
 is not very far off they will go back for another, and the shepherd 
 may think himself fortunate, if on this second visit he escapes 
 maltreatment ; so he is generally careful that they should have 
 good sheep at once. They consider that tainted meat gives the 
 dysentery. One of the greatest vexations that I met with in tra- 
 velling with the Afghans is their habit of dawdling on the road. 
 If necessary, no one can get on faster than they will, but if they 
 have time before them they will stop at every twenty paces for the 
 most trifling reasons ; when they know any place near the road 
 where perhaps a relative or acquaintance may live who will regale 
 them with a kooroot,* nothing will induce them to pass without 
 stopping, and whatever may prevent them from so doing is a great 
 vexation to them. 
 
 The Afghans, accustomed as they are to a camp life, cannot 
 endure fatigue and privation so well as Europeans. They will 
 want some though very little food, when the latter will do with- 
 out ; on the road they are always stopping to gossip, to drink, 
 to smoke, or to pray, and could never understand how I could go 
 from one halt to another with just a crust for breakfast. They 
 seldom travel without their citilim, or waterpipe, at their saddle, 
 for it is a punishment to them to pass a single hour without 
 smoking. If they have not this indispensable article with them, 
 they will make two little holes in the earth communicating 
 subterraneously, fill one with water and one with tobacco, 
 put a reed in the former, and, lying on their stomachs, smoke 
 this primitive apparatus with as much pleasure as if it were 
 
 * Sour milk. 
 
384- AFGHAN GOSSIP AVIIEN TRAVELLING. Chap. XXV. 
 
 the hooka of a iiawab, AVhcn they meet on tlic road, whether 
 known to each other or not, they stop to talk and exchange the 
 news of their respective countries ; each tells his name, where he 
 lives, what he is, and the object of his jonrney ; and it is thus that 
 public news is spread over all Asia sometimes almost as quickly as 
 in Europe by newspaper. Etiquette and ceremony are quite 
 unknown to them, and they address each other as old acquaint- 
 ances : if they are in a hurry the conversation does not flag, they 
 tell the news in a minute and part ; but if they have time to spare 
 they dismount, seat themselves under the shade of a tree, or by 
 the waterside if there is any, and repose fur ten minutes 
 looking at each other without saying a word. Silence is then 
 broken by a reciprocal salutation, repeated twenty times on 
 either side, then comes the news, repeated as often ; it may be 
 the health of a thoroughbred horse, or mare and foal, the flocks, 
 the harvest, the children, the relations, and they finish up with 
 the last political news. The querist has in his turn to reply 
 to a similar series of questions, and it is long before the polite 
 ceremonials on both sides are exhausted. I could never under- 
 stand how they could preserve their composure, repeating these 
 commonplaces so often, and I have many times laughed in my 
 sleeve at this strange ceremonial ; I remarked that they pro- 
 longed these repetitions when they perceived me attentive to what 
 was going on, probably to give me a great idea of their ur- 
 banity, compared to which our mutual civilities are only the coun- 
 terfeits of real politeness. Their treatment of their horses on the 
 road made me observe that the poor beasts have but inconsiderate 
 masters. 
 
 The first quality an Afghan thinks of in a horse is a rapid 
 gallop, to enable him to overtake his enemy when he retreats, or 
 to escape himself if he should be the beaten party : a thin horse is 
 worth nothing in their eyes, and yet they feed them in a manner that 
 renders it impossible they should ever grow fat. At home they give 
 them chopped straw, and 6 lbs. of barley a-day ; on the road they 
 hobble them, and turn them loose in the steppe to find their own 
 forage, and give them half the quantity of barley in the evening in 
 one feed : they let them have green food whenever they can find 
 it, but the barley is then taken away as superfluous : and when 
 they are ill, a diet, or gross superstitions, are the only remedies to 
 which they have recourse. Like the Turcomans they make their 
 
 I 
 
Chap. XXV. TREATMENT OF THEIR HORSES. 385 
 
 horses gallop after drinking, as they say, to warm the water in the 
 stomach of the animal ; were this neglected, they atfirm that the 
 hide would swell after the saddle is taken off, and in a short time 
 fall away fi'ora the flesh at this spot. It is this belief that induces 
 them to keep their horses saddled and without food for four or 
 five hours after a journey, if only of half an hour, and they will 
 leave the saddle on all night if they have travelled a day's 
 journey ; they only take it off in the morning to clear the sweat 
 and hair from the lining, scrape the horse's back with a knife, and 
 the grooming is over. They take the shoes off the horses that 
 are not in use, as a matter of economy, and, in fact, in all that 
 concerns these animals they think only of saving trouble and 
 expense. 
 
 After travelling seven hours under a fiery sun, on a steppe 
 where there was no water, with the hot wind blowing, from 
 which we suflfered much, we arrived at Ibrahimi, a halt that I 
 have already described, and put up with some nomadic friends of 
 Mirza Khan. They killed a sheep to make us welcome, and 
 we were comfortably refreshed in this hospitable tent. Here 
 we remained three hours and then travelled five to our halt at 
 Shiaguz, in a large encampment of nomads. One of the horsemen 
 of my escort, as he took my sack off his horse, here declared he 
 should go no further ; " for," said he, " I have killed three people 
 in Furrah, and I am still lîlioonV (that is, guilty of blood that he 
 had not paid the price for) ; to go there would be to expose 
 myself to the law of retaliation, which I care not to do." He 
 therefore announced his intention of going back to Washeer. " As 
 you mean to go," said Mirza Khan, " you shall be off, — shall I tie 
 you on your horse ?" for it was necessary to make some remark 
 upon his proceeding. To this he quietly replied, " If you attempt 
 it I will find a joint between your ribs wdth the point of my 
 sword." Much discussion ensued, and at last it was settled that we 
 should replace him by a man of the village, but then he wanted to 
 be paid a ducat for his pains and I had not a sou left. Mirza Khan 
 therefore cut the business short ; assisted by the other three sepoys, 
 he seized the deserter's horse, which we required, and gave the man 
 such a drubbing as determined his locum tenens to do our bidding 
 without further delay or any expectation of payment. 
 
 KJwormalelc, October 5th — six parasangs — the first and last parts 
 of this stage through plains, fields, and marshes, and the inter- 
 
 2 c 
 
3S6 KHOORMALEK. Chap. XXV. 
 
 mediate part intersected by stony mountains, steeply scarped 
 at the sides. Going out of Shiaguz' we left the road to Herat, 
 by which I had come, on the right, and proceeded straight on. 
 The sides of the mountains on that side were pierced with exca- 
 vations in high, and in these days inaccessible, positions ; anciently 
 they were used as habitations by the people of the country, and 
 they doubtless reached them by fissures in the rock, which have 
 caused large masses to fall away. In the middle of the plain of 
 Khoormalek, on the other side of the mountains, are two kalehs, 
 about a mile from each other : the first was called Kariz-belal, the 
 second Kariz-makoo ; at the first we stopped, and it was impos- 
 sible here to get anything to eat, so we were obliged to be content 
 with some small pieces of bread that we had brought from Khoor- 
 malek ; the horses browsed upon the reeds in the neighbouring 
 marsh. 
 
Chap. XXVI. ARIUVAL AT FUimAH. 387 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 The author leaves Khoormalek — Arrives at FuiTah — Wretched quarters — Visit 
 of the Governor Mollah Mahmood Akhoud-zadeh — His kindness to Mons. 
 Ferrier — Departure of Mirza Khan — Marvellous heat at Furrah — The 
 Governor's fear of the cholera — The fortifications of Furrah — Ancient 
 history of that town — The modem town — Siege by Nadir Shah — Removal 
 of the population by Sedik Khan — Remarkable changes in the cities of 
 Central Asia — State of the country — ■ Aversion to taxation — Banks of the 
 Furrah-rood — Military position of Furrah — Letters of Yar Mohamed to 
 Mons. Fen-ier — Preparations for depai-ture — The author and his escort 
 leave the town — Kariz-makoo — Description of the escort — Khoospas — 
 Description of the country — The fetid marsh — Khash — Geographical 
 errors — The Khash-rood — The wild ass — A nice dish for a himgry man — 
 Shâh-aziz-Khan — Shâh-aboo-thaleb. 
 
 Furrah — seven parasangs. The road was over a plain totally 
 devoid of drinkable water. On leaving Khoormalek we wound 
 round the last spur of a chain of mountains, which, running 
 towards the south, is detached from the range of the Siah-bend. 
 When distant from these mountains we had on our left the bound- 
 less plains of Seistan. Numerous ruins near the road seemed to 
 indicate that the country was once well inhabited, it is now arid 
 and desert ; two salt and offensive marshes are situated half- 
 way and a few palms may be seen near them. At last we reached 
 Furrah, and it was time. Exhausted by the fatigues, privations, 
 and cruel mental anxiety of two months, this last journey from 
 Kandahar had destroyed my physical strength, and I was sustained 
 only by the moral power of hope in the heart of man. On arriving 
 at the town we retired under the shade of an immense cupola 
 that formerly served the governor for an ice-house, and Mirza 
 Khan went alone to present the letter of the Sirdar to the Mollah 
 Mahmood Akhond-zadeh, commandant of the fortress. Two 
 hours elapsed before he returned. At first he had a very bad 
 reception from the mollah, who would not see me, and recom- 
 mended him to take me back to Girishk ; however he was 
 softened by the recital of the sufferings and dangers that I had 
 gone through in Kandahar, and determined to receive me. Furrah 
 
 2 c 2 
 
3S8 WJîETCHP:D QUARTEIIS. Chap. XXVI. 
 
 is only half the size of Herat, but built exactly on the same plan. 
 I was lodged in a hole over the north gate of the town. This 
 building was in a state of decay, difficult to describe, and open to 
 all the winds that blow with violence at this season ; they rushed 
 into it at eight enormous holes, through which also came the rays 
 of the sun, It had been taken possession of before my arrival by 
 wasps and other insects that were domiciled in the interstices 
 formed by the falling plaster ; their continual buzzing round my 
 head, against which they beat every few minutes, excited in me a 
 most nervous irritability, from which I suffered sadly. It was an 
 annoyance that hitherto I had not met with ; and I had infinite 
 trouble to preserve myself from being stung by them in the day, 
 and by the scorpions at night — that was the great occupation of 
 my stay at Furrah. By way of compensation, I had the com- 
 panionship of a dozen tiny mice, who played about me without 
 evincing the slightest fear ; they had doubtless been caressed by 
 my predecessors in the room, for they would take crumbs out of 
 my hand. Their society was actually an agreeable relaxation, 
 and I was thankful to let them divert my thoughts from my mis-' 
 fortunes ; I felt sorry when I left them. 
 
 October 7th. — At noon I received a visit from the governor. 
 He was a short, fat man, with a kind and jovial face, filling his 
 nose with snuff every moment. Six persons accompanied him, 
 and, by their clear brown skins and expressive eyes, I recognised 
 them as Belooches ; two of them had beards and long hair, as 
 white as snow. After having seated themselves, and examined 
 me for ten minutes, Afghan fiishion, he saluted me with — 
 
 " Khosh amedid," you are welcome ; " you are no stranger to 
 me," he continued, " for we have already met at Herat, where I 
 was when you first passed through. I am sorry to hear of the 
 sad treatment you have suffered. The recommendations that our 
 excellent Vezir Sahib — may his shadow never be less ! — had given 
 you to the Sirdars ought to have smoothed every difficulty ; but 
 be assured he will avenge you a hundredfold." 
 
 I replied by giving him an account of my imprisonment and 
 the treatment I had met with. He appeared indignant, and 
 after many reflections, little favourable to the Sirdars of Kanda- 
 har, he added, — 
 
 " The reasons that you assign for your return into Herat were 
 not the only ones that determined it. The insurrection of the 
 
CiiAi'. XXAT. VISIT Fr.O:\I the governor. 389 
 
 Ulenias was, I am informed, serious ; but if, instead of declaring 
 to Koliendil Klian that you were in penury, you had made him 
 a present of five hundred ducats, he would have sent you safe and 
 sound to Shikarpoor, in spite of the insurrection." 
 
 " I cannot," I replied, " believe in such avidity on the part of a 
 sovereign. How could so small a sum affect the decisions of so 
 rich a prince?" 
 
 "Avidity!" he exclaimed; "it seems to me only natural. It 
 is by small streams tliat the sea is fed. Each takes advantage of 
 his position to improve his interests ; and you Feringhees — pos- 
 sessors of so much gold — you can well spare a little to the poor 
 but brave Afghans, so worthy of being rich. I have never 
 yet seen an Englishman so avaricious as you are ; when they 
 were in our country they gave us money of their own accord : 
 they are noble, generous, polite ; their praises were in every 
 mouth, and you are wrong, by your avarice, to spoil so fine a 
 reputation." 
 
 This pompous eulogy of my supposed countrymen touched me 
 very little, and I persevered in endeavouring to make him believe 
 that it was impossible for me to spend much money ; besides, it 
 was clear to me that he wished, by flattering the English, to pique 
 me into confessing that I had money concealed, and induce me to 
 give to him the sum that he taunted me with not having given to 
 Kohendil Khan. 
 
 My answer was, that " it might suit the English to give money 
 to the inhabitants of the country in which they wished to establish 
 their dominion ; it was the best means of making partisans ; and, 
 nevertheless, you have very little valued their generosity, for you 
 massacred them all, even to the last man, in Kabul. But I am a 
 Frenchman, and, consequently, not an Englishman, and cannot do 
 as they did. First, because my government does not want to 
 possess Afghanistan ; and, secondly, because I have neither the 
 power nor the money. I paid for all I wanted, at four or five 
 times its value, up to the moment that I was robbed of everything 
 I possessed : will not that content you ?" 
 
 " I agree in a good deal that you say about the English," was 
 his reply ; " but what is past is past. Let us think only of the 
 present. I do not like you, a Feringhee of elevated rank, and one 
 of the principal ornaments of Christianity, to go about witii such 
 a miserable equipage. Amongst us the lowest officer never moves 
 
390 THE GOVERNOR'S KINDNESS. Chap. XXVI. 
 
 without six or eight horses and as many servants ; and for you to 
 do otherwise is to compromise your dignity." 
 
 " Do as you please," I said, with some temper and tired of the 
 discussion, " and leave me to do the same. I had not much 
 money when I came into your country ; now I do not possess a 
 sou, and all your discourse is superfluous." 
 
 This outbreak seemed to convince the mollah ; he concluded 
 his self-interested observations, and, seeing that he had only a 
 distressed person to help, his goodnature resumed the ascendant, 
 and he asked me if I was willing to go to Shikarpoor. 
 
 " With all my heart ; but, having been stripped of everything, 
 I cannot undertake such a journey. 
 
 " What !" he exclaimed, with warmth, " have you no faith in 
 the mercy of God ? Do you believe that all men are like Mo- 
 hamed Sedik Khan ? and no one has a feeling and humane 
 heart ? You have not the means to go to Shikarpoor, you say ? 
 Well, I will provide you with them. If at first I did not like to 
 receive you, it was because I could not lodge you worthily in 
 these ruins, and I feared the disapprobation of Yar Mohamed 
 Khan ; but now that I have heard all you have suffered at Girishk, 
 at the price of my blood I would not have you return. Fear no- 
 thing. Mohamed Sedik commands not here ; and I shall not 
 send you to Ghayn, as he desires. I am neither Khan nor Sirdar ; 
 but I have the heart of a man, and I love to be kind to my fellow 
 men. You owe me no gratitude ; for in that I obey the commands 
 of God, the master of us all. If you are the friend of the Afghans, 
 so much the better for you. May the blessing of Heaven rest on 
 you and on your descendants ! If you are their enemy, may God 
 forgive you, and remove the bad thoughts from your heart ! In 
 either case, I shall write to-night to Yar Mohamed for permission 
 to send you to India. Those who are seated by me now are inha- 
 bitants of Seistan, driven from their lands by Mohamed Sedik, 
 your persecutor. One of them, Assad Khan, well known by the 
 Belooches, shall conduct you to Kelat ; Nassir Khan, Emir of 
 that town, is my friend ; I shall write to him to send you on to 
 Shikarpoor, and be sure you will arrive there all right. If, as a 
 recompense, you will tell me how to make gold — a science in 
 which the Europeans are very learned — you can do so, and I shall 
 be grateful to you ; but I make no conditions for my assistance, 
 God be with you!" 
 
Chap. XXYI. DEPARTURE OF MIRZA KHAN. 391 
 
 Knowing how little Afghan promises could be depended upon, 
 I could scarcely believe all this ; but there was so much frankness 
 in the mollah's manner, and so much feeling in his accents, that 
 I was more than half-convinced, and thanked him heartily for his 
 kindness. When he left he told me that, while waiting for Yar 
 Mohamed's answer, I must remain in the room where I was, and 
 have a guard of four serbas, as I had at Herat. But, he added, — 
 
 " It is only for form's sake, and to cover my responsibility. You 
 will go out and visit the environs as you like, attended by your 
 guard. Ask for all you want, and they will give it you ; for I 
 consider you more as my guest than my prisoner, and you shall 
 have proof of it." 
 
 My first impression of Mollah Mahmood was favourable ; his 
 cheerful countenance, and the heartiness of his manner, pleased 
 me much ; but as he gradually allowed his covetousness to show 
 itself, that impression wore off, and 1 looked upon him as I did 
 his countrymen ; for in offering his services an Afghan always 
 means that he should be substantially recompensed for them. 
 
 Mollah Mahmood was, it is true, a little avaricious by education, 
 but not by nature, and he redeemed this fault in my eyes by his 
 evident and sincere desire to help me ; I have ever cherished the 
 remembrance of his good offices, and his humanity and generous 
 attentions have, in some degree, softened my horror of the Afghan 
 race. 
 
 Mirza Khan soon came to take leave of me, and ask me for — 
 a receipt of — my person ! He was muffled up in a khelat, an 
 Afghan robe of honour, of English cotton, which had been given 
 to him by Mollah Mahmood. He was w^onderfully proud of this 
 distinction, though it was not worth more than three shillings. I 
 gave him also a certificate of my satisfaction with his conduct, 
 though he had allowed his people to steal my kalioun, and other 
 trifles ; but I attached no importance to those little pilferings, 
 which are an Afghan's supreme delight. I only thought of the 
 kindness of this venerable old man. My heart felt at parting 
 from him as if he had been twenty years my friend ; and this 
 sudden sympathy was easy to understand, for he was nearly the 
 only creature with human feelings that I had met with since I 
 left Herat : however, the thought that he was leaving me in the 
 hands of one no less generous soothed the pain I felt at seeing him 
 depart. The same day the mollah wrote to Yar Mohamed, and 
 
302 MAEVELLOUS HEAT — THE CHOLERA. Chap. XXVI. 
 
 I sent a letter also, relating the vicissitudes I had suffered in 
 Kandahar, and explaining to that prince my reasons for returning 
 to his dominions. 
 
 October 8th to 13th. — The next day a change as violent as it 
 was sudden took place in the atmosphere of Furrah. At this time 
 of year I was assured that the heat is usually so great up to the 
 15th of November that an egg exposed to it will get quite hard in 
 an hoiu' ; and a ball of lead will become malleable by the middle 
 of the day ; but this autumn was perfectly exceptional, the north 
 wind blew violently on the 8th of October, and produced a degree 
 of cold hitherto unknown to the inhabitants of Furrah. It was 
 impossible to protect myself from it in an apartment so exposed as 
 mine, and I felt it severely. The following days I had a return of 
 the symptoms of cholerine, and remained stationary in my room. 
 Mollah Mahmood was very kind, and gave lïie all that the ex- 
 treme poverty of the country would allow him to do ; his daily 
 visits and cheerful, instructive conversation formed an agree- 
 able relaxation from my ever-present cares, and alleviated my 
 illness. 
 
 The cholera was then raging in Furrah, and the exaggerated 
 manner in which he expressed his fears amused me very much. 
 Every day he had an ox killed, and distributed the meat in 
 charity, to propitiate Heaven in his favour ; and he entreated me to 
 ransack my memory or imagination for some remedy that might 
 preserve him from the scourge. I was delighted at his confidence 
 in my medical skill ; for it enabled me to recommend him to re- 
 move from his neck a little bag, containing a few drops of garlic, 
 camphor, and assafœtida, of which the combined odours nearly 
 suffocated me, and replaced them by some sweet-smelling drugs, 
 which he felt satisfied would be a complete preservative from the 
 evil that he so much dreaded. 
 
 Two towns about an hour's distance from each other have borne 
 the name of Furrah. The most ancient was built before the 
 expedition of Alexander, and situated half an hour south of 
 Furrah-rood, in the middle of a plain surrounded on three, sides 
 by the last spurs of the mountains of the Paropamisus, of which it 
 commands the entrance. Towards the south the prospect is open, 
 and melts into the horizon, over the plain of Seistan, where two 
 or three isolated peaks thrown up in front of the Helmund and the 
 lake Roostem, just break the monotony of the view. 
 
Cn.vr. XXVI. FUREAH. 393 
 
 The modern town is a parallelogram, lying north and south ; 
 its area is half a parasang. Except in the difference of size, it is 
 similar to Herat, and, like that, surrounded by an enormous em- 
 bankment of earth mixed with chopped straw. A covered way 
 entirely surrounds it on the outside. This embankment is from 
 35 to 40 feet in height ; on the top are many towers connected 
 by curtains, and the rampart has become so hard that a pick will 
 not take effect upon it. Several governors have tried to excavate 
 it, and never succeeded, not even by watering the ground ; two 
 things only would affect it — vinegar and melting snow, but Saadat 
 Mulook, son of Shah Kamran, formerly governor of Furrah, 
 assured me that snow rarely falls there. When it melts, the earth- 
 work becomes soft, but the first sunshine dries it harder than ever ; 
 tradition brought this fact to the knowledge of the inhabitants, and 
 once only in this century have they been able to verify it. 
 
 A wide and deep ditch, which can be flooded at pleasure, de- 
 fends the approaches to the embankment. The citadel occupies 
 the north angle of the place ; and the town has but two gates, that 
 of Herat, in the centre of the northern face, and that of Kandahar, 
 exactly opposite, on the southern side. 
 
 The ancient chronicles and traditions preserved in the country- 
 unite in considering Furrah as a very ancient town, and, till it 
 was sacked by Ghengis Khan, a very flourishing one. He de- 
 stroyed all the houses ; but the fortifications, as strong then as 
 now, resisted all his efforts to annihilate them. The conqueror 
 gave quarter to many hundred families, and transported them an 
 hour further north, on the right bank, and half an hour from 
 î'urrah-rood ; and to judge by the extensive ruins still existing at 
 that spot, the new town which arose there must have been of con- 
 siderable extent. The citadel, and many other fortifications and 
 dependencies, are still standing, and crown an artificial eminence : 
 but the houses are all in ruins, and the ground is covered with 
 thick bushes and brambles, which afford good cover to a great 
 quantity of game, particularly hares, heath-cock, and partrido-es. 
 Great numbers of baked bricks, nearly three feet long and four 
 inches thick, were scattered about the citadel. That their origin 
 was certainly anterior to that of the town was plainly indicated 
 by the inscriptions upon them, in the Cuneiform character ;* and 
 
 * The existence of bricks with Cuneiform characters at Furrah is very im- 
 
394 FURRAH. Chap. XXVI. 
 
 without doubt they once belonged to the monuments of the 
 ancient town of which the remains were used by Ghengis Khan 
 in the construction of the fortress for his new one ; the latter 
 increased rapidly, and was one of the most important in Seistan, 
 till Shah Abbas the Great laid siege to it. The resistance of 
 the inhabitants was long and determined ; but eventually it was 
 taken by assault and dismantled. The population then retired 
 to the fortification of the old town ; and the misfortunes of war 
 were soon effaced by the presence of w^ealth and abundance. It 
 prospered to the close of the Suffavian dynasty. 
 
 Before even Nadir Shah had completely destroyed it he brought 
 the town under his dominion. The siege was long and bloody, and 
 Furrah lost two-thirds of its inhabitants ; and there may still be 
 seen at the interior base of the embankment some smoky niches, 
 made by the besieged with infinite trouble, in which to shelter 
 themselves from the artillery of Nadir Shah. On the exterior of 
 the town, a little distance from the two northern angles of the 
 place, may be seen also two enormous cavaliers, constructed at 
 that time to batter a breach in the walls. It is observable that 
 these are constructed more scientifically than would have been 
 the case had they been the work of Persian engineers ; they were 
 probably thrown up under the directions of the French artillery- 
 officers who served Nadir Shah. From this period, being fre- 
 quently taken, retaken, and pillaged by Tartars, Persians, and 
 Afghans, the devoted town of Furrah gradually declined in 
 power and prosperity ; still, in 1837, the population amounted to 
 6000 ; but they were seized and carried off into Kandahar the 
 year after by the Sirdar Mohamed Sedik Khan, who, by order 
 of his father, invaded it with a corps of cavalry, to make a diver- 
 sion in aid of Mohamed Shah, then besieging Herat. When this 
 sovereign retired into Persia, after having failed before that place, 
 the troops of Kandahar retired to Girishk, and Furrah, deprived 
 of its population, fell once more under the dominion of the prince 
 of Herat. There are not now more than sixty houses in the in- 
 terior of the place, which would easily contain four thousand five 
 
 portant, and is not mentioned by any where bricks of this large size have 
 other traveller." The size of the bricks been found is in the kitchen of Sardana- 
 is also remarkable. The only place palus, at Calah or Nimrood. — Ed. 
 
 * Dr. Gerard visited Furrah in 1831-2. — Journal of Asiatic Society, Calcutta. 
 
Chap. XXYI. FURllAH. 395 
 
 hundred ; tlicy are all partially concealed by the ruhis, and the 
 scattered jets of smoke rising from them were the only indications 
 of the presence of animated beings in this desolate scene : the 
 bazaars that cross the town from one gate to the other may be 
 traced by the foundations of the shops. Large pools, which dry 
 in the summer and produce excellent saltpetre, surround the 
 interior of the town ; this Yar Mohamed uses in the manufacture of 
 his gunpowder. Furrah is one example of the difficulty of stating 
 anything certain about the geography of Central Asia ; a place 
 may to-day be the centre of a flourishing population, and in four- 
 and-twenty hours a desert. The Afghans have become so used to 
 sudden and forced displacements, that they never attach themselves 
 to the soil ; their tent is their country. In two days a family will 
 build themselves a good house of earth, roofed, with the door only 
 made of wood ; and the facility with which they do this explains, as 
 I have already said, how so many towns appear and disappear with- 
 out leaving a trace behind them, and how others of which the 
 existence is not suspected are suddenly mentioned by successive 
 travellers : it would not be surprising if the European who first fol- 
 lows me to Furrah should find it either utterly deserted or in a state 
 of unlooked-for prosperity. This mania of the chiefs for removing 
 whole populations renders it so difficult to ascertain their numbers 
 with accuracy that the statistics we have on the subject of Central 
 Asia can never be depended upon ; for a successful chapaoul may 
 any one day alter the figures by many thousands : nothing 
 there is certain ; nothing is durable ; everything is liable to im- 
 promptu changes, — men as well as things. There is neither liberty 
 nor civil estate, nor the least notion of the rights of people, in that 
 country ; the law of might is supreme. With them liberty, justice, 
 moral influence, and government are in direct opposition to the 
 received ideas in Europe. The liberty of these people is disorder, 
 anarchy, pillage, and murder : the policy of the great is to de- 
 ceive both friends and enemies, and to swallow up the property of 
 those they govern. After all, they are worthy the one of the other ; 
 for if those in power carry off all the revenues, the nation would 
 value them none the more for regulating the taxation in just propor- 
 tion. They prefer revolt, expatriation, and the risking their lives 
 and goods, and the liberty of their wives and children, to consent- 
 ing to pay to the state what is legitimately due to it. Taxation 
 in Afghanistan is regulated by a struggle between fraud and 
 
39G LETTER FROM YAR MOHAMED. Chap. XXYI. 
 
 power ; it is always the result of a forced transaction, and never, 
 on the most moderate scale, is willingly paid. 
 
 All ruined as it is, the town of Furrah is, in a military point of 
 view, of great importance, and the tenacity of the Afghan princes 
 in disputing its possession proves the fact. AVhoever holds it has 
 one foot in Kandahar and the other in Herat, and commands 
 the northern entrance to Seistan. This position would become 
 of extreme importance to the Persians and the Russians, if they 
 ever determined on an offensive alliance to invade the British 
 possessions in India. 
 
 The banks of the Furrah-rood, which traverses all this district, 
 are like those of the Helmund, the Haroot-rood, and the Khash- 
 rood, covered with forests of tamarisk and mimosa. The river is 
 deep and full, except in the heat of the summer, when an immense 
 quantity of water is withdrawn from its bed to supply the irrigation, 
 and this lays it nearly dry on the greater part of its course. In 
 the deeper parts long pools remain stagnant, and the water creates 
 fever in those who use it ; nevertheless the flocks, goats, and sheep 
 drink it without repugnance. 
 
 October 15th. — The reply of Yar Mohamed Khan reached 
 Mollah Mahmood in the night of the 14th- 15th ; and it was 
 favourable, — ordering that every road should be open to me, and 
 that I should be furnished with an escort sufficient to insure my 
 safety. The kind-hearted governor came to communicate the 
 happy news to me immediately, manifesting great pleasure in it, but 
 he went away again directly, not wishing, he said, to delay for a 
 moment the preparations for my departure to Shikarpoor, for 
 which I was so impatient. He also placed in my hands a letter, 
 written to me by Yar Mohamed himself, replying to the one 
 that I sent to him, of which the following is a translation : — 
 
 " May the very noble, very exalted, the companion of honour, 
 of fortune, and of happiness, my kind friend General Ferrier, ever 
 be under the protecting arm of the Almighty God, preserved from 
 all vicissitudes of fate and all sorts of misfortunes in this world, and 
 may he attain the object of his desires in the next ! In a happy 
 hour we received the honour of your letter, so full of friendship, 
 arrived to honour us w^ith its presence, the reading of which 
 procured me perfect joy and most agreeable moments. I had 
 been much distressed at hearing of the conduct and actions of the 
 people of Kandahar towards you ; but it has consoled me that you 
 
Cjiai-. XXVr. ASSAD KHAN. 397 
 
 have arrived safe and sound in the province of Furrah, and that 
 the exalted commander of the frontier has not neglected to show 
 you every customary honour ; on the contrary, that he has followed 
 the dictates of the laws of hospitality. As to your departure from 
 the province of Furrah, you are at liberty to do exactly as you like 
 best ; but the road to Shikarpoor is extremely dangerous, and it 
 would be grievous if, which God forbid, any deplorable accident 
 should happen to you. However, should that be your determina- 
 tion, may you prosper in it ! I shall recommend the very exalted 
 governor of the frontier to place at your disposal a mounted guard, 
 to accompany you to whatever place you please, and give them 
 orders not to leave you till you dismiss them. In case you should 
 return to Herat, I beg you to regard this town as your house, and 
 to return with an escort of horsemen, that the very exalted com- 
 mandant of the frontier will command to attend you. God willing, 
 after your return to Herat, by taking the road to Turkistan, you 
 will this time arrive safely at Kabul. I have given orders respect- 
 ing your arrival to the very exalted commanders of the frontiers, 
 to assist you in either case in every way that you may wish or 
 require. You are therefore entirely your own master. I have 
 nothing more to say than that I request you to let me hear of your 
 health, and to write to me on any occasion on which you may re- 
 quire my assistance. I wish you honour and prosperity." 
 
 October 16th to the 19th. — Assad Khan Ishakzye, who offered 
 the first day of my arrival to conduct me to Shikarpoor, was 
 selected by Mollah Mahraood to escort me with twelve horsemen. 
 I could not be accompanied by a better person, for Assad Khan 
 had passed his life on the banks of the Helmund near Kernasheen. 
 He had been recently driven out of that country by Kohendil 
 Khan, who was not sufficiently sure of his fidelity to leave him in 
 a position that would make that Khan the arbiter of his fate, in 
 case the English should again drive him out of the sovereignty of 
 Kandahar. In such a case his only refuge would be Persia ; 
 therefore the road to it should be open, or in the hands of chiefs 
 devoted to his person : if only one barred the passage, his liberty 
 would be compromised. Assad Khan might be the man to oppose 
 him, and his enmity would be the more dangerous because he 
 possessed the small but strong place of Mula-Khan, situated on 
 an eminence commanding the road. The Sirdar had many times 
 called upon him to recognise his suzerainty, but he always 
 
098 PREPARATIONS FOR DEPARTURE. Chap. XXVI. 
 
 received a negative reply, and Mohamed Sedik Khan was ordered 
 to besiege and reduce his stronghold. A hundred men resisted 
 all his eflbrts for many weeks, and he would have come out of 
 the struggle victorious had not the credulity of Assad Khan 
 involved them with himself in ruin. Mohamed Sedik Khan 
 succeeded in tempting him into his camp, swearing upon twenty 
 Korans, placed on a tray, that he would not do him the slightest 
 harm ; that he wished to meet him only to spare the effusion of 
 blood, and that in case no arrangement should result from their 
 interview, he would be at liberty to return to his fortress. Assad 
 Khan, relying upon an oath taken with such extreme solemnity, 
 trusted himself in the traitor's power, was arrested, and dis- 
 possessed of Mula-Khan. Happily he found an opportunity of 
 escaping, after a year's captivity, and took refuge in Furrah, 
 where Yar Mohamed granted him a piece of ground, on which he 
 settled himself with those who had followed his fortunes. The hope 
 of pleasing the Vezir and obtaining a good recompense induced 
 him to volunteer for the duty of escorting me to Shikarpoor. 
 
 In any other country two hours would have sufficed to prepare 
 for our journey, but in a town so destitute of everything as Furrah, 
 it required three days to collect six water skins, ten bags of barley, 
 and shoes and cloaks for the men of my escort. My utmost en- 
 deavours to get away sooner were futile, and at last the fourth day 
 was absolutely fixed for our setting out ; but some astronomer in the 
 town, I knew not who, discovered by an unpropitious conjunction 
 of stars in the sky that it Avould be an unlucky one, and the event 
 that I so ardently longed for was again put off. 
 
 Kariz-makoo, October 20th. — This morning, at noon, Assad 
 Khan had not arrived, and I sent him most heartily to all the 
 devils ; at last he appeared, and I thought we were going, but I 
 had reckoned too much upon the Afghans : the horses had not a 
 single shoe amongst them, and they had to be found — no easy 
 matter. This was the result of my entreaties to the Mollah for 
 the last six days to hasten the simple preliminaries for my 
 journey ; his constant answer was " everything is ready," and then 
 he laughed with so much good humour, that I could not find it in 
 my heart to be angry. This time, however, I showed that I was 
 vexed, and said I would change my road and go to Herat. I 
 thought the poor fellow would have gone crazy, for he fancied 
 that, if I went to Herat, I should certainly complain of him to 
 
Chap. XXVI. KIIOOSPAS. 399 
 
 Yar Mohamed Khan ; so he ran about from one person to 
 another, praying, swearing, threatening, beating, tearing his beard, 
 and giving evidence of a despair that I would most willingly have 
 spared him, could I possibly have anticipated such a crisis. He 
 got salt from one, flour from another, horseshoes from two or 
 three more, and etceteras from anybody he happened to meet, and 
 returned to me two hours after, streaming with perspiration, and 
 informed me that everything was ready. I immediately mounted 
 my horse, and he, accompanied by twenty horsemen, rode with me 
 an hour from the town. Here he took leave of me with a thousand 
 protestations of friendship, and begged me to take great care of a 
 dozen indifferent horses — wretched hacks, which I was to have, 
 and exchange for some small dromedaries at an encampment of 
 nomads on the banks of the Khash-rood. These animals were 
 better adapted for travelling in the deserts than horses ; my 
 baggage, however, consisted only of a havresac, which was slung 
 behind and on the crupper of one of my escort. This was 
 composed of twelve solid and determined fellows, well araied, 
 though dressed in rags ; they looked just what they were — regular 
 plunderers and scouts, and as I looked at them, I augured well 
 for my journey ; but this time I was mistaken, I had yet to make 
 my acquaintance with the Belooches, and it was a serious affair. 
 In the evening we arrived at Kariz-makoo, near which I had 
 already passed when returning from Girishk. 
 
 KJioospas, October 21st — seven parasangs — through a plain. 
 Instead of following the road to the left by which I had come 
 from Furrah, we moved on leaving Kariz-makoo in a south- 
 easterly direction and to the right, and crossed a defile which 
 intersects the last spur of the mountains of the Paropamisus, which 
 here advance like a promontory into the plain of Bukwa and 
 separate it from that of Furrah. We marched eleven parasangs, 
 through an arid and uninhabited country, and in advancing 
 towards the south, and away from Furrah, the soil was, if possible, 
 more arid ; scarcely a trace of vegetation was to be seen, except 
 a few scattered tufts of the tamarisk, which gave these desert 
 solitudes a still greater air of desolation ; even the wild beasts 
 fly from these sterile steppes, and the wild ass was the only 
 living creature that we saw. The travelling days are long in 
 this part of Seistan, and there is no possibility of shortening 
 them, for it is absolutely necessary to halt at some well or spring, 
 
400 FETID MAIISII — KHASH. Chai-. XXVI. 
 
 where alone water can be found ; between the two stages not 
 a drop is to be obtained, there is nothing but the burning 
 sun overhead, and the fiery sands beneath the feet. As the 
 Belooches know that travellers must stop at these wells, they 
 frequently lie in wait for them there, and, if they are not in force, 
 rifle them without mercy ; every one, therefore, is on the qui vive, 
 and ready for them with loaded arms. 
 
 In debouching from the defile I have just mentioned, we moved, 
 as if by hazard, over an immense sandy plain ; my guides, how- 
 ever, who had traversed it at least twenty times before, with native 
 instinct evidently knew their road, and by signs which an European 
 would never have noticed ; the colour of the ground, a little mound, 
 «Sec, w^ere the marks by which they recognised the route. The 
 heat was intense, the hot wind blew from sunrise to sunset, and 
 the great god of the Ghebers darted upon our heads its scorching 
 rays, while the sands beneath our feet reflected others scarcely 
 less hot ; our very throats seemed on fire, and as for the poor 
 horses, I thought they must drop at every step. On arriving at 
 Khoospas, they immediately lay down as if never to rise again. 
 This was a complete desert, with a small marshy pond of fetid 
 water concealed amongst some reeds. By the side of that 
 muddy and tainted water, however, I threw myself down, drank 
 eagerly and with bated breath one long continuous draught, 
 and blessed heaven for having sent it me ; as to the taste, I never 
 noticed that, but half an hour after my stomach rejected the water, 
 and for the future I repressed my burning thirst until I had 
 boiled it with some wild mint, and subsequently filtered it. Our 
 guides prepared the repast, such as it was ; it consisted of barley- 
 cakes baked on some round stones, heated with the dry reeds ; 
 these were not famous, but we fared admirably with a lamb which 
 Mollah Mahmood had provided for us : this, cut into pieces and 
 wrapped in its skin, was put into a hole with red hot stones at 
 the bottom ; other stones also heated were put on the top and 
 covered up with earth. Four hours after we sat down to a roast 
 which it would be useless to ask any Paris or London j'estam-ateiir 
 to give you, — nothing can equal the delicacy and flavour of a kid 
 dressed in this manner by an Afghan. 
 
 Khash, October 22 nd — seven parasangs — still through an arid 
 desert, on which, and about halfway, we came to a place called 
 Basruig, a wretched village of Parsivans who had been exterminated 
 
 f 
 
Chap. XXVI. ' TUE KHASH-ROOD. 401 
 
 by the Belooches at the begnming of the year. Here we obtained 
 with great difficulty a little water from a well ; it was as heretofore 
 very bad, but it alleviated my thirst, which was intense, for the 
 hot wind had blown with violence all day, and it was with inex- 
 pressible joy that in the evening we arrived on the banks of the 
 Khash-rood ; the course of this river is inaccurately laid down 
 on the majority of maps of Central Asia, not excepting that of 
 Burnes. The geographers describe it as taking its rise in the 
 mountains of Siahbend, and trace its course from north to south 
 until it falls into the Helmund at Kernasheen ; whereas it flows in 
 this direction only as far as Koh-i-duzdan, a village situated between 
 "Washecr and Ibrahimi ; there it forms an elbow turning suddenly 
 south-west, and runs from that point straight to the Seistan lake. At 
 this season of the year its bed is generally dry and full of reeds, 
 in which are numbers of wild fowl. On its banks are tamarisk 
 bushes, the mimosa and dwarf palms, under the shade of which 
 there is sometimes a little scanty herbage, on which the sheep 
 find a bare subsistence. Its banks in the upper part of its course 
 are rather high, and at the spot where it is crossed to go to 
 Washeer there is a descent of half an hour on either side to reach 
 it, but, after leaving Koh-i-duzdan, the river is exhausted by irri- 
 gation. There is a little cultivation near the few isolated villages 
 on its banks inhabited by Afghans and Belooches. Tiie tents 
 of the nomads are found in much greater numbers, especially in 
 summer, and they have with them large troops of dromedaries, 
 sheep, and goats ; horses are bad and rare. Morning and evening 
 we saw several herds of wild asses, numbering some hundreds, 
 come down at full gallop and rush into the river to cool them- 
 selves. The natives hunt and eat them ; the flesh is considered 
 inferior to that of a camel or a horse, but superior to the ox. 
 If a wild ass is taken alive — which is rarely done, for they 
 are as fleet as a deer — it is sent to the chief as a curiosity, or 
 killed at once and devoured. The form of the animal is elegant, 
 even delicate ; the head very small, the eye quick, the coat fine, 
 colour a light yellow and slightly striped, the ears short, and the 
 limbs of great beauty ; their pace is as good as that of the best 
 Arab horse ; their skin is so remarkably thin and so easily chafed 
 that they are quite useless for work. We arrived at Khash at 
 nightfall, and remained only a quarter of an hour ; it was here that 
 we were to exchange the horses lent us by Mollah Mahmood for 
 
 2 i^ 
 
402 A NICE mm. Chap. XXVI. 
 
 the dromedaries. To conceal as much as possible the passage of 
 so large a party, Assad Khan, with only one of his men, went 
 to the village, and in about two hours after returned to us accom- 
 panied by a Belooche friend of his, with the pleasant informa- 
 tion tliat all the dromedaries had left the evening before to fetch 
 a load of English goods from Khelat, that were to be smuggled into 
 Kandahar and Herat. On hearing this bad news every one gave 
 his opinion ; mine was to return to Furrah, for 1 felt thoroughly 
 upset and out of spirits, more so indeed than on any journey I had 
 taken ; but Assad Khan was hurt at the proposition, and insisted 
 upon our proceeding as far as the Helmund with Mollah Mah- 
 mood's horses. I gave way with regret to his wish, and the result 
 proved that my fears were well founded. The dangers and privations 
 which we had before us were not to be avoided unless we could 
 get rapidly over the ground, and dromedaries were indispensable for 
 the purpose ; I knew this, and so did Assad Khan, but here was 
 an opportunity to show his zeal for Yar Mohamed Khan, and 
 such a chance was so unlikely to occur again that he determined 
 not to lose it. The advice of Assad Khan having prevailed, we 
 next thought of our supper, for we were nearly famished, but our 
 provisions being all consumed, the Belooche friend of the Khan 
 was despatched to the village for something to eat ready cooked. 
 The messenger was not long away, and on his return produced a 
 wooden bowl full of kooroot and covered with keshk ; into this 
 I plunged my fingers with the rest of the company and withdrew 
 some of tlie mess, which I quickly conveyed to my mouth and 
 more quickly spat out again : I thought I was poisoned, but it was 
 only the green stalks of assafœtida preserved in salt water, to be 
 sure not quite to my taste, and yet the inhabitants of Seistan think 
 it a great delicacy. This ragout, and the tea of Khulm with 
 rancid grease, are two things which I hold to be diabolical. 
 
 Shah-aziz-KJtan, or Shindeh, October 23rd— eight parasangs — 
 through the most arid and monotonous plain we had yet traversed, 
 without shrub, without the least vegetation. The first half was 
 not, however, positively sterile, for after the rains of spring the 
 surface of the soil is usually covered with grass, and in some 
 quantity, which the heat of the June sun shrivels up ; water here, 
 as in so many other places in Central Asia, is wanting ; without 
 artificial irrigation nothing will grow. The second half of our 
 journey was over shifting sands, whereas on the preceding days 
 
Chap. XXVI. SHAII-ABOO-TTTALEB. 403 
 
 the ground was solid and mixed with clay. No stage was ever 
 more fatiguing than this. There are few sandy deserts in Cen- 
 tral Asia beyond Bokhara and Seistan, but they are much more 
 vast in the former than in the latter country. In Seistan they 
 are divided at short distances by steppes covered with vegetation 
 in the spring, and particularly of tamarisk bushes. These oases 
 are inhabited in winter, for the rains accumulate in the low 
 grounds, and afford sutiicient pasture to the flocks of the nomads 
 whose tents are pitched here in this season. If these fail them, 
 they find water at a depth of from three to six feet. This fact 
 demonstrates the possibility of this country being permanently 
 inhabited, and establishing halts pretty near to one another, and 
 thus facilitating the communications between Herat or Kandahar to 
 Shikarpoor and Khelat Nasser Khan.* ^Ye arrived at Shah-aziz 
 a little before sunset, and found in the dry bed of a river only a 
 putrid pool of water surrounded by tamarisks, and in this was the 
 carcass of a wild ass, which, not having been able to climb its 
 steep sides, had been drowned. 
 
 Shali-aboo-tlialeh, or Derivazeh, October 24th — six parasangs — 
 through a plain similar to that of yesterday, melancholy and 
 monotonous. The sand raised by the hot wind blew into and 
 irritated our eyes so that we could not see two yards before us ; 
 sometimes no trace of a road could be observed ; at others, but they 
 were of rare occurrence and in the middle of a little oasis, a few 
 ruins and stunted bushes relieved the arid uniformity of the desert. 
 The saline incrustations are çf as frequent occurrence as in Persia, 
 and are seen on a great extent of surface in the low grounds, 
 where the water has dried up ; the want of this blessed liquid 
 during this day's journey was severely felt, and we arrived at 
 Shah-aboo-thaleb very exhausted, where we found the water 
 drinkable. 
 
 * The difficulty of this line would be of Shii-awuk. It is, however, occa- 
 to the south of Seistan, along the skirts sioually traversed. — Ed. 
 
 2 D 2 
 
1 
 
 404 HELMUND. Chap. XXVI I. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 ITclmund — Belooche encampment — Imprudent conduct of Assad Khan — 
 Serious consequences resulting from this — Flight of the Afghans — Attacked 
 by the Belooches — The Author and his party cross the river — Fight amongst 
 the tamarisk bushes — The Author in the mêlée — • The party conceal themselves 
 in some ruins — A council of war — The result not agreeable to Assaf Doulet 
 
 — Night march on the banks of the Helmund — Rondebar — Guljeh — 
 Rafts on the river — Halt at Poolkee — Difficulty of ascertaining distances ■ — 
 The bread of Seistan — Value of wheat in that country — Jehanabad — 
 The tower of Alemdar — Canals on the Helmund — Extraordinary musquitos 
 
 — Mohamed Reza Khan — Ali Khan, the murderer of Dr. Forbes — Amazing 
 superstition of this scoundrel — Hospitality of Reza Khan — Descendants of 
 the ancient Persians — Jelalabad — Curious forage for horses — Sekooha — 
 Duration of things in Seistan — Ser Jadda — Zerdabad — Laush Jowaine — 
 Shah Pesend Khan — Strategical point between Persia and Kandahar — Local 
 politics — Fortress of Laush — Military force of this district. 
 
 Helmund, October 25th — six parasangs — and through a plain to 
 the river here. The more we advanced the more the country 
 became wild and difficult, by reason of the moving sands ; the soil 
 changed for the better when about half an hour from this place ; the 
 veçretation was here abvmdant and in singular contrast to the hot 
 parched ground we had travelled over. At first we halted by a 
 stream in the middle of a tamarisk wood, and not far from a 
 large encampment of nomads, called Noonabad, situated near 
 Kernasheen ; here we awaited the night before showing our- 
 selves, which on several accounts was a prudent measure. After 
 a frugal repast, we remounted our horses and went forward to 
 meet Assad Khan, at about a gunshot from the encampment: 
 he had preceded us with one of his men to try and hire some 
 camels from the tribe, without which we could not have advanced 
 another step. In half an hour the Khan returned with the news 
 that it was impossible to hire the animals at the exorbitant price 
 they asked, and requested us to accompany him to Kernasheen, 
 from which place we were half a parasang, and could there obtain 
 them on moderate terms. His people represented the danger he 
 ran in going to a locality dependent on Kandahar, from which 
 country he was banished, and at this time inhabited by Belooches 
 
Chap. XXVII. BELOOCHE ENCAMPMENT. 405 
 
 Mamessani, one of the smallest but bravest of the tribes of Seistan 
 — also one of the most savage ; the men lead a wild, disorderly life, 
 and are very frequently at feud with their neighbours. When 
 Assad Khan was in possession of the kaleh of Mula-Khan,* situated 
 at ten parasangs south-west of Kernasheen, he lived for a long 
 time on very good terms with these Belooches ; but in the year 
 1840, having during a friendly meeting had some dispute with one 
 of their chiefs, a quarrel and blows ensued between the Afghans 
 and the former, in which two of the Belooches were killed. From 
 this moment the populations of Kernasheen and Mula-Khan 
 became irreconcilable enemies, and a month rarely passed without 
 hearing of some victim having lost his life in some fresh fray ; for 
 in these countries, where the lex talionis is in force, the man who 
 does not obey that law is, as in Corsica, dishonoured ; blood wills 
 blood. Assad Khan knew this better than any one else, for his life 
 had been twenty times at stake in many an ambush prepared for 
 him by the Mamessani ; nevertheless, regardless of the earnest re- 
 presentations of his own people and mine, he persisted in going to 
 them to hire the camels. Seeing how obstinate he was, I followed 
 him, but with regret, and his men did the same. 
 
 When we arrived at the encampment at Kernasheen the greater 
 part of the tribe were stretched outside their tents, and nearly 
 asleep, but here and there a few men were seen surrounding 
 some cholera patients in the last stage of that frightful disease, 
 then raging on the banks of the Helmund. Our party ap- 
 proached the encampment, and Rahim, a cousin of the Khan, 
 asked one of the first groups he came to whether he could have 
 any camels. A demand of this kind, so unusual and at so late 
 an hour, was naturally calculated to awaken the suspicions and 
 distrust of the Belooches ; we were at once pestered with questions 
 as to who we were, where we were going, and what we wanted : 
 it was impossible not to admire the prudence and presence 
 of mind displayed by Rahim in his replies, and if he alone had 
 been the spokesman we might not perhaps have succeeded in 
 getting the camels, but he would at least have got us out of the 
 false step of going there at all. The impatience and violence, 
 
 * This was the furthest point south considerable period, and relations were 
 
 that was occupied by the English during kept up through this party with the 
 
 the Afghan war. A detachment of Belooche and other chiefs of Seistan. 
 
 irregulars were maintained at Mula- — Ei>. 
 Khan under an European officer for a 
 
406 BIPRUDENCE OF A8RAD KHAN. Chai-. XXVIL 
 
 however, of Assad Khan led to one of those episodes so frequent 
 in Afghanistan and not at all to my fancy, which spoilt everything. 
 The Ivhan uneasy at the opposition made to our wishes, and 
 prohably annoyed at the various difficulties we had encountered, 
 became in his turn the speaker, in a tone of defiance and autho- 
 rity, which had no effect upon the Belooches, who were on 
 their own ground and in force. At last Assad completely forgot 
 himself, abused them, and would, if they had not recognised 
 him, I believe, have gone so far as to throw his name in their 
 teeth as a defiance. The Khan once identified, the Mamessani 
 were furious ; a burst of indignation followed, and then loud cries. 
 The alarm spread from one end of the encampment to the other, 
 the women and children vociferated in shrill accents and threw 
 stones at us, the greater part of the men seized their arms, and 
 some the bridles of our horses ; our case was critical — the crowd of 
 Belooches increased like a tempest on every side. 
 
 It was time to act. A few vigorous sabre-cuts well dealt kept 
 back the crowd, and turning our horses' heads we profited by the 
 hesitation of the Belooches and scampered ofi". The animals though 
 fatigued by a six days' march seemed to scentthe danger and galloped 
 like lightning ; but two hours of this pace was more than enough 
 for the poor brutes, and whip and oaths were necessary to get 
 them along. This was not reassuring, for the Belooches having 
 collected some dromedaries were in full pursuit, and seeing it was 
 impossible to escape, we dismounted to give our horses breathing 
 time and await their attack, determined to sell our lives at a high 
 price. We had scarcely done this, when several of our pursuers 
 imprudently advanced without being supported by their main force. 
 We remounted and charged with impetuosity upon them ; the Khan 
 shot the first man he closed with, but received a sabre wound on 
 the shoulder, and in consequence we again beat a rapid retreat. 
 An undulation in the ground now hid us from the Belooches, and 
 to more eff"ectually prevent their tracking us, we forded the 
 Ilelmund near Kaleh-i-Sebz, where the river was tolerably deep. 
 But this scheme did not succeed ; for three quarters of an hour we 
 counted from twenty to twenty-five of the fellows at our heels, and 
 were obliged to face about and meet them once more, this time 
 with the desperation of men whose time seemed to be not worth 
 a few minutes' purchase : luckily the dromedaries moved with diffi- 
 culty amongst the brushwood, whereas our horses were active and 
 
Cjiai'. XXVIl. FlUHT WITH THE BELOUCHES. 407 
 
 easily handled, which gave us a great advantage. We were also 
 armed with good guns and swords, and they with their match- 
 locks and spears. The mêlée became general and obstinate, 
 lighted by the bright starlight and our dropping fire. One of 
 the rascals attacked me with a boar-spear, and wounded my horse 
 in the neck, but I got in at him, and with one blow laid him on 
 the ground. I then flew to the Khan's assistance, who, partially 
 helpless from his wound and attacked on all sides, had more upon 
 his hands than he knew what to do with : his men, however, 
 fought like good ones, and made head against the foe, killing 
 and wounding twelve : we had on our side four killed and three 
 wounded ; amongst the former we had to regret the loss of 
 Assad's cousin, the brave and prudent Rahim. As reinforcements 
 were continually arriving for the Belooches, and our numbers 
 decreased every minute, we again took to flight, and about half an 
 hour after we had to support another onslaught, and here by the 
 light of the moon which had just risen we charged once more 
 with vigour. 
 
 This time we left one of our men, who was wounded and en- 
 tangled with a hook, in the hands of the Belooches ; and while 
 they were occupied with cutting him to pieces we resumed our 
 flight, for there was no use remaining to share the same fate, and 
 passing in front of Kheir-abad, Kaleh-i-Sebz, Taghaz, and Siah 
 Koh, situated on the other side of the river, we happily reached 
 some low ground near it thickly covered with tamarisk bushes, 
 through which, as our horses were quicker and more manageable 
 than the dromedaries, we greatly increased our distance : but this 
 advantage left us very little hope of escaping from the rascals, for 
 our gallant steeds were dead-beat, and would not move even for 
 blows. It was then that a fortunate sudden inspiration of Assad's 
 saved our lives : he ordered the party to incline to the left in front 
 of his old fortress of Mula-Khan, the environs of which he was 
 perfectly acquainted with, and led us into some ruins, in the centre 
 of which was a deep excavation, and round them the debris of 
 what had once been baths ; into this we with great difficulty got 
 our horses, and waited in great anxiety the issue of this un- 
 fortunate business. Overcome with heat, thirst, and fatigue, both 
 animals and men were ho)'S de combat, and had our enemy come 
 up we must have been massacred here without resistance. Those 
 only who have been in such an extremity can understand the joy 
 
408 A COUNCIL OF WAR. Cjiap. XXVII. 
 
 wc felt when Assad Khan, who was perched in a tamarisk bush 
 above us and on the watch, said the Belooches had passed wide 
 of our retreat, and were moving in an opposite direction : they 
 were moments of anguish until we heard this, for every one thought 
 his hour was come. In this hole, however, we remained for fear 
 they should return, and lucky it was for us we did, for two hours 
 after we again heard their cries as they passed along the opposite 
 side of the Hehnund in the direction of Mula-Khan. Having lost 
 all trace of us, they remained in that fortress the rest of the night, 
 and finally disappeared altogether about two hours before day- 
 light. 
 
 A council was now called as to future measures. We were ten 
 parasangs beyond the direct road to Khelat, and our intention to 
 reach that place was known : it would have been therefore the 
 height of folly to persevere in that enterprise. Besides, my escort 
 was now reduced from twelve to seven, two out of which were 
 wounded, and the Belooche that Assad had taken as our guide 
 to Khash ; and we were quite unable to show a front to any further 
 misfortunes which might arise. Nevertheless x\ssad, in spite of 
 what had occurred, considering that he was bound in honour to 
 conduct me to Shikarpoor, persisted in his attempt to reach that 
 town with the limping animals of Mollah Mahmood. What 
 will the Vezir Sahib say? what will the Afghans think— or the 
 Belooches ? my reputation is gone if we return, better to die than 
 be dishonoured. These were his arguments, and they were sincere ; 
 but his men having no hope of receiving any favour from the 
 Vezir, were less inclined to proceed, especially as I warned them 
 that I could not reward their services as the English had done. 
 On hearing this they were still less disposed for any more dis- 
 asters or the chance of them, and insisted on retracing our steps. 
 I might possibly have again given way to Assad's wishes, had I 
 seen his men as well disposed as himself; but I felt they might 
 abandon me in the moment of danger, and the fear of this deter- 
 mined me to take a decided course. Accordingly I informed the 
 Khan, in the most positive manner, that I intended to return to 
 Furrah, and gave him a written order to obey me. This done 
 our measures for a retreat were soon taken. 
 
 The danger was as groat in following the line of route we had 
 come, as in taking a direct course to that town ; in the latter case 
 we should not have found either food or provisions : we deter- 
 
Chap. XXVII. NIGIIT-MAECII. 409 
 
 miiu'd therefore to keep close to the river, the sides of which being 
 wooded offered us greater security. Concealed by the underwood, 
 we could see without being seen by the Belooches, whose en- 
 campments we carefully avoided, and sometimes made a con- 
 siderable circuit to do so. When a faint streak of light in the 
 horizon announced the approach of day we mounted our horses, 
 advancing cautiously amongst the willows, tamarisks, and mimosas, 
 having the Helraund on our right, and leaving on our left the 
 silent and sterile deserts of Seistan ; the waning moon's reflected 
 light was shed over its red and shining sands, which seemed like 
 one immense furnace, and the noise of our horses' feet was lost 
 in the sound of the gurgling river, or the gush of waters against 
 some rock, which with several wooded islets obstructed the rapid 
 current, or where at some shallower part it rippled over the gravelly 
 bed beneath. But for the broken waters a profound stillness 
 reigned around, no sound was heard, and no signs of an enemy 
 being discernible, our anxieties had almost ceased, when on a 
 sudden a covey of partridges comfortably ensconced in the bushes 
 for the night rose with their loud whirr, and gave a slight and 
 not agreeable sensation to our nerves.. For the moment we thought 
 the Belooches were before us, and crack, crack, went the guns, 
 the report of which roused the jackals and deer from their retreats, 
 and started a troop of wild asses that were in front of us off across 
 the country at their best speed. This was the sum total of our 
 alarms for the present. 
 
 About ten o'clock on the morning of the 26th we halted in a 
 hollow, sending forward an Afghan and a Belooche to a place 
 called Dishoo, about half an hour from the spot, to get pro- 
 visions ; they soon returned with some barley and tvvo loaves, and 
 the encouraging intelligence that our whereabouts was not sus- 
 pected ; the supply was soon devoured, and again mounting our 
 horses we continued our march till nightfall, still skirting the 
 Helmund. Here, near the village of Pul-alek, we saw several 
 bodies in the river ; they were those of some Belooches who had 
 died of cholera, and had therefore been refused burial, on the 
 ground that persons dying of this disease must be hardened and 
 obdurate sinners : such was the reason assigned — the fear of infec- 
 tion might have been the real one. 
 
 Having passed this village and crossed the Helmund, we halted, 
 near the small town of Roodbar, in a grove of trees — being there 
 
410 GOOIJIN. Chap. XX VII. 
 
 concealed from the inhabitants but in a position to see everything 
 about us wlicn the moon rose. Here again we sent on our Bolooche, 
 who broucrht back only some flour, and being afraid to light a fire 
 for fear of discovery we moistened it with water and ate it raw — 
 lying down to sleep after the meagre repast. Rest was indeed 
 necessary, for we had travelled eight parasangs during the night, 
 and nearly always at a canter or gallop, and eleven during the 
 day. The course of the Helmund in the territory of Kandahar 
 terminates at Roodbar. As far as I could see in a moonlight 
 night, this is a large place for the country, and at any rate very 
 ancient. Near the spot on which we were encamped there was 
 an old dyke, the bottom of which was in the stream ; it was con- 
 structed of bricks having the same form and size — a yard square — 
 as those of Furrah. A little behind this dyke, and on each side of 
 the Helmund, are high and ancient walls, also of brick, connected 
 with some mounds, on which formerly there were in all probability 
 fortifications ; of these there are now scarcely any remains. In 
 searching about the ruins I found a brass coin of the Seleucian era. 
 Gooljm, October 26th. — We marched twelve hours again 
 this day, and skirting the river, the brushwood in the neighbour- 
 hood of which pointed out the sinuosities of the stream, and to 
 shorten the distance we crossed from one turn to the next. In the 
 morning we passed near Kheir-abad, a little fort of promising ap- 
 pearance — at noon we avoided a place called Trakoo, and crossed, 
 at a quarter of an hour's distance from thence, to the right bank of 
 the river on a raft of reeds fioated by inflated skins, holding our 
 horses, which swam in the rear and at the sides, by the bridles. The 
 Helmund flows south-west from its source to this spot, but here, 
 arrested by some sand-hills, it takes a sudden turn to the north- 
 west, and runs for fifteen or twenty parasangs in that direction, 
 divided into various branches, which fall into the Seistan Lake by 
 several mouths. In the afternoon we passed in succession in front 
 of Seinabad, Kaleï-pat,* and Poolka.f The latter town stands in 
 the middle of ruins, which extend for a considerable distance along 
 the left bank of the Helmund, and inwards as far as the moving 
 sands, which have covered a portion of them. A shepherd whom 
 
 * The i-uins of Kaleï-pat are the where Cajitain Christie came upon the 
 
 most extensive of any in Seistan, and Helmund in his journey from Kelat to 
 
 probably mark the site of the ancient Herat in 1808. See Pottinger's Travels, 
 
 city of Zarenj. — Ed. London, 4to., 1816. 
 
 t Poolka, or Pulaki, was the point 
 
Chap. XXVII. GOOLJIiN-. 411 
 
 we questioned said that they were the site of the ancient city of 
 Honiedin * — might not the ruins be those of Ram, Prophtasia, or 
 Zaranffae? The immense bricks I remarked at Furrah and 
 Roodbar are also to be seen here, and amongst the ruined build- 
 ings are found the remains of mosques and other public edifices, 
 fragments of vases, enamelled tiles, &c. The founder of the city, 
 said the honest shepherd, was the Pehlevane Roostem, to whom as 
 I have before observed the Persians refer as the architect of nearly 
 all the ruins in the country, Tamerlane was the destroyer of 
 Homedin. 
 
 Our horses being incapable of proceeding further without rest, 
 we remained at Poolka some hours, and allowed them to brow'ze 
 on the young reeds and tamarisk leaves, which in the absence of 
 better forage they managed to put up with ; and thus they were 
 in the evening able to carry us to Gooljin, a village likewise 
 standing amongst vast ruins, and at which are a great number of 
 tunnels for conducting water, but now dry ; also large reservoirs, 
 aqueducts, and towers, but all more or less destroyed. The 
 inhabitants of this village are half Norvui Belooches and half 
 Noorzyes Afghans. The Ket-khoda was a friend of Assad 
 Khan, and of Afghan origin ; he received us well, and showed us 
 the greatest hospitality— all he knew of the ruins was, that they 
 formed part of the ancient capital of the country destroyed by 
 Ghengis Khan : the name he was ignorant of. The ruins around 
 Poolka, at three hours' distance from the last we traversed, are no 
 doubt those of the city which was built after the destruction of the 
 former by the Tartar hero, and which was in its turn destroyed 
 by Tamerlane. We were in hopes of being able to take a direct 
 line from Gool in to Furrah, but to my great regret the Ket- 
 khoda informed us that it was impossible. The country was 
 infested by the Belooches Serbendee of Sheikh-Nassoor, who were 
 at war with Shah Pesend Khan, an independent chief of the 
 district of Laush-jowaine, situated to the north of the lake. 
 
 No sooner w as this known than the fighting qualities of Assad 
 Khan were at once roused, — he liked the adventure, would I not 
 accompany him ? I at once declined the honour, and the Ket- 
 khoda completely dissuaded him by promising to lend him some 
 
 * All the local traditions of Seistan herd probably meant Khamdan, the 
 refer to the old romances of Rustum, fabulous capital of the Shahnameh. 
 Zal, Zohrab, Afrasiab, &c. The Shep- —Ed. - 
 
412 BREAD OF SEISTAN. Chap. XXVII. 
 
 camels to make the tour of the lake, and by this means reach 
 our destination in safety. As to our horses they were incapable 
 of making a step, and it was arranged that they should remain at 
 Gooljin for a fortnight, and then be sent on to Furrah. Assad 
 Khan consented to this, but stipulated that we should push on 
 to Jehanabad, and see if we could not avoid the belligerent 
 parties by traversing the strait which is formed to the north 
 by the Lake of Seistan, which is dry in summer ; as this would 
 save us a long march round it, and I agreed willingly to the 
 plan. Unfortunately the upshot of this was that we increased 
 our journey by two days, which we should have avoided had we 
 reached by a direct line the southern extremity of the lake. It 
 should be stated that from Gooljin I found it impossible to 
 ascertain the distances from each stage with any degree of pre- 
 cision ; because the horses being lame and harassed with fatigue 
 did not go at a regular pace, and having to make long and 
 frequent halts, there was no possibility of calculating them even 
 approximately. A Belooche is perfectly ignorant of what a para- 
 sang is, and has no other mode of calculating distance excepting 
 by the day's journey, and that depends again upon whether the 
 pace of the dromedary, horse, or man, is quick or slow. 
 
 On the 28th of October we remained at Gooljin, to repose 
 a little after our great fatigues, and the Ket-khoda treated us as 
 well as the somewhat indifferent resources of the neighbourhood 
 would permit him. He ordered a young camel and four lambs to 
 be slaughtered for us, and they were served up in several highly 
 seasoned ragouts, which my escort licked up to the very last 
 morsel. On this occasion they made what the Afghans call a 
 Wiarahi-sivgiri, an enormous destruction. In witnessing the priva- 
 tions which they support for several months, it is wonderful when 
 the day of abundance arrives how they can eat such quantities 
 without bursting. The greatest hardship in this way to an European 
 in these countries, is the bad quality of the bread : that made of rye, 
 which is eaten by the peasants of the Morvan and the Charollais, 
 is a hundred times superior to that made of wheat which the 
 Afghans and Belooches live upon ; it is black, doughy, not half 
 baked, mixed with bits of straw and grains of sand, and at the 
 very sight of it one's stomach turns : when it is thoroughly dry 
 it looks like the oilcake on which in Europe beasts are fattened. 
 In spite of this description we thought ourselves lucky when we 
 
Chap. XXVII. JEHANABAD. 413 
 
 could get any, for the villagers only have it on fete-days ; gene- 
 rally speaking they eat maize or assafœtida seasoned with hourout. 
 But this is not because wheat is scarce in Seistan, or that the 
 consumption is small ; there is, on the contrary, a very fair breadth 
 of it sown, but the inhabitants sell their corn at Herat, Kandahar, 
 and Kerman, and an idea of the value of specie in this country 
 may be imagined, when I state that the year I travelled through 
 it, the Miarvar or between six and seven cwts. of wheat could be 
 bought for three salubkrans, or three shillings English money, 
 and one of barley for two shillings. 
 
 Jclianabad, October 29th. — We left at midnight, and, hearing 
 that the right bank was infested by Belooche Serbendees, we 
 crossed on a raft to the opposite one, which, though not so bounti- 
 fully supplied with thieves, was full of game and wild beasts, that 
 we turned up at every few hundred yards. The few tents of 
 nomads that we saw were at a gi-eat distance. Our dromedaries 
 got over the ground at a good pace, and by noon we reached the 
 Tower of Alemdar, where we recrossed the river to the right 
 bank. The banks of the Helmund from Dishoo are less cultivated 
 and inhabited than in the middle part of its course — that is to say, 
 between Girishk and Mula-Khan ; this cannot be in consequence 
 of any inferiority in the soil, for the pasture and arable land is equally 
 good and productive, the banks are covered with meadows, and 
 the land is more or less adapted for cultivation for a distance of a 
 mile and a quarter from the river, where it meets the moving sands 
 of the desert. Strange to say the neglected state of this tract is 
 owing to its fertility ; for when it was inhabited by a rich and 
 industrious population, now decimated or disgusted with the in- 
 security which prevails, its prosperity was sure to attract the 
 cupidity of those who lived by violence and rapine : many of its 
 former inhabitants have since settled themselves in more secure 
 positions, and under the protection of chiefs who can protect them ; 
 or they have concentrated themselves in and around two or three 
 points, such as Pul-alek, Roodbar, Kheir-abad, Trakoo, &c. This 
 system of concentration affords a better chance of making a suc- 
 cessful resistance. 
 
 From May to December, a great immber of Belooches, driven 
 from the oases amongst the parched deserts of Seistan south of 
 the river, find abundant pasture and water in this abandoned 
 belt of country ; but they are always on the alert, and sufficiently 
 
414 TOWEll OF ALEMDAE. Cuav. XXYII. 
 
 near to support one another ag'ainst the attacks of the little Afghan 
 chiefs who claim from them a tribute for the right of pasturage in 
 a district of which they arrogate to themselves the possession. 
 When the rains of December set in, the Belooches return to their 
 own less accessible territory in the desert, where they can remain 
 unmolested. The peculiar circumstances and the precarious life 
 which these people lead are the chief cause of their being so cruel 
 aud savage, and enemies even to the humblest form of civilisation. 
 
 The Tower of Alemdar, constructed of earth, and standing in 
 the centre of some modern buildings, must anciently have been a 
 fortress of some consequence, and the residence of a chieftain of 
 rank and authority. ^Vhen we passed it there were from twenty 
 to twenty-five tents of Afghan Noorzyes pitched round it. From 
 this point the Helmund diverges into several streams of water, at 
 some distance from one another ; three of the largest of these in 
 the rainy season overflow their banks before their waters fall into 
 the upper part of the lake, and leave in their course a considerable 
 detritus of vegetable matter, which contributes to the natural fer- 
 tility of the soil. The land thus inundated forms a delta of several 
 parasangs in circumference, and is naturally protected by the 
 streams that surround it. It is planted on all sides by thick hedges 
 of tamarisk, by which the cultivated lands are enclosed. The 
 mass of the population of Seistan is here agglomerated in about 
 twenty rich and prosperous villages : tents are unknown, and 
 brick and stone are rejected for building purposes. The houses 
 are constructed of reeds and branches of the tamarisk, covered 
 with a thick layer of mud, and placed upon the most elevated 
 points to avoid the inundations. The inhabitants of this delta 
 suffer greatly from myriads of musquitos of a prodigious size, which 
 torture both man and beast during eight months of the year ; their 
 sting will pierce the thickest quilt, and the skin through the 
 clothes ; for this reason the inhabitants cannot keep either sheep 
 or goats. If an ox or a cow is stung by several of these gnats 
 they rub the wounds with the juice of an herb found in t e neigh- 
 bourhood ; but, in spite of the application of this remedy, death 
 frequently ensues. A coarse kind of linen, called kerbas, is made 
 here ; this is used for clothes, and occasionally sold at Herat and 
 Kandahar, where, as I have before said, the Belooches sell their 
 wheat and barley, of which they obtain large crops. 
 
 When we were here the weather was still hot, and the musquitos 
 
Chap. XXVIF. ALI KHAN— DR. FORBES. 415 
 
 no doubt thought us a great treat. At four o'clock in the after- 
 noon our party arrived at the little kaleh of Jehanabad, in the 
 district of Sekoolia, governed by a chief of the name of Moha- 
 med Reza Khan, of the tribe of Sharegi,* the most powerful 
 in Seistan. He was going the round of his villages to collect 
 the tax upon the crops, and was here to receive us. The Khan's 
 position had been recently considerably strengthened by the mar- 
 riage of Yar Mohamed's son with his daughter. The letters 
 of the Vezir, which I showed him and the escort which accom- 
 panied me", procured me the best reception ; and it was as well I 
 had them, for without these credentials I should probably have 
 found myself at the end of my jom-ney, the Belooches would 
 certainly have treated me as an enemy if I had entered their 
 country on the faith of their hospitality. We found here Ali 
 Khan, of the Serbendee tribe, chief of the district of Sheikh Nas- 
 soor, situated on the banks of the Khash-rood, who had arrived here 
 an hour before us. The Khan was at war with the chief of Laush- 
 jowaine, whose people were plundering the country. Hearing me 
 speak Persian fluently, he at first thought I was a native of that 
 country ; but when he heard I was an European, his countenance 
 assumed a singular expression. He looked so astonished that I 
 was prepared for the following : '■ What, have you a talisman from 
 God, or a compact with the devil, that you dare to trust yourself 
 amongst Belooches?" " Ah ! Mohamed Reza Khan," addressing 
 my host, " may you be preserved, since Heaven sends you such a 
 windfall ! " The Khan Reza, observing ray countenance change a 
 little, reprimanded his neighbour for making such a brutal remark ; 
 and assured me that the rights and duties of hospitality would be 
 scrupulously respected. Ali, however, seemed unable to under- 
 stand why the chief of Sekooha should take any interest in me, or 
 why I was under his roof ; and continued to make Aarious insinua- 
 tions by no means of a friendly character. After making several 
 observations which proved the cruelty and perfidious nature of his 
 disposition, he gave us an account of a most malignant and cow- 
 ardly assassination in which he was himself concerned. 
 
 The Belooches have the most singular ideas of an European that 
 can well be conceived : struck with all they have heard and seen 
 of their power, intelligence, and riches, they think not only that 
 
 * So called fi-om Shahrek, the residence of this chief's family, aud one of the 
 principal places in Seistan. — Ed. 
 
410 AMAZING SUrERSTlTION. Chap. XXVII. 
 
 they can make gold, but also that their bodies and everything 
 belonging to or in contact with them contains the precious metal. 
 A few years before the date at which I am writing, Ali Khan 
 received a visit at Sheikh Nassoor from an English doctor of the 
 name of Forbes. He had been warned of the consequences which 
 would assuredly befell him if he ventured within the clutches of 
 this monster, but it was of no use — he was bent upon undertaking 
 the journey, and paid the penalty of his curiosity with his life. 
 Ali Khan murdered him in his sleep, and hung poor Forbes' body 
 up in front of his own tent, which he ordered to be deluged with 
 water during fifteen days consecutively. " You will see," he said 
 to his people, " that this dog of an infidel will at last be trans- 
 formed into good ducats." Finding, however, to his great amaze- 
 ment, that this proceeding did" not produce the expected result, 
 he thought he would boil the water with which the corpse had 
 been washed, but with no better eff'ect. It then occurred to 
 him that the doctor, to play him a trick, had before his death 
 made the gold pass from his body into the clothes and books 
 which filled his trunks. Instead of burning these impurities, which 
 had been his original intention, he had them cut and torn up into 
 little bits, and mixed with the mortar destined to plaster his house. 
 He had not yet had occasion to use it, but he informed us, as he 
 related the details of this disgusting tragedy, that when he did 
 he expected to see his house covered with a layer of the precious 
 metal. Nothing would ever have induced him to forego tliis belief, 
 and he did not disguise from me that he would have been happy 
 if he could have added my poor corpse to the mortar in ques- 
 tion.* 
 
 I confess I did not feel very comfortable at Jehanabad between 
 this monster and his ally, and I urged our immediate departure 
 from this nest of vultures. Assad, however, reassured me on the 
 good intentions of my host, and we agreed to go with him on the 
 following day to his own residence at Sekooha, from whence he 
 promised to provide us with the necessary assistance and an escort 
 to protect us in our journey round the lake ; for the hostility and 
 vile disposition openly manifested by Ali Khan rendered the idea 
 of returning to Furrah by the north even more impracticable than 
 
 * A brief account of Dr. Forbes's Society for 1842, transmitted by Sir H. 
 
 visit to Seistan, and of his murder by Rawlinson from the deposition of the 
 
 the Belooches, will be found in the servant who accompanied the traveller 
 
 Journal of the Royal Geographical in this his last fatal journey. — Ed. 
 
Chai'. XXVII. JELALABAD. 417 
 
 it had hitherto appeared, as we should inevitably have fallen in 
 with some of his people in that direction. 
 
 Ali Khan is, after Mohamed Reza Khan, the most powerful 
 Beloochc chief in Seistan ; the territory which he governs is 
 bordered on the north by the rapid stream of the Khoospas, 
 which flows from the north-east of the lake almost as far as 
 the Helmund in a southerly dii-ection ; to the west it is bounded 
 by the first canal which leaving that river falls into the lake. 
 Sheikh Nassoor, the capital of this small state, is an old fort- 
 ress surrounded by mud walls, and containing between fifteen 
 and eighteen hundred houses, a bazaar, five public baths, two 
 caravanserais, and a mosque. Some geographers have it on their 
 maps under the name of Kedda, by which it was formerly known, 
 at two parasangs to the north of Khash-rood and Peer Kisri : it is 
 the first town in Seistan on the north. 
 
 The territory of Mohamed Reza Khan is comprised in the 
 triangle marked out by the Lake of Seistan to the north and west, 
 and the Helmund river in the elbow which it makes from Trakoo 
 as far as the junction with its first canal to the north and at the 
 southern point of the lake. Jehanabad, as I stated before, forms 
 part of this district ; this village is fortified, and contains about 
 one hundred and fifty houses, and is inhabited by people who are 
 known in the country as PeJilevan, or heroes, warriors, athletœ, 
 and descendants of the famous Roostem. , Whether this tradition 
 adds to their courage, or they are naturally very brave and their 
 neighbours are awed by it, I cannot say ; but they have the re- 
 putation of never turning their backs upon any danger, and of 
 attacking without calculating the force opposed to them, were the 
 odds a hundred to one. They understand the Belooche language, 
 but do not speak it. I detected many Persian words in their own, 
 which they pretend is the Pehlevi, the language of the ancient 
 Persians. An old man showed me a book that was written in a 
 character which was in use before the Mahometan era ; this might 
 be the key to many dialects now forgotten.* 
 
 Jelalabadj October 30th. — At noon this day the two Be- 
 
 * If this be a true Pehlevi MS., it an island of the Lake of Seistan; but 
 must be regarded as one of the greatest modern research has led to the belief 
 literary treasures of the East. There that this is a mere fable. Edward 
 are traditions of ancient MSS. said to be Conolly carefully examined the island 
 possessed by Ghebers, who resided in and found nothing. — Ed. 
 
 2 E 
 
418 CURIOUS FORAGE— SEKOOHA. Chap. XXVII. 
 
 looche chiefs took leave of one another : Ali Khan, after havinj^ 
 obtained a promise from his neighbour to remain neutral in the 
 war he was waging with the chief of the Laush-jowaine, to 
 return to Sheikh Nassoor ; while Mohamed Reza, with ourselves, 
 took our way to Jelalabad — also called Beharami, after its 
 founder Behram Khan, Kayanee. 
 
 This little fortalice in earth contains about one hundred reed 
 houses, and is commanded by Abdullah Khan, Norvui ; it is 
 situated south-west of Jehanabad, and at four parasangs from the 
 lake. The ruins by which it is surrounded prove that it was at 
 some period or other much greater in extent ; but it is difficult to 
 believe that it was ever the large city which it is represented to be 
 on the various maps of Asia. The same may be said of the tower 
 designated as Iloomdar ; this represents, perhaps, the Tower of 
 x\lemdar, already mentioned. Dooshakh, again, is not a town 
 but a mountain with two peaks, from which it derives its name 
 Doo-sJiakh, two horns. A stream runs from this, and on its 
 banks are scattered some excellent reed huts. There were also 
 a few ruins here, the débris of some fifty or sixty houses, quite 
 out of character with those which are supposed to have existed 
 here, and which in imagination only have hitherto passed as the 
 site of the capital of Seistan. 
 
 After a halt of a hour at Jelalabad, or Beharami, to enable 
 Reza Khan to transact his matters of revenue, we left for Shelling, 
 a little village, the reed houses of which surround a large tower. 
 This might at pleasure be turned into a fortress : and within its 
 walls we slept. The place is a very short distance ft-om the lake ; 
 and here I saw horses fed on dry fish reduced to powder. 
 
 iSekooha, November 1st. — We arrived here in three hours from 
 Shelling, taking across the country to the fortress of Deshtak. 
 Reza Khan's lieutenant here was Dost Mahomed Khan, Norvui, a 
 brother of Abdullah Khan of Jelalabad. There are about six 
 hundred reed houses within the walls, and twelve hundred without. 
 It is not improbable that this is the locality which has been described 
 by geographers as Dooshakh — the names, as will be seen, are 
 very similar. Deshtak is situated on the banks of the Helmund, 
 which is at this point very deep and three hundred yards in 
 breadth. We remained here till noon. Remounting our drome- 
 daries, after having crossed the river on a raft, we made our way 
 through the brushwood and cultivation, and entered the desert; 
 
 i 
 
Chai>. XXVir. SER JADDA. 419 
 
 when about halfway the village of Dowlat-abad was seen on the 
 right, and continuing we aiTived at Sekooha, our friend's capital, 
 in the evening. 
 
 This fortress is the strongest and most important of Seistan, 
 because, being at five parasangs from the lake, water is to be 
 obtained only in the wells which have been dug within its enceinte. 
 The intermediate and surrounding country being an arid parched 
 waste, devoid not only of water but of everything else, the be- 
 siegers could not subsist themselves, and would, even if provisioned, 
 inevitably die of thirst. It contains about twelve hundred houses, 
 each of which would furnish one and in some cases two fig-htino- 
 men. I have called it the capital of Seistan, but it is impossible 
 to say how long it may enjoy that title — no doubt until some chief, 
 more powerful or more fortunate than Reza Khan, obtains the 
 upper hand, which may happen at any time, for in this country no 
 one can tell what the morrow may bring forth. It is impossible to 
 calculate upon the duration of anything — neither the power of a 
 family nor the existence of a town : the first may be feared, may 
 have great authority — the second may be rich, populous, and the best 
 fortified — but both may disappear in a moment ; may be laid low 
 by those elements of strife and selfishness which pervade all classes, 
 but more especially the chiefs, so that scarcely a trace of either 
 can be seen. The existing generation will alone preserve any 
 remembrance of the past, and that only for a few years ; here 
 everything is in a state of change, and it is almost impossible for 
 the geography of the country to be accurately described ; general 
 information may be given, but details will ever vary, and they can 
 only be furnished from time to time by the few travellers who 
 wander through these uncivilized parts of the earth. These re- 
 marks apply more especially to the territory of Seistan. 
 
 Ser Jadda, November i3rd — twelve parasangs. We left Se- 
 kooha at daybreak, most truly thankful to Mohamed Reza Khan 
 for the great kindness and hospitality he had shown us. He under- 
 took to send back the dromedaries we had hired of the Ket-khoda 
 of Gooljin, and let us have others in their place; one of these 
 was loaded with rice, flour, dried fish, water, and other things for 
 our consumption between this and Laush-jowaine. A relative of 
 the Khan accompanied us halfway to the village of Koondoor, and 
 there gave us an escort of four men. We lost some time here, 
 and did not in consequence arrive at Ser Jadda, situated at the 
 
 2 E 2 
 
420 LAUSH-JOWAINE. Chap. XXVII. 
 
 most southern extremity of the lake, till nightfall. The Khan's 
 people had some difficulty in affording us protection, and were 
 obliged to keep watch and ward all night to prevent the villagers 
 from robbing us ; two of our dromedaries were nearly taken, and 
 but for their leg-couplings would have been so, and we should never 
 have seen them again. 
 
 Zerdabad, November 4th — fourteen parasangs — nine hours. 
 This day we were accompanied by eight Arabs on their way to 
 Laush, who served us as guides and knew the country well. There 
 is no road actually traced on the western side of the lake ; in the 
 summer and autumn, when the water is low, travellers skirt the 
 lake, though there is some difficulty in doing so, by reason of 
 the pools and the tamarisk woods, which in many places obstruct 
 the way and oblige him to make a circuit. These obstacles may be 
 avoided by following the track at the foot of a chain of mountains 
 a short distance from the lake, which run north and south, and 
 parallel with its length. Zerdabad, where we encamped, consists 
 of two ruined towers, round which were half a dozen tents ; the 
 inmates were nomads of Arab origin. 
 
 Noorroozabad, November 5th — twelve parasangs — eight hours. 
 We kept a little more from the lake to reach our halt. The 
 moving sands were succeeded by a firmer soil, though still sand, 
 amongst which were some fine tamarisk shrubs and a little grass, 
 yellow, and long since dried up by the scorching sun. AVe met a 
 party of ten Belooches early in the morning, evidently out on the 
 watch for the helpless, but our numbers and appearance did not 
 promise an easy adventure, and they contented themselves with 
 asking if we had seen anything of a caravan that was near us, and 
 which, as we learnt afterwards, they plundered nearly in the same 
 spot where we met them. 
 
 LausJi-jowaine, November 6th — about ten parasangs — seven 
 hours — following the lake and turning round it a little to the north, 
 at the spot where it receives the waters of the Haroot-rood. This 
 river we crossed at Kogha, at about a quarter of an hour from its 
 mouth ; the water was not higher than the bellies of our drome- 
 daries, for it was at that period of the year when the stream was at 
 the lowest by reason of the long drought and the great quantities 
 of water removed from it for the purposes of irrigation. On our 
 right, but at a considerable distance, we left the vast ruins of 
 Peshaveran and those of Lukh, both probably of the same city — 
 
 El 
 
CuAV. XXVir. LOCAL TOLITICS. 421 
 
 the second constructed after the destruction of the first, but at 
 a little distance from it. Assad Khan assured me that there is a 
 sulphur spring between Lukh and Peshaveran, and the tomb of 
 Syud Ibkal. Beyond this is the district, now deserted, of Shoorab. 
 We arrived very early at Laush-jowaine, a fortress situated on 
 the right bank of the Furrah-rood, and about seven or eight para- 
 sangs above the place at which it falls into the lake. We were 
 received at the house of Saloo Khan, an Afghan of the tribe of 
 Ishakzye, and chief of this district. Tiie Khan is more generally 
 known by the name of Shah Pesend Khan— he with whom the king 
 is pleased — a title which he received from Shah Kamran. This 
 Sirdar, as I have already said, was at war with the Belooche chief 
 Ali Khan of Sheikh Nassoor, but he had other difficulties to sur- 
 mount. Laush had always been a dependence of the principality 
 of Herat ; nevertheless, Shah Pesend Khan refused to acknow- 
 ledge the complete sovereignty of Yar Mohamed, and he was 
 secretly encouraged in this rebellious spirit by the Persian Court 
 and Kohendil Khan, who, both one and the other allied against 
 the chief of Herat, had the greatest interest in making the chief 
 of Laush independent, inasmuch as it furnished them with the 
 means of mutual communication without being obliged to send 
 their envoys or correspondence through Herat, where there was 
 every chance of their being seized or examined. Besides this, the 
 fort of Laush is the key to the position, and the road from Persia 
 to Kandahar by the rivers ; and Kohendil Khan, as well as 
 Mohamed Shah, with that duplicity so common in Eastern nations, 
 each thought to deceive the other, and obtain the support of Saloo 
 Khan for his own particular interest : but Saloo had married his 
 daughter to Mir dil Khan, the brother of the Kandahar chief, 
 and seemed therefore to be devoted to that personage ; his eldest 
 son, Rassool Khan, had also married a niece of Kohendil Khan.* 
 
 * Shah Pesend Khan, from his posi- cause, doing good service on several 
 tion between Persia and Afghanistan, occasions. One of his sons, Ressool 
 has always been possessed of much Khan, always resided in Kandahai-, in 
 political influence. He was equally attendance on the prince governor 
 courted by the court of Persia on one during our occupation; and this chief 
 side, and the chiefs of Cabul and Kan- was most useful as a medium of com- 
 dahar on the other. Nominally de- munication between the British autho- 
 pendant on Herat, he was seldom rities and the heads of the different 
 trusted either by Shah Kamran or Yar Dooranee tribes. Ressool Khan is the 
 Mohamed; but from the moment the chief referred to in Kaye's 'Afghanis- 
 English came into the country, he tan,' as having accompanied Sufder 
 studiously attached himself to their Jung to the Dooranee camp, when that 
 
422 MILITARY FORCE OF THE DISTRICT. Chap. XXVII. 
 
 These circumstances, and the somewhat rebellious spirit shown 
 by Saloo Khan, were not agreeable to Yar Mohamed, who fre- 
 quently menaced his disobedient and crafty vassal ; but He-with- 
 wham-the-king-is-pleased, while protesting his great devotion for 
 the chief of Herat, always turned a deaf ear to his demands for 
 tribute, and declined to pay, alleging as an excuse, either that the 
 crops were bad, the harvest was bad, or he was at war with a 
 neighbour, or had some fort to build, &c. I was aware of these 
 details before I arrived at Laush, and was careful not to speak of 
 Yar Mohamed's friendship for me as a means of obtaining the 
 cood offices of the former. I left Assad Khan to arrange this for 
 me in any way he chose ; and as he was Saloo's cousin, we were re- 
 ceived as of the family, and sheep and poultry were roasted in 
 honour of our visit. Being told that I had the intention of returning 
 to Teheran, my host was still more pressing in his attentions, in the 
 hope that I should give the Shah a favourable opinion of him. As a 
 promise was not expensive, and he was most hospitable, I assured 
 him that I should be very glad if there was any way in which I 
 could be of use to him. 
 
 The fortress of Laush is situated at fourteen parasangs south of 
 that of FuiTah, on the summit of a sugar-loaf eminence. There 
 are three lines of defence, connected by towers and protected by 
 ditches. It would be difficult to take it even with a European 
 army, unless they had a siege-train. There are not more than 
 seventy or eighty houses within its enceinte ; but there are several 
 thousand tents of nomads encamped in its environs. The fortress 
 of Jowaine, situated at half an hour from Laush, on the right 
 bank of the river, is a dependence of Shah Pesend Khan ; and his 
 uncle resides and commands here under him. The canton of 
 Kalehi-kah is also under the chief of Laush ; and these three strips 
 of territory are designated as the country of Ho-kat, or Beled 
 Ho-kat. The population may be estimated by the number of 
 houses and tents ; of the former there are about 2400 ; and of 
 tents 4500, of nomadic Afghans, Belooches, and Eïmaks : these 
 would furnish 500 horsemen, and from 3500 to 5000 infantry. 
 They have a good reputation as soldiers. The contingents which 
 the chief of Laush would receive from several Arab, Afghan, and 
 
 jirince in a moment of ill-humour fled Pesend Khan is still living (1856) in 
 from Kandahar to join the rebels. Shah the enjoyment of all his honours. — Ed. 
 
Chap. XXVlf. IRRIGATION. 423 
 
 Belooclie chiefs in the neighbourhood, with whom he is allied, 
 would double this force. This fact somewhat explains the mode- 
 ration of Yar Mohammed towards a vassal so little disposed to be 
 submissive. Besides the Haroot-rood, the Khashak-rood, and 
 the Furrah-rood, which flow through the Ho-kat district, it is also 
 watered by seven canals, which are fed by these rivers : these are 
 the Jowaine, the Penj-deh, the Darg, the Soh-moor, the Kogha, 
 the Khair-abad, and the Sherki-av,* which give their names to 
 as many villages ; the gardens and cultivation about which are 
 irrigated by means of wheels, which raise the water and serve at 
 the same time to grind the corn. 
 
 * Sherki-av means the Eastern stream. 
 
424 LAUSH. Chap. XXVIII. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 The district of La.ush — Ancient inhabitants of Seistan — An-ian's mention of 
 this country — The state of it in the days of Alexander — Geographical descrip- 
 tion of it at the present time — Origin of the word Seistan — Course of the 
 Helmund river — Inhabitants on its banks — The cultivation and pastures on 
 them — Navigable from Girishk to its mouth — Rafts on this and other 
 Eastern rivers — The Aria Palus — Description of the Seistan lake — The 
 affluents of this lake — Language of the Belooches — Characteristics of that 
 tribe — Their religious ftiith — The Peer Kisri — Gross superstitions of the 
 Belooches — Their love of thieving — Their excuse for this vice — • Etymology 
 of their name — Description of their life when encamped — Number of armed 
 men they could bring into the field — Their courage superior to that of the 
 Afghans — Their singular mode of keeping touch when fighting — The Author 
 arrives at Furrah — Surprise of the Mollah Akhond-zadeh — Itinei'aries to 
 several parts of Persia — Furi-ah to Nishapoor by Toon — Furrah to Semnoon by 
 Tubbus — Description of the latter town — Beerjoonto Kermanby Khubhes — The 
 city of Ghayn — The Author leaves Furrah — Khosh-ava — Jeja — Singular 
 request of a lady of this place — Subzawur — Ruins at Subzawur — Legend of 
 the inhabitants — The fort of Subzawur an important military post — Position 
 attributed to Subzawur erroneous — The Shah Thamasp put to death here by 
 Nadii" Shah — Adreskan — Shabith — Roozbagh. 
 
 The district of Laush is at the extreme northern limit of Seistan, 
 and some geographers have included Furrah in this last country, but 
 the inhabitants reject this arrangement ; I will mention here the 
 observations vv^hich I was enabled to make, and the information 
 I obtained relative to the history of this country, the Helmund, 
 the Seistan Lake, and the Belooches. 
 
 In reading the histories of Alexander, and comparing their 
 statements with the geographical data we now possess, it is almost 
 impossible to reconcile them one with the other. The difficulty 
 of determining the portion of territory inhabited by this or that 
 people of such a remote period is the greater, because nothing 
 has remained — no vestige of an edifice, no sculptured stone — to 
 support the proof; it is only by induction that we can arrive 
 at a result which is often doubtful. Seistan is no exception to 
 this rule ; and there, perhaps, more than anywhere else, we are 
 reduced to accept vague suppositions respecting the original inha- 
 
Chap. XXVIII. SEISTAN. 425 
 
 bitants, as well as the country. Oiie half the population is now of 
 the Bolooche race ; the other half is composed principally of 
 Afghan tribes and Arabs, with a few Turkish families, and even 
 Kurds, which bave been thrown here by the waves of revolution 
 and intestine feuds. A mixed race has been the result ; but M^e 
 may certainly, without fear of error, consider the three last races 
 as not having inhabited Seistan in the days of Alexander. The 
 Afghans and Belooches, therefore, remain ; and it would be, in- 
 deed, difficult to say positively which of these two nations were the 
 Zarangae or Dranghes, the Agriaspes or the Arrachoti. Arrian 
 states " that in leaving Artacoana (Herat), to which town he had 
 gone to suppress the revolt of Satibarzanes, he rejoined his army, 
 then commanded by Craterus, and came direct to the capital of the 
 Zarangae." That is the only remark made by this historian on 
 this most important town. Amongst modern authors, Herbelot is 
 a little less obscure. Speaking of Zarangae, he calls it a com- 
 mercial town, well inhabited, of the province of Seistan. Yacoob 
 ben Leith constructed several canals ; so that the city and its 
 environs were, by means of these waters, well supplied with all 
 kinds of grain and merchandise, although the soil was bad and 
 sterile. Arrian's account indicates that the country of the Za- 
 rangae was contiguous to that of the Arii, and consequently 
 south of the town of Furrah ; but nothing that he states can fix 
 the position of their capital. We may, therefore, look for it in 
 that extensive circle of ruins which I have already mentioned, or 
 in those localities which are still of some importance, such as 
 Sheikh-Nassoor, Laush, Jehanabad, Deshtak, and Sekooha. In 
 accordance with Herbelot' s opinion, this capital must have been at 
 a distance from the rivers. If not, it would have been unnecessary 
 to construct canals there, to conduct the water which could not be 
 obtained from its arid soil. From these latter words it is im- 
 possible to suppose that it could have been situated in the centre 
 of the delta formed by the several branches of the Helmund, where 
 it falls into the lake. No town corresponds so well with Herbe- 
 lot 's description as the fortress of Sekooha. As to the other 
 ancient cities, such as Ram, Prophtasia, and others, it is still more 
 difficult to affirm that they were cities distinct from Zarangae, or 
 simply a continuation of it. All the ruins scattered round the 
 lake, and on the borders of the river, may equally represent their 
 sites. 
 
42G ' SEISTAN. Chap. XXVIII. 
 
 Alexander passed from the country of the Zarangae to that of the 
 Aîjriaspaî, in which, says Quintus Curtius, he remained two months ; 
 and, for him to have resided so long in this country, it must have 
 been sufficiently fertile, and adapted to meet the requirements of 
 his army. The deserts of Seistan have extended themselves, 
 rather than been reduced, since that period ; we may, therefore, 
 conclude that the only district the resources of which have not 
 diminished since the time they sufficed to supply the wants of the 
 Grecian army, is to be found on the hanks of the Ilelmund, be- 
 tween Mula-Khan and Girlshk. This, then, would be the country 
 of the Agriaspae ; and that of the Arrachoti the continuation 
 of the same, running towards the south and east, as far as the 
 Sea of Oman and the Indus. With reference to the Drangse, it 
 must be admitted that their position will be more difficult to de- 
 termine ; perhaps we may assign to them the districts of Bukwa, 
 Gulistan, and Washeer, with some degree of probability. As to 
 the Agi'iaspge, it may be said that if they were the ancestors of 
 the Belooches that now occupy the territory they inhabited, there 
 is no country in which time has so completely transformed the 
 habits and customs of a people. Arrian remarks that they were 
 surnamed the Euergetes, or Benefactors, because they assisted 
 Cyrus, the son of Cambyses, in his expedition against the Scy- 
 thians ; and that Alexander treated them with distinction, in 
 commemoration of the conduct of their ancestors, and out of 
 regard for their institutions. " In fact, these people," he adds, 
 " do not live like barbarians, but, like the civilised Greeks, they 
 understand what justice is. Alexander gave them their liberty, 
 and the territory, of little extent, which they requested to have." 
 The fticts are far otherwise in our day. Here, where justice had 
 her seat, and civilisation reigned, there is nothing but anarchy ; 
 and every one lives according to his own barbarous, ignorant, and 
 perverse instincts. 
 
 Seistan is a flat country, with here and there some low hills. 
 One-third of the surface of the soil is composed of moving- 
 sands, and the two other thirds of a compact sand, mixed with a 
 little clay, but very rich in vegetable matter, and covered with woods 
 of the tamarisk, saghes, tag, and reeds ; in the midst of which there 
 is abundant pasture. These woods are more especially met with in 
 the central part of the province, through which the Helmund and 
 its affluents flow. The detritus and slimy soil which is deposited 
 
 k 
 
Cii.vr. XXVIII. SEISTAN. 427 
 
 on the land after the annual inundations fertilize it in a remark- 
 able manner, and this has probably been the case from time iumie- 
 morial ; at any rate, the number of ruins on the banks would 
 lend one to suppose so. The banks of the Helmund are cultivated 
 to the extent of a mile and a half on either side, from Girishk as 
 far as Mula-Khan ; but from thence to the Tower of Alemdar 
 they consist principally of grass land, and are more wooded than 
 cultivated. 
 
 The Sirdar of Kandahar has subjected to his rule that part 
 of Seistan comprehended betv/een Kaleh-i-Bist and Koodbar. 
 The portion that lies between this and Alemdar is an object of 
 .perpetual discord between this sovereign and the nomadic Beloo- 
 ches, v\ho, as I have before remarked, pitch their tents here during 
 the eight months of the year, when the scorching sun has dried up 
 every vestige of moisture in their own oases of the desert, where the 
 wells and cisterns are only filled by the rains of spring and winter 
 during the other four months. Two Belooches and one Afghan 
 chief divide the rest of Seistan. To the south is Mohamed 
 Reza Khan of Sekooha ; in the centre is Ali Khan of Sheikh 
 Nassoor ; and to the north, Shah Pesend Khan of Laush Jowaine. 
 Houses of earth and reeds are seen only on the banks of the 
 Helmund ; in every other part the inhabitants are encamped 
 under their felt tents, or those made of goats' or camels' hair. 
 The heat is always excessive in Seistan, and the hot wind blows 
 with violence, frequently raising whirlwinds of impalpable dust, 
 which obscures everything and is very injurious to the sight ; of 
 the enormous musquitoes that infest the district I have already 
 spoken. The history of this province is intimately connected with 
 that of Persia ; and the inhabitants are very proud of belonging to 
 the country in which King Jemshid and the heroes Zal and 
 Roostem, of whom Eastern authors have written such extravagant 
 fictions, first saw the light. 
 
 The word Seistan, the present name of this province, came 
 originally from the word Saghis, the name of a wood much used 
 in Persia for burning at this time, and considered very much 
 superior to any other wood for the same purpose. It is frequently 
 found in the steppes of Central Asia, but in much greater 
 quantities near the Helmund, and it is this that has given to the 
 country in which it grows so abundantly the appellation of Saghis- 
 tan, the place of the saghis, which by time and degrees has been 
 
42S THE HELMUKD, Chap. XXVIII, 
 
 successively corrupted into Scdjistan, Seïstan, and at last Sistan, 
 by which it is now (renerally called. This was given me as the 
 most correct etymology by the learned Mohamed Hassan, Kazi 
 of Herat.* 
 
 The llelmund of the Afghans, the Etymander of the ancients, 
 is a fine river, the only one to which these words can be applied 
 between the Tigris and the Indus. After the junction of several 
 small streams coming from Koh-i-baba, situated at a short dis- 
 tance west of Kabul, it runs from north-east to south-west a 
 length of two hundred parasangs, at first in a deep channel 
 through scarped rocks and obstrixcted by enormous blocks of the 
 same, and across the mountainous country of the Paropamisus, in- 
 habited by Hazarahs Pusht-Koh, but at ten or twelve parasangs 
 above Girishk it begins to flow over a sandy and gravelly bed, 
 and through a flat country within a channel less confined : it is 
 then turned to account, and irrigates by artificial means the 
 meadows and arable land in its vicinity, until, nearly exhausted 
 by the soil, it reaches at its extreme limit on the south the 
 Meshila-Seistan,f or Lake of Seistan. Several inhabited islands, 
 and some of them, like Kalehi Bist, fortified, are in the middle of 
 the stream, the aspect of which from one extremity to the other is 
 picturesque and sometimes majestic. The Helmund is also at 
 several points prevented from overflowing by embankments of 
 very ancient construction, which, for want of necessary repairs, 
 have fallen into decay. The vegetation on its banks is as luxuriant 
 as in the tropics — but with all these advantages they are unfor- 
 tunately inhabited by the greatest plunderers and the most cruel 
 race to be found in all Asia, The water of the Helmund is cold, 
 clear, fresh, and sweet, and though a considerable portion is 
 turned off for the purposes of irrigation, there is at all times suflî- 
 cient for navigating it from Girishk to its mouth, but it would 
 in such case be necessary to repair the old embankments and con- 
 struct a few others. In the spring and winter the volume of 
 water is doubled, it then overflows and inundates the surrounding 
 country which it thereby vivifies, 
 
 * This may serve as a specimen of the Sakse, of the Greeks. See Isodore 
 
 the eastern Kazis. The good man had Char, in Hudson's ' Geog. Minores,' vol. 
 
 probably never heard of the >'akaî and ii. — Ed. 
 
 their migrations, but it is perfectly well f Meshila merely means, in Ai-abic, 
 
 known to geographers that the Seghis- a muddy swamp. The ordinary name 
 
 tan of the Arabs, whence Sistan, is the of the lake is Haniûn, or the expanse. — 
 
 same as the Sakestané, or country of Ed. 
 
Chap. XXYIII. THE ARIA PALUS. 429 
 
 If this river was in the possession of Europeans, steamboats 
 would soon navigate it, and the supply of wood on its banks 
 would remedy the want of coal. The course of the Ilelmund is 
 very rapid, especially in winter after the floods, and the Hazarahs 
 say the width varies a good deal in the upper part of its course. 
 At Girishk it is from sixty to ninety yards wide, but from its point 
 of junction with the Urgund-ab it attains a breadth of from three 
 hundred to three hundred and eighty yards ; the average depth 
 is from one and a-half to two fathoms. The fords are few in 
 number, nevertheless boats are rarely seen, and these are roughly 
 and clumsily built ; rafts made with reeds and branches, sup- 
 ported with inflated skins, are the most common. The historians 
 of Alexander have perhaps erred in stating that the rafts on which 
 this hero crossed the rivers of Central Asia were buoyed up with 
 skins stuffed with straw ;* they were then, no doubt as now, inflated 
 with air ; and it is thus that the Euphrates, the Tigris, the Karoon, 
 the Indus, the Oxus, and other rivers in this quarter of the globe, 
 are still navigated. It is probable that when Craterus left 
 Alexander, and returned to Persia with the sick and the heavy 
 baggage, he followed the course of the Helmund, 
 
 The Ai'ia jjalus of the ancients, a lake formed by the accimiula- 
 tion of the waters of the Helmund at the southern extremity of 
 its course, is called the Lake of Zurrehf by Europeans ; this name 
 is not known by the great majority of Asiatics, it is found only in 
 some old Persian books, in which it also bears the appellation of 
 Deria-reza ; both of these words signify the little sea ; the pre- 
 sent inhabitants of Seistan call it the Mechila Seistan, Lake of 
 Seistan, or Mechila Roostem, Lake of Roostem, in honour of the 
 Persian hero of Firdousi. According to this author this extra- 
 ordinary warrior resided on an island, situated on the eastern side 
 of the lake ; several geographers have erroneously given the lake 
 the name of Deria Hamoon — this designates the Sea of Oman, 
 which washes the shores of Arabia and Mekran.| 
 
 The form and position of the Lake of Seistan are not accurately 
 
 * Ou the Cabul river, and on the usually known, is a mere contraction of 
 
 Upper Indus, it is still the custom to Zerenj, the ancient capital ; and this 
 
 stuff the skins with reeds or straw. name again repi'eseuts the Zarangi or 
 
 The writer of this note descended the Drangse of the Greeks.— Ed. 
 Cabul river from Jelalabad to Attock J ^I. Ferrier has probably forgotten 
 
 on a raft so constructed. — L. that Haniim is an old Persian word 
 
 t Zun-ah, by which name the lake is signifying expanse.— Ed. 
 
430 THE SEISTAN LAKE. Chap. XXVIII. 
 
 given on the generality of maps ; it is neither a circle nor an oval, 
 but a kind of trefoil without a stalk, having the head very long. 
 Its length from north to south is twenty-five parasangs. It extends 
 from about the thirty-first to the thirty-second degree of north lati- 
 tude, and follows an oblique line, starting at the north from the 
 sixtieth degree of longitude, terminating at the south at the fifty- 
 ninth degree. Its greatest width in the north is about twelve para- 
 sangs, and in every other direction from six to seven at the outside. 
 The water of this lake, though not salt, is black and of bad 
 taste. Fish live with difficulty in it, and are always very small ; 
 the large ones ascend the clear waters of the rivers, in which are 
 enormous barbel. The lake is only from four to five feet in depth, 
 and the bottom has a constant tendency to rise higher, while the 
 beds of its affluents become on the contrary deeper every year ; 
 we must perhaps seek in this last fact for the explanation of the 
 first. The winter floods carry with them a great quantity of 
 detritus and sand from the beds of the rivers, and deposit them in 
 one common reservoir, which must of necessity finish by being 
 filled up, and it is quite possible that in a few years its waters 
 may be displaced — perhaps they may occupy again a dried-up 
 spot more to the south, where it is affirmed the lake once existed. 
 The general appearance of Mechila Seistan is rather picturesque ; 
 it is surrounded on all sides by the tamarisk and otlier trees, the 
 branches of which, always verdant, rise above its waters ; the 
 bottom of the lake is composed of a moving sand which absorbs 
 its waters with such astonishing rapidity that if it were not so it 
 would be difficult to say what would become of those conveyed here 
 in such abundance by the Ilelmund and its other affluents. The 
 evaporation could never be so great as to dissipate them, par- 
 ticularly during the winter and spring. It is true that in these 
 seasons the lake is amenable to the same laws as the rivers — it 
 overflows its banks and inundates the country to som.e distance ; 
 but by the end of April it has resumed its original proportions, and 
 three months after it is so exceedingly dry to the north that the 
 inhabitants of Sekooha, Deshtak, Jehanabad, and other neigh- 
 bouring ])laccs, go direct to Laush by crossing dryfoot the strait 
 between Berungi-Kefter and Pesha\eran. There are several 
 buildings, and many ruins, situated on the island in this lake ; the 
 northern end terminates in a high hill called Kch Khojeh, the 
 Hill of the Eunuch. 
 
CiiAP. XXVIII. BELOOCHES. 431 
 
 A few words of emendation of the genenilly received opinions 
 may be said with reference to the small affluents of this lake. 
 The Khash-rood does not fall into the Helmund near to Koon- 
 esheen, as indicated by Arrowsmith's copy of Burnes's map ; 
 the Seistan Lake receives the waters of that river on the north- 
 east, a little lower down than the Khoospas, a dry torrent in 
 summer, but always much swollen in winter. On the other side 
 of the lake, but still also to the north, the Furrah-rood and 
 Ilaroot-rood add their waters to it at about three parasangs 
 distance from each other, — the latter, after having received the 
 Khashak-rood, which flows between them. Ptolemy in ancient 
 times and some modern geographers have confounded the Heri- 
 rood, which, passing Herat, flows into Turcomania, with the 
 Haroot-rood just mentioned. I have stated elsewhere, when 
 speaking of the Adreskan-rood, why these two rivers are distinct 
 one from the other, and could never have formed one stream. With 
 the exception of the Helmund all the foregoing rivers are dry in 
 the summer, their waters being turned and employed in the 
 irrigation of the land. 
 
 There is every reason for supposing that the Belooches of 
 Seistan are descended from the original inhabitants of this country, 
 for this race has become very little altered : their ideas respecting 
 their origin are various, and of the most extravagant kind, and 
 nothing is to be gleaned from this source ; their language has 
 nothing in common with those of their neighbours, and it would 
 require deep and careful study to obtain any satisfoctory proof of 
 that from which it was derived : all tliat can be said of it is, that 
 it is Bclooche, and nothing but Belooche, augmented no doubt 
 by many Arab, Persian, Pushtoo, and Indian words. Each tribe 
 has its peculiar dialect, but they are all from the common stock, 
 and the actual difference between them is trifling,* 
 
 The Belooche tribes are generally subdivided into several 
 hundred branches, but they are better known under the three 
 great divisions, which form as it were three distinct people — 
 the Nervuis, the Rinds, and the Meksis. The majority of the 
 inhabitants of Seistan, especially those on the banks of the 
 Helmund and the shores of the lake, are of the first of these divi- 
 sions. It is difficult to estimate even approximately the total 
 
 * Grammars of the Belooche and former is of tlie Arian or Sanscrit, and 
 Brahui dialects have been lately pub- the latter of tlie Scythic or Turanian 
 lished, which clearly show that the family. — Ed. 
 
432 EELIGION OF THE BELOOCllKS. Chap. XXVIII. 
 
 number of the population of this province, because being partly 
 nomadic, independent, and always on the move, even speculation 
 becomes fruitless ; inquiry of themselves is absurd, as they are in 
 the habit of grossly and ridiculously exaggerating- everything. 
 These Belooches have no written laws, but are governed by ancient 
 usages and traditions. The authority of the chiefs is slight, and 
 consists solely in settling the quarrels and misunderstandings 
 that continually occur between the members of the same hlieil, 
 village, or encampment ; in fixing the camping ground, and other 
 matters of the same nature ; also, what is of much importance, the 
 relations which are to exist between the tribe and their neighbours. 
 
 With these exceptions every Belooche is absolute in his own 
 family. The life led by these nomads is as savage as that of the 
 wild beasts, which like them rove through their deserts. To 
 observe laws like other nations, to work, or traflfic, or obey a 
 master, are things to them impossible. The most complete liberty 
 of action is an imperious necessity of their nature, they are as 
 proud of their crimes as we of our good actions, and the law of 
 revenge is the only one which is invariably observed. When 
 blood has been spilt, eternal hatred, which outlives generations in 
 the families in which the deed was done, is the result ; a reconci- 
 liation even cemented by a marriage, or the good offices and 
 intervention of a Peer, holy man, will not be permanent ; the ven- 
 detta alone is always remembered. To gratify this, they will track 
 their enemy with a quiet perseverance perfectly wonderful, and 
 either openly or secretly, fi'equently in ambush or laying some 
 snare, will cut his throat with a savage barbarity really incon- 
 ceivable. Two Belooches of adverse tribes, or who have a 
 family feud, and never saw one another, have a marvellous instinct 
 in divining the fact ; they scent it like a pointer : when they find 
 themselves in presence of each other, there is no burst of furious 
 outbreak, they regard one another for a moment in silence, but 
 this calm is the sure forerunner of the death of one, and sometimes 
 of both — I might say, often. They are without pity, and if unarmed 
 they will tear each other like tigers with their nails, bite with 
 their teeth, or strangle one another without making the least cry. 
 I here speak only of those who inhabit Seistan. 
 
 The Belooches call themselves Mussulmans, but they do not 
 observe the precepts of the Koran ; their religious ideas are a 
 mixture of Islamism, Christianity, and idolatry, the whole seasoned 
 with the grossest superstitions. The greater part are not circum- 
 
Chap. XXVI II. HABITS OF THE BELOOCHES. 433 
 
 c'ised, do not fast, do not pray, and, although acknowledging that 
 Mahomet is a prophet, there is another they consider of much 
 greater importance than he, and as second only to God, with whom 
 they sometimes confound him. The power of this being is un- 
 limited, he is called the Peer Kisri,* and when they swear by him 
 they may be trusted, but only then. The Belooches are ardent, 
 impulsive, well-formed, and nervous ; their complexion is olive, 
 like that of the Arab, and these two races have more than one 
 analogous point between them ; their features express astuteness 
 and ferocity, they are insensible to privations, and support them 
 and fatigue in the most admirable manner ; no matter how painful 
 and long the journey may be, they are always ready for the march. 
 A Persian and Afghan travels at night to avoid the great heats ; 
 the Belooche, on the contrary, is not only not afraid of them, but 
 seeks that which these nations as much as possible avoid ; they march 
 only between sunrise and sunset, and before or after will never move 
 a yard ; if the great luminary disappears l^fore they have arrived 
 at their intended halt, they encamp on the spot they happen to be 
 at, at the time. Their most extraordinary physical character- 
 istic is the facility with which, camel-like, they can for so long a 
 time go without drink in their burning country — a draught of water 
 once in the twenty-four hours is sufficient for them, even on a 
 journey ; they have also a particular instinct for ascertaining the 
 spot at w^hich water is nearest the surface of the soil, and they 
 rarely dig further than three feet without coming to it. 
 
 They march with a rapidity which it is impossible to conceive, 
 and will walk faster than the best horse ; there are instances 
 amonsrst them of men who will tire out three horses, one after 
 another, in this manner. They eat very little, and believe most 
 implicitly in auguries ; the cry of a wild beast, the sight of a 
 serpent, a bird on the wing, a flight of birds, or a troop of wild asses 
 which separate into two divisions, is sufficient to stop them short sud- 
 denly in the midst of their journey. They will never leave the 
 place they are in before the sun, under which they were warned by 
 this augury, has set and risen again ; this delay is to allow Fate time 
 to alter her intentions, should they happen to be adverse. When 
 the opportunity for pillage arrives their activity is amazing, their 
 
 * The word peer signifies literally old, but figuratively it has the same meaning 
 with them that huli/ has with us. 
 
 2f 
 
434 THEIR LOVE OF THIEVING. Chav, XXVIII. 
 
 plans are undertaken and executed with great promptitude, and 
 courage, and wonderful address ; lite is as nothing to them, and 
 they will expose it for the least trifle ; theft is an irresistible habit. 
 Tliey sit back to back on a dromedary, that they may have a 
 perfect view in every direction, and on these beasts they will cover 
 in a short time immense distances. They scour the southern roads 
 of Afghanistan, and sometimes carry their raids into the centre of 
 Persia ; they kill all prisoners they cannot carry away with them, 
 and will sometimes ride a race of several score miles for the chance 
 of getting a handkerchief or a rag — the smallest trifle in short will 
 excite their avidity. They know so thoroughly how strong is 
 their predilection for thieving, how inveterate the habit, that two 
 friends, two brothers, aye, even a father and a son, travelling 
 together, will take good care not to sleep close to one another. 
 When the time for rest arrives, one will point out to the other a 
 spot one hundred yards off where he had better sleep, and they 
 both swear by Peer-Kigri not to approach each other until the hour 
 of departure. They have a remarkably quick sense of hearing, 
 and the least noise or movement made by one will be sure to 
 awake the other, who reminds him of the Peer-Kisri. Sometimes a 
 Belooche will kill another for his dress, the value of which may 
 be about three shillings. 
 
 They justify their passion for plunder by the following singular 
 reasoning. " Some thousand years ago," they say, " God divided 
 the good things of this life in a manner far from equitable. Whether 
 from forgetfulness, or at the instigation of some bad genii, the 
 Belooches received nothing from him beyond an arid, ungrateful, 
 and unproductive soil. This was unjust, and it is very natural 
 that we should try and take from others that which has been so 
 unjustly withheld from ourselves." The etymology of their name, 
 they say, is a proof of the justifiable character of this argument, or as 
 it were a kind of corollary to it ; bé in Persia signifies without ; leuct, 
 naked, stripped. This by corruption is pronounced by them and 
 the Afghans leuclit or loucJit, thus the two words united make 
 be-loucht, which denotes that they came into the world naked 
 and despoiled of their share in this world's goods, and upon these 
 grounds alone are authorized to lay their hands upon everything 
 that comes in their way or out of their way. The Belooches 
 detest Mussulmans more, perhaps, than the people of any other 
 religion ; they are not so hospitable to strangers as other no- 
 
Chap. XXVIIT. THEIR BRAVERY. 435 
 
 madic tribes, and as I have before said, except under the pro- 
 tection of the Peer-Kisri, it is dangerous to put any faith in 
 them. They look upon Europeans as castaways, deriving their 
 origin from genii, being in league with the devil, who has taught 
 them how to make gold, and as having the power of the evil 
 eye, and of being able to find hidden treasures ; the ardour with 
 which they see us examining and groping amongst old ruins con- 
 firms them in this last opinion. 
 
 When encamped they lead a life of complete idleness ; the 
 women and children only are occupied in tilling the ground and 
 looking after the flocks, from which they make considerable profits. 
 They sell the wool of the sheep, and spin the goats' and camels' 
 hair to make clothes and tents ; the cloth from these materials is 
 so closely woven, that they make bags of it in which they carry 
 milk, water, and other hquids, without losing a drop ; their clothes 
 made of this material are worn in the rainy season. In summer 
 they wear a cotton tunic, drawn in at the waist, and large pantaloons ; 
 the turban is twisted and tied like that of the Arabs, and not like 
 that of the Afghans ; the front of their heads is shaved, the re- 
 mainder of the hair being allowed to fall loosely over their shoulders. 
 If all the Belooches of Seistan, capable of bearing arms, were 
 united in one corps d'armée, they would certainly present an eff'ec- 
 tive force of from 30,000 to 35,000 men, all excellent infantry. 
 There is no cavalry, for horses in Seistan are few in number. 
 The Belooches are armed with a lance and sabre ; fire-aims are 
 rarely seen — a few matchlocks and some bad pistols are the extent 
 of their armoury in this way ; they carry the Indian buckler, 
 covered with a thin plate of copper, or with the skin of the 
 elephant or rhinoceros. Of their courage they boast and swagger 
 as much as the Afghans, but perhaps with more reason ; the latter 
 are good for a rush, but they do not meet the shock of an attack, 
 or stand under the fire of artillery. The Belooches, on the con- 
 trary, though as ignorant as the latter of the art of war, surpass 
 them in tenacity and bravery ; they remain firm under the fire of 
 the enemy, and are bold in their advance. They attack in small 
 parties of ten or twelve, and to prevent any one from running away 
 and ensure the immediate removal of their wounded, they tie 
 their tunics together ; in the latter case four files in rear of these 
 little detachihents, untie the tunic of the wounded man, and having 
 fastened the party together again remove him to the rear. On 
 
 2 F 2 
 
43(3 SURPRISE OF MOLLAH AKHOND-ZADEH. Chap. XXVIII. 
 
 many occasions they hold firm, and die on the ground like real 
 heroes ; there arc no better soldiers in Asia than these Belooches.* 
 Furrah, November 7th. — Fourteen parasangs— ten hours — 
 through a plain, and following the left bank of the Furrah-rood, 
 amongst brushwood of tamarisk and tag underwood, the ground 
 always rising in front of us. AVe saw only one single village, 
 but numerous ruins and the tents of nomads, and arrived at Furrah 
 at nightfall. Nothing can picture the stupefaction of Mollah 
 Mahmood Akhond-zadeh on seeing me ; he was so disappointed 
 that he stared at me without the power of saying a word. 
 He listened in silence to the statement of Assad Khan, and when 
 it was finished, accused him of beinjy a rascal, a brigand, who 
 wished to dishonour him by making it appear that he had not 
 taken the necessary measures and suiBcient precautions to ensure 
 the success cf my journey. " What will the Vezir c:ay ?" said the 
 Mollah at every pause ; " I am a lost and ruined man." At length, 
 after being an hour in a state of complete prostration of mind, 
 he suddenly exclaimed, " I am saved ; in five days you shall leave 
 again ; I know where to find some dromedaries." Unfortunately 
 for him, however, I did not intend to take advantage of the 
 resources of his imagination, having quite determined, after what 
 had happened, not to attempt any new adventures. To this he 
 was obliged to resign himself, and remain satisfied with receivinor 
 my certificate, setting forth the good services he had rendered me. 
 I did the same for Assad Khan, but as he thought this might not 
 be quite sufficient to cover the responsibilities he conceived himself 
 under towards me, he determined upon accompanying me to Herat, 
 though his wound was still open, and he suff"ered much from it. 
 
 I remained at Furrah the 8th and 9th, and rested myself after 
 the fatigues and dangers I had encountered in Seistan, and to 
 prepare myself for my journey to Herat. During my first stay at 
 Furrah, and previously to my receiving Yar Mohamed's reply, 
 authorizing me to go to Shikarpoor, I had an idea, in case of his 
 refusing, of entering Persia by way of Toon and Tubbus, and 
 taking the road through Yezd and Kerman to Bunder-Busheer. 
 With this in view, I had obtained every information from a certain 
 Meshedi Hadi, a camel-driver of Furrah, who during thirty-five 
 
 * It may be remembered that tlie army so gallantly at Meeaiii, was composed 
 of tlie Ameers of Scinde, which fought almost entirely of Belooches.— Ed. 
 
Chap. XXYIII. ITINEEARTES. 437 
 
 years had been continually passing to and fro through these vast 
 and solitary regions ; he also furnished me with an exact list of all 
 the halts, and I give them a place here, without completely 
 accepting the responsibility of the details, though I believe them 
 to be accurate : they may be useful to the geographer, or to 
 subsequent travellers. It should be remembered that it is impos- 
 sible to give the exact distances on the map, by compass, or as the 
 crow flies, for it will be necessary here, as much as in every other 
 case, to allow for the great circuit which it is frequently necessary 
 to make, to avoid the obstacles and difficulties of ground, and to 
 obtain water. 
 
 Direct Road from FurraJi to Nishapoor. 
 
 From Fiirrah to — 
 
 Killah-Khati — 10 parasangs — a walled village, 400 houses; in- 
 habited by Persians. 
 
 Daroo — 14 parasangs — walled village, 300 houses; inhabited by 
 an agricidtural population and shepherds of the Arab race. 
 
 Shehrhisha — 1 2 parasangs — walled village, 400 houses ; inhabited 
 by cultivators of the soil, shepherds, and caravaniers of the Persian 
 race. 
 
 Mood — 5 parasangs — an open village, -JiiO houses; the inhabitants 
 Persians. 
 
 Boodj—b parasangs — walled village, 300 houses ; the inhabitants 
 Persians. 
 
 Bi'erjoon — 2 parasangs — a walled town, 1000 houses; population 
 Arab and Persian. 1000 houses surround the fortress. 
 
 Shah-hag — 9 parasangs — walled village, 60 houses, and 100 tents 
 of nomads round it ; an Ai'ab population. 
 
 Mohamed-abad — 5 parasangs — walled village, 100 houses, 200 tents 
 in the environs ; Arab population. 
 
 Doost-ahad — 2 parasangs — an open village, 100 houses. The inha- 
 bitants Persians. 
 
 Serayoon — 4 parasangs— walled town, 2000 houses. This is a very 
 large place, but half destroyed : water is in abundance, and comes 
 from the neighbouring mountains ; two hundred and sixty reser- 
 voirs are fed by these streams. Serayoon is surrounded by numerous 
 gardens, and there are great numbers of excellent camels. The 
 majority of the inhabitants are camel caravaniers ; it has a manu- 
 factoiy of small arms and one of felt carpets, called remed. In the 
 environs are many prosperous and handsome villages. 
 
438 FUREAH TO SEMNOON. Ciiai'. XXVllI. 
 
 Ay ask — 2 parasangs — 500 houses, a small walled town ; the inlia- 
 hitauts are Persians. 
 
 Toon — 3 parasangs — a walled town, the enceinte recently repaired ; 
 3500 houses ; population Persian. There are handsome bazars, 
 mosques, and caravanserais, built of burnt brick ; the gardens are 
 largo and numerous. There is a considerable commercial movement 
 here ; the productions are opium, silk, cotton, tobacco, and fruits. 
 Water is scarce, and the corn-crops are consequently light ; in 
 years of drought wheat for consumption is obliged to be imported. 
 Camels and sheep are numerous ; horses scarce. 
 
 Buoroo — 2 parasangs— a walled village, 150 houses; a Persian 
 population. 
 
 Ser-i-deh — 3 parasangs — a walled village, 300 houses ; a Persian 
 population. 
 
 Bejistan — 2 parasangs — a small town, walled ; 700 houses within 
 the enceinte, 300 outside ; a Persian population ; abundance of fruit. 
 
 Ser-dagh — 4 parasangs — a walled village, 100 houses; population, 
 Persians. In a plain, where there is an abundance of salt; this 
 forms a considerable article of commerce. 
 
 Sahadedi — 5 parasangs, a walled village, 100 houses; a Persian 
 population. 
 
 Kadoogan — 3 parasangs — a walled village, 150 houses; a Persian 
 population. 
 
 Kahoodan — 4 parasangs — a walled village, 300 houses ; a Persian 
 population. 
 
 ICaleh-mcidan — 3 parasangs — a walled village, 70 houses ; a Persian 
 population, 
 
 Singird — 4 parasangs — a walled -vdllage, 300 houses ; inhabited 
 by 100 Persians and 200 Belooches. 
 
 Pabaz — 5 parasangs — 400 houses ; a Persian population. 
 
 Nishapoor — 5 parasangs — a walled town, of which I have already 
 made mention. 
 
 Route from Fiirrali to Semiwon. 
 
 From Furrah to Beerjoon, as in the preceding route. 
 Shah-zileh — 4 parasangs— a walled village, 100 houses ; an Ai'ab 
 population. 
 
 Shamh — 4 parasangs— a walled village, 100 houses; a Persian 
 population. 
 
 Haooz-finhek — 5 parasangs— encampment of nomads ; 10 tents 
 tenanted by Belooches. 
 
 Khoor — 5 parasangs— a walled village, 400 houses ; a Persian 
 population. 
 
Chap. XXVIII. FURRAH TO SEMNOON. 439 
 
 MiJJi-Khoor — 2 parasangs — a spring of water ; Avitliout houses or 
 inhabitants. 
 
 Talkh-ab — 5 parasangs — a spring of water; without houses or 
 inhabitants. 
 
 Haooz-firooz — 4 parasangs — a spring of water ; without houses or 
 inhabitants. 
 
 Haooz- Mohamed- Kassem — 8 parasangs — a spring of water ; without 
 houses or inhabitants. 
 
 Payi!<tan — 2 parasangs — ^a walled village, 100 houses ; a Persian 
 population. 
 
 Joriz — -t parasangs — a walled village, 200 houses ; a Persian 
 population. Here Khorassan terminates. 
 
 Tiibhus — 2 parasangs — a town surrounded by an enormous embank- 
 ment of earth, on which are towers connected by curtains and pro- 
 tected by a ditch. Tubbus is in a plain, the soil of which is of a 
 silicious character, and water is bad and scarce. There are, never- 
 theless, in the neighbourhood thirty villages inhabited by Arabs, 
 who have managed to fertilize to a certain extent tlris ungrateful 
 soil. The tov/n contains about 5000 houses : the population is 
 Arab and Persian ; but in this number should be included those 
 which are scattered amongst the cottages in the gardens outside. 
 The citadel, situated within the town, is very strong; but that 
 which protects it more than the fortifications are the deserts that 
 surroimd the district of which it is the chief place, and which 
 extend on all sides to a distance of at least 10 parasangs. Con- 
 siderable quantities of silk are produced here ; this is taken to Yezd, 
 and then spun : also tamhciM, which is as much esteemed as that 
 of Shiraz. The exportation of this article is great. The dates are 
 of inferior quality ; grain and cotton are growTi in sufficient quan- 
 tities to meet the consumption on the spot. Camels and sheep are 
 more numerous here than in any other part of Persia. A large 
 number of the popidation of Tubbus are by occupation caravaniers. 
 The gardens are very productive and well watered, and the orange- 
 tree is cultivated. The province of Irak commences here. 
 
 Shardch — 4 parasangs — a walled village, 100 houses; population 
 Persians. 
 
 Kalmoreh — 8 parasangs — a spring of brackish water; uninhabited 
 spot. 
 
 Kerhas-ao — 8 parasangs — a spring of brackish water ; uninhabited 
 spot. 
 
 Girdah — 6 parasangs — a spring of brackish water ; uninhabited 
 spot. 
 
 Chechmsh-aziz — 8 parasangs — a spring of brackish water; unin- 
 habited spot. 
 
440 BEERJOON TO KEKMAN. Chap. XXVI 1 1. 
 
 Majerad — 8 parasangs — a spring of brackish water; uninhabited 
 spot. 
 
 Chechmeh-kooh — 6 parasangs — a spring of brackish water; unin- 
 habited spot. 
 
 Rezeh — parasangs — open village, 100 houses ; a well ; popula- 
 tion Persians. 
 
 Turood — 5 parasangs — walled village, 500 hou.ses ; population 
 Persians. 
 
 Husseia-nooii — 5 parasangs — walled village, 400 houses ; popula- 
 tion Persians. 
 
 Ab-gah — 5 parasangs — a spring of fresh water ; uninhabited. 
 
 Semnoon — 5 parasangs — a town of which I have already made 
 mention, at six days' journey from Teheian. 
 
 Route from Beerjoon to Kerman. 
 
 From Beerjoon to — 
 
 Raliat — 4 parasangs — walled village, 100 houses ; population 
 Persians. 
 
 Zehr-abad— 4 j)arasangs — walled village, 25 houses ; population 
 Persians. 
 
 Majan — 4 parasangs — walled village, 400 houses ; population 
 Persians. 
 
 Ser-chah — 4 parasangs — walled village, 100 houses ; population 
 Arabs. 
 
 Atesh-kedeh — 5 jDarasangs — a spring of fresh water; uninhabited. 
 
 Kooh-Bahhtan — 5 parasangs — a sj^ring of brackish water; unin- 
 habited. The towns of Neh-bindan are on the left of Kooh- 
 Bakhtan, 7 parasangs distant. 
 
 Haooz — 3 parasangs— a dried well ; uninhabited spot. 
 
 Good-nimeh — 5 parasangs — a dried well ; uninhabited spot. 
 
 Kosrood — 4 parasangs — a dried well ; uninhabited spot. 
 
 Goojar — 4 parasangs — a dried well ; uninhabited spot. 
 
 Bagli-assad — 5 parasangs— a small stream of bitter but not salt 
 water ; uninhabited spot. 
 
 Daood-ewoak — 3 parasangs — ruins ; no water ; uninhabited spot. 
 
 Chechmeh-Delirief — 6 parasangs — a walled village, 50 houses ; 
 population Persians. 
 
 Khuhhes — 4 parasangs — a town of 800 houses, suiTouuded by a 
 wall of earth. The productions here are dates, lemons, oranges, henna, 
 and rice. This place is much nearer to Kerman than it appeal's on 
 the generality of maps ; this error of the geographers has arisen froiii 
 there being two Khubhes — the ancient one in ruins and uninhabited, 
 
Chap. XXVl[I. THE AUTHOR LEAVES FURRAH. 441 
 
 of which they speak; and the modern one, of Avhich they do not 
 speak, and which is nearer to Kerman. 
 
 Pai-kotal — 4 parasangs^a walled village, 100 houses; population 
 Persians. 
 
 Dimhht-ingoor — 5 parasangs — a walled village, 500 houses; 
 population Persians. 
 
 Kennaii — 4 parasangs — a large town, and capital of the province 
 of this name. 
 
 The city of Ghayn, of which I have made no mention, is an 
 important fortress, being surrounded with a high embankment, above 
 which is a wall of earth, the whole being protected by a ditch ; there 
 are not more than seven hundred houses within the enceinte, but the 
 inhabitants of several villages close to the fortress, and which are 
 dependent upon it, considerably augment the total of the popula- 
 tion : this is composed of Arabs and Belooches, and they have the 
 reputation of being a brave though turbulent set. There are large 
 numbers of sheep, goats, and camels in this locality ; the horses 
 are good, and of Arabian blood ; the carpets are considered the 
 best and the dearest in Persia. Ghayn is in a plain, about twenty 
 parasangs fi-ora Furrah, sixteen from Laush Jowaine, and twelve 
 from Neh-Bindan. A man on horseback will require two days to 
 go from Laush Jowaine to Neh-Bindan ; the distance is about 
 twenty-five parasangs. 
 
 I should likewise state that the routes and their prolongations, 
 as far as the most western fi'ontiers of Persia, which I have just 
 given, are frequently scoured by the Bakhtiaris and Beloocîies ; 
 the first only rob the caravans, the second add to robbery murder, 
 when they cannot carry their captives with them. Another 
 danger awaits the traveller in the central parts of this country — he 
 may be swallowed up in the shifting sands, which are undermined 
 in consequence of the rains dissolving the salt, and the consequent 
 filtration of the water. 
 
 During the two days I remained at Furrah, Mollah Mahmood 
 did his best to persuade me to venture once more through the 
 Seistan, and endeavour to reach India by that route ; but the three 
 trials I had made, once by the north and twice by the south, 
 having cruelly tried my health and my courage, I positively 
 refused, and persevered, under this feeling, in my determination to 
 
442 J EJA— SINGULAR REQUEST. Chap. XXVIII. 
 
 return afraln to Persia, the more so as I had failed in the original 
 object I had in view. 
 
 Khosh-aoa, November 10th — five parasangs, over a plain, on 
 which were several villages, also many ruins, of which the inha- 
 bitants know nothing, not even the name. To any question that 
 is put in reference to the ruins, one is pretty sure to have the 
 same kind of reply all over Central Asia — it is always the story 
 of some beautiful maid, two lovers, a barber, or some holy indi- 
 vidual who is the founder of such remains ; and, if there is no 
 legend of the kind, they father them upon Roostem, Shah Abbas, 
 and even Nadir Shah, or the genii. The land near Khosh- 
 ava is rich and well-cultivated. A narrow foot-path only 
 marks the first part of the route from Furrah to Khosh-ava ; the 
 second is through fields, and in the direction of the mountains, 
 at the foot of which that village is situated, and consists of about 
 100 houses. The Ket-khoda happened to be at Furrah when 
 I was there, and Mollah Mahmood, to propitiate him in my 
 favour, had presented him with a hlielat made of an English 
 print ; I expected, therefore, from him a large share of hospitality, 
 but the rogue took all he could get, and charged me double for 
 the loaf and some sour milk with which he supplied me. 
 
 Jeja, November 11th — seven parasangs — the two first across 
 a plain ; three canals, which are fed by the waters of the Khachek- 
 rood are then crossed, and subsequently we entered some valleys 
 enclosed by high mountains : the Sefid Koh is on the left. The 
 country is but slightly populated ; the vegetable world is, on the 
 contrary, very flourishing, and the land covered with pasture and 
 underwood. Meeting with a flock, Assad Khan and his people 
 seized a sheep, and, contrary to what I^had previously seen, the 
 shepherd demurred to the theft, but an application of the stick sub- 
 dued him considerably ; he himself enacted the part of butcher 
 without further delay, and when the animal was ready for the 
 cook tied it under one of the horses of the escort. He then offered 
 up many a prayer for our safety, and assured us how very fortunate 
 he thought himself in having made the acquaintance of such highly 
 distin<ruished and kind individuals. 
 
 Jeja, which we reached in the afternoon, is a little Icaleh^ 
 inhabited by a chief, and surrounded by the tents of some Noorzye 
 nomads, who are dependent on the chief of Herat. It gives its 
 name to the river, .which, running through the whole length of 
 
Chap. XXVIIl. FORT OF SUBZAAVUR. 443 
 
 its district, is above it called the Subzawur-rood, "and below it 
 the Ilaroot-rood. The women of Jeja, hearing that a Euro- 
 pean was encamped in the river, came to me in a crowd to ask 
 for medicine, and I could not get rid of them either with good 
 reasons or fair speeches : they were sure the Feringhee doctor had 
 some medicaments, and I was at length obliged to give them a dose 
 of aperient pills all round. 
 
 Suhzawur, also called Sehzar, November 12tli — nine parasangs. 
 Crossing the river of Jeja, we marched for the first hour 
 through the mountains, and subsequently, for eight more, across 
 a plain, nearly always following the course of the Jeja-rood, The 
 country was less wooded than on the previous day, though not so 
 populated ; several villages were seen on the side of the road, and 
 reservoirs of water, round which were many encampments of nomads. 
 
 Half an hour before arriving at Subzawur, at the extremity 
 of the mountains running east and west, and on the last ridge 
 stretching into the plain, are the remains, and some of them in 
 pretty good preservation, of the large and ancient city of Sabah. 
 The walls of the citadel, which crowned the highest eminence, are 
 still standing : the city was below, and connected with the fort 
 above it by thick walls, flanked by towers originally of stone, but 
 subsequently repaired with sun-dried bricks ; these walls descended 
 to the river, and protected the town on the only side by which it 
 could be approached. The appearance of these ruins points to a 
 period of great antiquity as the time of their origin. Some of the 
 people in the neighbourhood say that they are anterior to the 
 conquests of Alexander ; others, who probably prefer legends to 
 history, are believers in the following ridiculous tale: — The 
 city, say they, was built by women of gigantic stature, under 
 the protection of genii ; these ladies, after having obtained children 
 from their husbands, sacrificed the latter to their sanguinary gods, 
 whose appetite for blood was it appears not easily satisfied. The 
 great Roostem, distressed at witnessing the male population thus 
 decimated, put an end to these cruelties ; he attacked them 
 singly, put the genii to flight, made prisoners of the softer sex, and 
 imprisoned them in his island on the Seistan lake, where they could 
 do no further injury. Since then Sabah has never been perma- 
 nently inhabited, and misfortune has always been the lot of those 
 who endeavoured to establish themselves there. 
 
 The river has again to be crossed to reach the new town of 
 
444 SUBZAWUR. Chap, XXVIIT. 
 
 Subzawur, at an elbow of tlie stream, and at the foot of the moun- 
 tains south of the plain on which it is situated. This little fortress 
 is constructed on the same plan as Furrah, but is only half as 
 large. Its circuit may be about a mile in extent ; it con- 
 tains a small bazaar and one hundred houses, and must in 
 former times have been the citadel of a large city, now repre- 
 sented by extensive suburbs, partly in ruins. Gardens and culti- 
 vated ground, surrounding villages and encampments of nomads 
 in all directions, are seen in its neighbourhood. Water is con- 
 ducted to the town from the Subzawur-rood by numerous canals, 
 that protect the approaches to the fortress, which is one point in 
 the strategic position which a Russian or Persian army ought to 
 take up as the base of their operations, if they intended to advance 
 into Afghanistan ; that is to say, if they hoped for any chance of 
 success. 
 
 The town of Subzawur is often erroneously mentioned in 
 history as that of Subzawur which is situated near Neshapoore in 
 Khorassan. Shah Thamasp, the last of the kings of the Severige 
 dynasty, was confined and put to death here by order of Nadir 
 Shah. I did not enter the fortress because the cholera was raging ; 
 also because it would have been necessary to obtain an order from 
 the commandant of the district. This precautionary measure is 
 taken with all strangers, for surprise or treachery are of common 
 occurrence amongst the people of these countries. 
 
 Adreskan, November 13th. — A halt already described, 
 
 Chabith, November 14th. — The same. 
 
 lioouz-hagh, November 15th. — This is a royal residence of the 
 sovereigns of Herat, but now in ruins, and of a miserable appear- 
 ance. Here we halted, and sent on a man of our escort to carry 
 a letter to Yar Mohamed Khan, announcing our return. The 
 night was exceedingly cold, and we heard that the cholera was 
 making sad ravages at Herat and in its neighbourhood. 
 
Chap. XXIX. HRKAT. 44î 
 
 CHAPTER XXJX. 
 
 Arrival of Mousieui* Feriier at Yar Mohained's residence near Herat — Is 
 received by the Sirdar Habib Ullah Khan — ■ The Author makes the acquaintance 
 of Fethi Khan — Description of that nobleman — His liberal and kind con- 
 duct to the Author — Interview with Yar Mohamed — Asiatics arrested at 
 Kabul for Europeans — Assad Khan rewarded by Yar Mohamed — Visitors 
 at Ullah Khan's — The Author proceeds to Herat — Unfortunate accident to 
 the Sirdar — A dear glass of vinegar — Scene at the Sirdar's house — The 
 prayer over the broken leg • — The doctors disagree at Herat as elsewhere — A 
 singular plaster — The bone-setters — The Sertip Lai Mohamed Khan — 
 The two physicians — Monsieur Ferrier's mistake — The dream of Goolam 
 Kader Khan — The genii of cholera — Jew doctors of Herat — Merchants of 
 India in that city — Remarkable effect of a pair of pantaloons — Statistics on 
 the military forces of Central Asia — Geographical inaccuracies. 
 
 Herat, November 15th — one parasang and a half — through culti- 
 vated laud. After crossing the Heri-rood by the bridge of Ma- 
 lanne, we met the soldier whom we had on the previous evening 
 despatched to the Vezir. Yar Mohamed had ordered him to return 
 and prevent us from entering the town, in which the cholera was 
 making such havoc, and conduct us to the gardens of Karteh, where 
 he was for the moment residing ; we turned our horses' heads there- 
 fore in that direction, and on our arrival found a complete encamp- 
 ment surroundino- his house. I was taken to the tent of Sirdar 
 Habib Ullah Khan, who had been appointed by the Vezir to re- 
 ceive me ; this chief was a brother of Mollah Mahmood, governor 
 of Furrah, and I had met him before in the district of Ghoor, 
 where he was making war against the Taymoonis. The Khan 
 gave me a very friendly reception ; and with him at the moment 
 of my arrival was the Sirdar Haji Fethi Khan, a cousin of Yar 
 Mohamed, whom I had not seen during my two previous visits to 
 that city, as he was at that time on a pilgrimage to Mecca. The 
 Vezir had at first intended me to share his cousin's hospitality, but 
 subsequently altered his plan, thinking it not impossible that he, 
 being devoted to English interests, might concoct something with 
 me which would militate against his own. 
 
 Fethi Khan was a handsome young fellow, with polite and dis- 
 tinguished manners, and had nothing of the rough and savage 
 
440 FETHI KTIAN. Chap. XXTX. 
 
 aspect of liis countrymen about him ; this agreeable contrast was 
 owing probably to the frequent opportunities he had had of asso- 
 ciating with Europeans. In the years 1836 and 1837 he had 
 been charged by the Shah Kamran with a diplomatic mission to 
 Teheran, and had passed a considerable portion of the time he was 
 residing in that capital amongst the members of the foreign diplo- 
 matic corps ; recently, also, in going to and returning from Mecca, 
 he passed through India, and the highest functionaries there had 
 received him with every honour. Some French merchantmen were 
 at Bombay during his stay there, and the interviews he had with 
 their officers had given him a high opinion of the character and 
 power of our nation. He had made some purchases of them 
 instead of the English, as he preferred our manufactures, more 
 especially guns, watches, and silk goods, because he found these 
 articles as good as those of our rivals, and cheaper. Napoleon 
 and his companions in arms, with whose names and history he 
 seemed perfectly acquainted, was a constant topic of conversation 
 between us, and his remarks, which were clever and to the 
 point, were exceedingly original, and being expressed in the 
 highly figurative language of his country were the more striking. 
 Having learnt through Assad Khan of the distress and penury 
 into which I had been plunged by the conduct and cupidity of the 
 Sirdar Mohamed Sedik Khan, he made me most obliging offers 
 of assistance. As Asiatics are generally very lavish of proposi- 
 tions of this kind, without the least idea of carrying them into 
 effect, I received those of Fcthi Khan as simply the expression of 
 a polite feeling : but I was in error, for a very short time after he 
 had left he sent me 350 francs in gold, a complete Afghan dress, 
 a gun, a watch, and three horses ; and during the whole time I 
 resided at Herat was of service to me in many other ways. 
 " After the many civilities I received from the English in India," 
 said he, "it is only a duty which I perform — they are Europeans, 
 so are the French, so that it is all one and the same thing." 
 
 November 16th. — The day after my arrival I paid my respects to 
 the Vezir, who received me with the same kindness as on former 
 occasions. After listening with attention to the history of my 
 adventures in Kandahar and in Seistan, his indignation broke 
 forth against the Sirdars of that country ; and his pride was espe- 
 cially wounded at the little consideration they had paid to his 
 recommendation. " They are all infidels ! " he exclaimed ; " may 
 
r.TAP. XXIX. ASIATICS MISTAKEN FOR EUROPEANS. 447 
 
 their fathers be burnt ! An envoy of Kohendil Khan's to Assaf 
 Doulet arrived here yesterday on his way to Meshed ; but as the 
 Khan would not allow you to go farther than Kandahar, neither 
 will I permit their envoy to pass Herat. He shall be sent back 
 to Kussan, and he may go by way of Seistan, if that suits him, 
 but he shall certainly not go through my territories ; the pre- 
 cautions they took to prevent you from seeing and knowing what 
 they are doing with them are absurd. Do they suppose that their 
 public acts are not known to the English ? — are they so stupid as 
 to imagine that these people, who held possession of their country 
 for two years, are not better acquainted with it than themselves ? — 
 and they are actually afraid that they will map it. If this does 
 not sufficiently prove to you how wanting in intelligence they are, 
 the following fact may. About fifteen months since, a young man, 
 originally of Herat, and ten years in my son's service, received my 
 permission to proceed to Kabul to arrange some private affairs. 
 His beard and hair were light, and his eyes green, like the English 
 — -and woe betide the traveller who enters the states of the Moha- 
 medzyes with these characteristic proofs of an European origin ! 
 Such, however, was the personal appearance of my Heratian, and 
 such the reasons for his being denounced by Kohendil Khan to 
 Dost Mohamed, who kept him in prison for three months, and 
 subsequently sent him to me under an escort, with a request that 
 I would forward him immediately to Persia, and never allow a 
 Ferinç^hee in future to enter Afo^hanistan on that side." 
 
 I could believe this, for during my stay at Girishk I had oppor- 
 tunities of observing the exaggerated fears entertained by the 
 Sirdars of Kandahar, who arrested three or four Asiatics on 
 similar grounds ; and, in spite of ray assurance that they were not 
 Europeans, which was easy to see at the first glance, Mohamed 
 Sedik Khan would not release them. Having informed the Vezir 
 how much I had been indebted to Assad Khan for the great 
 courage, fidelity, and assistance I had received from him, Yar 
 Mohamed sent for the Khan, and complimented him in the most 
 flattering terms : — " You have," said he, addressing him, " well 
 understood and carried out my intentions ; and to prove that I am 
 perfectly satisfied with your conduct, I propose to accede to the 
 wishes of this European and grant all that he has asked for you — 
 I give you therefore the two horses which you lost recently in the 
 
418 ACCIDENT TO THE SIRDAK. Ciiai'. XXIX. 
 
 war with tlic Taymoonis, the payment of one hundred and fifty 
 ducats due on account of your arrears of pay, plus a present of 
 fifty ducats, and a grant of water in the neighbourhood of Khash- 
 rood, to enable you there to establish yourself with the rest of the 
 tribe who have followed your fortunes ; and, lastly, a silk robe of 
 honour." 
 
 These gifts were bestowed at my request, and confirmed me in 
 the opinion I had previously formed, that Yar Mohamed was 
 secretly desirous of being on amicable terms with the English, and 
 obtaining their good opinion and support in his misunderstandings 
 or quarrels with Persia and Kandahar ; for though I was a French- 
 man, he hoped that I should mention the good treatment I had 
 received, and thus give a favourable impression of his actions. 
 The visitors at the Vezir's were rather numerous, those with whom 
 I was acquainted were the Kazi Mohamed Osman, Mirza Nejef, 
 the Ekim Bashi, Mirza Ibrahim Khan, and the Athar Bashi, the 
 old confidential minister of the Shah Kamran. After returning to 
 my tent and as night fell, the Vezir sent me an excellent dinner, 
 which disappeared in an instant under the vigorous assaults of 
 myself and the Sirdars — visitors who, attracted by the grateful 
 smell, came in numbers to our tent. 
 
 November 17th. — Having obtained the permission of Yar 
 Mohamed, and undeterred by the cholera, I went into the city. 
 The Sirdar Habib Ullah Khan and Assad Khan accompanied me 
 there with a large number of horsemen ; the population having 
 heard beforehand from their people of my arrival, had as- 
 sembled to see me pass ; the news of the bad treatment 1 had 
 received in Kandahar had been brought back to them some time 
 before by the caravans, and my return to their town was an event 
 Accompanied by the crowd, the cavalcade had just arrived at the 
 Char-sook, in the centre of the bazaars, when a horse mounted 
 by a servant, and placed at the head of the column to clear the 
 road before us and open a passage through the mob, flung out 
 with his hind legs and broke the Sirdar's left leg. He was 
 quickly lifted from his horse and taken to a shop, and the people 
 closed round in such numbers and so suddenly that they prevented 
 me from getting to him ; seeing me thus separated from the escort, 
 a host of beggars quickly surrounded and almost stifled me, 
 and with loud cries demanded alms. For more than a quarter of 
 
Chap. XXIX. A DEAR GLASS OF VINEGAR. 449 
 
 an hour I was at their mercy, and was at length only rescued by 
 the police, leaving behind me a part of my clothes. 
 
 During this time my poor host had fainted away, and lay 
 extended on the front of an old-iron shop, where instead of any 
 one assisting him, the curious were making him suffer ten thousand 
 tortures, by moving the limb to see where it was broken. 
 
 Every one gave his opinion, and no two agreed ; the hubbub 
 and confusion were at length so great, that there was no hearing 
 oneself speak, I called for some vinegar, but though there was 
 plenty in at least ten shops close at hand, none was brought. I 
 went, therefore, to a grocer, who said, " Give me a rupee (two 
 shillings), and I will let you have half a glass." " Rascal and 
 ass," I replied, "your countrymen have robbed me, I have not a 
 sou for you: besides the Sirdar is dying, and this is no time for 
 bargaining;" but the rogue was of a different opinion, and 
 replied, " When can I hope to have another opportunity of 
 making such a bargain ?" after which he showed me his back, 
 and I supplied the place of the vinegar with the smoke of some 
 burnt paper, which I placed under the Sirdar's nose, and in a 
 few seconds he came to himself. At last a stretcher was brought, 
 and, with the assistance of the police, and a continual application 
 of the stick on the backs of the mob, we reached Ullah Khan's 
 house. ■ 
 
 Here was another scene and as much confusion. The women, 
 though in the presence of the men, made an irruption from the 
 harem into the room, sobbing and shrieking for at least an 
 hour, before they thought of attending to their suffering master. 
 The doctors and bonesetters who had been called in to set the leg, 
 arrived one after the other, and two hours elapsed before they 
 examined it ; they were another hour discussing the mode of treat- 
 ment, and, of course, without agreeing about it : one wanted to 
 wash the wound made by the nails of the horseshoe, another 
 proposed something else ; at last the Vezirs surgeon arrived — he 
 was for washing it ; and the dresser who was fixing the splints 
 stopped short, declaring that he would do nothing further unless 
 a mollah came and said the prayer usually offered during an 
 operation — a prayer beforehand constituting in his opinion at 
 least three-fourths of the chances of a cure. A good hour again 
 elapsed before the kazi arrived, who then recited a long 
 orison ; and as it finished, the leg was wretchedly and most 
 
 2 G 
 
450 TREATMENT OF THE BROKEN LEG. Chap. XXIX. 
 
 unskilfully set, the horrible agony and loud cries of the patient being 
 little regarded. The surgeons then put on a plaster made of barley - 
 flour and yolks of eggs to facilitate the joining of the bone, but 
 even at this point they had not done with the sufferer ; a new 
 dispute arose as to the general treatment, how he was to be dieted : 
 one was for complete abstinence from food, another abstinence 
 from liquids ; one was for hot drinks, another for cold ; and, as they 
 could not agree, it was determined to have recourse to the tesbih, 
 a chaplet with which Mussulmans consult fate. On this authority, 
 and that of a constellation given by an astronomer who was 
 present, it was at length settled that the patient was to have no 
 drink at all, but as much as ever he could eat, while he, without the 
 least appetite and nearly moribund, declined everything that was 
 brought to him. As the Vezir's surgeon had some authority in 
 the midst of such a mob, and was supported by the favourite wife 
 of the Sirdar, the discussions, propositions, and arrangements were 
 at length brought to a close ; they had occupied four hours, and 
 if it had not been for these two persons, they would not have 
 terminated till the following day at the same hour ; but it should be 
 remembered, that to mend a leg is not a small thing at Herat, and 
 for several reasons. It would be thought the height of imprudence 
 to have only one surgeon, jerrah — the more there are the more 
 they are worth ; but his duty, under these circumstances, iai^nly to 
 dress the wound : it is the dresser, the shikesti-bend, to set the 
 bone, and the hakim to prescribe the regimen, &c., and, as in this 
 case there were three wiseacres of each class, the result to the 
 paticîit can be readily imagined. This mélodrame at an end, I 
 was in great hopes that the poor man would be allowed a little 
 quiet, and be left alone to obtain that repose of which he was 
 so much in need ; but instead of this, all his friends — and they 
 were not a few — came in succession to see and condole with 
 him ; this lasted long into the night. On entering the room and 
 leaving it every one of these acquaintances offered up a prayer for 
 the speedy cure of the wounded limb, and as those who were 
 stationary around the bed, and belonged to the house, repeated 
 these in chorus, the effect was an uninterrupted litany, till by 
 degrees every one retired to bed. 
 
 On the day succeeding this unfortunate affair, I called on 
 my friend the Sertip Lai Mohamed Khan, who, under the 
 influence of enormous doses of calomel, was swollen out to the size 
 
Chap. XXIX. THE TWO PHYSICIANS. 451 
 
 of ta barrel ; he could scarcely speak, and died three or four 
 mouths afterwards. The ignorance and presumption of the 
 medical empirics of these countries is beyond belief, and the faith 
 which the inhabitants have in them is still more remarkable ; I 
 could relate a hundred anecdotes of their deplorable stupidity of 
 which I myself was a witness, and sometimes, though rarely, the 
 laughable result. Amongst them the following may be taken as 
 an example, and of the blind belief the people have in dreams. 
 The reader must not suppose there is any exaggeration ; I have, on 
 the contrary, withheld much that would assuredly have appeared 
 untrue, and those who are acquainted with this country will be 
 convinced that I have not overcharged the picture. During my 
 previous séjour at Herat, I made the acquaintance of all the 
 hakims in the city ; two of the most noted — perhaps I ought to say, 
 the most fashionable — Mirza Asker and Goolara Kader Khan 
 had more especially made me numerous visits. 1 had always 
 mistaken them, had called one by the name of the other, and 
 vice versa. Before I returned to Herat, Mirza Asker died of 
 cholera : my astonishment, therefore, was very great when I saw 
 him enter the Sirdar's apartment to assist in setting his leg. 
 Convinced of my error, I testified to him the happiness I felt in 
 seeing him still in the land of the living. " Ah !" replied the 
 HakiniÇ"^*' I was perfectly certain it must have been myself of 
 whom you spoke to the Vezir, when you said that the wisest of the 
 doctors of Herat was dead ; you might mistake the name, never the 
 person : no other individual but myself could be worthy of your 
 admirable praises." Though of quite a different opinion I left 
 Goolam Kader Khan in this delusion, and, turning the con- 
 versation to the cholera, requested to have some information on 
 the subject. " Oh ! with pleasure," said the doctor; " my ignorant 
 colleagues find it no doubt a difficult disease to treat, but to me 
 it is child's play; ask rather the whole population I have saved." 
 Amongst the thousand ridiculous prescriptions he had given, he 
 said the most eifectual had been the ninety-nine attributes of God 
 repeated in the presence of the patient by three old men, two 
 young men, and one maid, twice out loud and once to themselves. 
 After having confided this marvellous recipe to me, he added, 
 " God is merciful, and has never ceased to be favourable to 
 the most humble of his creatures. During the whole of this 
 unfortunate time, I flatter myself that I was especially the object 
 
 2 g2 
 
452 THE GENII OF CHOLERA. Ciiai'. XX! X. 
 
 of the Divine solicitude ; listen, and you will be convinced of the 
 feet. Two days before the cholera appeared within our walls, I 
 was warned in a dream of its approach ; my sleep was heavy and 
 oppressed, and I was in a kind of nightmare, when the chamberlain 
 of our excellent Vezir entered my apartment, and requested me to 
 make my daily visit to the palace. I rose immediately to obey the 
 summons, when I was suddenly arrested by the sinister appearance 
 of two strangers, dressed in red, of a pale and cadaverous aspect, 
 who stood on the steps of the palace gate. They were the first to 
 give me the salam, and it was with some difficulty that I returned 
 it, so sad was the impression made upon me by their countenances. 
 ' Oh ! strangers,' said I, ' what kind of people are you ? From 
 whence do you come ? What do you want ?' 
 
 " ' We are the Cholera, Veba estim,' said they, in a solemn voice ; 
 ' and we come by order of the Most High.' 
 
 "At these words I drew my poostine still closer round my chest,] 
 and held my breath to avoid the frightful infection which hung 
 on theirs. After this precaution, having retreated a few steps and 
 recommended my soul to God, I plucked up sufficient courage to 
 ask them whom they wanted. 
 
 " ' Neither you, nor the Vezir nor his family ; but we have more 
 than one account to settle with certain unbelievers who have abused 
 the Divine goodness and ignored the laws of the Prophet' 
 
 " ' Dread messengers,' I replied, ' I am neither a drunkard, an 
 opium nor a bem/i/ eater ; leave me therefore in peace.' 
 
 "• ' It is not with thee that we have to do, but with one of your 
 colleagues, whose ignorance and incapacity have caused the death 
 of so many people ; his victims demand his life, and God, having 
 taken their petition into consideration, has given us instructions | 
 to return with him.' i 
 
 " At these words they disappeared and I awoke. Though 
 completely occupied with my numerous engagements and my 
 large practice, I could think of nothing but this dream for two 
 whole days ; on the third I was the first person in the town 
 attacked by cholera. During fourteen hours I suffered the most 
 intolerable agonies, but thanks to my sang froid and to science, I 
 escaped death. These fourteen hours of sufifering revealed to me 
 which organs were particularly attacked ; I discovered the causes 
 of the disease, and at once comprehended what remedies should 
 be applied. The day after my recovery, I made as usual my 
 
Chap. XXrX. JEW DOCTORS AT IIKRAT. 4r,3 
 
 visit to the Vezir Saheb, and found that Mirza Askcr, the most 
 io-norant and decided rival I had, was there before me. I saw 
 immediately by the hue of his countenance that he was already 
 attacked by cholera. The ig-norant fellow, however, did not know 
 it, a humane feeling came over me, and I informed him how he 
 should treat himself, offered to prescribe for him — but how can 
 we escape from our destiny? Mirza Asker was the unbeliever 
 described in my dream by the two strangers ; and accordingly six 
 hours after, he died, and had to give an account to God of all 
 the assassinations — may God forgive him ! — which, in his life- 
 time, he committed with the drugs of the infidels ! My dream, 
 its results, and my success in the treatment of this fearful malady 
 were soon known to the population of Herat, and they blessed the 
 name of him whom this scoundrel, this Asker had vilified ; my 
 reputation is now at its height, and I have so many patients that I 
 cannot attend to them." 
 
 Having listened, and not without laughing, to this long tirade 
 of the doctor Goolam Kader Khan's, given in a tone of buf- 
 foonery, which is not to be described with the pen, I congratulated 
 him on his success, and again testified my satisfaction in seeing 
 that he was still alive ; but this verbal assurance was not sufficient : 
 he must have a written certificate to show to the Vezir that he 
 was really the very hakim whom, imagining to be dead, I had so 
 much praised ; and to this request he joined another, somewhat 
 more ludicrous. He besought me to send him a pair of surgical 
 scissors from Teheran, to operate with in cataract, a disease to 
 which the Heratians are extremely subject ; they were to have 
 flat blades, and be very slender : I promised to execute the com- 
 mission, but never did so, out of compassion for his patients. The 
 certificate I gave him, and received his best salam in return. 
 
 Jews practise as doctors at Herat, and sometimes also as 
 sorcerers. The Israelites are rather numerous there, more espe- 
 cially since their persecution at Meshed. Though their departure 
 fi*ora that city is forbidden, and they are mulcted in very heavy 
 fines if they are caught absconding, they nevertheless continually 
 make the attempt, and arrive at Herat, where they are permitted 
 to trade, and commerce through their means flourishes more than 
 it otherwise would. They are also allowed the free exercise of 
 their religion, and are thoroughly protected by the Vezir. 
 (^Some natives of India are also met with here, but in small 
 
454 REMARKABLE PANTALOONS. Chap. XXIX. 
 
 numbers ; and these, though apparently of very hiunhle exterior, 
 are immensely rich, and enjoy great consideration. The com- 
 merce of India with this city may be said to be almost entirely in 
 their hands ; they are held in great estimation by Yar Mo- 
 hamed, and farm nearly all the taxes./ One of them, Chatroo 
 by name, had previously to my first visit been assassinated ; and 
 the Vezir tried every means in his power to discover the murderer, 
 and would certainly have put him to death if he had succeeded. The 
 Indians I saw at Herat had been there for upwards of twenty years, 
 without ever leaving it ; but their wives, in almost every case, had 
 never joined them. One of them had, however, a son of about 
 fifteen years of age with him ; and I was wondering how he came 
 there, considering that his mother had lived at Shikarpoor for a 
 score of years, and his father the same number at Herat, when I 
 received a solution of the enigma from my acquaintance, Syud 
 Elias, an Afghan merchant, who had made a good many journeys 
 to India, and was familiar with the customs of the people of that 
 country. According to his showing, an Indian, when he leaves 
 his home, leaves also a pair of pantaloons with his wife, who puts 
 them on when she is desirous of being in that condition so natural 
 to, and, generally speaking, so much coveted by married women ; no 
 husband, it appears, would ever dream of repudiating a child ob- 
 tained by this simple method : to do so would be a perfect scandal. 
 
 When speaking of my journey through the states of Afghan- 
 istan, I have given approximately the amount of the forces of the 
 various chiefs. I will now recapitulate the total strength, so that 
 they may be more readily referred to. (See Table, p. 455.) 
 
 To those who are ignorant of the fact that all Asiatics are born 
 soldiers this total may appear high ; but in the towns, as well as 
 in the country, every house and every tent can, under pressing 
 necessity, furnish a fighting man, and sometimes two. The Table 
 has reference only to the Deftei'is ; that is to say, those who are 
 registered and receive pay, or instead an indemnity, an allow- 
 ance, contribution in grain, freedom from taxation, or the gratui- 
 tous grant of a water-course ; besides these, so to speak, regulars, 
 there are always in time of war plenty of volunteers, who are 
 attracted to the field by the hope of plunder. The Belooches of 
 Seistan are not included in this statement, because they are 
 not in Afghanistan ; and I have only given in the infantry of 
 Laush-jowaine those who are in the service of Shah Pesend Khan. 
 
CiiAi-. XXIX. 
 
 MILITARY STATISTICS. 
 
 455 
 
 Mii-iTAUY Strength of the States of Afghanistan. 
 
 Nations. 
 
 Afghans 
 
 Uzbeks 
 
 Hazarahs 
 
 Eimaks . 
 
 PrincipaUties iuiil 
 Khauats. 
 
 'Herat . . . 
 
 Kandahar . . 
 
 Kabul . . . 
 _ Laush-j owaine , 
 
 Khulm . . . 
 
 Balkh . . . 
 
 Siripool . . . 
 
 Akkehu . . . 
 Andkhoo 
 Shibbergan . 
 
 ^Meimana . . 
 
 ' Zeidnats . , 
 
 Poosht-kooh , 
 
 Yekenholing . 
 Deh-zingy . 
 
 [Sir-jingel . . 
 
 jFirooz-koohi . 
 
 < Kipchaks . . 
 (Taymoouis 
 
 Cavalry 
 of each 
 State. 
 
 8,000) 
 12,000 I 
 21,000 
 5 00 J 
 
 8,0001 
 2,500 
 2,000 
 
 200 J' 
 1,800 1 
 2, 000 I 
 1,500J 
 
 4,000A 
 
 5,000 
 
 1,000 
 
 400 
 
 500J 
 
 3,750 
 
 1,200 
 
 75,350 
 
 Total 
 Cavalry 
 of each 
 Nation. 
 
 41,500 
 18,000 
 
 10,900 
 
 4,950 
 75,350 
 
 Infantry 
 of each 
 
 State. 
 
 f 3,0001 
 1,000 
 2,000 
 
 600 
 
 500 
 1,000 
 
 3,000 
 300 
 
 1,200 
 800 > 
 
 6,400 
 
 400 
 10,000 I 
 
 Total 
 Infantry 
 of each 
 
 Nation. 
 
 61,200 
 
 31,000 
 
 8,100 
 
 5,300 
 
 16,800 
 
 61,200 
 
 General 
 Total. 
 
 72,500 
 
 26,100 
 
 16,200 
 
 21,750 
 
 136,550 
 
 An enterprising and clever chief could in Afghanistan obtain from 
 fifteen to eighteen thousand excellent Bclooche infantry ; but it 
 would be difficult to keep so large a force under the same flag for 
 any length of time, as long as Seistan is in their possession. 
 
 I have in this journal offered from time to time several remarks 
 intended to rectify the errors which are to be found in the existing 
 maps of the countries of Central Asia, they being all more or less 
 incorrect. Some lakes and rivers have been altogether omitted ; 
 and the course of others of the latter improperly traced ; entire 
 districts thought to be deserts are, on the contrary, fertile and 
 well inhabited ; while such towns as Dooshakh and Iloomdar, 
 the centres of a considerable population, are described as loca- 
 lities of very little importance, and not ranking with towns 
 even of the third class. The English only are well acquainted 
 with these countries ; they thoroughly explored them from 1840 
 to 1842 ; and it is not difficult to comprehend why they have kept 
 the information to themselves. Anxious on the subject of India, 
 they have an interest in exaggerating the difficulties which must 
 
456 GEOGRAPHICAL INACCUEACIES. Chap. XXIX. 
 
 attend an attack on this side, and in withholding information re- 
 garding the roads, rivers, and territory which would prove useful 
 to an invading army. I do not pretend to throw much light on 
 this subject, or to add to any great extent to the amount of 
 existing information ; for during the period of my wanderings 
 in these countries I had not sufficient time at my disposal, nor the 
 tranquillity of mind necessary to establish a full and perfect judg- 
 ment upon this important subject. My remarks, however, may 
 enable others to form an approxnnate opinion on the advantages 
 and disadvantages that will present themselves in the struggle so 
 long^ foreseen between the Russians and the English. I will en- 
 deavour to enumerate them without a bias in favour of or against 
 either party, and state them simply on the grounds of the in- 
 terest attached to them. 
 
 
CiiAP. XXX. r.USSO-PERRIAN INVASION OF INDIA. 457 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 Invasion of ludia liy a Russo-Persian army — Manuscript of Sir Alexander 
 Burnes — Military colonies of the Russians between the EmV)ah river and Lake 
 Aral — .\dvance from the Osus — Passage from the work of Sir A. Bui'ues — 
 March of the Russian army by the Moorgaub and Merv — Opinion of General 
 Mouraviev on a Russian invasion of India — Advance on the side of the 
 Caspian, and march of the Russian army through Khorassan — Facility of 
 provisioning their ai'my — Advance from Herat by the Haroot-rood, the Hel- 
 mund, and the Urgund-ab — Position on the Indus — Russian communications 
 in their rear — Line of operations — Probabilities of a revolt in British India 
 — European and Sepoy troops — Impedimenta of the English army — Qualifi- 
 cations and strength of the invading force — The opinions of authors on this 
 subject — Reply to the Khan of Khiva — ■ Recent battles in India — Tactics 
 of the English in the event of an invasion of that country — Advance upon 
 Kandahar — Effects of English diplomacy — State of the roads in the countries 
 of the Hazarahs and Eïmaks — Facility in obtaining supplies — Routes through 
 Central Asia to Kabul and Kandahar — Country near the Bolan Pass — Desert 
 between Khelat and the Helmund — Afghan politics — Disputes for the throne 
 of Kabul — Opinions respecting Dost Mohamed's children — Kohendil 
 Khan — His apprehensions of the English — State of the Government at 
 Kandahar — Succession to the throne — Children of the Sirdars — Yar 
 Mohamed — Succession to the sovereign power at Herat — The probable 
 results of Afghan politics — The policy of Sir A. Burnes — Conduct of the 
 Directors of the East India Company — The Czar's motto — Advance of the 
 Russians into Turcomania in 1852 — Author's opinions. 
 
 The difficulties attending an invasion of British India by a Russo- 
 Persian army, or Russian only, are, without doubt, serious ; 
 but they may be said to exist far more in the character of the 
 people of Afghanistan and the Tartar states than in the scantiness 
 of the resources of the countries through which the expedition 
 would be obliged to pass — their poverty and the difficulties of the 
 ground have been greatly exaggerated. The statements of Mac- 
 donald Kinnear and Sir Alexander Burnes have, it is true, 
 generally served as the basis upon which public opinion has been 
 formed. Both one and the other have taken pains to bring these 
 difficulties very prominently forward, and this with considerable tact, 
 though it must be admitted that Burnes only saw that road which 
 presented the most unpromising features. Nevertheless his manu- 
 script, which was for several years in my possession, in some things 
 
458 PPiACTlCABlLn'Y OF A Chap. XXX. 
 
 contradicted tliat wliich he printed ; and lie admitted in it, as I 
 now do, the possibility of marching an invading army across the 
 deserts and steppes of Turkistan and Afghanistan. This was not 
 likely to escape his superior intellect ; but it would not be easily 
 accomplished, however j)osslble at several points. Let me add, 
 however, that the English have a chance of victoriously repulsing 
 the attack, although to obtain this success, incessant vigilance is 
 imperatively necessary, and an European war might endanger the 
 whole question. In the meanwhile the Russians have not abandoned 
 the long-cherished plan of extending their conquests in Southern 
 Asia ; and they seek to advance more and more every day towards 
 the Oxus and Khiva. 
 
 The various military expeditions which they have organised 
 having failed from privations and the effects of climate, they have 
 ^or' the last seven or eight years adopted a system, once that of the 
 Roman tacticians, — namely, to proceed but little at a time, slowly 
 and surely. After having descended the course of the Oural to 
 the Caspian Sea, they reached the mouth of the Embah, situated a 
 little lower down to the south-east, and ascended that river to the 
 point at which, turning south, it approaches the Aral Sea. Here 
 they have established a military colony, and dug wells at short 
 distances in the desert, between the Embah and the sea ; they 
 have also placed around these wells settlements of Cossacks, who 
 cultivate the soil in the neighbourhood, and create resources which 
 never existed before ; so that in a few years an army will be 
 able to obtain sufficient food and forage in all their encampments, 
 and will reach the Aral without serious difficulty.* Two other lines 
 of wells have been also dug by the Russians ; one on leaving the 
 river Ourloo Irghiz, tending towards the northern end of the Aral 
 Sea ; the other commences from two points, Ming-kishlakf and 
 Dash Killeh,^ on the eastern shore of the Caspian, which unite in 
 one line half-way, and is thence laid down in the direction of Khiva. 
 By means of these chains of posts the Russians intend to advance 
 to that town and the Oxus, and when they shall have reached 
 
 * It is by this route that the Eus- f i. e. The meadows-winter quarters, 
 
 sians have recently (1833) reached X The other name of this place is 
 
 Khiva. Ten years were occupied in pre- Alexandropol. It was near here that 
 
 paring these arrangements, and a cor;^ Captain Abbott was so nearly murdered. 
 
 d'année was employed to effect the ob- — See AbhoWs Ti^mels. — Ed. 
 ject. 
 
Chap. XXX. RUSSIAN INVASION OF INDIA. 459 
 
 that point it will be impossible to say where they will stop. Tlie 
 possession of that river is of as much importance to them as that 
 of the Indus is to the English ; it is the artery which vivities the 
 territories of the great Tartar hordes through which it flows, who 
 are otherwise una])proachable on all sides by reason of the steppes 
 and deserts of shifting sand. Once masters of this river it would 
 be easy for the Russians to subjugate the tribes on its banks, from 
 the Aral to Badakshan. The Russian army could readily ascend 
 the Oxus in the boats of the country, within two parasangs of 
 Balkh, where it first ceases to be navigable. Burnes is on this 
 subject a competent authority, and the following is a passage 
 from his work, very much to the point : — 
 
 '' Facilities in the navigation of a river rest much on the supplies 
 of the country through which it flows ; in particular of the nature 
 and quality of wood which is there procurable. The number of 
 boats on the Oxus is certainly small, since they do not amount 
 to two hundred, but there is every facility for building a fleet, the 
 supply of wood being abundant, and fortunately found in single 
 trees along the valley of the river, and not growing in forests in 
 any particular spot. There are no cedar or pine trees brought 
 down by the inundation, which I hold as conclusive proof that the 
 mountains from which the Oxus and its tributaries flow are 
 destitute of that wood. The only other trees which I saw on 
 the river were mulberry and white poplar, which last is floated 
 down in quantities from Hissar to Charjooee, and applied to 
 purposes of house-building. In any increase of the tonnage on 
 this river the immediate resources of the neighbouring country 
 must therefore be called into action, but these are highly im- 
 portant. The nature of the build in the boats of the river requires 
 no skill in naval architecture ; the wood is not sawed, and it does 
 not require seasoning, so that the utmost dispatch might be used 
 at all times in forming a flotilla, whether it were desired to navigate, 
 cross, or bridge it. I believe that one hundred and fifty men might 
 be embarked on a boat of the size which I have described. Tlie 
 river could only be bridged by boats, for the wood is too small for 
 an application of it in any other way ; and furze and tamarisk 
 which grow on its banks would supply the place of planks, and 
 make it at once complete and practicable 
 
 " Tlie advantages of the Oxus both in a political and commercial 
 point of view must then be regarded as very great : the many 
 
4G0 PRACTICABILITY OF A Chap. XXX. 
 
 facilities which have been enumerated point it out either as the 
 channel of merchandise or the route of a military expedition ; nor 
 is it from the features of the river itself that we form such a con- 
 clusion. It is to be remembered that its banks are peopled 
 and cultivated ; it must therefore be viewed as a navigable 
 river, possessing great facilities for improving the extent of that 
 navigation. This is a fact of great political and commercial 
 importance, whether a hostile nation may turn it to the gratifica- 
 tion of ambition, or a friendly power here seek the extension and 
 improvement of its trade. In either case the Oxus presents many 
 fair prospects, since it holds the most direct course, and connects, 
 with the exception of a narrow desert, the nations of Europe with 
 the remote regions of Central Asia." * 
 
 Burnes might have added that water carriage was not in this 
 country the only available means of transporting an army, and 
 that in following the course of the river by land, with its matériel, 
 it would always be ready to meet an attack, and avoid many in- 
 conveniences. A Russian army might thus direct its march as it 
 thought fit either to Khulm, or withdrawing from the river on its 
 arrival at Charjooee, reach Merv by the desert, and marching 
 along the fertile and populous banks of the Moorghab gain Herat. 
 There would not be any obstacle of a serious nature to stop an , 
 army on its way to the river, and the desert situated between it and 
 Merv offers no difficulties that cannot be surmounted ; the Khans 
 of Kliiva and the Emirs of Bokhara have sufficiently proved this 
 in their almost annual expeditions to seize upon Merv, some of 
 which have been made at the head of ten to twelve thousand 
 horse. AVould they have exposed themselves to the dangers men- 
 tioned by Burnes, if they had been of his opinion ? 
 
 Wherever it was impossible to skirt the Oxus the army might 
 without inconvenience keep five or six parasangs from the river on 
 either side, for here they would be sure to find enough water for 
 the troops in the mnuerous wells dug by the shepherds for the use 
 of their flocks ; similar wells might also be made with little labour, 
 and in a very short time : water is generally found at a depth of 
 nine or twelve feet, and the soil is of a silicious nature, easy to 
 work, but it must be supported by planks or wattles. Brushwood 
 or brambles for fuel are readily met with, and in the winter and 
 
 * See Burnes's Travels into Bokhara, vol. ii. p. 1 97. 
 
Cii.vi'. XXX. RUSSIAN INVASION (W INDIA. 461 
 
 spring the steppes are covered with sufficient herbage to meet the 
 requirements of an army. I mention these facts in reply to the 
 opiniated arguments of some persons, who affirm that nothino- is 
 to be found in these deserts except sand, and if this were so the 
 obstacles would not even then be insurmountable. The Russians 
 themselves are well aware how and where they can obtain supplies. 
 The following quotation from Mouraviev's work is evidence on 
 this head : — " In our days, with the knowledge we have of these 
 countries, the success of such an enterprise is certain. A corps 
 of three thousand Russians, under a resolute and disinterested 
 leader, could subdue and keep this country so necessary to 
 Russia by reason of her commercial relations with the East. . . . 
 Even at Khiva we might augment our force by the addition of the 
 three thousand Russians who are in slavery there, and the thirty 
 thousand Persians who suffer with the same impatience as the 
 
 Russians the miseries which they are obliged to support 
 
 As to supplies, where are they to be obtained ? At Khiva itself, 
 where they are in abundance." 
 
 Thus the Russians, as well as the English, admit the resources 
 of this country, and yet the latter like to indulge the illusion that 
 it is impossible for the former to cross the deserts of Tartary to 
 get at them. They ought, however, to be well persuaded that 
 when the Russians have made up their minds to attack India, 
 these obstacles will not stop them ; and, besides, their adversaries 
 calculate upon avoiding them by interesting Persia in their enter- 
 prise ; an expeditionary corps embarked at Badkooh and Astrakan 
 would then land in perfect security south of the Caspian, and pro- 
 ceed to concentrate itself at Astrabad; Khorassan, which the Russian 
 army would in consequence have to cross, is a fertile and populous 
 country, and it would find a welcome everywhere if strict discipline 
 was preserved. As far as Kandahar the difficulties would be no 
 greater for them than for the English, who would have to advance 
 beyond it to dispute the ground with them. With few exceptions 
 the Russo-Persian army might always march through plains in which 
 they would find water, food, and fuel ; but if it was found more de- 
 sirable not to draw the supplies for the whole army from one district 
 only, they might march in three columns through this province. 
 
 The first, to the north, on leaving Astrabad would follow the 
 course of the Goorghan,* cross the territory of the Kurdish colonies 
 
 For an account of the Goorghan river, see Mouraviev's Travels, p. 33. 
 
4G2 PRACTICAlilLlTY OF A CiiAr. XXX. 
 
 at Boojnoord and Koocluin, and thence to that of the Seraks, and 
 strike the lieri-rood at the spot where it loses itself in the steppes, 
 following its banks up to Herat, through a well-cultivated country. 
 
 The second column would direct its march to the south on 
 Shah-rood Bostan ; there it would be formed into two divisions ; 
 the first would follow the direct road by Sebzevar, Nishapoor, 
 Meshed, and Kussan ; the second would keep more to the right 
 by Turshiz,* Khaf, and Gorian, and the whole army uniting at 
 one point by the routes we have indicated, would concentrate itself 
 at Herat, where provisions of every kind abound or could be 
 obtained fi-om the rich districts of Meim.ana, Kaleh-now, and 
 Obeh, &c. ; here it might winter before advancing southward. 
 The fortifications of this city should then be put into an efficient 
 state, and the place properly provisioned and supplied with all 
 kinds of military stores. Its central position within a line of 
 fortresses, commencing at Balkh on the north, and passing by 
 Akhcheh, Andekhooye, Shibberghan, Meimana, Kaleh-now, Seb- 
 zevar,! Ferrah, and Laush Jowaine, renders Herat a particularly 
 suitable point for this concentration. 
 
 A glance at the map will clearly show that, adopting the routes 
 I have mentioned, all the districts of Khorassan, and even some of 
 Irak, such as Damghan and Tubbus, would contribute materially to 
 supply the army. It would of course be necessary for the Russians 
 to form their magazines beforehand ; the Shah of Persia never 
 troubled himself much on the subject, and yet he has frequently 
 marched an army of from thirty to forty thousand men into Kho- 
 rassan, and always found the means of feeding them by simply 
 making a decree for a tax in kind. When they hear the Shah is 
 coming the peasants expect these extortions, as well as being 
 pillaged by the troops, who strip them of all they have ; and yet 
 they never try to evade them. On the great lines of communica- 
 tion the Shah's troops are never short of provisions. If the Persian 
 peasant submits to this imposition so quietly, what might he 
 not do from the Russians, who would pay punctually for what they 
 took? If their army were to reach Kandahar by way of Ja- 
 beran, Giran, Bakooa, Washir, and Girishk, the road usually 
 taken by the caravans, the end of winter or the commencement of 
 
 * This was the route followed by Sir because of the scarcity of water and 
 
 J. MacNeil when he visited the camp supplies. — Ed. 
 
 of the Shah, before Herat, in 1838. It f Properly fsfezar, the horse-pastui-e. 
 
 is, however, rarelj' attempted by troops, — Ed. 
 
Chap. XXX. RUSSIAN INVASION OF INDIA. 463 
 
 spring would be the most propitious time for them to leave Herat ; 
 water would be then everywhere plentiful in the steppes, the tem- 
 perature mild and the air pure, and supplies could be drawn from 
 Meimana, Kaleh-now, Shibberghaii, and Andekhooye on the north, 
 if those of Neh-bindan, Ghain, and Birjan, &c., on the south did 
 not suffice. The certainty of a trifling profit would bring the 
 people to the camp with their productions ; they take them with- 
 out as good a chance to that of Yar Mohamed's, and they would 
 eagerly seek that security for themselves and their property which 
 they could never hope to obtain from the native rulers of their 
 country. 
 
 If unforeseen circumstances should not permit the army to move 
 from Herat at the proper moment, the springs and streams would 
 be dry on the road designated above ; it would then have to lean 
 more to its right by Sebzevar, and follow the Haroot-rood, the 
 Helmund, and the Urghend-ab, which leads up to Kandahar. The 
 army could be easily subsisted in these districts. From the last- 
 mentioned city to Shikarpoor they would have to traverse some 
 desert steppes and get through the Bolan Pass, but these ought not, 
 I should think, to be serious difficulties, though I had no opportunity 
 of judging of them myself The victorious march of the English 
 army upon Kandahar, in 1839, is a sufficient proof of this ; they 
 had to ascend the pass, the Russian army would merely have to 
 descend it. The English consider, and with reason, the Indus 
 their best line of defence on that side of their Indian possessions, 
 but would it stop the enemy ? It may be permitted to doubt that 
 fact, nay, almost to prove a negative to the question. When the 
 Russians had reached this river, it would, if not impossible, be at 
 any rate very difficult to prevent them from crossing it. The 
 attention of military men has been directed to two points, which 
 alone offer the necessary facilities for the passage of an army — 
 Attok to the north, and Bukkar to the south ; if this be so, it would 
 be sufficient to erect têtes-de-pont and other important fortifica- 
 tions at both these places. 
 
 But the Russians are as well aware as the English of the possi- 
 bility of crossing the Indus at other eligible spots, and this in spite 
 of the rapid current, the great width, and the precipitous banks of 
 that stream. A pontoon train would not be required : with a few 
 mule-loads of empty mesek skins, adapted to the purpose, a suffi- 
 cient number of rafts might be constructed in twenty- four hours, 
 
464 PRACTICABILITY OF A Chap. XXX. 
 
 and the whole army transported to the left bank. The points 
 where such a passage might be effected are not rare, for there 
 is ample choice on a length of upwards of two hundred miles. 
 Two at once suggest themselves. One of these is to the south 
 of Attok, on the line of road from Ghuznee and Kandahar, 
 — namely, by the pass of Dera Ismael Khan, from whence 
 Mooltan could be gained ; but there would be a disadvantage in 
 choosing this route, inasmuch as after the Russians had crossed 
 the Indus, they would also have to cross the rivers of the Punjab : 
 it would therefore be much better to take the Indus below their 
 confluence with it by the pass of Dereh Ghazee Khan,* from whence 
 they would descend into Scinde and Guzerat, and raise the dis- 
 contented populations of those conquered provinces, who would 
 eagerly seize the opportunity to revolt — and this with the secret 
 determination of subsequently getting rid of their new allies also. 
 Before undertaking such an enterprise, it would of course be very 
 desirable that Russia should be in possession of Khiva, Bokhara, 
 and Balkh ; but it would not be necessary, as several writers have 
 declared, to exterminate the Tartars before they could reach 
 the Indus ; their neutrality, which might be obtained, would be 
 all that the Russians would require. If the neutrality were 
 not observed, two small Persian divisions posted at Surraks and 
 on the banks of the Moorghab would hold them in check. 
 
 The rear being thus covered and protected, the Russian army 
 would unite and perfect its communications with Herat ; that is to 
 say, with its magazines and resources, by the important places of 
 Ferrah and Sebzawar. This would be the right, i. c. the point on 
 which would fall one of the extremities of the line of operations ; 
 nevertheless it would be well, in carrying it by Laush-Jowaine, 
 that it should rest on the Seistan Lake, from which it would in 
 running north extend as far as Khulm, having as intermediary 
 points Balkh, Shibberghan, Meimana, Herat, and the before- 
 mentioned places. This line is equally adapted for offensive and 
 defensive operations, not only from the means of defence afforded 
 by the fortresses of which we have just spoken, but because 
 of the numerous roads which terminate on it, connecting it with 
 the most fertile districts of the country, from which the army 
 
 * The only practical passes for ar- Ismail Khan and Dereh Ghazee Khan, 
 tillery are the Bolan to the south, although followed by caravans, are inl- 
 and the Bunnoo and Khyber to the passable for an army.— Ed. 
 north. The passes leading to Dereh 
 
CiiAi'. XXX. lîURSIAN INVASION OF INDIA. 4G5 
 
 could be supplied. Ir is iutcrsected at several points by different 
 rivers, which are never dry, a circumstance that cannot be 
 sufficiently appreciated in a country where such an occurrence 
 is rare. It can also only be attacked on the flanks, — the centre 
 being })rotected by the largest i*anges of the mountains of the 
 Paropamisus, through which no army has penetrated for ages. 
 This natural line of defence would give the greater part of the 
 Russo-Persiau army the power of withdrawing the troops from 
 the centre, and thus strengthening the flanks in case they were 
 attacked. 
 
 It may be affirmed that this line is the first parallel which ought 
 to be opened in a Russian attack upon British India. Gold, the 
 only means of securing the co-operation of the Afghans and 
 Belooches, would be required, and would no doubt be forthcoming ; 
 and the march of the invading army on Kandahar would then be 
 merely a military promenade. It would be difficult for the English 
 to avert the danger of so easy a march, if they remained behind 
 the Indus. 
 
 The two principal cities of Afghanistan once in the hands of 
 the Russians, they would become the arbiters of the various and 
 conflicting interests of Central Asia, and could unite them all in 
 their own, favour, by proclaiming that they march to the con- 
 quest of India, with a view of restoring the national dynasties, 
 subverted by their enemies, some of whose princes are incarcerated 
 in Indo-English prisons, where they languish in a confinement 
 from which they can never expect under any other circumstances 
 to be delivered.* The very presence of the Russians in that 
 country would of itself immediately create a hostile feeling against 
 their adversaries among the native population ; many chiefs and 
 their dependents would take arms ; the English would then find 
 their rear menaced and on their own territory, and it may be 
 foreseen that, instead of their being able to bring forward the 
 whole of their forces against the enemy, they would be obliged 
 to detach and employ the best and most efficient part of it — that 
 is to say, their European troops — in putting down the revolts which 
 would probably take place in almost every direction, more especially 
 amongst tlie Sikhs, Mahrattas, and Scindians. 
 
 * I am not aware of any atate pri- is not a prisoner, although he rarely 
 soners now in India, except the Sikh Sir- moves out of the citadel of that town, 
 dars at Calcutta. The Emperor of Delhi Duleep Singh's mother is not a state 
 
 2 II 
 
46G PRACTICABILITY OF A Chap. XXX. 
 
 The sepoys when commanded and led by English officers are 
 certainly superior to any Asiatic troops ; but they would become 
 demoralised at the approach of the Russians, and would not stand 
 the shock of their attack five minutes.* Supposing war to be declared 
 in Asia and Europe at the same time, the British government 
 could send but a very small reinforcement of English troops to 
 India, and in all probability three-fourths of these would fall 
 by the climate two months after their arrival in the country. This 
 fact has been established whenever European troops have been sent 
 there direct from the northern country ; and now they are partly 
 acclimatised before going there, by being quartered during several 
 years at Gibraltar, Malta, the Cape of Good Hope, Aden, or 
 Ceylon : nevertheless the mortality is always very great, and 
 though specious arguments are maintained to the contrary by 
 the English medical men in fjivour of their system, this mor- 
 tality may partly be attributed to the stimulating character of 
 their food and drink. 
 
 The Russian soldiers, hardy and more sober, would it is true 
 be also decimated, but not to so fearful an extent ; more especially 
 if they were recruited from the southern provinces of the Russian 
 Empire. When we reflect that from sixty to eighty thousand 
 mules, camels, and elephants, are required to carry the impedi- 
 menta of an Anglo-Indian army of from 25,000 to 30,000 men, 
 the very thought of the superfluities they must carry with them 
 is stupefying. Even a young ensign is obliged to adopt the 
 style of a nawaub, or submit to unpleasant criticisms ; the number 
 of servants, mule and camel drivers, camp followers, and others, 
 are always double the number of the fighting men, if indeed they 
 are not more. The Russians are not in the habit of living like 
 the English — even in war avec le comfort Britamiique ; they exist 
 upon little, and do not overload themselves with unnecessary 
 baggage or a long and useless train of servants. A soldier taken 
 from the ranks, but who does not leave them either on the 
 march or the field of battle, is sufficient for each officer — why 
 do not the English adopt the same simple system? There 
 would not be any necessity for the army of the Czar to bring 
 
 prisoner. The Ranee escaped from a military men in India, who have en- 
 state prison and now resides at Khat- joyed opportunities which did not fall 
 mandhoo, the capital of NepauL— Eu. to the lot of M. Ferrier of testing the 
 * This however is not the opinion of qualities of the native soldiery.— Ed. 
 
Chap. XXX. RUSSIAN INVASION OF INDIA. 467 
 
 siege artillery with it, as the arsenal at Teheran is well snpplied. 
 To procure it there would save both time and money.* 
 
 Many persons, and amongst them Macdonald Kinnear, think 
 that an army intended to invade India should consist of from 
 35,000 to 40,000 men at the least ; I so far differ from him, that 
 I think it would be most impolitic and dangerous if it exceeded 
 that number ; of which two-thirds should be Russians, and one- 
 third Persians, and the latter ought to be convinced that the 
 chances are in their favour, with this force. These should be 
 picked troops, well disciplined, commanded by generals selected 
 with judgment ; the latter ought to be well versed in the details 
 of Eastern administration, honest, capable of keeping a strict 
 control over the Russian commissariat agents, reproached not 
 without reason with being excessively venal. Marauding would 
 produce great misfortunes, and it would be easy to suppress it, 
 as the price of everything is exceedingly low in Central Asia, 
 and the troops could be therefore abundantly supplied at a 
 trifling cost The inhabitants being well satisfied, the Russians, 
 if they understood how to turn their avarice to account, would 
 no doubt obtain their support ; it is simply a money question, 
 and as the English can play that game as well themselves, 
 it would be the poorest against the most generous, and not the 
 weak against the strong. But the Russians never having quar- 
 relled with the Afghans would have the best chance of being 
 listened to ; the English, on the contrary, having been their con- 
 querors and their enemy, would run the risk of giving their money, 
 as they did on a previous occasion, to people who would fight 
 against them after having received it to fight for them. The 
 English could not oppose the Russians with more than 20,000 of 
 their countrymen, for they would be obliged to have garrisons in 
 those provinces where Russian gold and intrigue might excite 
 revolt. It would be impossible to leave England without troops — 
 she might be attacked herself ; and then Ireland must be watched : 
 might not revolts break out in other colonies ? has not England 
 to defend herself in all parts of the globe ?— these possibilities must 
 all be met. How are soldiers to be improvised in a country in which 
 there is no conscription ? How much time would be required to 
 
 * The Persian artillery is excellent, provided, 500 guns, many of them of 
 and really formidable. Under Euro- the largest calibre, might be equipped 
 pean management, and if money were for the field in a very short time, — Ed, 
 
 2 II 2 
 
4G8 PRACTICABILITY OF A Chap. XXX. 
 
 train them ? Before this could be done the Russians would have 
 reached the heart of India — for I cannot help thinking that the 
 40,000 or 50,000 sepoys who would be opposed to them, deduc- 
 tion made for the garrisons of those provinces the fidelity of 
 which is doubtful, would not stand after the first discharge of their 
 artillery. 
 
 All the important battles that have been fought by the English 
 in India have demonstrated that the sepoys, who fight well against 
 undisciplined Asiatics, have proved unequal to meet a determined 
 enemy ; and they would never have beaten the Mahrattas and the 
 Sikhs if the British soldier had not been at their side and obtained 
 the victory, often at a very heavy cost of life.* I have not here 
 endeavoured to show whether Russia does or does not possess 
 the necessary resources for such an invasion. Various authors, 
 of whom the most recent is M. Ilommaire de Hell, having 
 seen the army of that country and examined the details connected 
 with it more closely than I have, decide in the negative ; founding 
 this opinion upon the inefficient state of several of the departments 
 of it — above all the confusion and venality which reign in the 
 commissariat. 
 
 I do not propose to inquire whether Russia, by making certain 
 reforms, could not obviate this state of things ; I have only pro- 
 posed to show the possibility of directing a mihtary expedition 
 upon India, because I believe snch expedition to be very prac- 
 ticable. It belongs to the parties interested to estimate the value 
 of my observations ; but, not to incur the reproach that would cer- 
 tainly be thrown upon me of partiality for the Russians, by pointing 
 out only the route that would be the easiest to them to take, it 
 remains for me to point out to the English the steps I should 
 adopt in their place, — happy if I can by that means avoid the 
 criticisms of both parties. 
 
 In the first place it would be very difficult to find the English 
 off their guard ; they would always know the moves of Russia 
 and Persia soon enough to make their own preparations to resist 
 them. In the event of the enemy posting himself in the heart of 
 Afghanistan to attack them, the means that have been indicated, 
 and which would facilitate the march of the Russians in that 
 country, would naturally, and in a great measure, be available to 
 
 * The British soldier would now also be at their side a.s on previous occa- 
 sions. — Ed. 
 
CuAf. XXX. RUSSIAN INVASION OF INDIA. 469 
 
 their adversaries ; the chances would, however, be in favour of 
 the English, if they could during- such a war rely upon the tran- 
 quillity of India, for they would have the enormous advantage of 
 operating at a short distance from their possessions and supplies, 
 upon which, in case of suifering a reverse, they could fall back and 
 resume the offensive. 
 
 The Russians, if they could hope for the concurrent support of 
 the discontented population of certain provinces under the British 
 rule, would, even then, always be liable to the treachery of doubtful 
 allies, and at a great distance from their own country, from which 
 they would be separated by a sea in the hands of their enemies, and 
 steppes or deserts difficult to cross without the aid of the native 
 population. A reverse would easily alienate them, and a primary 
 condition of success to them is, that it should be a permanent success. 
 Sir R. Shakespear was right when he said to the Khan of Khiva, 
 " We have a garden, which is India ; the walls are the fortified 
 towns of Tartary and Afghanistan. Let the Russians once seize 
 them, and our garden is theirs." I am entirely of this officer's 
 opinion. The Indus is a very sufficient barrier against the inroad 
 of an Asiatic army, and the English may remain tranquilly behind 
 it as long as they have to contend only with them ; but what 
 the event might be in the event of the Russians joining them I 
 have elsewhere said. 
 
 The success of the English against the Rajahs, Emirs, Sirdars, 
 and Nawaubs of India, has been owing far more t© the cleverness 
 of their policy and administration than to the force of their arms. 
 It is only of late years that they have had hard battles to fight, 
 especially against the Sikhs, who were organized and manœuvred 
 upon the system of European tactics ; but they had no enlightened 
 head, they were divided into parties, and there was no unity of 
 action and intention previous to and during the sanguinary 
 struggle ; nevertheless what difficulty the English had to reduce 
 them ! If they imagine they will have less with the Russians and 
 their auxiliaires, they will make a serious mistake ; and it is be- 
 cause we consider them more formidable that we recommend the 
 English not to wait for their first attack behind the Indus if 
 they manifest any aggressive intention. This river is a line of 
 defence of which they ought to avail themselves only as a last 
 resource, after they had been" forced back upon it. It would be 
 dangerous to hazard on its banks the issue of the first conflict, for 
 
470 RUSSIAN INVASION OF INDIA. Chap. XXX. 
 
 the Indians, accustomed to look upon this splendid stream as an 
 impregnable barrier, would be paralysed at seeing the Russians 
 cross it, and the English might from that moment consider them 
 as lost to their cause. 
 
 To avert such a misfortune they ought at once to establish 
 themselves strongly on the right bank of the river at those excellent 
 positions of Peshawur on the north, and Shikarpoor on the south, 
 and establish their influence in the neighbouring provinces in such 
 a manner that on a given day they could reckon upon the sincere 
 and energetic co-operation of the chiefs, or be in a position to anni- 
 hilate them in case they should refuse to come to their assistance.* 
 This ought to be the prelude to vigorous offensive operations against 
 the Russians ; and in case they should attack them on the less acces- 
 sible side, that is to say, by Balkh, Khulm, and the Hindoo Koosh, 
 after having ascended the Oxus, the English should occupy Kabul 
 in time, leave there a small corps of occupation, and advance with 
 the mass of their forces in two divisions to receive the enemy. The 
 first of these should march on Heibak and dispute the passage of 
 the Hindoo Koosh ; the second should take the route from Bamian 
 to Yekkenholing, and from thence descend the fertile and populous 
 banks of the Delias, as far as Balkh, whence it would turn to the 
 right towards Khulm, and fall upon the enemy's rear when he 
 was weB in amongst the mountains. 
 
 It would be difficult for the Russians to meet these combined 
 attacks, especially if the English should succeed in interesting the 
 warlike inhabitants of these countries in their cause, or awe them 
 into observing a strict neutrality. Their adversaries would, it is 
 true, be able to watch the valley of the Delias with a corps d'armée, 
 but it would weaken their force ; this and other circumstances 
 would make an attack from the Russians on this side less 
 dangerous than on the south. Let us consider therefore what 
 course the English would pursue if they were menaced on the 
 south. They ought to march upon Kandahar without delay and 
 defend the approaches to that city, which would be easy 
 enough on the Herat road by reason of the mountains and the 
 nature of the ground through which this road runs. In case 
 of a defeat they could fall back on the Bolan Pass, taking care 
 
 * This course Las been followed by the English siuce this book was writteu. 
 —Ed. 
 
CuAP. XXX. ENGLISH DIPLOMACY IN PEllSIA. 471 
 
 to lay waste the country behind them and destroy the roads ; 
 and then, should the fortune of war continue against them, they 
 would still have the Indus to cover their retreat. But let them 
 not depend too nmch upon that river as a barrier ; let them bear 
 in mind the opinion of the Lacedaemonians, who would not surround 
 their town with a wall, because in their opinion the best rampart 
 was a good army. Let the English prepare theirs. In either case, 
 according to the direction of the attack, Kabul or Kandahar ought 
 to be occupied and defended by them. They might possibly repent 
 having neglected this means of safety ; for the Russians, if they took 
 either, might from thence reach the banks of tlie Indus at a point 
 where they were not expected, and cross it without firing a shot. 
 
 The clever diplomacy of the English in Persia would also ma- 
 terially assist them and create a powerful diversion in their favour ; 
 they have attached to their cause the nomadic population of the 
 south of the empire, who would rise at the first signal and excite a 
 feeling in the country that might threaten the existence of the 
 reigning dynasty, which so many princes pensioned by the British 
 Government hope to overthrow ; and the minimum result to the 
 Shah would be the loss of a portion of his kingdom. It is pro- 
 bable therefore that potentate would look twice, and would require 
 ample guarantees from the Russians before he engaged in an en- 
 terprise that might have such fatal consequences for him. An 
 invasion of India with his assistance would be an advantage to 
 Russia only, who would take the lion's share ; and Persia would 
 alienate a power which has on so many occasions prevented the 
 Russians from seizing some of her finest provinces. Persia can 
 have nothing to fear from the English until she sees them mastei's 
 of Herat ; having then one foot in Persia on this side, like the 
 Russians in the north on the banks of the Araxes, they would 
 show themselves equally exacting. 
 
 But to reckon upon the sympathies or the hatred which the 
 people of Central Asia might entertain either for the English or 
 Russians would be extremely hazardous ; the stability of the 
 sentiments of such a population could not be depended upon for 
 any length of time, and, I repeat, that the success of an invasion 
 of India by the Russians is above everything a question of money : 
 nevertheless, supposing the Afghans to have been well bribed, it 
 would still, as I have already remarked, be absurd to place con- 
 fidence in them. However, it is for the English to be on the 
 
472 PRACTICABLE EOUTES. Chap. XXX. 
 
 alert, if they are not already so, and prepare while they have the 
 opportunity to meet events that might otherwise, at a period more 
 or less distant, disturb their rule over a vast fertile and })opulous 
 empire. 
 
 Before concluding these remarks it may be useful to say a 
 few wo('ds respecting the roads which traverse the country in- 
 habited by the Eimaks and the Ilazarahs of the Paropamisus. 
 The Afghans, whether coming from Balkh, Kabul, Kandahar, or 
 Herat, never venture into the mountainous district of those intrepid 
 and hardy nomadic tribes ; but the difficulties of the ground here 
 are not so great as they have been hitherto represented, and when- 
 ever the Afghans in former times directed their steps that way, it 
 was always to pillage and massacre the inhabitants ; the result is, 
 that in the present day the Hazarahs look upon them as wild 
 beasts, and treat them accordingly ; and the Afghans prefer 
 making a long circuit from one town to the other to exposing 
 themselves to the chance of meeting with certain death by taking 
 the direct road. An European army, whose chief had the tact to 
 ingratiate himself with the Khans and interest them in his favour, 
 might, I think, advancing with prudence, march through their 
 territory without meeting with any serious impediments; water 
 can be procured at every step, and at all seasons sheep and fruit 
 are to had in abundance, and a sufficient quantity of grain at a 
 moderate cost ; the pasturage is excellent, and the cavalry could, 
 if necessary, complete its remounts with great facility from the 
 splendid studs of the Hazarahs. 
 
 The mountains, which • are the cause of so much alarm to the 
 Afghans, might be avoided by following the course of the rivers 
 and the valleys, and several positions fortified by nature would 
 soon fall into the hands of the Europeans, for a few shells would 
 inevitably dislodge the natives from these fastnesses. From the 
 numerous details I received from persons who had travelled 
 through these countries during a period of many years, as well as 
 my own observations, I am of opinion that there are two easy roads 
 on the north and centre to Kabul, and one to the south direct to 
 Kandahar. 
 
 The first is from Elerat by Chekcheran, Derzi, Ser Mourghab, 
 Ganimet Hazaret, Dercgez, Khorram, Bamian, and Kabul. 
 
 The second from Herat by Feiz-abad, Obeh, Khoja chest, 
 Sheherek, Doulet-yar, Hassanek, and Deh Zingy. Three roads 
 
Chap. XXX. PRACTICABLE EOUTES. ' 473 
 
 divcrg-e from the latter place ; the first, and to the north, passes 
 by Yckkenholing, Bamian, and Kabul ; that in the centre by 
 Dirazgul, Barek Klianeh, Kaleh-niirvalee, and Kabul ; that on the 
 east passes through the villages of Alayar-beg, Guzeristan, and 
 Narvar, and rejoins the Kabul road at Ghuzni ; no obstacles of 
 any importance would be encountered on this road. Another 
 route goes direct from Deh Zingy to Kandahar, by Meïdan, 
 Deh Koodi, and Derevat. 
 
 With regard to the third, instead of reaching Kandahar by 
 G Iran and \Yashir, time might be saved by taking the road 
 through Sakhar, Teirereh, Gulistan, and Goorek ; but the moun- 
 tains are rugged, the country unsettled, water is scarce in the 
 neighbourhood of Kandahar, and caravans never go by this route. 
 
 It would be easy for the English to make a road from Shikar- 
 poor to the Helmund. If what I heard during my residence 
 at Kandahar was true, the English advanced posts are established 
 to the north at Dadur, this side the Bolan Pass ;* to the west 
 Khelat Nassir Khan is subject to them, and a hundred sepoys 
 suffice to maintain order in that country ; the Emir of the 
 town, in the pay of the Company, administers the judicial power 
 under the surveillance of the British resident, who himself ma- 
 nages its finance. The distance between Khelat and the banks 
 of the Helmund is not more than forty, or at the outside, forty- 
 five parasangs ; the route winds across steppes which in these 
 days are almost a desert during eight months of the year, 
 but anciently well-populated and provided with water at all 
 seasons ; the sandy desert encroaches but little, and in small 
 patches along this road. Nothing therefore prevents the English 
 from following the example of the Russians and digging wells at 
 stated distances, and establishing around them small agricultural 
 and military settlements ; by this means they could quickly reach 
 the Helmund, and then they would be only six or seven days' march 
 from Herat. The continual passing to and fro of the caravans 
 from Persia and Turkistan would soon make this tract of country 
 very prosperous ; the traffic to India at the present time makes a 
 long circuit by Kandahar, and that road from being unprotected 
 is very far from secure, so that the merchants would eagerly take 
 advantage of this shorter and less dangerous one, f 
 
 * This ia not the case. — Ed. •}• Sec Appeudices. 
 
474 AFGHAN rOLITICS. Chap. XXX. 
 
 For the information of those persons who take an interest in the 
 affairs of Afghanistan I will now throw a rapid glance at the re- 
 spective ])ositions of the sovereigns amongst whom the three prin- 
 cipalities of Kabul, Kandahar, and Herat are divided. 
 
 The Emir Dost Mohamed Khan, an Afghan chief, of the 
 tribe of Barukzye, reigns over that of Kabul, and holds the first 
 rank in Afghanistan. Circumstances, but more especially the in- 
 fluence which in his absence was obtained by his son Akbar Khan, 
 considerably diminished that of the Dost himself; since his return 
 from India his authority has paled before that of the heir- 
 presumptive, who is all-powerful in political and other matters. 
 This will probably continue until his father's decease, when diffi- 
 culties will arise, of no ordinary kind, before he can consider 
 himself firmly established as his successor ; and if his courage is 
 equal to the task, it is more than can with truth be said of any 
 of his other qualifications. Dost Mohamed has appointed this 
 prince his heir, only because his mother belonged to the noble 
 tribe of Popolzyes. He has an elder brother, by name Mohamed 
 Efzel Khan, who has been excluded from the throne because his 
 mother was of low extraction — of the mountain-tribe of the Ben- 
 geshis. Everything leads to the belief that when the time ai-rives 
 this chief will in all probability stoutly dispute Akbar's accession to 
 power, and the other brothers are no less ambitious than he is. 
 
 Mohamed Efzel Khan. Shir Jan Khan. 
 
 Mohamed Azim Khan. Mohamed Akrem Khan. 
 
 Mohamed Akbar Khan. Mohamed Sherif Khan. 
 
 Goolam Haïdar Khan. Mohamed Emin Khan. 
 
 Sultan Jan Khan. 
 
 The three first are said to be the bravest of the Emir's sons, and 
 Akrem Khan the most sensible and intelligent.* Goolam Haïdar 
 Khan is Dost Mohamed's favourite ; but the Afghans speak of 
 his partiality for him with as much dissatisfaction as they were 
 wont to do his preferencce for Akbar ; and, in a spirit of opposi- 
 tion easy to be understood, they openly express their sympathies 
 in favour of Efzel Khan, who on his mother's side represents the 
 
 * Both Akbar and Akrem have died being notoriously of a weak and irre- 
 
 since this was written, and Goolam solute charactei', he will verj^ pooi-ly 
 
 Haidar, the eldest surviving sou, is now supply his father's place. JSfawab J ubbar 
 
 the acknowledged heir of the Dost, but Khan is also dead.— Ed. 
 
CiiAP. XXX. 
 
 AFGHAN POLITICS. 
 
 475 
 
 people, and on his father's the chief. This prince, perfectly aware 
 of the difficulties of his position, has taken a quiet line of his own, 
 and no doubt bides his time, lie is highly spoken of for his 
 intelligence, courage, and noble sentiments. 
 
 These princes are not the only ones who will be ambitious to rule. 
 Several brothers, nephews, and cousins of the Dost might be added 
 to the list. The first that should be mentioned is his cousin Mo- 
 hamed Zeman Khan, who, after the disasters of the English in 
 1841, held for a few months the supreme power in Kabul ; secondly, 
 his son Shoojah-ed-Dowlet, the murderer of Shah Shoojah-el- 
 Moolk ; thirdly, Shemseddin Khan, who has the reputation of 
 being the bravest of the Mohamedzye chiefs ; lastly, the Nawab 
 JubbarKhan,* the brother of the Dost. He is the most knowing 
 and the cleverest man in Afghanistan. For tM'enty years before the 
 English invaded his country he was their friend and correspondent ; 
 but after their arrival at Kabul they displeased him, and he 
 joined the ranks of the insurgents. His son Abdul Ghyaz Khan 
 is also in some repute ; and these two are the kings of every 
 intriofue at Kabul. 
 
 Such are the men whose schemes Mohamed Akbar Khan will 
 have to contend with during his father's lifetime, and who at his 
 death will prabably meet him in arms. But who is to conjecture 
 
 * We bad previously heard of the 
 amiable character of our host, Nawab 
 Jubbar Khau; aud eveu found him, on 
 jjersoual acquaintance, to be quite a 
 patriarch. He heals every difference 
 among his many turbulent brothers : 
 himself the eldest of his family, he has 
 no ambitious vievfs, though he once 
 held the government of Cashineer, and 
 other provinces of the Dooranee empire. 
 His brother, the jiresent chief of Kabul, 
 has requited many services by confis- 
 cating his estate ; but he speaks not of 
 his ingratitude. He tells you that God 
 has given him abundance for his wants, 
 and to reward those who serve him ; 
 and there are few pleasures equal to 
 being able to give to those around, and 
 to enjoy this world without being 
 obliged to govern. I discovered, dur- 
 ing my stay at Kabul, that the Nawab 
 assumes no false character, but expresses 
 himself as he feels, witli sincerity. 
 Never was a man more modest and 
 more beloved : he will permit but a 
 
 single attendant to follow him, and the 
 people on the high and bye-ways stop 
 to bless him ; the politicians assail him 
 at home to enter into inti'igues, and yet 
 he possesses the respect of the whole 
 community, and has at the present mo- 
 ment a greater moral influence than any 
 of the Barukzye family in Afghanistan. 
 His manners are remarkably mild and 
 pleasing; and from his dress one would 
 not imagine him to be an influential 
 member of a warlike family. It is 
 delightful to be in his society, to wit- 
 ness his acts, and hear his conversation. 
 He is pai'ticularly partial to Europeans, 
 and makes every one of them his guest 
 who enters Kabul. All the French 
 officers in the Punjab lived with him, 
 and keep up a friendly intercourse. 
 Such is the pati-iarch of Kabul ; he is 
 now about fifty years of age ; and such 
 the master of the house in which we 
 wei'e so fortunate as to dwell. — I^.ctnict 
 from Biirnes's Travels into Bokhara, vol. i. 
 pp. 134 and 135. — Ed. 
 
476 ■ AFGHAN TOLITICS. Chap. XXX. 
 
 even the possibilities of an Afghaii succession ? The chief who is 
 at the height of power one day may have his eyes ])ut out or be 
 in his grave the next. There is no stability, no fixed principles 
 of government, no law of primogeniture, or other definitive rule 
 which points out and establishes the succession to the throne. 
 Every act of administration is a temporary expedient. There is 
 no regard for the future ; and authority, being neither the privilege 
 of birth nor the reward of merit, is often, nay, almost always, 
 wielded by the most clever, though perhaps most unprincipled, of 
 these warlike chiefs who can seize it. 
 
 As far as regards the succession to the principality of Kanda- 
 har, it is quite as uncertain. Some months after its evacuation by 
 the English, Kohendil Khan, brother of the Emir Dost Mo- 
 hamed, having overcome Sefder Jung, son of Shah Shoojah- 
 el-Moolk, who held it under the suzerainty of the English, seized 
 the erovernment ; and if this chief has not had so much to contend 
 with as his relative of Kabul, in re-establishing tranquillity in his 
 dominions after his restoration, it is owing to the privileges which 
 he conceded to the Sirdars and Mollahs. He makes such a 
 point of conciliating the latter that they may, generally speaking, 
 be considered as the real governors of Kandahar ; the Khan is 
 indeed but a mere intermediary between them and the people, and, 
 short of being personally menaced, he takes care not to do any- 
 thing without having first asked their advice. On the other hand 
 he has a great deal of trouble with the Hazarahs of Pooshtkoh, 
 in the north of his territory, and is obliged to maintain a force of 
 2000 cavalry to keep them in check. He is also obliged to abstain 
 from taking any course which would be likely to affi-ont his 
 nephew Akbar Khan, and above all, from having any communica- 
 tion with the English, which would be the signal for an immediate 
 attack upon Kandahar by his ambitious and dangerous relative. 
 
 Kohendil Khan is in some degree under the influence of 
 Persia, where he was hospitably received during the three years of 
 his exile ; he seeks, in concert with her, to overthrow Yar Mo- 
 hamed, and hopes to seize the principality of Herat, and give 
 it to one of his own brothers.* Up to the present time he has simply 
 
 * It may be remembered that one of under the guarantee of Russia, which 
 
 the principal cavises of the Afghan war had for its pi'incipal object the cession 
 
 was the discovery of a treaty entered of Herat to the Kandahar chief. The 
 
 into by Kohendil Khan with Persia, oiigiual draft of this treaty, which was 
 
Chap. XXX. AFGHAN POLITICS. 477 
 
 intrigued with a view to tliis object ; for an armed manifestation 
 would bring down upon him the enemies he has most to dread : on 
 the north, Mohamed Akbar, who would not probably remain an 
 indifferent spectator of the ruin of his father-in-law ; and on the 
 south the English, who would scarcely permit the affairs of Herat 
 to be altered in any way that would increase the power of Persia 
 or the Barukzyes, until the latter are completely in their interests.* 
 Kohendil Khan is so thoroughly persuaded that the English will 
 again occupy Kandahar, that, in expectation of their return, he 
 has 800 beasts of burden always ready in the neighbourhood of 
 the city to transport himself, his treasures, and his family, to 
 Persia. Even if these fears should not be realized, they may 
 cause him serious inconvenience ; for as he is always levying 
 taxes on the community with the view of filling his coffers, in 
 anticipation of his flight, and never pays any one but his treasurer 
 and his mule-drivers, who are to help him off, he is far from 
 popular. 
 
 When the English took Kandahar in 1839 they doubled the 
 taxes ; and Kohendil Khan on his return made no alteration, 
 alleging that as the Afghans found no difficulty in satisfying the 
 demands of the infidels, they ought to consider themselves fortunate 
 not to have them still further increased by their legitimate sovereign.f 
 The argument was specious ; but the English paid with great punc- 
 tuality the government oflScials, and the Khan does not. They 
 doubled their pay ; he reduced their salaries to the original rate. 
 
 uever formally executed, may be seen of his son-in -law Syud Mohamed Khan, 
 in the Afghan Blue Book of 1838- upon the present ruler Mohamed Yous- 
 39. — Ed. souf Shah. Persia, considering this de- 
 * After the death of Yar Mohamed, monstration to absolve her from her 
 Kohendil Khan sent two expeditions engagements to England, has responded 
 against Herat, and was only deterred to the call of the present ruler for assist- 
 from laying formal siege to the city by auce, and is now (May, 1856) in pos- 
 the interference of Persia in favour of session of Herat, and marching on the 
 the new ruler Syud Mohamed Khan. road to Kandahar. A collision between 
 England has only so far exerted her them and Dost Mohamed's force is thus 
 power up to the present time with i"e- very likely to arise. — Ed. 
 spect to this matter, that she has ob- -f M. Ferrier was misinformed on 
 tained a formal engagement from Persia this point, for the taxation under the 
 not to send an army against Herat, un- English was considerably less than 
 less the place be threatened from the under the Sirdars. The actual assess- 
 eastward and assistance be demanded ment, half in money and half in kind, 
 by the governor. At the present mo- was maintained on the old footing esta- 
 ment a very difficult question has arisen blished by Nadir Shah, but remissions 
 with regard to this place. Dost Mo- were granted for fully one half the re- 
 hamed occupied Kandahar on the death venue to meet the e-xpense of euter- 
 of Kohendil Khan, and afterwards ad- taining a body of 2000 Dooranee horse, 
 vanced on Herat to avenge the murder — Ed. 
 
478 AFfiriAN POLITICS. Chap. XXX. 
 
 Under the English rule extortion was unknown ; with the Khan it 
 has become permanent. The result of this will probably be a revo- 
 lution, that will save the English the trouble of turning him out. 
 Half the population of Kandahar has fled from his tyranny ; and if 
 it continues the town will be deserted. He has endeavoured to 
 check this emigration at the frontier, by seizing the runaways and 
 fining them heavily ; but this was a short-sighted policy, for, with- 
 held by force, they will be the first to revolt. 
 
 Kohendil Khan and the other Afghan chiefs, the Shah of 
 Persia, the Belooches, Sikhs, and Mahrattas, are agreed on one 
 point, namely, their hostility to the English ; but they have never 
 been able to originate and carry out any plan for acting in concert 
 and striking a blow which would shake the power of the Feringhees. 
 They have temporised and been false to each other, and when 
 they have fought have been beaten in detail. This .system has 
 been fatal to them ; for England is crushing at the moment I am 
 writing the most important of the confederates on the banks of the 
 Sutlej. The empire founded by Runjeet Singh will in a short time 
 exist only in name ; the power of the Mahrattas and the people 
 of Scinde is gone ; and if the Afghans are not on their guard, they 
 will fall into the net which England will spread for them, or exhaust 
 themselves in continual conflicts or intestine quarrels, which must 
 eventually end in their complete, subjection. Kohendil Khan is 
 well aware of this, and would not be sorry to secure the sympathy 
 of the English unknown to his own allies ; but the chances of this 
 double game might turn against himself; the English govern- 
 ment could very well receive his advances without promising to 
 entertain them, and abandon him when it was their interest to do 
 so. The ties of blood would not prevent Akbar Khan from taking 
 his revenge if he only suspected that his uncle had any treasonable 
 inclinations, and the Shah of Persia, whose influence contributes 
 greatly to keep him in power, would withdraw his support directly 
 he appeared to abandon the common cause ; if, contrary to these 
 speculations, Kohendil Khan is not deprived of his throne in his 
 lifetime, his death will be the signal for many a bloody episode 
 amongst the various competitors for the principality. His sons, 
 brothers, and nephews, are all resolute and determined characters, 
 and each of them has a party devoted to his cause. In this country 
 the right of succession is considered to rest rather in the brother 
 than in the son, and this accounts for the fact that Kohendil 
 
CHAr. XXX. 
 
 AFGHAN POLITICS. 
 
 479 
 
 Khan reigned after his two half-brothers, Poor dil Khan and 
 Shir dil Khan ;* two others still survive, these are Rahim dil Khan 
 and Mehr dil Khan, who aspire to the succession. The Kanda- 
 harians have the following opinion of their three principal Sirdars, 
 viz. : that Kohendil Khan is a good general and has never been 
 beaten ; that his brother, Rahim dil Khan is loyal, eloquent, and 
 persuasive ; and that Mehr dil Khan is wise and a good counsellor. 
 All these brothers have had tolerably large families, and the 
 following is a list of their children : — 
 
 The sons of Poor dil Khan. 
 
 Mir Efzel Khan. 
 Abdool Waat Khan. 
 Abdool Rassool Khan. 
 
 The son of Shir dil Khan. 
 
 Mir Ahmed Khan. 
 (This prince is insane.) 
 
 The S071S of Kohendil Khan, 
 
 Mohamed Sedik Khan. 
 Mohamed Omar Khan. 
 Mohamed Osman Khan. 
 Sultan All Khan. 
 Abdoolah Khan. 
 Goolam Maheddin Khan. 
 
 The sons of Rahim dil Khan. 
 
 Mohamed Alem Khan. 
 Goolam Mohamed Khan. 
 Mohamed Sawar Khan. 
 Goolam Haklar Khan. 
 Mohamed Kooli Khan, 
 
 The sons of Mir dil Khan, 
 
 Khoch djl Khan. 
 Shir All Khan, 
 Moonaver dil Khan. 
 Mohamed Hoossein Khan, 
 Ali Akbar Khan. 
 Ali Asker Khan. 
 Fethi Ali Khan. 
 
 To these princes must be added Mohamed Kooli Khan, son of 
 Futhi Khan, vezir of Shah Mahmoud ; he lives at Kandahar, and 
 is highly respected ; he served the English faithfully, and their 
 support will probably not be found wanting to him. But if the 
 succession comes, as the Afghans think it will, to the prince who is 
 dear to them by reason of his many good qualities and straight- 
 forward conduct, it will, without doubt, be left to Rahim dil Khan,t 
 and after him to his brother, Mehr dil Khan. 
 
 The dissensions in the family of the Suddozyes, of which 
 the Mohamedzyes took advantage to raise themselves to power, 
 contributed more than foreign wars to precipitate the downfall of 
 the dynasty of the great Shah Ahmed. United at first, discord 
 was introduced amongst the Mohamedzyes, when, after having con- 
 quered, they had to divide the kingdom amongst them ; but their 
 quarrels did not prevent them from forming a league against the 
 
 * Poor dil means •' the full-heai-ted." t Rahim dil Khan is now the only- 
 
 Shir dil means "the lion-hearted." — surviving brother. He has been super- 
 Ed. seded in power by Dost Mohamed. — Ep. 
 
480 AFGHAN POLITICS. Chap. XXX. 
 
 common enemy whenever they were menaced, and in this has 
 consisted their strength up to this day. This was easy so long as 
 there were only the nineteen sons of Payendeh Khan upon the 
 scene, but their posterity in Kabul and Kandahar amount already 
 to three hundred and seventy-two sons and grandsons, amongst 
 whom a good understanding is more hopeless than amongst their 
 fathers. They will fight desperately for power, and this will pro- 
 bably fall into the hands not of the bravest, but the most prodi- 
 gal ; for in Aghanistan, more than anywhere else, is the conscience 
 swayed by gold. To gain partisans, all these princes by turns 
 flatter and caress the Sirdars, and these individuals profit by the 
 offers that are made them to secure their co-operation, raising 
 their pretensions accordingly, and augmenting their price in propor- 
 tion to the importance of the services required ; but more than one 
 of them, instead of supporting the chief who has paid him well 
 beforehand, will perhaps become his most dangerous enemy, and 
 raise himself to power over the bodies of the family of the very 
 man to whom he has sworn fidelity. 
 
 The principality of Herat forms, with that of Kabul and Kan- 
 dahar, what we call Afghanistan Proper ; and there, in 1842, 
 expired the Suddozye dynasty, for Shah Kararan, great-grandson 
 of the Shah Ahmed, was strangled in prison by order of his Vezir 
 Yar Mohamed Khan, who, as I have already observed, reigned 
 in that principality till his death, under the title of Vezir 
 Sahib. What I have stated elsewhere respecting him incon- 
 testably proves the administrative talent which he possessed. After 
 the death of his master, order and tranquillity, which had not 
 existed in Herat for many years, were re-established. His alli- 
 ances with the Hazarahs and Usbeks, and still more the mar- 
 riage of his daughter with Mohamed Akbar Khan of Kabul, gave 
 him up to the time of his death a certain preponderating influence 
 in the affiiirs of Central Asia ; but such ties are so little respected 
 that this marriage would weigh very little against the decisions of 
 either party if any circumstance occurred detrimental or beneficial 
 to his interests. If Kohendil Khan had not been for a long pe- 
 riod the declared enemy of Yar Mohamed, his alliance with the 
 princes of Kabul would have been sufficient to make him so. As 
 to the Shah of Persia, there is very little sympathy between him 
 and the chief of Herat ; neither is he ostensibly hostile. Yar Mo- 
 hamed acknowledges his suzerainty in a manner perfectly nominal, 
 
Chap. XXX. AFGHAN POLITICS. 481 
 
 and nothing indicates the probability of a better understanding 
 between them. 
 
 Of the tliree sons of Yar Mohamed Khan, only one, the Sirdar 
 Syud Mohamed Khan, is old enough to govern ; but he is wanting 
 in the talent necessary to enable him to succeed his ftUher. After 
 the Vezir"s death, therefore, it is not unlikely that one of the 
 Sirdars of Kandahar will try and seize the reins of power; but 
 this must be with the connivance, and possibly the assistance, of the 
 Shah of Persia, who will never allow such a prize to fall into any 
 hands inimical to his own influence. This policy would meet with 
 the approbation of Russia, for that power would not certainly like 
 to see Herat in the possession of any chief or party which could at 
 any moment, by a little manoeuvring on the part of the English, 
 be induced to take an interest in their cause. It is, however, 
 highly improbable that more than twenty years should elapse 
 before the forces of the Company will again appear in Afghan- 
 istan : they will in all likelihood be called there by the Chiefs 
 and Sirdars, who will from time to time be disputing and fighting 
 for the supreme authority in one or other of the principalities, 
 or the English wall take advantage of some circumstance arising 
 out of their own policy to invade it once more. They are clever 
 in originating such opportunities, and when their flanks and rear 
 are sufliciently protected, will not fail to take advantage of them ; 
 at the present moment the extension of the British frontier on this 
 side would be useless so far as the security of India is concerned, 
 but the English would without doubt prefer being ready to meet 
 the eventualities of a Russian invasion. Taught by previous 
 disasters, they will not, as in 1839, advance into these wild and 
 unsettled countries unless their communications are secured : they 
 have acted since then more cautiously and with more method ; and 
 if ever they invade the territories west of the Indus they must be 
 governed by the laws of prudence as well as of courage. They 
 have established têtes-de-pont at Peshawur and Shikarpoor, and 
 this is the only measure which denotes any ulterior project on 
 their part. But time will show if I am mistaken in my opinion of 
 their intentions. 
 
 Since the occupation of Afghanistan by the English, the discus- 
 sions that have arisen in consequence of that event in the periodi- 
 cals and daily papers have proved that the real interests of England 
 in Central Asia were perfectly understood by the unfortunate 
 
 2 I 
 
482 rOLICY OF SIR A. BURNES. Chap. XXX. 
 
 Burnes. The cadvioc which he gave of strenorthening and firmly 
 establishing the power of the Mohamedzyes was a measure of 
 sound policy, and would have secured for ever the influence of the 
 government of Calcutta over Afghanistan ; we have indeed only 
 to refer to the events of which that country was the theatre in 
 1838 to be convinced of the justice of this opinion. The armies 
 of Kandahar and Kabul united might have easily seized Herat, 
 which was stripped of everything after the retreat of the Persians ; 
 the imbecile Shah Kamran might then have been replaced by 
 a brother of the Emir Dost Mohamed. The English would by 
 this means have had, through their allies, an immediate and de- 
 cided influence over Persia ; but the Court of Directors were too 
 avaricious to be satisfied with an extension of influence. They 
 were anxious to appropriate the finances of Afghanistan, and this 
 induced them to invade that country — a most unjust and im- 
 politic act ; but instead of its serving as a rampart to their 
 Indian possessions, which they had erroneously hoped it would, 
 it proved a gulf which swallowed up their soldiers and their 
 treasures. This hard and unpleasant lesson has not made them 
 renounce invasions for the future : it is true they protest that 
 it is their intention to remain on the line of the Indus ; but 
 are they likely to stop short on such a tempting road ? Never- 
 theless, the press of India state that the Afghan question, as it 
 was conceived and understood by Burnes, is to be renewed ; and 
 that the government is to take advantage of the friendly feeling 
 manifested by Dost Mohamed, and enter again into negotiations 
 with their old antagonist.* 
 
 This may be possible ; but should it be so, the Emir will not 
 have with him the consent of the masses of the people. His lean- 
 ing to the English has already lost him popularity ; and too 
 gi'eat a manifestation of that feeling would again endanger his 
 throne. 
 
 However, be this opinion accurate or otherwise, Russia cannot 
 but be alive to her position, and many persons are anxious 
 to know what barrier she can oppose to the increasing influence 
 which must flow from these negotiations amongst her neighbours 
 in Asia. The answer to this is, that the Czar is in no respect 
 
 * Since this was written a general or agent has been sent to reside at 
 treaty of friendship was formed witli Kabul. — Ed. 
 JDost Mohamed lu 1855, but no minister 
 
 I 
 
CiiAP. XXX. 
 
 INTENTIONS OF THE CZAE. 
 
 483 
 
 behind his neighbours ; his motto, like that of the Romans, is, 
 " Conquer to avoid surrender :" let the English give him time, and 
 we shall see whether his plans are well conceived or not. He 
 only waits for the fall of the Caucasus, to strike his talons into 
 Afghanistan. The repeated blows that he has inflicted on the 
 former country sufficiently prove that he wishes to terminate the 
 war there, and carry his arms into Turkistan, which he has already 
 encircled with a chain of fortresses. The distance from thence to 
 Herat is short and the road is easy. If the Persians are not 
 masters of it, and do not open the way, the Russian army in 
 ten days can do so, and, once at Herat, who can foresee where 
 they will stop ?* 
 
 * Since tlie above was written, mat- 
 ters have been modified in Afghanistan 
 much as I had anticipated, excepting 
 that the career of Mohamed Akbar 
 was cut short when he was on the 
 point of engaging in a war with the 
 English : he was poisoned in 1848. 
 His brother, Goolam Ha'idar Khan, suc- 
 ceeded him as Vezir at Kabul, and he 
 stands precisely in the same position with 
 regard to his elder brother, Mohamed 
 Efzel Khan, as Mohamed Akbar did. 
 Less obnoxious, however, to the Eng- 
 lish than that chief, he has the oppor- 
 tunity of coming to some compromise 
 with them, though he cannot make 
 any great concessions, as the Afghans 
 would not suffer it. The English, on 
 their side, after passing the Indus at 
 Peshawur, have advanced against the 
 Momund mountaineers, and engaged 
 in an irregular but sanguinary conflict. 
 Their mountains are the bulwarks of 
 Kabul, and the subjugation of the one 
 would probably be followed by the 
 invasion of the other. 
 
 In Kandahar, thoiagh Kohendil 
 Khan is dead, affairs have remained 
 very much as they were; and this is 
 not surprising, for the English can 
 advance with greater facility and promp- 
 titude upon this point of Afghanistan 
 than upon any other. The Khan was 
 succeeded in the government by his 
 brother. Yar Mohamed Khan died 
 
 in 1852, when the Persians imme- 
 .diately prepared to besiege Herat, not- 
 withstanding the representations of 
 England. Her attention was more esj^e- 
 cially excited by this demonstration 
 as it was coincident with an inroad of 
 5000 Russians into Turcomania. This 
 corps marched along the banks of the 
 Attrak through the Goorghan to chas- 
 tise the Turcoman hordes of the Ya- 
 mouts, who had in the previoiis j'ear, 
 1851, cai-ried fire and sword into 
 the Russian settlement of the Ashoun- 
 adeh, situated at the entrance of the 
 Bay of Astrabad. The English fear- 
 ing, and with reason, that they might, 
 in conjunction with the Persians, ad- 
 vance as far as Herat, gave their ulti- 
 matum, and upon this the Russian 
 troops suspended their march ; but 
 this halt is only a temporary measure, 
 and I have no doubt that, sooner or 
 later, the ulterior events will one day 
 be realized in the manner I have 
 pointed out. In order that the reader 
 may not suppose that I have prophesied 
 after this fact was known, I must refer 
 him to the Journal de Constantinople of 
 the 6th and 11th of July, 1847, in 
 which will be found two articles sent 
 by me to the editor; they contain a 
 summary of my opinions on Afghan- 
 istan, and are identical with those 
 enunciated in these volumes. 
 
 2i 2 
 
484 PREPARATIONS FOR DEPARTURE. Chap. XXXI, 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 Preparations upon departure — The Author receives his passport from Yar 
 Mohamed — Leaves Herat — Shekwan — Kussan — Yar Mohamed's letter 
 to Dad Khan — Turcomans on the road — Kariz — Toorbut Sheik Jam — 
 Mahmoodabad — Hedireh ■ — Herds of deer — Siugbest — Arrival at Meshed — 
 Reflections on the Author's journeys - — Advice to travellers in Central Asia — 
 Old act^uaintances — Mollah Mehdi and Dr. "Wolf — Hussein Khan Hashi — 
 A Russian spy — The Author leaves Jleshed — Conduct of a Persian official — 
 Fidelity how looked upon in Persia — Sherifabad — Corpses on their way to 
 Kerbelah — A preservative against every evil — Kadumgah — Persecutions of 
 the Ghebers by the Imaum Reza — His foot-print on the rock — Nishapoor 
 
 — Dreadful state of that town from cholera — Zaffom-ounee — Difficulties of the 
 road from snow — Subzawar — Mehir — Muzeenoon — Abbasabad — Meyomeed 
 
 — Shah-rood — Deh-mollah — Damghau — Grievances of the Serbas — Treat- 
 ment by their colonel — Goosheh — Semnoon — The Author meets with the 
 English charge d'affaires — Lasgird — Quarrel with the Hazarahs — Deh- 
 nemuck — Kishlak — Eywanee Key — Katoor-abad — Tehei'an. 
 
 I PASSED a few more days at Herat, occupied in making 
 preparations for my journey, and without being in the least 
 interfered with or watched as I had been during my first visit. 
 When not thus engaged, I enjoyed the society of my friends the 
 Sirdar, Hadji Futteh Khan, and Assad Khan, whose kindness 
 was uninterrupted to the last moment of my stay. The former 
 obtained for me an official letter to the commandant of the 
 frontier, an escort of two horsemen, and a passport, in which Yar 
 Mohamed set forth the vile conduct of the Sirdars of Kandahar, 
 with a view of uiaking it public. The following is a translation of 
 the vezirial letter: — 
 
 " The object of this {erz-i-raJi) passport is to inform you that the 
 very exalted and high-placed Monsieur, the General Ferrier, the 
 hero, the companion of bravery, is arrived at Herat, with the 
 intention of going to Peshawur. After having visited this city on 
 two different occasions, he took leave of us and directed his steps 
 to Kandahar. We had heard with certainty that the above named 
 general arrived at his destination, when, after an absence of 
 several months, he returned to the city of Herat, and then made 
 serious complaints against the Sirdars of Kandahar. They took 
 
CiiAP. XXXT. TURCOMANS ON THE ROAD. 485 
 
 from him all his property, and prevented him from continuing his 
 journey and he now returns to us, saying, ' Here I am, destitute of 
 everything.' During the time of his stay at Herat the laws of 
 hospitality have been observed towards him, and he, having 
 requested permission to return to his own country, has chosen the 
 route by Meshed. As the above-named general has requested 
 to have two guides with him, I have acceded to his wish ; and 
 they have orders to conduct him to the district of Toorbut Sheik 
 Jam, from which place they are to return to Herat. I have 
 written these lines in order that all seeing them may remember 
 me and obey. Salutation." 
 
 iShekivan, November 27th. — Already described ; arrived in 
 miserable weather. 
 
 ICussan, November 28th. — Already described. On the frontier 
 of Herat. I went in search of the Sirdar Dad Khan the com- 
 mandant of the fortress, and presented him with two letters of 
 recommendation, one from his brother Shiran Khan, the other 
 from the Vezir Sahib. The first runs thus : — 
 
 " May the very exalted Dad Mohammed Khan, the companion 
 of honour, be joyful ! This day the very elevated and very 
 exalted General Terrier, the hero, will leave Herat ; God grant 
 that on his arrival in the district of Kooh Sevieh you will pay the 
 utmost respect to the exalted hero above mentioned, and will 
 observe towards him the laws of hospitality, and, at his departure, 
 you will send with him two men to accompany him to Kooh Sevieh, 
 who shall see him safe and sound as far as Toorbut Sheik Jam, 
 whence they shall return. Take care that in regard to this order 
 nothing be neglected ; as to the tolls of the roads and custom- 
 houses, give orders that he is not to pay anything. He is to be 
 allowed to pass on quietly to his destination." 
 
 The Turcomans were scouring the road that I was to travel the 
 next day, and they had plundered several caravans in the course 
 of the few preceding days ; therefore, Dad Khan advised me to 
 wait for a party of a dozen horsemen, expected from Moorgaub, 
 on their way to Meshed, and travel in company with them. It 
 proved fortunate that I did so, for a caravan that started from 
 Kussan on the 29th, in defiance of his warning, was met two 
 hours from the place, and all the travellers were carried off into 
 captivity. 
 
 Kariz, November 30th. — A halt already described. The expected 
 
486 TURCOMANS ON THE ROAD. Chap. XXXI. 
 
 party not having' arrived, I set out with the escort of two horse- 
 men, and my servant Mohamed whom I left at Herat when I 
 went to Kandahar, and engaged again when I returned. We 
 got our arms ready, but had the good fortune not to meet any of 
 the depredators. 
 
 Toorbut Sheik Jam, December 1st. — A place already described. 
 It rained in floods at sunrise, when we mounted our horses. 
 Dervish Ali and Rehmet Agha, the soldiers that were to escort 
 me, at first refused to start, pretending that the rain was impure, 
 and tried hard to persuade me to give them a good pilau and 
 wait for fine weather ; but as I paid no attention to their remon- 
 strances, and started without them, it ended in their following 
 me in a desperate passion, storming against Europeans and their 
 eccentric habits ; in truth it required some resolution to brave 
 the storm, but it was just because I thought the Turcomans would 
 remain under shelter somewhere, that I seized the opportunity of 
 getting over the most dangerous part of the road. My con- 
 jectures proved correct ; for after an hour's riding, we came to a 
 place covered with fresh horsedung, indicating plainly that they 
 had just been driven from the spot by the torrents of rain ; when 
 they saw this, my escort were as loud in their praises of me as 
 they had previously been the reverse : but it was after all an 
 interested move ; they did not wish to lose, by carrying their 
 perversity to extremes, the little present which they expected me 
 to make them at Toorbut, where, according to orders, they were to 
 leave me and return to the frontier. This was a very severe day's 
 work, the weather continued deplorable, and we arrived at our 
 halt as wet as if we had ridden through a river. 
 
 Mahmoodahad, December 2nd. — A halt already described. We 
 found the gates of this small fortress closed ; it is one of the best 
 in Persia. The Turcomans had within the last eight days made 
 several attempts to take it by surprise, and no doubt the inha- 
 bitants thought that we were in league with them, for they refused 
 to open the gate, and threatened to fire upon us if we did not 
 quickly retire ; there was nothing to be done but obey the in- 
 hospitable mandate, so, though destitute of provisions for ourselves 
 and horses, we took refuge in the tomb of the nephew of the Imaum 
 Reza, situated near the road, and remained expecting the Turco- 
 mans, who luckily never came. 
 
 Madeerahy December 3rd. — Caravanserai already described, I 
 
Chap. XXXI. ARRIVAL AT MESHED. 487 
 
 never before saw such an immense number of deer as on leaving 
 Mahraoodabad ; the phiuT was covered with them, each herd con- 
 sisting of several thousand head. Here we should have had to keep 
 a forced fast, if a shepherd whom we met had not given us some 
 of his black bread and a little milk, which sustained us till the 
 next morning. 
 
 Sanghut, December 4th. — Already described ; at this place we 
 found the cholera. 
 
 fleshed, December 5th. — Described on my previous visit. We 
 arrived just in time to escape the Turcomans, but were once more 
 in the midst of the cholera ; — it was worse than ever at Meshed. I 
 thought little of it, as I had been the last five months in countries 
 where it was common, but the population here was in a state of con- 
 sternation, and to this cause of alarm was added the despair of a 
 great many families from a very different one. A great many 
 of their children and relatives had recently been carried off in a 
 chapaoul, that the inhabitants of Khelat-nadir had committed 
 almost under the town walls ; these cruel marauders had pillaged all 
 the neighbouring villages, and the desolation was general. It is true 
 that in having reached the capital of Khorassan, I could not consider 
 myself as out of danger, but I was fortunate to be very nearly in 
 safety. When I determined to cross Afghanistan, I had not acted 
 under any delusion as to the dangers or trials that awaited me ; but 
 then there was before me the chance of reaching Lahore, and that 
 object sufficed to decide me. Unhappily the hostility to the 
 English had not subsided in Afghanistan when I arrived there, 
 and I still look upon it almost as a miracle that I escaped from 
 the hands of the natives ; I should infallibly have paid for my 
 temerity with my life, if I had not been so much accustomed to 
 Asiatic habits and character. I succeeded in dissembling my fears, 
 and seeming to believe that the rights of hospitality were sufficiently 
 sacred to guarantee my life and property ; the fact of my being a 
 Frenchman I never ceased to declare, though I could have con- 
 cealed that fact, as well as the object of my journey to Lahore ; 
 but the least inconsistency in my story — and, once departing from 
 the truth, it is easy to fall into one — would have been fatal to me. 
 To the Afghans a subject must always be stated simply and 
 without affoct^ition ; it is equally dangerous with them to appear 
 too humble or to try to domineer. A certain manner must be 
 preserved, which keeps them at a distance — a natural dignity 
 
488 MOLLAH MEHDI AND DR. WOLF. Chap. XXXI. 
 
 devoid of presumption : they must be conversed with as suits 
 their hmitcd intelli<^ence, — sensibly and firmly, without cither 
 arrogance or stiffness. Their plain, coarse good sense, delights 
 in a conversation conducted clearly and in few words. Going 
 amongst them with our French ideas of superiority in all and 
 everything, if I had shown myself discontented, or even sur- 
 prised, at their manners and ideas, I should have considerably 
 augmented my difficulties, and probably lost my life. My inflexi- 
 bility with the Sirdar Mohamed Sedik Khan very nearly did so, 
 and it was a lesson by which I profited ; a little humouring 
 enabled me to retrieve the false step I had made, but it was 
 not easily done. An European who has lived much with Asiatics 
 and knows the Persian language thoroughly — who is not of a fair 
 complexion, and whose eyes are neither blue nor green — might, I 
 think, by dressing like the natives and conforming to their customs, 
 travel amongst them as a Persian merchant, and conceal his 
 nationality, especially if he took care to provide himself with a 
 good supply of articles of small value for sale ; but he who cannot 
 unite all these requisites had better acknowledge what he really is. 
 
 \Vlien I returned to Meshed, I again saw my old acquaintances 
 Mirza Mohamed, the Tajar Bashi, and the English agent Mollah 
 Mehdi. The latter was furious against Dr. Wolf, who had pub- 
 lished a letter in an Eastern paper, saying that he had converted 
 the Mollah to Christianity. " How," he said, " could I, a Hebrew 
 by birth, and by force a Moliamedan, how could I be converted by 
 the mediation of that crazy man ? It would be to expose myself 
 to the resentment of the fanatical population of this town. May 
 the head of Wolf be covered with cinders, hhalcister hé ser-es\ 
 may he go blind, koor sheved, for having told such a falsehood ! " 
 1 could only console him by promising to send a letter from him to 
 Dr. Wolf, in which he would desire him to retract his statement. 
 By the intervention of this worthy man I made the acquaintance 
 of the learned Kazi of Herat, Mohamed Hassan, who furnished 
 me with most valuable information on Afghanistan. His son, 
 Akhond Zadeh Saleh Mohamed, was mixed up with almost every 
 act of policy of the English in this country. 
 
 I saw also the envoy from Khulm, Mohamed Hussein Khan- 
 Kashi ; he was the only person in the house of Sir Alexander 
 Burnes at Kabul who escaped the frightful massacre in it by the 
 Afghans, in November, 1841. Lastly, Deen Mohamed Khan, 
 
Chap. XXXI. A RUSSIAN SPY. 489 
 
 cousin of Yar Mohamed, and renowned for his daring valour ; but 
 his political career seemed finished, though he was young, for 
 when I saw him he was nearly blind. I also had great pleasure in 
 conversing with Yoosoof Khan, son of the famous Sirdar Kalesh 
 Khan, chief of the tribe of Taymoonis, who took so great a part 
 in the events of the siege of Herat at the beginning of this century. 
 I found at his house an original, who was called Pellatou, and said 
 he was a doctor from Pegu, but nothing in his physical conforma- 
 tion denoted that nationality ; he had the Georgian type strongly 
 marked, spoke Turkish and Hindostanee with facility, and was 
 going to Bokhara and Kokan ; I always thought he was a Russian 
 spy. The Imaum Jumeh of Meshed, the last person that I 
 visited, is a learned and tolerant man— a rare thing amongst the 
 Mussulman priesthood of Persia ; he entertained me much with the 
 eccentricities of Dr. Wolf, who was anxious to convert him. The 
 Governor-General of Khorassan, Assaf Doulet, received me with 
 as much kindness as he did at Nishapoor. One of his sons, the 
 Salar, General-in-chief, had left a fortnight before with some 
 troops to chastise the inhabitants of Khelat-nadir, and retake from 
 them the captives of Meshed, whom they had carried off shortly 
 before my arrival, and Assaf requested me to join him and assist 
 him with my advice, for Khelat nadir is one of the strongest posi- 
 tions in Persia. The camp of the Salar was then pitched a little 
 beyond Koochan, and on the 9th of December I set off in that 
 direction, accompanied by my servant and Islam Beg, servant of 
 the Governor-General ; the latter was provided with an order in 
 obedience to which we were supplied with fresh horses at the 
 different villages, and therefore travelled fast, crossing by turns hill 
 and dale, cultivations, fallows, and desert, with many ruins in 
 all directions, and a succession of fortified villages surrounded 
 with orchards, watered by abundant streams, reaching into the 
 distance. We passed Shinaran and Ameerabad,* but the ra- 
 pidity with which we travelled day and night made it impossible 
 to collect any information respecting them. In twenty-four hours 
 we reached Koochan, where we learnt that the Salar had left 
 
 * There was a famous siege of this Shee and General Burowski. The latter 
 
 place in the Khorassau campaign of was afterwards killed at the siege of 
 
 Abbas Mirza in 1832. An English Herat, on the ramparts, and his body 
 
 sergeant, Hayward, under Colonel Shee, exchanged for some shoop to Fntteli 
 
 was killed here. The Persian troops Khan! — Ed. 
 were under the command of Colonel 
 
490 PERSIAN NOTIONS OF FIDELITY. Chap. XXXI. 
 
 with his force the previous evening", and was then at Deregez — 
 therefore there now lay between us and him a large tract of 
 ground, which was in the possession of the insurgents, it was con- 
 sequently impossible for a party of only three to undertake to 
 cross it ; having learnt also that Assaf's son intended to march 
 thence direct upon Khelat without retracing his steps, I returned to 
 Meshed, after a stay of four-and-twenty hours at Koochan. From 
 Meshed I could get to Khelat more easily, and with greater safety ; 
 but Assaf Doulet was so ill with the gout that he could not 
 receive me. Foreseeing that it would be a long blockade, and 
 being very anxious to reach Teheran to rest and recruit my health 
 before the winter, I wrote to him for his permission to go on, 
 which he gave me with the greatest kindness. 
 
 December ISth. — A certain Mirza Ibrahim sent for me on the 
 part of the Governor-General, and read to me a note from the 
 latter, apologizing on the grounds of severe illness, for not 
 receiving my farewell visit ; he also informed me that Assaf 
 Doulet had ordered two guards to accompany me to the borders 
 of Khorassan, and had sent me a talikeh, or order, for pro- 
 visions to be served to me at every village for ùve men and 
 ten horses, as far as Teheran. That was all that; H;he Mirza 
 communicated to me, although he was desired to give me 
 fifty tomaums for my journey to Koochan ; but to execute 
 that part of his instructions did not suit his book, he hoped 
 to keep the greater part of the sum himself; nevertheless, his 
 embarrassed manner and awkward insinuations led me to infer 
 the generous intentions of Assaf Doulet. Mirza Ibrahim tried 
 hard to persuade me to write to him, and ask him to grant me a 
 sum of money, in addition to the order for provisions, but as I 
 conceived that would be a dishonourable step to take, I decisively 
 refused to do so, and he then said he should write for it in my 
 name, whether I consented or not, and obtain the sura in question ; 
 I (quitted the room, leaving to him the responsibility of doing as 
 he pleased, but reserving to myself the right to protest against the 
 proceeding. If he had induced me to act in accordance with 
 his views, he would probably have given me half the sum sent, 
 and kept the rest himself; thus cheating me of ten or twelve 
 tomaums and laughing at me besides — such are the habits of 
 Persians. In their country fidelity is looked upon as a want of 
 common sense, and the grossest dishonesty as a proof of intclli- 
 
Chap. XXXI. CONDUCT OF A PERSIAN OFFICIAL. 491 
 
 gence or capacity, ziringi However, 'the rascal was disappointed, 
 for he had forgotten that it was necessary to induce the treasurer 
 to join in this knavery, and the latter arrived at my rooms with 
 the money about sundown ; he told me that the Mirza had tried 
 several times that day to persuade him to trust him with the 
 payment of the sum in question, but he suspected his intentions, 
 and therefore chose to bring it himself. I presented him with 
 ten tomaums as a recompense for his honesty. Mirza Ibrahim 
 was furious that I made no present to him, and complained 
 bitterly of my bad conduct towards one who had taken so much 
 trouble in my affairs. 
 
 " ^Vliat !" said he, " you have the face to present part of this 
 gift to the treasurer, and give me nothing ; me ! who liave taken 
 so much trouble about your affairs. This ignorance of the usages 
 of well-bred people, denotes that you have had a very bad educa- 
 tion, and have very bad manners ; and it is not astonishing that, 
 with such a wretched intellect, you sliould have been robbed and 
 plundered by the Afghans — that will be the case with you wherever 
 you go ;" and he finished by a showier of insults and maledictions, 
 proving his excessive disappointment and prodigious want of 
 money, i replied ironically in the most flowery style, and with the 
 bombastic metaphors in which the Persian language abounds, 
 that the resources of my intellect were in no way equal to his. 
 
 " I thank you," I concluded, " for sharpening my wits ; you 
 gave me a useful lesson, and, rest assured, I shall profit by it, 
 to get you recompensed in the right quarter. The example of 
 the Afghans is, I see, considered a good one for Persians to 
 follow ; I congratulate you upon having let me know that you 
 are amongst the number of imitators." In execution of my 
 threat, I sent his letter, and a copy of mine, to Assaf Doulet, 
 from whom he received a severe reprimand, and it was only at 
 my intercession that he escaped the bastinado. To revenge him- 
 self, he made out my talikeh without including the dzireJi, or order 
 for provisions ; but I insisted, and he was obliged to add them. 
 There is more possibility of disputing with the Persians than the 
 Afghans, and provided you can reckon upon the protection of 
 the Russian or the British ambassador at Teheran, they must 
 always be firmly met, for, in a question of money, they will 
 trample you underfoot the moment the least concession is made 
 to them. I remained at Meshed till the 20th of Dccembei ; on 
 
493 CONVEYANCE OP CORPSES TO KERBELAII. Chap. XXXI. 
 
 that clay, everytliing being ready for my departure, I determined 
 to leave on the morrow. 
 
 Sherifabad, December 21st — six parasangs. I left on the 
 right the road to Derrood, by which I had come to Meshed, and 
 took the one to the left. Two hours of plain and four hi the 
 mountains ; it was very cold and the snow fell thick, but, never- 
 theless, several friends accompanied me to the foot of the mountains. 
 After we had left them my escort lost the road, and we wandered 
 over the fields till night, when we reached Sherifabad, a small 
 village of about fifty hearths, with a caravanserai-shah, at which 
 a caravan of pilgrims had arrived before us. They kept howling 
 " Ya All !" all night, and we could not sleep. This caravan was con- 
 veying twenty corpses to interment in the holy ground of Kerbelah, 
 and though the deal cofiins were lined with cloth prepared with 
 naphtha, the effluvium was pestilential ; the pilgrims however ap- 
 peared not to perceive it, and man and beast slept pell-mell 
 amongst the miserable remnants of mortality. One old fellow 
 having washed his face and greasy hands in a dish, was going to 
 throw the water away, when a pilgrim came up to him, and, begging 
 for it most humbly, drank it off with extraordinary relish. Not a 
 soul there but myself saw anything surprising in the sickening 
 action, -which seemed to me most enormously filthy ; but one of my 
 guards told me that the old fellow was a highly venerated Syud, and 
 that in swallowing his ablutions, a person would absolutely be pre- 
 served from every evil moral and physical. A few moments after, 
 the dirty Avashing-dish was filled with an enormous pillau, with 
 which a score of hungry fellows satisfied their hunger, without the 
 slightest disinclination, much less disgust : these, however, are the 
 people who consider as impure all those who are not Shiah 
 Mussulmans like themselves, and shun all contact with them. 
 
 Kadum-gah, December 22nd— seven parasangs — in the moun- 
 tains. We were in the saddle two hours before daybreak, and 
 there being a thick fog, had scarcely left the gates when my 
 guides lost their way again ; two days in succession we were 
 really the sport of fortune ! we came round to the village again 
 without suspecting it, and started once more. This day's journey 
 was disagreeable enough, continual up and down hill. Kadum- 
 gah, the halt for the evening, is a little village on the mountain- 
 side, inhabited by Syuds, being, on account of the sanctity of their 
 origin, exempt from taxes ; they refused to give me the djireh 
 
Chap. XXXI. NISHArOOR. 493 
 
 to which my talikeh gave mc a right, and even refused to admit 
 me within the walls, because I was an infidel. I went, therefore, 
 to a caravanserai-shah on the plain, where I was provided with all 
 I wished for. This village is one of the places to which the 
 Persians make pilgrimages, because, according to them, the 
 Imaum Reza, compared with whose miracles those of Mahomet 
 and Our Saviour are as nothing, here roasted a thousand Ghebers 
 out of a population then amounting to fifteen hundred, and after- 
 wards, by efficacious means, converted the remaining five hundred 
 to the true faith. It would take up far too much time and 
 space to relate all the Imaum's miracles here, but the two following 
 are fair examples of the value of the rest. By simply raising the 
 forefinger of his right hand, he arrested in its progress a huge 
 stone, hurled at him down the mountain by the Ghebers in the 
 hope of crushing him ; the stone is at this day surrounded by 
 a rail of silver gilt, and is much venerated by Mussulmans. 
 Another enclosure contains the Imaum's footprint, three inches 
 deep, in the rook! This was to perpetuate the remembrance 
 of his passage there, and hence the name of the village — 
 Kadum, step ; gah, place. Shah Abbas embellished it, but there 
 is nothing now but some magnificent sycamores and a ruined 
 mosque. 
 
 Nishapoor, December 23rd — four parasangs in a sandy but 
 very fertile plain. I never remember to have felt such a distressing 
 impression as that which came over me on my arrival at Nishapoor. 
 The cholera had not spared a single family, and it was desolate. 
 The sky was dark, and on the mountains covered with snow was 
 a most singular and gloomy effect of light and shade, and a 
 sadness came over me which harmonised entirely with the mourn- 
 ful scene on which I gazed. In the middle of a cemetery near 
 the eastern gate of the city, a hundred corpses lay, with their faces 
 exposed, extended on the snow awaiting their burial ; their unhappy 
 relatives were weeping and wailing round them ; and there were 
 not gravediggers enough in 'the place, so the mournful work went on 
 slowly. What a subject for a painter was there ! I entered the 
 splendid caravanserai as quickly as possible to escape from the 
 dreadful spectacle, but there again Mas a scene of fearful affliction. 
 The sufferers with the cholera, and the terrified creatures who 
 were not yet stricken, were making heartrending supplications to 
 deprecate the wrath of Heaven. I retired to the farthest corner of 
 
494 ZAFFOUKOUNEE. C!iiap. XXXI. 
 
 a stable, endeavouring to isolate myself from the misery, but there, 
 as elsewhere, I found victims in tears and agony excited by 
 terror. The deputy-governor of the town had transported his 
 household into a halahhaneh, belvidere, of the caravanserai, where 
 he thought the air might be pure ; there he fasted, prayed, and 
 performed mummeries of all kinds that the fear of death could 
 suggest, and though at the time he lived in dread of his last 
 moment he actually cheated me. After having asked for, and 
 received the payment for the provisions to which my talikeh gave 
 me a right, he suddenly disappeared, and I never received them. 
 
 Zaffouroimee, December 24th. — As the governor did not show 
 himself this morning, I could not obtain the escort to which I was 
 entitled to replace the one that had returned to Meshed ; I started, 
 therefore, with two servants, as I had hired a second for the 
 journey. It was late when we left, the weather very bad, the 
 snow deep though melting, and the road so frightfully broken up 
 that our horses had infinite difficulty in getting along. After 
 riding three hours, we lost ourselves in the middle of a plain 
 covered with snow that concealed every trace of the road. At 
 last, as it ceased to fall quite so thick, I could distinguish several 
 villages on our left, and to them we directed our steps. The 
 gates were closed, and our shouts were answered by the appearance 
 of about a dozen men on the walls, armed with firelocks, and 
 threatening to shoot us ; they ordered us to retire as quickly as 
 possible, if we were not prepared to receive a disagreeable salute. 
 These poor devils acted thus, first, from fear of the Turcomans 
 and Kurds, who had been pillaging their territory for the last two 
 months ; and secondly, to preserve themselves from the cholera, 
 with which they had not yet been attacked. Our position was 
 critical, but we could not hesitate, and continued our road ; a 
 peasant whom we met an hour afterv/ards, warned us to make a 
 circuit to avoid the Kurds, who were in ambuscade in a defile 
 we were going to pass through. This piece of service deserved a 
 reward, and I was on the point of giving it to him, when he 
 foolishly said that he belonged to the village from which we had 
 been driven away ; thereupon, in spite of my reiterated orders to 
 the contrary, my servants gave him a shower of blows, and then 
 recommended him to take their compliments to his hospitable 
 townsmen. We continued om' road according to the directions 
 that the poor fellow had given us, and at midnight I arrived, 
 
Chap. XXXI. DAMGHAN. 405 
 
 without any unlucky rencontre, at ZafFouronnee, and established 
 myself as best I could in the ruined caravanserai. 
 
 Suhzawar, December 25th. — The cholera, though on either side 
 of it, had not attacked this town. 
 
 Mehir, December 26th. — A halt already described. 
 
 lluzeenoon, December 27th. — This halt has also been described. 
 Here I met Prince Shapoor Mirza. The cholera showed itself 
 here in a very singular manner : out of one hundred and four 
 deaths, two only were men, old and sickly ; eight were children 
 under six years of age ; and all the rest women. 
 
 Abbasabad, December 28th. — I trusted myself to Prince Shapoor 
 Mirza for this dangerous day's journey. We set off in the dark, and 
 at first lost the road, but reached our halt in the evening without 
 further accident. 
 
 Meyomeed, December 29th. — The prince w*ished to rest a day at 
 Abbasabad, and, to my great regret, I started alone, for the road 
 , to Shah-rood is not safe ; it is rarely that the Turcomans are 
 not upon it. I reached the halt, Miyane-desht, without mischance, 
 but the inhabitants having warned me that the Turcomans had 
 been in the town in the morning, and were hanging about the 
 neighbouring mountains, I did not think it wise to put up there, 
 and pressed on to Miyameed much fatigued. 
 
 Shah-rood, December 30th and 31st. — We saw the Turcomans at 
 a distance, but they appeared to have game in hand, and did not 
 trouble us ; it was a very long day from Meyomeed to Shah- 
 rood, the horses were very tired, and I thought it prudent to give 
 them the rest of a day, which we passed very uncomfortably. 
 The animals were up to their bellies in water in the caravanserai, 
 and our rooms were exceedingly damp and cold. An English 
 courier came in in the course of the night, and from him I had the 
 first European news that I had heard for eight months. 
 
 Deh Mollah, January 1st, 1846. — The year begins for me once 
 more in the midst of the vicissitudes of fortune, and the fatigue 
 and peril of Asiatic travelling. 
 
 Damghan, January 2nd. — The snow fell thick and fast, the 
 horses stumbled at every step ; it was necessary to reload them 
 at every few paces, with the mud up to my knees. The trouble 
 of getting along exceeded everything I had previously met with, 
 especially near the town, where the road was worst cut up. 
 Having by incredible exertion reached the citadel, I found an 
 
496 MR. TAYLOR THOMPSON. Chap. XXXI. 
 
 impediment of a very different sort under the walls. A crowd 
 of the serbas of the battalion of Damghan, who were loitering 
 there, learning from my servants that I was a Frenchman 
 going to Teheran, tormented me with their entreaties to lay 
 their grievances before the Shah. Their story was a sad one. 
 Their pay was nine years in arrear, though their colonel, Reza 
 Kooli Khan, had received it, and they refused to march for 
 Khorassan unless they were paid half the amount. The colonel 
 had refused to give them anything, and several had started for 
 Teheran to lay their case before the Prime Minister. Pursued 
 and brought back to Damghan by order of Reza Kooli Khan, they 
 were tortured according to their various degrees of culpability in 
 his eyes ; some were bastinadoed, some had their beards cut or 
 their mouths slit. 
 
 The colonel hearing of my arrival was terribly frightened, and 
 sent his nephew to me with his compliments and an excellent 
 dinner, to secure my neutrality. I acknowledge to my shame, 
 the dinner tempted me and I ate it ; nevertheless, to set my con- 
 science at ease on my arrival at Teheran, I related the case to the 
 minister, but it was one of very little importance in Persia, and the 
 colonel remained in his command. 
 
 Goosheh, January 3rd. — Heavy snow, bitter cold, and nothing 
 to eat. 
 
 Aheeii/on, January 3rd. — The same. 
 
 Semnoon, January 5th to 7th. — I had passed the mountains, and 
 was about two hours' ride from the town, when I observed with 
 inexpressible joy in the distance a horseman in the European dress. 
 As I drew nearer I saw that it was Mr. Taylor Thompson, secre- 
 tary to the British Legation at Teheran. I hailed him in French, 
 and great was his surprise to hear that language so well spoken 
 by a Turcoman ; for, having assumed their habit in its minutest 
 particular, beard and all, he did not at first recognise me in the 
 least. We had a long chat and then continued our respective 
 routes ; he was going to Astrabad to watch the Russians and their 
 intrigues. After being so long deprived of any intercourse with 
 Europeans, it is easy to imagine the pleasure that I felt at hearing 
 news of my country once more, and that fi'om an acquaintance. 
 I found Semnoon in the midst of the mourning of the Moharrem, 
 and there was not a single caravan to join ; my baggage-horse was 
 quite broken down. At last I made an arrangement with some 
 
Chap. XXXL QUAKREL WITH THE HAZABAHS. ' 497 
 
 Sunni llazarahs, Avho were also going to Teheran, and I proceeded 
 with them the next day. 
 
 Lasgird, January 8th, — Here I met with the last episode of 
 my journey, and it very nearly proved tragical. An Hazarah 
 wanted to take away the horse for which I had paid him the hire, 
 because his pack hurt him ; this my servants opposed, and a quarrel 
 began. A score of Hazarahs soon came up to the assistance of 
 their countryman, and blows fell like rain on the backs of my 
 two servants ; though an European I also was in no small danger 
 of personal maltreatment from the brutes, who are men in name 
 only, when I put a stop to their demonstration by levelling my 
 gun at them ; the remedy had a miraculous effect ; they all slunk 
 otf, and I kept the horse all the way to Teheran. 
 
 Deh-nemucJc, January 9th. — Plenty of mud on the road, and 
 nothing to eat at the halt. 
 
 Kishlalc, January 10th. — Torrents of rain had fallen here for 
 four days, and so destroyed the usual road that it was impossible 
 to travel upon it. I took the upper one, close by the foot of the 
 mountains ; it was very much sounder than the other, but flinty, 
 and at the mouth of a narrow defile was broken by a foaming 
 torrent, which we had great difficulty in crossing. We arrived at 
 the halt witlf every thread dripping, and found it full of water. 
 
 Eywanee Keif, January 11th. — Two hours before I reached this 
 place one of my horses fell down and died. He was still breathing 
 when a flight of crows settled upon him. 
 
 Khatoorabad, January 12th. — A rather large village, situated 
 opposite to Essan-Emir. 
 
 Teheran, January 13th. — I reached Teheran after having 
 crossed one of the ranges of the Elburz. After such a long and 
 perilous journey I felt much the necessity of rest, and occupied 
 myself during the time I remained in the capital in arranging 
 my notes. These pages are the result of my labours, and I trust 
 that some portions of them may interest the reader. 
 
 End of the Narrative. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
•198 DESCRIPTION OF LUEISTAN. Appk.ndix A. 
 
 APPENDIX (A). 
 
 Ox LuRiSTAN. — Extracts from MAJOR Rawlinson's Notes on a 
 March from Zohah to Khuzistan. 
 
 LuRiSTAN is divided into two provinces, Luri-Buznrg and Lnri- 
 Kuchiik, the greater and the less Luristi'm. The former is the 
 mountainous country of the Bakhtiyaris, stretching from the fron- 
 tiers of Fars to the river Dizfiil ; the latter is situated betv\reen the 
 river and the plains of Assj-ria, being bounded to the N. and S. by 
 Kirmânshâh and Susiana. This province of Luri-Kuchiik is again | 
 divided into two districts, Pish-kiih and Pushti-kiih, the country | 
 before and behind the mountains, referring, of coiirse, to the great 
 chain of Zagros ; and Pushti-kiih thus represents the Mâsabadân of 
 the geographers,* except that perhaps at present its northern frontier 
 is somewhat curtailed. I entered this territory of Pushti-kiih at 
 Chardawer, a plain stretching N.W. and S.W. to an extent of about 
 twelve miles in length and five in breadth, and alighted at the tent 
 of Jemshi'd Beg, the head of a tribe of Khizil j- Kurds, who have 
 been long located at Chardawer, and incorporated into the extensive 
 tribe of Faili. I was much pleased with the frank and open de- I 
 meanour of my host, so strikingly at variance with the mean and 
 cringing courtesy of the Persians, and even, though in a less degree, 
 of the Kirmânshâh Kurds. He welcomed me to his tent with every 
 evidence of disinterested kindness, and seemed to tax his powers to 
 the utmost to do honour to his Firingi guest. These black goat's- 
 hair tents are of all sizes, from the petty cabin of the rayat to the 
 spacious and commodious abode of the hâkim. The size of the tent 
 is computed according to the number of poles, which often extend 
 to ten or twelve, at a distance of 20 feet from each other. A large 
 apartment is thus formed, which is divided into a number of different 
 chambers by means of matting ; and the di'wân-khânah, anderûn,J 
 place for servants, kitchen, stable, and sheepfold are thus all in- 
 cluded under the same roof. Around the diwân-khânah are spread 
 coarse carpets of I'liyat manufacture, and in the centre is dug a 
 deep square hole for the fire. In the tent of Jemshi'd Beg the hule 
 was filled with chips and large logs of wood, and above were piled 
 huo;e branches of trees to the height of several feet, and the mass of 
 
 * The name of Masabaddn is now un- f A corruption, I fancy, from Khizr, 
 
 known in the country. the Muselman of Elias. 
 
 X The inner apartment for the women . 
 
Appkndix a. deposition OF HASAN KHAN. . 499 
 
 combustibles, when ignited, threw out, as may be supposed, such a 
 heat that it was with difficulty I could remain in the tent. 
 
 Between the twelfth and seventeenth centuries the province of 
 Luri-Kuchiik was governed by a race of independent princes, who were 
 named Atibegs. The last prince of this last roj'al race, Shah-verdi 
 Khan, Avas removed by Shah Abbus the Great, and the government 
 was granted to the chief of a rival tribe, Husein Khân, with almost 
 imlimited authority, and with the title of Wall, in exchange for that 
 of Atabeg ; his descendants have retained the title, which in Persia 
 i8 almost equivalent to royalt}- ;* and though their power is now 
 greatly weakened, they still affect a royal style in their manners 
 and establishment. Owing to the intestine divisions of the family, 
 Pish-kuh, which is by far the fairest portion of Luri-Kuchiik, has 
 been wrested from them, and placed under the dii'ect control of the 
 Kirmânshâh government. Pushti-kiih, however, still acknowledges 
 the sway of the Wall ; and since the death of Mohammed Ali-Mirza, 
 Hasan Khan, who had enjoyed this dignity, had yielded a mere 
 nominal allegiance to the crown of Persia. Shortly before my visit, 
 however, a breach had taken place in the family between Hasan 
 Khân and his two eldest sons, and, the tribes being divided, the 
 Kirmânshâh government had taken advantage of the moment to 
 intei-fere, by supporting the sons against the father, and thus to 
 establish a partial influence over the country. Hasan Khân, there- 
 fore, had been fonnally deposed, and Ali Khân and Ahmed Khân 
 appointed joint Walls in his place. The old man, for he was 
 upwards of ninety years of age, took refuge with a small body. 
 of adherents among the Arabs of the Assyrian plains, where, for 
 some time, he baffled all the attacks of his enemies ; and lately 
 the l'iiyât, finding that they alone were the part}' likely to suffer in 
 the struggle between their rulers, and the consequent extension of 
 the Persian authority over them, have obliged the father and sons 
 to be reconciled, and Hasan Khân now again governs the territory 
 of Plishti-kuh with the power and energy of an independent prince. 
 When the whole of Luri-Kuchiik was under the dominion of the 
 Wall's, all the tribes were included under the general denomination 
 of Faili, the peculiar title of Husein Khan's clan. At present, how- 
 ever, the inhabitants of Pish-kiih do not acknowledge the name in 
 any way ; they have a distinct classification of their own, and the 
 title of Faili is applied alone to the tribes of Pushti-kiih, who are 
 under the sway of the Wall. The maps, therefore, are incorrect 
 when they describe the whole of Luri-Kuchiik as " a mountainous 
 1 country, inhabited by the Faili tribes." Luristân is divided, as I 
 
 I * The title of Shabinshàh, or King tributary princes, the Wdlis of Giirjis- 
 
 ; of Kings, was assumed by the Persian tdn (Georgia), Ardelan, Luristdn, and 
 
 i monarch as lord paramount over four Havvizah. 
 I 2 K 2 
 
500 THE BAKHTIYARIS. Appendix A. 
 
 have stated, into two provinces, — Lnri-Buzurg and Liiri-Kuchuk. 
 The inhabitants of Luri-Buzurg are now classed under the general 
 title of Bakhtiyaris ; but originally this name merely applied to a 
 small tribe, one of the twenty-six district clans among whom the 
 province was divided. The Bakhtiyuris, with their dependencies, 
 number at present 28,000 families. They comprise, exclusive of 
 dependencies, three divisions, — the Haft Lang, the Chahar Lang, 
 and the Dinarunis. Their assessment is fixed at 100 katirs (mules), 
 the term kàtir, however, being merely conventional, and used to 
 denote a sum of money, which is increased or diminished according 
 to the prosperous state of the tribes and the power of the Persian 
 Government to exercise authority over them. The institution of this 
 assessment is very ancient, and in the time of the Atabegs, when the 
 province was in its most flourishing state, a katir seems to have been 
 equivalent to 1000 tomans; at present it is valued at 100 tomans, 
 but the government, for many years, has been unable to realise this 
 amount, or even, upon an average of twent}' years, a moiety of it. 
 The following table (see next page) describes the general distribution 
 of the clans and their respective assessments. 
 
 The main power of the Bakhtiyaris, as will be seen by this table, 
 lies in the hands of Mahommed Tâki Khan, the chief of Janniki, 
 who is a lineal descendant of Ali Mardan Khan, the Bakhti3'ân' 
 King of Persia, in the times of anarchy that succeeded the death of 
 Nadir. At the outset of his career he was the acknowledged chief 
 of his own single tribe, and he owes his present powerful position 
 to the distinguished ability with which he has steered his course 
 amid the broils and conflicts of other tribes. He has done every- 
 thino- in his power to break the tribes of their nomadic habits, and, 
 to a great extent, he has succeeded. In Feridûn he has purchased 
 very extensive lands, where he has founded several villages ; and in 
 the plain of Kim Hormuz, which he farms of the Shïrâz Govern- 
 ment for 3000 tomans annually, he has also settled a vast nixmber 
 of peaceful colonists. The Bakhtiyaris pursue a certain extent of 
 traffic. They exclusively supply Klmrzistan with tobacco from 
 Jânnikî ; they also export a small quantity of grain, and the Is- 
 fahan market is furnished, during the summer, with mutton, almost 
 entirely from the Bakhtiyurf flocks. The cherry-sticks, for (chibuk) 
 pipes, which grow in profusion among their mountains, would also 
 prove to them, if steadily pursued, a most lucrative line of trafiic. 
 Charcoal, gallnuts, gum mastic, and the sweetmeat named gaz, or 
 gazii,* form the only exportable articles, I believe, which the 
 
 * The Gaz, or Gazti, which is much the leaves of the oak tree. See Diod. 
 
 used for making sweetmeats in Persia, Sic, book xvii. chap. viii. (It is the 
 
 is a glutinous substance, like honey, de- manna of the chemists. — F. S.) 
 posited by a small green insect upon 
 
Ai'i'ENDrx .\. DTSTRIBUTION OF ('LANS AND ASSESSMENTS. 501 
 
C02 THE BAKIITIYARIS. Appendix A. 
 
 country affords. The Ilaft Lang tribe, wlio formerly doubled the 
 number of the Chahdr Lang, have been the victims of their never- 
 ending conflicts with each other. For many years during the reign 
 of the late Shah they were the terror of kafilahs, and at one time, 
 indeed, threatened to put an end to the traffic between the south of 
 Persia and the capital. They have not become in any way divested 
 of predatory habits, but intestine quarrels have not of late left them 
 leisure to indulge in them. The constitution of the Bakhtij'âri 
 system cif clanship is quite distinct from that of the tribes of Luri- 
 Kuchuk : in the one, each tribe has its acknowledged chief, who 
 rules over his particular subjects with despotic sway ; in the other, 
 the great tribes have no regular head, but each petty subdivision is 
 governed by its own Tushmah, and they all meet as equals on great 
 occasions to discuss their common interests. It is true that Moham- 
 med Tâkï Khan has exerted himself much to break the control of 
 these feudal dependants ; but the tendency of his system is merely 
 to merge the power that was before separately exercised into the 
 consolidation of his own individual authority. The great wealth of 
 the Bakhtiyaris, as is the case with all nomade tribes, consists in 
 their flocks and herds. They are naturally most averse to agri- 
 culture, and, until the last fifteen or twenty years, they always 
 migrated in a body to the warm pastures of Khiirzistan on the 
 approach of winter, and at the return of spring again moved back 
 to their Yallaks around Zardah Kiih and along the northern skirts 
 of the great range from Isfahan to Bunijerd. 
 
 In matters of religion they are lax, but still they are outwardly 
 Mahommedans, and neither respect nor understand the mystical 
 tenets of the Ali I'lahis. Their language is a dialect of the Kurdish, 
 but still differing in many respects, and more particularly in their 
 method of pronunciation, from any of the other modifications of that 
 tongue which are spoken by the different tribes extending alono- 
 the range of Zagros. I believe them to be individually brave, but 
 of a cruel and savage character ; they pursue their blood-feuds with 
 the most inveterate and exterminating spirit, and they consider no 
 oath or obligation in any way binding when it interferes with their 
 thirst for revenge ; indeed, the dreadful stories of domestic tragedy 
 that are related, in which whole families have fallen by each other's 
 hands (a son, for instance, having slain his father, to obtain the 
 chiefship ; another brother having avenged the murder, and so on, 
 till only one individual was left), are enough to freeze the blood 
 with horror. It is proverbial in Persia that the Bakhtiyaris have 
 been obliged to forego altogether the reading of the Fatihah * or 
 
 * The first chapter of the Korau, Most Turkish epitaphs end by the words 
 used by the Mahommedans much as the " Fatihah ruhun ichun "—Say a Fatihah 
 Paternoster was anciently used by us. for his soul. — F. S. 
 
Appkxdix a. 
 
 KlIORRAM-ABAD. 
 
 503 
 
 praj'ci" for the dead, for otherwise they woiikl have no other occu- 
 pation. They are also most dexterous and notorious thieves; in- 
 deed, I have myself seen instances of their dexterity in conveying a 
 horse out of a stable in an inner court, which was particularly 
 watched, and padlocked, moreover, with a chain for security, that, 
 imless I had witnessed, I could not possibly have believed. Alto- 
 gether they may be considered the most wild and barbarous of all 
 the inhabitants of Persia ; but, nevertheless, I have passed some 
 pleasant days with their chiefs, and derived much curious information 
 from them. 
 
 The tribes of Luri-Kuchiik are far more numerous than the 
 Bakhtiyarls ; with their dependencies they number 56,000 families. 
 The assessment of the tribes of Pish-Kùh is fixed at 120 katirs, 
 or mules, but the distribution fluctuates at the discretion of the 
 Persian governor. The tribes of Pushti-Kiih and the dependencies 
 are not included in this arrangement, but have a separate amount 
 of revenue assigned to them. The valuation of kâtir varies, as with 
 the Bakhtiyaris, according to the state of the province ; but under 
 the late Wazfr, Mirzâ Buzurg, who administered the revenues with 
 eminent success for about ten years, it was raised to the rate of 200 
 old tomans, or 3334- of the present currency; the 120 kâtirs were, 
 therefore, equivalent to 40,000 tomans, and the amount annually 
 realised from Pish-kuth alone rather exceeded than fell short of this 
 sum. The following table (see next page) exhibits the classifica- 
 tion of the tribes and the revenue system, as observed by Mirzâ 
 Buzurg. 
 
 The Slim realized from the tribes thus amounted to 60,500 tomans ; 
 but the government possessed another source of revenue in the town 
 of Khorram-âbàd and the crown lands scattered over the province, 
 according to the following list : — ■ 
 
 Names of Districts. 
 
 Tri- J-L.JJ ( Revenue of town 
 
 Khorram-abad ^ r, ^ j 
 
 ( Crown lands 
 
 Seimai'rah 
 
 Jaidar 
 
 Alishtar 
 
 Kuh-dasht 
 
 Terhdn 
 
 Kir-A'b 
 
 Taxation 
 
 In 
 Money. 
 
 Taxation 
 
 in 
 
 Grain. 
 
 Témîîus. 
 
 Kharwars. 
 
 5,000 
 
 
 2,000 
 
 2,000 1 
 
 2,000 
 
 2,000 
 
 1,000 
 
 500 
 
 • . . 
 
 1,000 
 
 230 
 
 200 
 
 500 
 
 700 
 
 100 
 
 500 
 
 10,830 
 
 6,900 
 
 Remarks. 
 
 This consists of the 
 rent of shops, gar- 
 dens, orchards, 
 mills, and customs. 
 
504 
 
 TRIBES OF LURI-KUCHUK AND ASSESSMENT, 
 
 Appendix A. 
 
 ^ 2 s-: £ 2 g o 
 
 ^ 3 
 
 •it 
 
 
 
 
 
 •5 S 3 
 2'5 ~ 
 
 
 K § g 
 
 ~ " a 
 
 e 
 
 ■o 
 
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 y 
 
 a 
 
 
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 ja 
 
 tu 
 
 
 
 
 T3 
 
 
 >^a 
 
 
 
 
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 IS 
 
 !§ga| 
 en > j3 o 
 
 ° a 5= ë 
 
 P^ m C I 
 H 
 
 <Î3 
 
 fi 
 
 ■ g I "S ; 
 
 S r: .3 ^ ,t; -g 
 WW «OH 
 
 
 5 • i S 
 
 •5. -«-a 
 
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 W H 
 
 o a i. >, 
 
 •9 6: a S 
 
 ai« t a « 
 ? ■" — -ci .5? 
 ■C ^ " V ^ 
 
 (u *j -o t- a 
 Sa l'a ° 
 
 a _-—■ ^"s 
 
 .ÏNS n-o 
 T'es §<! 
 
 05 
 
 Ld-S 
 
 : SW — - 
 
 m OJ3 
 
 N3 so 
 
 ;a 
 
 
 2> 
 oS 
 
 a ?* T3 "3 
 
 '<**S'2 ,5 as ^ 
 a&S-^"gcivs a 
 
 - - - -, ™, „, ^ ^-! *S ."^ 
 
 03 %^_a w ^ ^ CJ v3 *flS «-H 
 
 3 ^ 
 
 
 3 2-3 
 
 ^■;^-§"n 
 
 ■39 g 
 
 32 = 3 ,3^^jj-, 
 
 hi' S 
 
 ». g o 
 
 2^0 S 
 
 
 3g 
 
 ^>>ii 
 
 :^5 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 £S 
 
 
 a 
 
 Ifl 
 
 .3 2 
 S 
 
 sw 
 w 
 
 00000 
 00000 
 
 U5 irj CÏ rH (M 
 
 00 00 
 
 00 00 
 
 fee IS - ^^ " 
 
 - -^ — 3 .. 
 
 fit» <a o^^R 
 
 ■o -a 
 
 c5 to iï ^ aS;- 
 
 :5 3 
 
 '■-.~' 
 
 •sapugpusdaQ 
 
Appendix A. REVENUE OF LURI-KUCHUK. 505 
 
 If we reckon the kliarwan of grain at one toman, wliicli is the 
 usual valuation in Luristdn, this will give an addition to the revenue 
 of 17,700 tomans, and raise the whole amount which may be annually 
 realised from the province, to 78,200 tomans. The system of revenue 
 in Pish-kiih is very simple ; when the 120 katirs liave been duly dis- 
 tributed among the tribes and their subdivisions, in a general council, 
 and to the satisfaction of all, each stibdivision determines the amount 
 of share to be paid by the diiferent camps of which it is composed, 
 and the Ei'sh Safid* of each encampment collects from the ditierent 
 families under his rule, according to his knowledge of their individual 
 ability to contribute. But in a wild country like this, where many 
 of the tribes live in a state of open rebellion, and will not attend to 
 the distribution apportioned by the general coiincil, the governor 
 would certainly fail in his contract to the crown, unless he had in- 
 direct means of raising an extraordinaiy revenue to make up for many 
 defalcations. Mirza Buzurg, therefore, introduced an extensive 
 system of fees and fines ; and, where robberies and murder were of 
 almost daily occurrence, he did not want opportunities of exaction ; 
 indeed he is said to have realized about 20,000 tomans annually in 
 this manner, and that, too, without cnielty or injustice. Luri-Kvichiik 
 is far more capable of subtaining a heavy taxation than the Bakhti- 
 yaris, for, though agriculture is equally neglected, it has other 
 valuable sources of profit. The principal of these is its breed of 
 mules, which are esteemed by far the best in Persia. It certainly 
 exports on an average 1000 of these animals annually ; and, taking 
 the mean price at 20 tomans, this alone will give a sum of 20,000 
 tomans of yearly produce. The I'liyat drive a considerable traffic 
 also, in cai-pets, hurs or packing-bags, and all descriptions of horse- 
 furniture ; they exclusively supply the towns of Hâmâdân, Kihdwand 
 and Burujird with charcoal, and their flocks and herds likewise afford 
 them a considerable profit. The great tribes of Pi'sh-kuh, as I have 
 already mentioned, have no single chief like the Bakhtiyaris ; neither, 
 indeed have the subdivisions in general ; some four or five Tushmdls 
 are usually associated in the government of every subdivision ; and 
 on great occasions all these Tushmâls meet as equals, and consult ; 
 so that their internal constitution, which I believe to be very un- 
 common among the clan nations of Asia, more nearly assimilates to 
 the spirit of a confederated republic than of a great feudal aristocrac}-. 
 The Willi of Pushti-Kuh alone retains the kingly power of his an- 
 cestors. Among the Lurs most of the offices of labour are per- 
 formed by women ; they tend the flocks, till the fields, store the 
 grain, and tread out that which is required for use. The men con- 
 tent themselves with sowing and reaping, cutting wood for charcoal, 
 
 Literally "grey -beard/' the head of each petty encampment. 
 
506 RELIGIOX OF TRIBES OF LURI-KUCHUK Appendix A. 
 
 and defending their property against tlie attacks of others. The 
 carpets, the bhick goat-hair tents, and the horse furniture, for which 
 Luristan is famous, are ahnost all the work of the women. The men 
 seem to consider robbery and war their proper occupation, and are 
 never so well pleased as when engaged in a foray. The language 
 of the Lurs differs but slightly from that of the Kurds of Kirmânshâh, 
 and a person conversant with one dialect will perfectly understand 
 the other. These dialects of the mountaineers of Zagros have been 
 hitherto assumed by all writers as remnants of the ancient Pehlevi, 
 but it appears to me on insufficient grounds ; I regard them as de- 
 rived from the old Farsi, the Farsi-Kadim, as it is called ; which 
 was a co-existent, but perfectly distinct language from the Pehlevi, 
 in the age of the Sâsânian monarchs : certainly the Pehlevi, as we 
 read it at the present day, upon inscriptions and in books, does not 
 possess any analogy with the Kurdish, and I doubt if any dialect of 
 it now exists as a spoken language, except among the Gabr colonies, 
 and in a few detached villages of Azeibâijîin.* The religion of the 
 tribes of Luri-Kuchiik is very curious, and well merits to be atten- 
 tively observed ; for, although the foundation of all Ali Ilâhism is 
 the same, consisting in the belief of a series of successive incarna- 
 tions, yet they have superinduced a number of local superstitions, 
 apparently of remote antiquity. The Lurs do not aifect the slightest 
 veneration for Mahommed and the Koran ; their only general object 
 of worship is their gi'eat saint Baba Buzurg ; but there are also 
 several holy men amongst them, who are considered the living repre- 
 sentatives of the Divine Principle, and who are thus regarded by 
 their particular disciples, with a reverence little short of adoration, 
 Tlieir sacrifices and their mystical meetings form a subject of much 
 interest ; for many of their observances are certainly to be traced to 
 a source long anterior to the institution of Mohammedanism. Mac- 
 donald Kinnear has noticed the midnight orgies of the Charâgh-Ku- 
 shan.f I do not believe that any such rites are observed at the 
 present day, but meetings of this nature were certainly held until 
 within the last half century, and there cannot be a doubt but that 
 we may recognise in them a relic of the worship of the principles of 
 generation and fecundity, which had descended through the orgies of 
 Mithra and Anaitis, from the time when Sesostris erected the 
 emblems of the sexual| organs as objects of adoration, and Semiramis 
 deliveiing herself to indiscriminate pleasure doubtless intended to 
 fulfil a religious ceremony. § 
 
 * In the village of Dizmar, in parti- J Diod. Sic, book i. chap, iv.; Herod., 
 
 cular, the vernacular dialect is certainly book ii. chap. cii. and cvi. 
 Pehlevi. § Diod. Sic, book ii. chap. i. 
 
 + " The putters-out of lights," — lite- 
 rally lamp-breakers. 
 
Appendix B. DESIGNS OF RUSSIA UPON INDIA. 507 
 
 APPENDIX (B), 
 
 Extract of Letter from Mr. McNeill to Viscount Palmerstox. 
 Dated Camp before Herat, April 11th, 1838. (From Blue- 
 Book, p. 85.) 
 
 Captain Vicovich continues to remain at Cabul, and I leani from 
 Captain Bumes's communications that the success of his negotiations 
 there will in a great measure depend on the failure of the Shah's 
 enterprise against Herat. At Kandahar our position is even more 
 precarious ; and I have the honour to enclose a translation of a 
 draft of a treaty between the Shah and the Chief of Kandahar, which 
 it is proposed to conclude by the mediation and imder the guarantee 
 of Eussia, and which has for its object to unite Herat and Kandahar 
 under a chief, who shall be nominally subject to Persia, but actu- 
 ally under the protection of Eussia. I am unable to inform your 
 Lordship what progress has been made towards the conclusion of 
 this treaty, or what view the Shah may have taken of the position, 
 in respect to these countries, in which, by this arrangement, he 
 would be placed ; but the treaty is said to have been signed by 
 Kohimdil Khan, and I am not without very serious apprehensions 
 that, even before the fall of Herat, Kohundil Khan may be induced 
 to co-operate vnth. the Shah ; while, in the event of Herat's being- 
 reduced, I cannot doubt that the Chief of Kandahar will consider it 
 to be for his advantage to connect himself with Persia and Eussia 
 rather than with England. 
 
 T therefore continue to be of opinion that the fall of Herat would 
 destroy our position in Afghanistan, and place all, or nearly all, 
 that country under the influence or authority of Eussia and Persia. 
 
 I need not repeat to your Lordship my opinion as to the effect 
 which such a state of things would necessarily have on the internai 
 tranquillity and security of British India ; and I cannot conceive 
 that any treaty can bind us to permit the prosecution of schemes 
 which threaten the stability of the British empire in the East. The 
 evidence of concert between Persia and Eussia for pui-j^oses injurious 
 to British interests is unequivocal ; and the magnitude of the evil 
 with which we are threatened is in my estimation immense, and 
 such as no Power in alliance with Great Britain can have a right to 
 
508 DESIGNS OF RUSSIA UPON INDIA. Appendix B. 
 
 aid in producing. Our connexion with Persia has for its real and 
 avowed original object to give additional security to India, and it 
 has been maintained for the purpose of protecting us against designs 
 of the only Power which threatened to disturb us in that quarter ; 
 but if the proceedings of Persia, in concert with that very Power, 
 are directed to the destruction of the security and tranquillity which 
 it was the sole object of the alliance with Persia to maintain, and if 
 they obviously tend to promote and facilitate the designs which the 
 alliance was intended to counteract, I confess I cannot believe that 
 we are still bound to act up to the letter of a treaty, the spirit of 
 which has been so flagrantly violated. I do not hesitate to repeat 
 my conviction, that, if our only object were to preserve as long as 
 possible the alliance of Persia, that object could best be effected by 
 preventing her taking Herat. 
 
 Copy of the Draft of a Treaty sealed by Kohundil Khan. 
 
 Proposed tenns of a Treaty between His Majesty Mahommed Shah and 
 Kohundil Khan, Sirdar of Kandahar, under the sealed guarantee of the 
 Russian Ambassador at Teheran. 
 
 I, as Minister Plenipotentiary of the Eussian Government at the 
 Court of Persia, guarantee the fulfilment of the following conditions 
 of treaty between His Majesty Mahommed Shah and the Siidar of 
 Kandahar : — 
 
 1st. The Principality of Herat is to be bestowed by the Shah on 
 the rulers of Kandahar, as a reward for their faithful services per- 
 formed to him since his accession to the throne of Persia. 
 
 2nd. The territories and tribes at present subject to the Sirdars 
 of Kandahar to be preserved to them free of violence, injury, or 
 confiscation. 
 
 3rd. The Persian Government in no way to amalgamate with 
 their ovni subjects any of the Afghan tribes, great or small, nor to 
 employ them upon service unconnected with their own affairs ; and 
 all business relative to the Afghan states to be submitted by the 
 Persian Government to the rulers of Kandahar. 
 
 4th. The Prince Kamaran and his Minister Yar Mahommed Khan 
 to be excluded from all participation in the councils of Persia. 
 
 5th. Should an}^ hostile movement be made against Kandahar by 
 Shooja-ool-Molk, the English, or the Ameer of Cabul, aid to be 
 afforded by the Shah to the Sirdars. 
 
 6th. In the event of the sons or brothers of Kohundil Khan 
 coming with an auxiliary force to the royal camp, no violence or 
 injury to be in any way offered to the persons or property of them 
 
Appendix B. DESIGNS OF RUSSIA UPON INDIA. 509 
 
 or their followers, and none of them to be detained as hostages, with 
 the exception of a single son of Kohundil Khan's, who will always 
 remain in the service of the Shah, 
 
 7th. A contingent of twelve thousand horse and twelve guns to 
 be supplied by the Kandaharees to garrison Herat, receiving pay 
 and rations from them, and to assist the Shah on occasion of service. 
 
 8th. On the arrival of treaty duly ratified at Kandahar, Ma- 
 hommed Omar Khan to be immediately dispatched to the royal 
 presence. 
 
 9th. After the presentation of this prince, the necessary money 
 for the outfit of the horse and artillery to be made over by the 
 Persian Government to the Sirdars of Kandahar ; Sirdar Mehrdil 
 Khan to be then sent with a thousand horse to the royal camp. 
 
 This Prince being presented, and mutual confidence being esta- 
 blished between the Shah and the Sirdars, no other demand to be 
 made upon the Kandaharees by the Persian Government than that 
 of military service. 
 
 Should Mahommed Shah fail to fulfil any of these several condi- 
 tions, or depart in any way from the stipulations, I, as Minister 
 Plenipotentiary of the Kussian Government, becoming myself re- 
 sponsible, will oblige him, in whatever way may be necessary, to 
 act fully up to the terms and conditions of the treaty. 
 
 This memorandum is framed as a draft of the proposed terms of 
 treat}'. 
 
 True Translation. 
 
 (Signed) H. C. Eawlinsox, Major. 
 
;iO DESCRIPTION OF BxVLKH. Appendix C. 
 
 APPENDIX (C). 
 
 Sir a. Burnes's Description of Balkh. 
 
 We continued at Balkh for three days to examine the remains of 
 this once proud city. Its ruins extend for a circuit of about twenty 
 miles, but present no symptoms of magnificence ; they consist of 
 fallen mosques and decayed tombs, which have been built of sun- 
 dried brick ; nor are any of these ruins of an age prior to Mahom- 
 medanism, though Balkh boasts an antiquity beyond most other 
 cities in the globe. By the Asiatics it is named the " Mother of 
 Cities," and is said to have been built by Kyamoors, or Cyrus, the 
 founder of the Persian monarchy. After the conquest of Alexander 
 the Great it flourished imder the name of Bactria, with a dynasty 
 of Grecian kings. In the third century of the Christian era " Arta- 
 xerxes had his authority solemnly acknowledged in a great assembly 
 held at Balkh, in Khorasan." * It continued subject to the Persian 
 empire, and the residence of the Archimagus, or head of the Magi, 
 till the followers of Zoroaster were overthrowTi by the inroads of the 
 caliphs. Its inhabitants were butchered in cold blood by Genghis 
 Khan ; and under the house of Timour it became a province of the 
 Mogul empire. It formed the government of Aurungzebe in his 
 youth, and was at last invaded by the great Nadir. On the esta- 
 blishment of the Dooranee monarchy, after his death, it fell into the 
 hands of the Afghans, and within the last eight years has been seized 
 by the king of Bokhara, whose deputy now governs it. Its present 
 population does not amount to 2000 souls, who are chiefly natives 
 of Cabul, and the remnant of the Karanoukur, a description of 
 militia established here by the Afghans : there are also a few 
 Arabs. The Koondooz chief has marched off a great portion of its 
 population, and constantly threatens the city, which has driven the 
 inhabitants to the neighbouring villages. In its wide area, the 
 city appears to have enclosed innumerable gardens, which increased 
 its size without adding to its population ; and, from the frail ma- 
 terials of which its buildings are constructed, the foundations being 
 only brick, I doubt if Balkh ever were a substantial city. There 
 are three large colleges, of a handsome structure, now in a state of 
 decay, with their cells empty. A mud wall surrounds a portion of 
 the town, but it must be of a late age, since it excludes the ruins on 
 
 * GibboD, c. viii.- 
 
Appendix C. DESCRIPTION OF BALKH. 511 
 
 every side for about two miles. The citadel, or ark, on the northern 
 side, has been more solidly constructed ; yet it is a place of no 
 strength. There is a stone of white marble in it, which is yet 
 pointed out as the throne of Kai Kaoos, or Cyrus. Balkh stands on 
 a plain, about six miles from the hills, and not upon them, as is 
 erroneously represented. There are many inequalities in the sur- 
 rounding fields, which may arise from ruins and mbbish. The city 
 itself, like Babylon, has become a perfect mine of bricks for the 
 surrounding country. These are of an oblong shape, rather square. 
 Most of the old gardens are now neglected and overgrown with 
 weeds ; the aqueducts are dried up ; but there are clumps of trees 
 in many directions. The people have a great veneration for the 
 city, believing it was one of the earliest peopled portions of the 
 earth, and that the re-occupation of it will be one of the signs of the 
 approaching end of the world. The fruit of Balkh is most luscious, 
 particularly the apricots, which are nearly as large as apples. They 
 are almost below value, for 2000 of them were to be purchased for 
 a rupee, and with iced water they are indeed liixuries, though dan- 
 gerous ones. Snow is brought in quantities from the mountains 
 south of Balkh, about twenty miles distant, and sold for a trifle 
 throughout the year. 
 
 The climate of Balkh is very insalubrious, but it is not disagree- 
 able. In June the thermometer did not rise above 80°, and the 
 next month is the hottest in the year. The wheat ripens in that 
 month, which makes the harvest fifty days later than at Peshawur. 
 Its unhealthiness is ascribed to the water, which is so mixed up 
 with earth and clay as to look like a puddle after rain. The soil is 
 of a greyish colour, like pipe-clay, and very rich ; when wet it is 
 slimy. The crops are good ; the wheat stalks grow as high as in 
 England, and do not present the stubble of India, In Balkh, the 
 water has been distributed, Avith great labour, by aqueducts from a 
 river. Of these there are said to be no less than eighteen ; but 
 many are not now discoverable. They frequently overflow, and 
 leave marshes, which are rapidly dried up under the sun's rays. 
 This seems to account for the diseases of the place. All old cities 
 and ruins are perhaps more or less unhealthy. It is not probable, 
 however, that so many kings and princes would have patronised a 
 site which was always unfavourable to the health of man ; and 
 Balkh itself is not situated in a country naturall}^ marshy, but on a 
 gentle slope, which sinks towards the Oxus, about 1800 feet above 
 the level of the sea. All the water of its river is lost long before 
 reaching that stream. — Extract from Burnes's ' Travels into Bokhara,' 
 vol. i. pp. 237-241. 
 
612 THE KAFFIRS. Appenwx D. 
 
 APPENDIX (D), 
 
 Accounts hy Mr. Elphinstone and Sm A. Burnes of the Kaffirs 
 of the Hindoo Koosh. 
 
 The country of the Kaffirs occupies a great part of tlie range of 
 Hindoo Coosh and a portion of Beloot Tagh. It is bounded on the 
 north-east by Kashkar, on Budvikhshan, and on the north-west by 
 Koondooz in Balkh. On the west it has Inderab and Khost, also in 
 Balkh, and the Kohistan of Cabul ; and on the east it extends for a 
 great distance towards the north of Cashmeer, where its boundary is 
 not distinctly known. The whole of this alpine country is composed 
 of snowy mountains, deep pine forests, and small but fertile valleys, 
 which produce large quantities of grapes, wild and cultivated, and 
 feed flocks of sheep and herds of cattle, while the hills are covered 
 with goats. Grain is inferior both in importance and abim dance. 
 The common kinds are wheat and millet. The roads are only fit 
 for men on foot, and are often crossed by rivers and torrents, which 
 are passed by means of wooden bridges, or of swing-bridges made 
 on ropes of with}^ or some other pliant tree. All the villages that I 
 have heard described are built on the slopes of hills, so that the roof 
 of one house forms the street leading to the one above it ; and this 
 is said to be the constant practice of the country. The valleys must 
 be well peopled ; that of the Camojee tribe, at least, contained ten 
 villages, and the chief place, Caumdaish, consisted of 500 houses. 
 The people have no general name for their nation. Each tribe has 
 its peculiar name, for they are all divided into tribes, though not 
 according to genealogy, but to geographical position, each valley 
 being held by a separate tribe. The Mussulmans confound them all 
 under the name of Kaffir or infidel, and call their country Kaffiristan. 
 They also call one division of them Siaposh (black-vested), or Tor 
 Kaffirs (black infidels), and another Speen Kaffirs (white infidels). 
 Both epithets are taken from their dress, for the whole of the Kaffirs 
 are remarkable for the fairness and beauty of their complexion; but 
 those of the largest division wear a sort of vest of black goat-skins, 
 while the other dresses in white cotton.* 
 
 * The following are the names of Caumdaish, and the thii-d by Dhunput 
 
 some of their tribes. The first set were Ray at Kuttaun, and on the borders of 
 
 given by the young Kaffir of Tsokooee, Bajour: — 
 
 the second got by Moollah Nujeeb at 1st. Traiguma, Gimeer, Kuttaur, Bai- 
 
Appendix D. THE KAFFIRS. 513 
 
 There are several languages among the Kaffirs, but they have all 
 man}' words in common, and all have a near connexion with the 
 Sanscrit. They have all one peculiarity, which is, that they count 
 by sco]-es instead of hundreds, and that their thousand (which they 
 call by the Persian and Pushtoo name) consists of four hundred, or 
 twenty score. x\ll these observations apply also to the Lughmanee 
 or Degganee language, which seems to be a Kaffir dialect, and gives 
 reason to suppose the Lughmanees and Deggans to be Kaffirs con- 
 verted to the Mahommedan religion. I imagine the inhabitants of 
 the Cohistan of Cabul to have the same origin, particxilarly as the 
 name of Cohistanee is that applied to all the lately converted Kaffirs. 
 This derivation of their language seems fatal to the descent of the 
 Kaffirs from the Greeks, and their traditions do not furnish us with 
 any distinct accoimt of their origin. The most general and the only 
 credible story is, that they were expelled by the Mussulmans from 
 the neighbourhood of Kandahar, and made several migrations from 
 jjlace to place before the}' reached their present abode. They allege 
 that they consisted of four tribes, called Camoze, Hilar, Silar, and 
 Camoje, of which the three former" embraced the Mahommedan reli- 
 gion, but the fourth retained its ancient faith, and quitted its native 
 countr}'. 
 
 Their religion does not resemble any other with which I am ac- 
 quainted. They believe in one God, whom the Kaffirs of Camdaish 
 call Imra, and those of Tsokooee Dagun ; but they also worship 
 numerous idols, which they say represent great men of former days, 
 who intercede with God in fovour of their worshippers. 
 
 These idols are of stone or wood, and alwaj's represent men or 
 women, sometimes mounted and sometimes on foot. Moollah Nujeeb 
 had an opportunity of learning the ai-ts which obtain an entrance to 
 the Kaffir Pantheon. In the public apartment of the village of 
 Camdaish was a high wooden pillow, on which sat a figure, vidth a 
 spear in one hand and a staff in the other. This idol represented the 
 father of one of the great men of the village, who had erected it him- 
 self in his life-time, having purchased the privilege by giving several 
 
 ragiUlee, Chainaish, Dinidean, Waillee Guinbeer), Nisha, Chumga, Waiiee, 
 
 Wauee, Caiima Cooshteea, Dhaing, and Kboolhim, Deemish, Eerait, &c. &c. I 
 
 Wauee, called Puneeta by the Mussul- must observe that one of Moollah Nu- 
 
 mans. jeeb's list is Pusha, which is stated to 
 
 2ud. Canmojee, Kistojee (whose chief live towards Cabul, and which, I doubt 
 
 town is Muncheeashee), Moondeegul, not, is the origin of the Pushawees men- 
 
 Carato/e (half of whom are towards tioned by Baber, and still found in the 
 
 Budukhshau, and half towards Lugh- Cohistan of Cabul. 
 
 man), Puroonee (whose capital is Kish- .3rd. Wauee Daiwuzee, Gunibeer, Kut- 
 
 tokee), Tewnee, Poonooz, U.shkong, taur, Pundect, Khoostoze Caumozee 
 
 Umshee, Sunnoo, Koolumee, Roose Divine, Tsokooee, Hurun.seea, and CLoo- 
 
 Turkuraa (to whom belong Kataur and neea. 
 
 2 L 
 
514 THE KAFFIIIS. Appendix D. 
 
 feasts to the whole village ; nor was this the only instance of men 
 deified for such reasons, and worshipped as nuich as any other of the 
 Gods, The Kaffirs appear indeed to attach the ntmost importance to 
 the virtues of lil>orality and hospitality. It is they which procure 
 the easiest admission to their paradise, which they call Burry Le 
 Boola ; and the opposite vices are the most certain guides to Burry 
 Duggur Boola, or Hell. 
 
 I can give but little accoimt of the government of the Kaffirs. It 
 is micertain whether there are any acknowledged magistrates; if 
 there are, they have very little power, everything being done by 
 considtations among the rich men. They seem to practise retaliation 
 like the Afghans, and I know of no other administration of justice. 
 They have no titles of their own, but they have borrowed that of 
 Khan from the Afghans for their rich men. Their property chiefly 
 consists in cattle and slaves ; a rich man at Camdaish had about 
 eight hundred goats, near three hundred oxen, and eight families of 
 slaves. 
 
 Those in good circumstances and those near the Afghans wear a 
 shirt beneath their vest, and in summer the shirt forms the whole of 
 their dress, as it always does with the women. The great do not 
 wear goat-skins, but cotton cloth or black hair cloth. Some also 
 wear the sort of white blanket Avoven in the neighbouring countr}' of 
 Kashkar. The blankets are put on like Highland plaids, come down 
 to near the knee, and are fastened with a belt ; they also wear cotton 
 trowsers which, as well as their shirts, are worked all over with 
 flowers in red and black worsted. The trowsers are slit at the 
 bottom, so as to make a sort of fringe. They also wear worsted 
 stockings, or perhaps worsted fillets, rolled roimd their legs ; and the 
 warriors wear half-boots of white goat-skin. 
 
 The houses of the Kaffirs are often of wood, and they have gene- 
 rally cellars where they keep their cheeses, clarified butter, wine and 
 vinegar. In every house there is a wooden bench fixed to the wall 
 w-ith a low back to it. There are also stools shaped like drums, but 
 smaller in the middle than at the ends, and tables of the same sort, 
 but larger. The Kaffirs, partly from their dress and partly from 
 habit, cannot sit like the other Asiatics ; and if forced to sit down on 
 the ground, stretch out their legs like Europeans, They have also 
 beds, made of wood and thongs of neat's leather , the stools are made 
 of wicker-work. 
 
 Their food is chiefly cheese, butter, and milk, with bread or a sort 
 of suet pudding ; they also eat flesh (which they like half raw) ; and 
 the fruits they have, walnuts, grapes, apples, almonds, and a sort of 
 indifferent apricot that grows wild. They wash their hands before 
 eating, and generally begin by some kind of grace. They all, of both 
 
ArPKNPtx ]\ THE KAFFT1ÎS. 515 
 
 sexes, di'ink wine to a great excess ; they liave three kinds, red, 
 white, and dark-coloiired, besides a soii of the consistence of a jelly, 
 and very strong. They drink wine both pure and diluted, out of large 
 silver cups, Avhicli are the most precious of their possessions. They 
 drink during their meals, and are elevated, but not made quarrelsome, 
 by this indulgence. They are exceedingly hospitable ; the people of 
 a village come out to meet a stranger, take his baggage from those 
 who are carrying it, and conduct him with many welcomes into tlaeir 
 village. AVlien there, he must visit every person of note, and at each. 
 house he is pressed to eat and drink. The Kaffiis have a great deal 
 of idle time ; they limit a little, but not so much as the Afghans ; 
 their favourite amusement is dancing. Their dances are generally 
 rapid, and tliey use many gesticulations, raising their shoulders, 
 shaking their heads, and flourishing their battle-axes. All sexes and 
 ages dance. They sometimes form a circle of men and women alter- 
 nately, who move roiuid the musicians for some time with joined 
 hands, then all spring forward and mix together in a dance. They 
 dance with great vehemence, and beat the ground with much foice. 
 Their only instruments are a tabor and pipe, but the dancers often 
 accompany them with the voice. Their music is generally quick, 
 but varied and wild. 
 
 One of their characteristic features is their constant war with the 
 IMussulmans, whom they hold in detestation. 
 
 Though exasperated to such fury by the persecutions of the 
 Mahommedans, the Kaffirs are in general a harmless, affectionate, 
 and kind-hearted people. Though passionate, they are easily ap- 
 peased : they are merry, playful, fond of laughter, and altogether of 
 a sociable and joyous disposition. Even to Mussulmans they are 
 kind when they admit them as guests, and though Moollah Kujeeb 
 was once obliged to be kept by the other Kaffirs out of the way of a 
 drunken man of their nation, he was never threatened or affronted on 
 account of his religion by any man in possession of his faculties. — 
 Ulphiiiston.es 'Cabiû,' vol. ii. p. 375-377. 
 
 I can offer no further addition to the notice of their religion and 
 country than is to be found in Mr. Elphinstone's work, though I 
 met the worthy and faithful man Moollah Nujeeb, who was sent 
 into Kaffiristan for the purposes of inquiry. I had much conversa- 
 tion with people w^ho had been brought into contact with them, and 
 in Cabul was fortunate enough to see a Kaffir boy about ten years 
 (lid, who had left his country for a period of two years; his com- 
 plexion, hair, and features diflercd from those of Asiatics ; his eyes 
 
 2 l2 
 
516 THE KAFFIES. Appendix D. 
 
 were of a bluisli colour. The boy replied to many questions that 
 were put to him about his country, and gave specimens of his lan- 
 guage, which assimilated with the Indian dialects. The Kaffirs 
 appear to be a most barbarous people, eaters of bears and monkeys, 
 and scalping their enemies. The greatest intercourse which takes 
 place between them and the Mahommedans is carried on from the 
 country of liUghman, between Cabul and Peshawur, where a tribe 
 of people reside who are called " Neemchu Moossulman," or half- 
 Mahommedans. The Kaffir country is strong and mountainous. 
 The people are much addicted to wine. Gold is found in its native 
 state among their mountains, and fonned by them into vessels and 
 ornaments. These circumstances, with their appearance and com- 
 plexion, have given rise to an opinion that they are the descendants 
 of the Greeks. Both Baber and Abool Fuzzil have made mention of 
 this supposition, but they have confounded the claims of the chiefs 
 on the Oxus to a Macedonian descent with the Kaffirs, who have no 
 such tradition of their oi'igin. The great elevation of the country 
 which they inhabit would appear to account satisfactorily for all 
 their physical peculiarities ; and I believe it will be found that this 
 people are none other than the aborigines of the plains, who fled to 
 their present abode on the conversion of the low countries to the 
 religion of Mahommed ; the Afghans, at least, tell you so, and the 
 name of Kaffir, or Infidel, seems a strong corroboration of the opi- 
 nion. The Kaffirs are a race of savages, and there is nothing either 
 in their customs or religion which seems to be anywise lemarkable 
 among a people at their state of civilisation. The hill tribes in 
 India have a religion which differs as much from Hindooism as that 
 of the Kaffirs, and the reason is obvious — they inhabit remote 
 regions that were not accessible to the manners and alterations 
 which found their way into the more favoured plains. The Kaffir 
 women do all the out-door work, and follow the plough ; it is even 
 said that they are sometimes yoked in it along with an ox. — Extract 
 from Bur lies' s ' Travels into Bokhara,' vol. ii. p. 211. 
 
Appendix E. BELOOCHISTAN. 517 
 
 APPENDIX (E). 
 
 Account of the Climate and Productions of Beloochistan, by the late 
 Sir H. POTTINGER, G.C.B. 
 
 The diversity of situation of the varions provinces of Beloocliistan, 
 and the consequent irregularities of climate and soil, will, however, 
 frequently induce me to revert to them, in order to discriminate with 
 greater precision. 
 
 The seasons of the two mountainous provinces of Jhalawan and 
 Sarawan are, like those of European countries, divided into spring, 
 summer, autumn, and winter. The former is usually supposed to 
 commence between the middle and end of February, and continues 
 two months, or perhaps longer, a circumstance which rests entirely 
 on the forwardness or otherwise of the season. The summer lasts 
 till the beginning of August, and the autumn then follows, until the 
 cold, or a fall of snow, announces the arrival of winter, an event 
 that commonly happens in October ; that portion of the year is con- 
 sequently accounted much longer than any of the others.* The 
 heat is at no time unpleasantly great, unless it may be a few days at 
 the close of summer; but, on the other hand, the cold is intense 
 during the winter, and attended by a north-easterly wind, that, 
 blowing without intermission, and sometimes with extreme violence, 
 not only throughout the season, but the spring months, brings with it 
 heavy falls of snow, sleet, and rain ; and it may also be remai'ked as 
 a thing rather unusual in Europe, that here the very hardest frosts 
 are experienced during the height of these winds, which appear to 
 be the onlj^ periodically prevailing ones in these provinces. 
 
 Captain Christie and I were at Kelat from the 9th of February till 
 the 6th of March, 1810, and to the latter end of om- sojourn there 
 the natives were in daily hopes of a fall of rain, which was to them 
 
 * None of the natives of Beloochistan 1811, it snowed incessantly for fifteen 
 
 seem to be aware that any unerring days in the vicinity of Kelat, and the 
 
 principle can be laid down to mark the frost set in eai-ly in October following; 
 
 commencement of the seasons, which so that, rejecting the ^\•iuter, the other 
 
 they contend must depend upon the three seasons of that year, agreeable to 
 
 state of the weathei-, a mode of calcula- the Belooche theory, did not include 
 
 tiou that renders it an accident whether more than seven months «and a few 
 
 any two years correspond. In February, days. 
 
518 BELOOCHISTAN. Ai'in':xi)ix E. 
 
 the harbinger of spring, and expected to last for three weeks or a 
 month ; this is the only aimual fixll they have, but, in addition to it, 
 the months of September and October are showery, and indeed the 
 whole of the cold season is more or less so, four or five days seldom 
 passing without either sleet or rain, save during frosty weather, 
 when the air is keen and bracing. The salubrity of these provinces 
 appears to be regulated by the seasons ; the summer and autumn arc 
 said to be delightful, but in winter and spring, fogs, rain, snow, and 
 cold are the origin of many diseases among the poorer classes, who 
 have not means of protecting themselves against the effects of a 
 climate that is equally fluctuating, and more severe than that of 
 England, 
 
 In Mukran and Lus the seasons are likewise fuur in number, but 
 they are not to be distinguished like those of the province just 
 named, as they consist of two wet, one hot, and one cold one, the 
 latter of which is very moderate, especially on the sea-coast. The 
 wet seasons are in February or March, and June, July, and a part of 
 August ; the former comes from the north-west and only continues 
 for three weeks, but the latter comprises all the fury of the south- 
 west monsoon. The hot season begins in March, and lasts till 
 October (the south-west monsoon intervening), and in it, occasion- 
 ally, the heats are so excessive as to prevent even the inhabitants 
 from venturing abroad during the days called the " Khoormu Puz," 
 or date ripening, which take place in August. The months of 
 November, December, January, and February are looked upon as 
 the cold season, but even then it is much warmer than at any 
 period of the year in the upper parts of Jhalawan and Sarawan.* 
 North-west winds prevail at this time, and are particularly strong 
 towards the close of the cold weather ; during the remaining eight 
 months the hot winds blow continually inland, and though'they are 
 seldom known to be fatal to life, they destroy every symptom of 
 vegetation, and will, even after dusk, scorch the skin in a most 
 painful manner. Mukran is considered by the people of the adjoin- 
 ing countries to be peculiarly unhealthy, except on the immediate 
 coast, where the atmosphere is tempered by the sea breezes. To the 
 European constitution it has, even there, been esteemed extremely 
 prejudicial, as was proved (in the only instance I have heard of) by 
 the late and much regretted Captain Grant, of the Bengal militaiy 
 service, who was about three months in this province, while acting 
 
 * Wherever two provinces lie con- which prevail in each. Thus the south- 
 
 tiguous to each other, as Jhalawan and ern districts of Jhalawan are not so cold 
 
 Lus, it necessarily results that they as Kelat, and the part of Lus adjoining 
 
 must in some degree partake of the them is much colder in winter than the 
 
 advantages and disadvantages of climate sea coast. 
 
Api'KNinx E. BELOOCIIISTAN. 519 
 
 under tlio orders of Brigadier-General Malcolm, and quitted it in a 
 state of extreme bad health. The small province of Lus is reputed 
 to be an exception to the general insalubrity of this division of 
 Beloochist^n ; and it is a very extraordinary fact, that the range of 
 mountains tliat separate it from Mvikran has also drawn a grand line 
 of distinction between their natives, in manners, customs, and ap- 
 pearance. The Kohistan, or that division of Beloochistan lying to 
 the westward of the sandy desert, being of a mountainous nature, 
 resembles in climate the provinces of Sarawan and Jhalawan, except 
 that it is much milder, and consequently healthier. The seasons 
 here are like those of Mukran ; but the rains in June and July, 
 which are always regular in that province, aie here often partial, 
 and at other times so heavy as to destroy the crop : such was the case 
 in 1809, and a famine succeeded, while in Sarawan the same calamity 
 occurred from drought. 
 
 In Kutch Gundava the climate is oppressively hot throughout the 
 summer, and during the winter it continues so warm that this pro- 
 vince is resorted to by all the chiefs and inhabitants (who can aiïbrd 
 the expense) of the provinces of Sarawan and Jhalawan. 
 
 I am not prepared to give any detailed observations on the soil of 
 Beloochistan, which, in foct, is a subject peculiarly devoid of variety 
 or interest. It generally appears to be exceedingly stony ; and in 
 the provinces of Sarawan, Jhalawan, Lus, and Mukran, this is 
 evident to the most common ob.verver, unless on the sea-coast of the 
 two latter, where it is sandy and arid. The mountains of all these 
 are chiefly composed of black or gre}^ rock of a ver}' haixl nature, 
 and the earth of the plains and vales, amongst them, is mixed with 
 such a profusion of pebbles and small stones that there is often not 
 the slightest appearance of mould ; yet, in spite of this disadvantage, 
 some of them produce plentiful crops of wheat and barley ; and in 
 others, where they are not tilled, grass grows luxuriantly and to a 
 great height. The soil of the Kohistan is very diversiiied. In the 
 valleys it is usually of a black loamy description, and even some of 
 its loftiest mountains have fine earth to their very summits ; whilst 
 others are nothing else than a mass of black rock, destitute of 
 verdure. Of Kutch Gundava the soil is rich and loamy, and so 
 exceedingly productive that it is said, were it only properl}' culti- 
 vated, the crops would bo more than sufficient for the consumption 
 of the whole of Beloochistan ; even as it is, they export great quanti- 
 ties of grain, beside cotton, indigo, and oil. The Bade Sumoom, of 
 which I have made very particular mention in another place, bloAvs 
 in Kutch Gundava during the summer months, and many people 
 lose their lives by it. 
 
 Gold, silver, lead, iron, copper, tin, antimony, brimstone, alum, 
 
520 BELOOCHISTAN. Appendix E. 
 
 sal-amraoniac, and many kinds of mineral salts and saltpetre, are 
 found in various parts of Boloochistan. The precious metals have 
 only been discovered, in working for iron and lead, at mines near 
 the to'wii of Nal, about 150 miles south-south-west of Kelat. The 
 different other minerals I have enumerated are very plentiful. Eock- 
 salt is very common to the westward, and saltpetre is likewise dug 
 up in a native state ; at Kelat they make the latter ingredient from 
 the soil, and esteem it much the strongest. 
 
 On the high road from Kelat to Kutch Gundava there is a range 
 of hills, from which a species of salt, perfectly red in its colour, is 
 extracted, that possesses veiy great aperient qualities. Sulphur 
 and alum are to be had at the same place. I saw quantities of white 
 and grey marble in the mountains to the westward of Nooshky, but 
 it does not seem to be at all prized by the Belooches. 
 
 The gardens of Kelat are planted with many sorts of fruit trees, of 
 which all the finest were brought from Cabul during the govern- 
 ment of Nusseer Khan, who paid vast attention to their rearing, and 
 excited an emulation among his subjects by oifering rewards for the 
 best productions. The following, sold at a very moderate rate, in 
 due season, in the bazar of Kelat, will show how far successful his 
 endeavours have proved : apricots, peaches, grapes of various kinds, 
 almonds, pistachio nuts, apples many different kinds, as also of pears, 
 plums, currants, and cherries ; quinces, figs, pomegranates, mul- 
 berries, plantains, melons,* guaivas, &c. &c. 
 
 At Shal and Mustoong, to the northward of Kelat, they have 
 almonds of so delicate a quality, that they are blanched by simply 
 rubbing them in a dry cloth. 
 
 All kinds of grainf known in India are cultivated in the different 
 provinces of Beloochistan, and they have abundance of vegetables.^ 
 Madder, cotton, and indigo are also produced in Beloochistan, particu- 
 lai'ly to the northward and eastward of Kelat, and the latter is con- 
 sidered superior to that of Bengal, and sells for a higher price. 
 
 In the upper parts of Sara wan and Jhalawan, and the districts of 
 
 * Melons of all kinds are cultivated chistan are rice, wheat, barley, bajree 
 
 to an astonishing perfection, and some (Holcus spicatus), jowaree (Holcus sor- 
 
 of the water-melons come to so large a ghum), niooug (Phaseolus mungo), 
 
 size, that a man can hardly lift one. maize (Indian corn), dal (vetch), oorud 
 
 The Belooches pluck all the flowers matter (a kind of pea), till (Sesamum), 
 
 except one or two off the stems, and chunna (Cicer arietiuum). 
 
 nourish these with manure, alternately J Vegetables to be had at Kelat are 
 
 kee^jing the fruit above the earth or turnips, carrots, cabbages, lettuces, cau- 
 
 covered with it, which makes it sweet liflowers, peas, beans, radishes, onions, 
 
 and juicy. The same jilan is atlopted celery, parsley, garlic, egg-fi'uit, cucum- 
 
 for the musk-melons. bers. 
 
 t The grains cultivated in Beloo- 
 
Appendix E. BELOOCHISTAN. 521 
 
 Slial and Mustoong, the wheat is sown in August or September, and 
 reaped the June following ; barley is put into the ground one month 
 later, and the crop is gathered earlier, so that it comes to perfection 
 in about eight months ; maize in three or four, provided it be planted 
 in the heat of summer, and in a sheltered place. Indigo will not 
 thrive here at all, and rice only in low dales where there is a supply 
 of water to keep it flooded. 
 
 The best timber the Belooches have is of the upoors* and tamarind 
 trees, both of Avhich are remarkably hard and durable, and the former 
 resembles teak so greatly in grain, weight, and appearance, that 
 Captain Christie and myself mistook it for that wood. Both these 
 trees grow to a very large size, and to them may be added the babool, 
 lye, and mulberry, as they are all used for building. To the west- 
 ward the natives principally appropriate the palm tree to the same 
 purpose. The neem, peepul, sissoo,t cliinar, mango, walnut, and 
 sycamore are also found in various divisions of the country, but the 
 oak, ash, fir, &c., are unknown.— Xiew^, Pottinger's Travels in Beloochi- 
 staii and Sinde. London, 1816, p. 319-327. 
 
 * A species of the Zizyph lis Jujuba. piil, Ficus religiosa; sissoo, Dalbergia 
 t The babool, Famesian mimosa; lye, sissoo (Roxburgh); chinar, Platamis 
 tamarisk; neem, Melia azadirachta; pee- orientalis. 
 
EN'GLISII MISSION. Appendix F. 
 
 APPENDIX (F). 
 
 Memorandum on the Political Relations of the Eyiglish 3Iission 
 tvith Herat, 1837 to 1841, hy Sir John Login, Knight, 
 Surgeon to the Missioji. 
 
 The position of Herat, on the line of advance from Persia and Toor- 
 kistan, towards the Indus, has made its possession essential to the 
 success of any invasion of India from that quarter, and we accord- 
 ingly find that, from the time of Daiius to the present, its occu2:)a- 
 tion has been a prelude to any attempts of the kind by successive 
 conquerors. 
 
 As the city and province of Herat and its dependencies have been 
 held by the Afghans under their Suddozye Princes* since the time of 
 Nadir Shah ; occasions of quarrel between them and their Persian 
 neighbours have never been wanting ; for, as in addition to the 
 ordinary causes of strife between hostile races, their religious differ- 
 ences render it, in the opinion of a Soonee Afghan, as praiseworthy 
 as it is profitable to despoil a Persian Shiah,'|' and sell him as a 
 slave, it is only to be expected that offences must arise. When, 
 therefore, it became the policy of the late Prussian autocrat in 
 1836-37, to extend his influence to the countries bordering on the 
 Indus, little difficulty was experienced in getting up a very just 
 cause of war between the Persian King and the ruler of Herat ;" and 
 as by the treaties which exist between the Pussian Emperor and the 
 Persian court, agents of the former are entitled to reside in all 
 places in possession of Persian troops, it was thought that the object 
 
 * Since the murrler of Kaiman, fitfible. Uiifortimate ("-fcwrcs \Yere dftcn 
 
 Herat has been ruled by Yar Mahomed seized, and by torture made to declare 
 
 and his sou, of the Alikozye tribe, biit themselves ShktI.s, when they became 
 
 it is again in possession of a Suddozye legitimate merchandize. One of these 
 
 Prince, of whom, from his antecedents, miserable men, eluding his guards, 
 
 hopes may be entertained of a better crept iij) to Arthur ConoHy's tent, near 
 
 government than that which had ex- Merve, and told him how he had been 
 
 isted there for the last forty years. eDtrapped, asking if ever a Sliiuh could 
 
 f Of course they were not always claim i'/?s/(<oo (Afghanee) as his mother- 
 very scrupulous as to creed, ^^hcn the tongue ? as if to confirm his statemeit. 
 transaction appeared likely to be \ ro- 
 
Ai'i'ENDix F. HERAT. 523 
 
 of the Emperor miglit in this way bo attained without giving cansc 
 of otfence to the British Government. 
 
 To assist the Persian army, however, in its operations against 
 Herat, as far ;is pi-acticable, without compronalsing the pacific cha- 
 racter whlcli the Emperor wishetl to retain, advances in money, and 
 every encouragement were covertly given to the Afghan rulers of 
 Kandahar and Cabul by the Russian ambassador at Teheran, and 
 soldiers were permitted to desert from the troops in Georgia to form 
 battalions under Russian officers attached to the Persian army. 
 
 During these preparations against Herat, the rulers of that little 
 state. Shah Kamran and his able but unscrupulous minister, Yar 
 Mahomed, might well have been dismayed at the prospect before 
 them. They had, by their oppressive tyranny and exactions, ren- 
 dered their most industrious subjects openly disaffected ; the nilers 
 of Cabiil and Kandahar, with whom since the atrocious murder of 
 Vizier Futteh Khan,* they had been at mortal enmity, had espoused 
 the cause of the Persians ; the neighbouring chiefs of Jumsheedies 
 and Taymoonles had many old scores to settle with them, and 
 seemed likely to avail themselves of so good an opportunity of doing 
 so with advantage ; and having only about 6000 men (composed of 
 Slrbazes, Afghans, and Soonee Hazarahs), in whom they could place 
 even the slightest confidence for the defence of their city, they must 
 have been in great perplexity. 
 
 As they had been so much isolated for many years they knew 
 little of the power and policy of the British Government. Some of 
 them Indeed remembered Mr. Elphlnstone's embassy to Cabul, and 
 almost all had heard of the influence of the English ambassadors at 
 Teheran, over the Persian monarch, and of the names of Malcolm, 
 Ouseley , Willock, Campbell, M'Neill, and others (' Sahibân Englees ') 
 conn-ected with our mission there. 
 
 Two English travellers. Lieutenant Ai-thur Coiiolly and Dr. 
 Gerard, had also passed through Herat at different times within 
 the last few years, supposed to be the only ones who had ever 
 visited the place — for Foster and Christie had escaped observation — ■ 
 and one of them (Conolly) had taken with him to Hlndostan an in- 
 telligent native of Herat, as a personal servant ; sent him for a time 
 to a medical school in Calcutta, under Mr. Tytler, wlience, after 
 having been sufficiently instructed to practise among his country- 
 men as a Hakeem, he had returned to Herat shortly before these 
 
 * The elder brother of Dost Mahorued the Afghan chiefs, who adhered to hiiii, 
 
 ("and the other Barakeye chiefs), after in order to establish blood-feuds between 
 
 having been blinded for some time, was each of them and the Barakeye family, 
 cut to pieces in proocucc of Kamran, by 
 
524 ENGLISH MISSION. Appendix F, 
 
 events, supplied with the means of exercising his profession by the 
 liberality of the East India Company, and full of laudation of the 
 English Government in India. 
 
 In this emergency Yar Mahomed and Shah Kamran, seeing no 
 hope of assistance from any other quarter, determined to apply to 
 the ambassador of England at Teheran, to use his influence to avert 
 the threatened danger. 
 
 Fortunately for them the gentleman who then held that distin- 
 guished post, Sir John McNeill, was fully alive to the necessity of 
 preventing the Persian king and his Eussian ally from extending 
 their influence in Afghanistan and the frontiers of India. He warmly 
 espoused their cause, and urged the Herat authorities, by timely 
 concessions, and the suppression of slave-dealing and marauding, 
 to deprecate the wrath of the Persian king, and ward off the threat- 
 ened attack. 
 
 In this, however, he was not in the first instance successful, and 
 Mahomed Shah's army advanced to lay siege to Herat, with every 
 prospect of speedy success. 
 
 It happened, however, while these events were taking place, that 
 a young English officer of the Bombay Artilleiy, Lieut. Eldred 
 Pottinger, in that spirit of adventurous benevolence which had so 
 distinguished Arthur Conolly, and which, it is to be hoped, may 
 never be wanting among xis, had, without any instructions from 
 Government, merely on the grant of a few months general leave,* 
 arrived at the city of Herat, by the route of Guzni, Cabul and the 
 Hazarah country, in the disguise of a Mussxilman from India. On 
 passing through the bazaar he was recognised as an Englishman by 
 the Hakeem above mentioned, who at once showed hîm every kind- 
 ness in his power. He informed him also of the danger which 
 threatened Herat, and urged him to make known his real character 
 to the Vezir. Seeing clearly the importance of Herat to the inde- 
 pendence of Afghanistan, and the prevention of Etissian influence 
 in those countries, Pottinger did not hesitate. He offered his ser- 
 vices to Yar Mahomed, which were gladly accepted ; and how nobly 
 
 * It is to be hoped that the East the history and resources of our Indian 
 
 India Company will give a more liberal empire — that tlie time so employed 
 
 interpretation to their orders regarding shall not be deducted from his period 
 
 the grant of leave to officers m /vif/iVf, and of service. Under such a regulation, 
 
 that, in every case in which an officer can and the establishment of good libraries 
 
 show that his leave has been employed of reference at each station, especially 
 
 advantageously for the public — by the in the hills, " Billiards, beer, bacco 
 
 production of a creditable journal of his and brandy sauce," may soon prove less 
 
 travels, or of papers on useful subjects attractive to our young officers. 
 tending to advance our knowledge of 
 
Appendix F. HERAT. 525 
 
 he did liis dut5' there, is well recorded in ' Kaye's History of the 
 ^^ ar in Afghanistan.' 
 
 Through his most gallant exertions Herat Avithstood the Persian 
 army for upwards of nine months ; and time was thus afforded to 
 Sir John M'Xeill to rouse the English Government to the imminency 
 of the danger, and, by a threatened attack npon the southern pro- 
 vinces of Persjfei by a force from Bombay, to cause Mahomed Shah 
 to raise the siege when Herat was almost in his hands. Its de- 
 fenders and tlieir families were thus saved (in September, 1838) 
 from the indiscriminate massacre to which they had been doomed 
 by the Persian king for their most obstinate resistance. 
 
 On the siege being raised, every effort was made by Lieutenant 
 Pottinger andjColonel Stoddart, who had been sent by Sir John 
 M'Neill to his assistance, to save the wretched inhabitants from 
 starvation. 
 
 For several months some thousands of them had to be fed daily 
 Avith such nourishment as these gentlemen could procure for them ; * 
 and grain-seeds of the most rapid growth f had to be obtained, to 
 be sown for a small crop before winter. 
 
 As the trade in slaves had constituted a great part of the revenues 
 of the state before the invasion of the Persians, and as no taxes 
 could be raised for some time, it became necessary to grant an 
 allowance from the Government of India for the support of the king 
 and chiefs. A monthly sum was paid by Lieutenant Pottinger, 
 under authority of the Governor- General, for this purj^ose, and to 
 provide for the defence of the place. 
 
 As the habit of slave-selling had become almost irradicable, and 
 the temptation to dispose of a few of his unfortunate Shiah subjects 
 to the Turcomans, in exchange for horses, | and perhajDS a little grain, 
 was o;reater than the Vezir could withstand, the humane exertions of 
 
 * On the arrival of the Mission under dangerous even at that short dis- 
 
 Major Todd, from 600 to 700 of the tance. 
 
 8u00 inhabitants remaining in the city, % The last source of revenue (slave 
 
 had still to be fed daily by Lieutenant dealing) was by no means so profitable 
 
 Pottinger. The only food which could as might at first be supposed. Although 
 
 be pi-ocured for them being iowaree and upwards of 12,000 slaves from Herat 
 
 millet, boiled up with fat from tails of are stated to have been sold to Khiva, 
 
 " Hoomba" sheep and a little salt, so from 12 to 15 men and women werefre- 
 
 as to form a very coarse broth, which quently given for a horse; and in one 
 
 they devoured greedily. instance, of the truth of which I have 
 
 t Especially millet — of which three no reason to doubt, for a horse pre- 
 
 crops were raised yearly, in the rich sented to Major Todd, and sold at 
 
 gi-ound near the city, under protection, Girishk by auction, for, I think, Co.'s 
 
 at the time, of the " Jezails" on the Rs. 500 (to a ressaldar of cavalry, for 
 
 ramparts ; the frequent incursions of the Bhurtpore Rajah), 20 slaves had 
 
 the Turcomans, after the siege, ren- been given as the price, and one as a pre- 
 
 dering the cultivation of their fields sent to the servant who brought hira. 
 
526 
 
 ENGLISH MISSION. 
 
 7\rrEKnix F. 
 
 Pottinger and Stoddart in suppressing the horrid traffic, and pro- 
 tecting the people against his oppression, exposed them to his 
 ferocious enmity, so that, in the course of two months after the 
 siege, they were insulted in the presence of the king, and ordered 
 to leave tlie Herat territory ; Colonel Stoddart accordingly left for 
 lîokhara. 
 
 Lieutenant Pottinger having been requested to defer his de- 
 parture, was again insulted, his house attacked by the Wuzir's re- 
 tainers, and one of his servants seized, and publicly mutilated. 
 This occurred in January 1839. 
 
 In the month, of March, 1889, while the government and the 
 people of Herat were receiving regular support from the British 
 Government, overtures were made by the ^Vuzi'r to the Persian 
 Court, and to the chiefs of Kandahar, to co-operate against Shah 
 Shuja-iil-Mulk and his Majesty's British allies ! 
 
 The rapid advance of our troops and the cautious policy of the 
 Persian Court alone prevented tbis coalition. Kandahar was occu- 
 pied, and Yar Mahomed Khan was among the iirst to congratulate 
 his Majesty Shah Shdja on the occasion. 
 
 In return for these overtures from Heiat, a mission * was sent 
 
 * The officers who served at Herat 
 were as follow: — 
 
 1. Lieuterant Elclred Pottinger, of 
 the Bombay Artillery, afterwards Major, 
 C.B. He defended the city against the 
 Persian army with determined gallantry. 
 
 He left Herat in August, I8:S9, after 
 having been relieved of his duties there 
 by Major Todd, and returned to India 
 via Toorkistan and Cabul. 
 
 He was detained in Calcutta during 
 1840 in auditing the accounts of his 
 expenditure during the siege, and re- 
 turned to Cabul in 1841, to hold the 
 appointment of political agent in the 
 Kohistan. Of his subsequent history 
 during the insurrection at Cabul, an 
 account has been given by Kaye in his 
 ' Histoid of the War in Afghanistan.' 
 His health had suffered so much from 
 the anxieties, excitements, and priva- 
 tions he then underwent, and the treat- 
 ment he experieiictd under the govern- 
 ment of Lord Ellenborough on his re- 
 turn to India, that he found it necessary 
 to visit China for the recovery of his 
 health, and he died at Hong Kong in 
 .1843. 
 
 2. Lieut.-Colonel Stoddart, of the 
 Staff Corps of the British army, after 
 
 leaving Herat, visited Bokhara, where 
 he was thrown into prison, and after- 
 wards cruelly murdered (along with 
 Captain Arthur Conolly) by~ order of 
 the Ameer. 
 
 .">. Lieutenant Elliot D'Arcy Todd, of 
 the Bengal Artillery, major in Persia, 
 and K.L.S., K.D.E., &c., appointed 
 Envoy to Herat in 18.".9, after having 
 for some time held the appointments of 
 Military Secretary to tlie Ambassador 
 in Persia, and to the Envoy and Minis- 
 ter at Cabul, with distinguished credit. 
 
 His proceedings at Herat having been 
 disapproved of by Lord Auckland's Go- 
 vernment, he was remanded to his regi- 
 ment, where, in the discharge of his 
 duty in the command of a battery, he 
 added to the respect in which his cha- 
 racter was held by every upright man, 
 and fill at Ferozeshah, at the head of 
 his trooj) of horse artillery, while in 
 action against the Sikh artillery. 
 
 4. Captain Edward Sanders, of the 
 Bengal Engineers, afterwards Lieut.- 
 Colonel, C.B., K.D.E., and Deputy- 
 Secretary to Government, than whom 
 the Indian armj' has never boasted a 
 more gallant officer, — killed at the head 
 of "the Kandahar Brigade," at the battle 
 
Appkndix F. 
 
 HERAT. 
 
 527 
 
 iiniler Major Todd for the purpose of negotiating a treaty of friend- 
 ship and alliance between the British Government and Shah Kam- 
 ran. By this treaty the independence of the Herat State was 
 guaranteed, and the most substantial benefits were conferred npon 
 it, on condition that slave-dealing should be abolished, and that no 
 correspondence should be held Avith foreign powers without the 
 knowledge and consent of the British agent at that Court. 
 
 This arrangement was completed in August, 1839, and a fixed 
 monthly alloAvance, equal to the original levenues of the country, 
 was granted by the British Government fur the support of the State ; 
 the people were also exempted from all taxation until after the har- 
 vest of 1840 ; and advances for the purposes of cultivation, and for 
 the restoration and support of trade, were most liberally made. 
 
 ^\"hen pecuniary advances to the amount of not less than 60,000?. 
 had been made for the benefit of the Herat State, and while eveiy pos- 
 sible effort was emplo^-ed by the British envoy to restore the countiy 
 to prosperity,* Yar j\Iahomed Khan Avas detected in a treacherous 
 
 of Miiharajpoor, in their successful 
 charge on the Mahratta guns. 
 
 5. Lieutenaut James Abbott, Bengal 
 Artillery, since Major, and on the Ord- 
 nance Staff, after a service of some 
 months with the Herat Mission as Assist- 
 ant to the Envoy, i:iroceeded on a poli- 
 tical mission to Khiva for the release of 
 Russian slaves, and in furtherance of 
 this object travelled thence to St. 
 Petersburgh, suffering the greatest pri- 
 vations. Of this journey he published 
 an interesting account in 1843-44. 
 
 He was afterwards employed in civil 
 and military charge of the Hazarah dis- 
 trict in the Punjab in 1848-49, and most 
 successfully defended it against Chuttur 
 Singh and his Sikhs during the insur- 
 rection. 
 
 G. Lieutenant Richmond Campbell 
 Shakespear, l^engal Artillery, since 
 knighted, and Lieut. -Colonel, and in 
 political employment in India, after 
 serving at Herat under the Envoy, fol- 
 lowed Lieut. Abbott to Khiva, and 
 effected the release of a large number of 
 Russian slaves, whom he made over to 
 the Russian authorities at Orenburg. 
 On his return to India via St. Peters- 
 burgh and England, he accompanied 
 General Pollock's force to Cabul, and 
 had the gratification of rescuing the 
 I'^nglish prisoners in that country. He 
 has since been distinguished for his 
 
 military services in Gwalior and the 
 Punjab. 
 
 7. Assistant-Surgeon J. S. Login, Ben- 
 gal Horse Artillery, since knighted, and 
 guardian of the Mahai-ajah Duleep Singh. 
 
 8. Lieutenant Chas. Fred. North, of 
 the Bombay Engineers, distinguished 
 for services in the advance of General 
 Nott's force on Cabul in 1842, now 
 Captain on the Staff in India. 
 
 Besides the above officers, whosei-ved 
 for some time at Herat, the following 
 accompanied the Mission, and left on 
 other duties shortly after their arrival ; — 
 
 Lieutenant Edward Conolly, of the 
 Bengal Cavalry, MiUtjiry-Assistant to 
 the Envoy at Cabul, killed in a recon- 
 naissance of the fort of Tootundurrah, 
 in the Kohistan. 
 
 Assistant-Surgeon David Ritchie, of 
 the Bombay Infantry, now Surgeon on 
 the Staff, accompanied Major Eldred 
 Pottiuger on his return to Cabul through 
 Toorkistan, surveying the greater part of 
 that route, and by his {jrofessional ser- 
 vices conciliating the good-will of the 
 chiefs and people whom the}^ visited. 
 
 Of the four P^uropean non-commis- 
 sioned officers, Serjeants in the Engi- 
 neers and Artillery, who volunteered to 
 accompany tlie Mission, only one now 
 (18")L>J survives; two (Cameron and 
 O'Gormau) were killed in Afghanistixn. 
 
 * On the arrival of the Mission em- 
 
528 
 
 ENGLISH MISSION. 
 
 Appendix F. 
 
 coiTcspondenco with, the Persian Assad-ed-Dowlah at Meshed, having 
 for its object the expulsion of the infidel English from Afghanistan ! 
 
 In the month of January, 1 840, up to which time the advances to 
 the Herat goverament and people exceeded the amount of 100,000/., 
 and when king, chiefs, and people were equally saved from starva- 
 tion by the exertions of our officers, a letter was addressed by Shah 
 Kamran, at the instigation of the "NVuzir, to IMahomed Shah of 
 Persia, declaring himself to be the faithful servant of the Shah-in- 
 Shah (Persian king), that he merely tolerated the presence of the English 
 envoy from expediency, cdthough he was ly no means niggardly in the expen- 
 diture of momy, jewels, ^-c, and that his (Shah Kamran's) hopes were 
 in the as^-lum of Islam ! 
 
 This letter was, in March, 1840, sent by the Persian Minister to 
 Lieut.-Colonel Shell, her Britannic Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires at 
 Erzeroom, in reply to the demand by the British Government for 
 the restoration of Ghorian to Herat. Letters were at the same time 
 addressed by the Wuzi'r, or his brother, to the Russian ambassador 
 at Teheran, requesting that a Eussian agent should be immediately 
 sent to Herat, 
 
 Lord Auckland having been informed of the treacherous corres- 
 pondence of Yar Mahomed Khan with the Persian Assad-ed-Dowlah 
 (in October, 1839) was pleased to extend his forgiveness to the 
 Wuzir for this breach of treaty, in consideration of his previous good 
 
 ployment was given, under the direction 
 of Captain Sanders and Lieutenants 
 Shakespear and Noi-th, to all the able- 
 bodied men, in repairing the fortifica- 
 tions, and re-opening the numerous 
 canals for irrigation which had been 
 destroyed during the siege. Many 
 families in the town, of persons unac- 
 customed to field labour, were employed 
 in sjiinning thread for manufacturing 
 into carpets (for which Herat had long 
 been famous), receiving flour in ex- 
 change for their work; and advances 
 were made to assist other tradesmen in 
 procuring necessary materials for their 
 business. 
 
 For the purchase of grain and seed- 
 corn of different kinds from Seistan and 
 Toorkistan considerable sums were ex- 
 pended, and arrangements were made 
 with the chiefs of the neighbouring 
 tribes to admit kafilas from all quartei's 
 free of duty. 
 
 One or two camp followers of the 
 Mission had been picked up by maraud- 
 ers on our way to Herat, and sold as 
 
 slaves to the Turcomans, but after a 
 very short time it was made the interest 
 of the chiefs on the frontier to stop the 
 trade, and this was done effectually. 
 
 About thirty boys, rescued from 
 slavery by Lieutenant Pottinger, whose 
 parents could not in many cases be 
 found, were supported by the Mission, 
 employed half their time in learning 
 trades in the city, and during the re- 
 mainder under instruction at a school 
 established for them. A dispensary and 
 hospital were opened for the sick, at 
 which numbers wei-e daily under treat- 
 ment ; and for the numei'ous blind, 
 lame, and infirm, a comfortable asylum 
 was provided, in which all were to some 
 extent made useful. These latter insti- 
 tutions were visited by almost every 
 traveller who came to Herat from the 
 most distant places ; and it was as 
 amusing as gratifying to witness their 
 admiration of the hikmut by which 
 the blind could weave " meicar" (coarse 
 tape for tents, &c.), or make baskets. 
 
Appendix F. HERAT. 529 
 
 services, in witbstauding the Persians for so many montlis ; and, in 
 the hope that his lordship's leniency would have a good effect on 
 the future conduct of Yar Mahomed, this forgiveness was extended 
 to eveiy such offence of which the Herat authorities might have been 
 guilty previous to the receipt of his lordship's letter. As the Gover- 
 nor-General's order on the subject was received in February, 1840, 
 the letters to Mahomed Sliah and the Eussian ambassador, which 
 although unknown to the British Envoy until April or May, had 
 been written in January, were consequently passed over without 
 remark. 
 
 On being made acquainted with the lenient consideration with 
 which he had been treated by the government of India, Yar Mahomed 
 professed an extreme desire to give some convincing proof of his 
 devotion to the British Government, and proposed immediately to 
 re-take the fortress of Ghorian, then in the hands of the Persians. 
 Trusting to his sincerity in this instance, he was some time after- 
 wards permitted to make the attempt, and upwards of 20,000/. 
 were advanced by the British Envoy, to enable the Wuzir to equip 
 a force for the purpose. After every preparation had been made for 
 surprising Ghorian, Y^ar Mahomed, on the most frivolous pretext, 
 evaded doing so ; and although no direct proof against him was ob- 
 tained, the strongest circumstantial evidence supports the general 
 belief that he, at the time, wrote to the governor of Ghorian, " that 
 the English urged him (the Wuzi'r) to attack Ghorian, but that he 
 (the Governor) need be under no apprehension " ! ! This occurred 
 in the months of Jime and July, 1840, after advances to the amount 
 of at least 190,000/. had been made for the benefit of the Herat 
 government. 
 
 In consequence of this perfidious conduct on the part of the 
 Wuzir, extra advances to the Herat government were no longer 
 made, and their subsidy was limited to about 2500/. sterling per 
 mensum. 
 
 "When a sufficient time had elapsed for ascertaining the sentiments 
 of the Governor-General on his conduct in the Ghorian affair, and 
 no further notice having been taken of it than what I have above men- 
 tioned, Yar Mahomed, in September, 1840, renewed his intrigues 
 with the Persians. An invitation was sent to the Persian minister 
 for foreign affairs to meet the Herat authorities in conference, and 
 the former accordingly left Meshed, en route to Ghorian, for that' 
 purpose. Believing, however, that by making this intrigue knoAvn 
 to the British envoy, and attributing the blame of the transaction to 
 his brother, he might reap a rich reward for his apparent sincerity, 
 the Wuzir acquainted Major Todd with the circumstances, and urged 
 very strongly his claims to further pecuniary advances. 
 
 2 ^ 
 
530 ENGLISH MISSION. Appendix F. 
 
 In October, 1840, when intelligence reached Herat of the recapture 
 of Khelat by Murab Khan's son, the advance of Dost Mahomed, and 
 our reverses in Sindh, the Wuzir was only prevented from declaring 
 against us by the occurrence of a feud in his family. He, however, 
 made his involuntary forbearance a ground for further pecuniaiy 
 demands, which were with difficulty refused to him. 
 
 Before infoi-mation of the surrender of Dost Mahomed Khan had 
 reached Herat, and when he found himself less embarrassed than he 
 had expected by the seizure of his cousin (Sirdar Din Mahomed 
 Khan, who had been next in power and importance to himself), the 
 Wuzir industriously circulated reports of his intention to march 
 against Kandahar, and received emissaries from the disaffected in 
 Shah Shiija's dominions. He at the same time, as usual, renewed 
 his demands for money, which the British Envoy might, under the 
 circumstances, have possibly been obliged to give him, had not the 
 gratifying intelligence of Dost Mahomed's surrender, the re-occupa- 
 tion of Khelat, and the satisfactory result of our negotiations with 
 Khiva, most opportunely reached him. 
 
 With regard to these negotiations, it may be mentioned that Yar 
 Mahomed Khan had uniformly done the utmost in his power to 
 thwart all the arrangements made by Captain Abbott and Lieutenant 
 Shakespear, but fortunately without effect, as his character was well 
 known and appreciated at Khiva. It may be also stated generally, 
 that in this Memorandum notice has only been taken of acts of per- 
 fidy and treachery, of which there is direct and most convincing 
 proof. To enumerate all the occasions on which, by spreading 
 reports of our intended seizure, and of arrangements having been 
 made with Persia, he endeavoured to intimidate the British Envoy 
 into compliance with his demands, would be impossible. From 
 August, 1839, to February, 1841, not a single week passed in which 
 some rumour of the kind was not brought to us. On one occasion, 
 in August, 1840, so general was the belief of our intended seizure, 
 that in conversation with Shah Kamran, his Majesty took an oppor- 
 tunity to mention it to an officer of the Mission, and desired that we 
 (Sahiban Inglfs) should be under no apprehension, as he was our 
 friend ! but that, had he not protected us, not a Feringhi would 
 have been left alive ! ! He pleased to conclude by asking, whether 
 he did not deserve credit for behaving differently to us from what 
 the Amir of Bokhara had done to Stoddard Sahib ? 
 
 In reply, the English gentleman thanked his Majesty for his kind- 
 ness, but said that we were under no apprehension ; that we were 
 conscious of having done only good to Herat, and feared no evil 
 which could happen to us, especially as we knew that " to pluck a 
 few hairs from a lion's tail was somewhat dangerous," 
 
Appendix F. HERAT. 531 
 
 In January, 1841, when tlie disaffected Dûranîs, in Zemindawar, 
 had laid that district under contribution, and had sent exaggerated 
 reports of their power and prowess to Yar Mahomed Khan, he again 
 ojiened communication with the Persians, sent a large deputation 
 lander a confidential agent to the Persian Assad, at Meshed, and 
 urged him to assist in an attack on Kandahar, while snow prevented 
 communication between that city and Cabul. 
 
 As the opportunity appeared favourable to mark his opinion of 
 this glaring breach of treaty, — the presence of a large force in 
 Upper Sindh enabling him to do so with greater effect, — Major 
 Todd determined to suspend the monthly allowances (2500?.) to the 
 Herat authorities, until the pleasure of Government could be known, 
 and he accordingly, on the 1st of Febniary, notified this intention 
 to the Wuzir. 
 
 Yar Mahomed having received, what he considered to be a very 
 favourable account of the reception of his mission to Meshed, and 
 intelligence having reached him of the re-assembling of the insurgent 
 Diiranis in Zemindawar (after their dispersion in the previous month 
 by our troops) by which he no doubt hoped that our communication 
 with Kandahar would be cut off,* — trusting also to the continued 
 forbearance of the British Government, — the patience with which 
 they bore insults, and their evident extreme desire to retain the 
 friendship of the Herat authorities, he determined to play a bolder 
 game. 
 
 At an early period of our relations with Herat, and while he 
 entertained some dread of punishment for his perfidy, Yar Mahomed 
 had frequently proposed, as a test of his sincerity and of his devotion 
 to British interests, that a contingent under British officers should 
 be stationed at Herat. This proposal had at the time been favour- 
 ably received by Major Todd, and by the envoy and minister at 
 Cabul, but was disapproved by the Government of India. Knowing, 
 however, Major Todd's sentiments on the subject, and believing 
 that in this way only could he gain his end, the Wuzir again pro- 
 fessed his acquiescence in the admission of a British brigade into 
 the valley of Herat, on condition that a large sum of money. 
 
 ♦ Yar Mahomed had, -n-ithiu the pre- the Jummalzye Noorzyes were occa- 
 vious ten days, twice intercei^ted our sionally troublesome, and sent a horse- 
 letters to Kandahar. In the first in- man to feign having been robbed by 
 stance, by employing Afghan thieves, them. On both occasions, it is to be 
 he endeavoured to avoid the odium of remarked, that the intercepted dea- 
 the proceeding; but knowing that he patches reported his treacherous pro- 
 was suspected, he, in the second case, ceedings, and of this, fronv previous 
 gave orders to the horseman to stop the occurrences, he must have been aware. 
 
 packet at a place (near Gurmal) where 
 
 2 M 2 
 
532 ENGLISH MISSION. Appendix F . 
 
 20,000/., should be immediately paid to him, and the monthly allow- 
 ances greatly increased. As a test of his sincerity in this instance. 
 Major Todd required that the Wuzir's son, Sirdar Syud Mahomed 
 Khan, should proceed in the first place to Girishk, there to await 
 the orders of our Government, and to escort the troops to Herat, 
 should the arrangement be approved of ; and that, from the date of 
 his arrival there, the advance of money should be paid, and the 
 increased allowances commence. The Wuzi'r decidedly refused 
 compliance with this counter demand, and by doing so showed, 
 (however sincere he may have been when he first made the pro- 
 position for the admission of troops under British officers, — and 
 that he was so while under dread of the vengeance of the British 
 Government, there is no reason to doubt,) that the offer was now only 
 made to serve his immediate purpose, viz., the obtaining of a large 
 pecuniary advance. As this seemed to be the only available test of 
 the Wuzir's sincerity, and as accommodation on the point seemed 
 hopeless, Yar Mahomed brought forward what he considered his 
 unfailing resource under the circumstances — the alternative of an 
 immediate payment of the money, or the offer of a Mehmandar to 
 conduct the British Mission from Herat. 
 
 Thinking it more dignified, in every respect, to submit no longer 
 to the humiliating insults of an ungrateful miscreant, wlwse very 
 existence depended on our forbearance, and whose arrogance and vanity 
 were only increased by a continuance of our favours. Major Todd 
 determined to accept the alternative offered him, and accordingly 
 withdrew the Mission to Kandahar. To this proceeding he was 
 further led, by his desire to leave Lord Auckland at full liberty to 
 adopt any line of policy, which might afterwards be deemed 
 expedient towards Yar Mahomed and the authorities of Herat, and 
 to avoid the risk, which the daily increasing arrogance of the 
 Wuzir's retainers augmented, of being left no alternative but the 
 employment of force. 
 
 For having acted with these views and under these impressions, 
 and for having failed in carrying out the conciliatory policy of our 
 Government towards Herat, which Sir Alexander Burnes had, with 
 his usual prudence, refused to attempt. Major Todd was, before the 
 circumstances under which he had to leave Herat were known to 
 Government, declared unfit for political employment, and remanded, 
 with disgrace, to his regiment. * * * * 
 
 But to return to Herat, — -Yar Mahomed Khan had by no means 
 expected that the alternative he had offered would be accepted by 
 the British Envoy. He consequently became greatly alarmed, and 
 endeavoured, both by promises and indiiect threats, to prevent the 
 departure of the Mission from Herat. His attempts to effect this 
 
Appendix F. HERAT. 533 
 
 having been fniitless, he then entertained hopes of assistance from 
 Persia, and meditated, in conjunction with the Diiranis of the 
 Hclmund, an immediate recourse to hostilities against tts. With 
 tills view the Wnzfr sent emissaries in all directions to ronse the 
 disaffected in Shah Shiijah's dominions, replenished his treasury by 
 forced loans from the merchants (whom he had seized), by torturing 
 all who had received advances for cultivation from the British 
 Government, and by exacting fines from such as had been in the 
 service of the " Feringhi kafirs," when at Herat. Doubtful never- 
 theless of the success of these proceedings, he, at the same time, 
 thought it prudent to send letters fraught with friendship and 
 devotion to the British Government, expressing his great regret that 
 any misunderstanding should have taken place. 
 
 Of the failm-e of his hopes of assistance and co-operation from 
 Persia he had not long to remain in doubt, and, as our negotiations 
 with Khiva prevented aid from that quarter, as Sistan, Mymuna, 
 the Hazarahs, Taymunnis, Jumsheedees, and Ferozekohis, were 
 ready at a word to rise against him, and as of his own immediate 
 adherents he had not 1500 men in whom he could confide, the 
 Wuzir's hopes of resistance must have fled, and he miist have pre- 
 pared himself for any concession. Had a small * British force been 
 at this time moved to the frontier, an European corps been sent from 
 Quetta to Kandahar or the Helmund, and had the least display of 
 offensive operations been made, Yar Mahomed must have petitioned 
 for any terms which we might have chosen to impose upon liim. 
 
 But in this extremity his proverbial good fortune did not forsake 
 him : when he expected nothing less than the advance of a brigade of 
 British troops across his frontier, he was delighted by the receipt 
 of two friendly letters, assuring him of the high consideration of the 
 British Government and of their deep regret that anything un- 
 pleasant should have for a time estranged their A-ery faithful friend. 
 To give him a better opportunity to explain his conduct, the Govern- 
 ment disavowed all the late proceedings of Major Todd, and begged 
 that the Wuzi'r would favour them with his own statement of the 
 case ; and greater effect was unintentionally given to these con- 
 ciliatory letters, by our small force being withdrawn from the 
 
 * Fromthequantity of camp equipage tive Infantry arrived at Kandahar and 
 
 which troops from India carry with encamped on the parade ground, it was 
 
 them, the strength of any force in Af- reported at Herat that there were ciijht 
 
 ghanistau is always very greatly exag- regiments; the tents of each company, 
 
 gerated, and the moral effect proper- according to Afghan ideas, being suffi- 
 
 tionate. cient for a whole battalion. It may be 
 
 When the 38th Regiment Bengal Na- useful sometimes to remember this. — L. 
 
634 
 
 ENGLISH MISSION— HERAT. 
 
 Appendix F. 
 
 Helmund to Kandahar, leaving the Dooranees again at full liberty to 
 renew their rebellious proceedings in Zemindawar.* 
 
 Satisfied, by these conciliatory overtures, that he had no im- 
 mediate cause to apprehend an attack, and that the British Govern- 
 ment were as anxious as ever to retain his friendship — satisfied also, 
 that so long as the English did not attempt to molest him, he was 
 free from any other attack — Yar Mahomed puts the letter from the 
 British Government into his pocket, says that he can give no 
 answer until, through his brother, whom he had sent to Teheran, ho 
 receives the commands of the " Imperatur-i-Eus," continues to 
 foment rebellion in Shah Shùja's territories, and torturing and en- 
 slaving his wretched subjects, whom the presence and protection of 
 a British Mission at Herat had again tempted within his power ! 
 
 * Of this they have not failed to 
 avail themselves — Akhtar Khan, the 
 Alizye chief, has ever since been in 
 arms. Within the last month he, with, 
 it is said, 6000 followers, has besieged 
 the fort Girishk, which has only been 
 
 saved by the advance of a small force 
 under Captain Woodburn. The rebels 
 have been defeated with great loss, in 
 a night attack on Captain Woodburn's 
 camp, but they have i-etreated to Zemin- 
 dawar, and are still in force there. 1847. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 l.()M)ON : l'UIMEl> BY WILLIAM CI.OM IS AKI> SOKS, STAMi'OK» STI'.EET, 
 AND CHARING CK0S9. 
 
J. Sr C .Walkor. Sculp* 
 
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 Dedication : — 
 
 For 1st Eegiment of Carabineers read 2nd Regiment of Carabineers. 
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 Pbeface, page v. line 9 : — 
 
 For Mare'chal de logis read First Adjutant-Major. 
 
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ERRATA. 
 
 Dedication : — 
 
 For 1st Regiment of Carabineers read 2nd Eegiment of Carabineers. 
 For 2nd Eegiment of Chasseurs d'Afrique read 1st Eegiment of Chasseurs 
 d'Afrique. 
 
 Pbeface, page v. line 9 : — 
 
 For Maréchal de logis read First Adjutant-Major. 
 
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