Yt u^cper fecit Edtn .'"' MEMOIRS P F MAXIMILIAN DE BETHUNE, DUKE of SULLY, PRIME MINISTER OF HENRY THE GREAT. Newly translated from the French edition of M. de L'ECLUSE. N FIVE VOLUMES. VOLUME II. EDINBURGH: Printed by A. DONALDSON, and fold at his Shops in London and Edinburgh. M.DCC.LXX. SUMMARY of the BOOKS in VOLUME II. SUMMARY of BOOK VII. MEmoirs from the year 1 594 to the year 1 596. Henry diflatisfied wiih the Duke of Bouil- .lon ; aud why. The motives for Rofny's journey to Sedan : his converfation with Bouillon : in which he penetrates into his defigns, and difcovers his real character. The taking of Laon. Military expeditions in different parts of the kingdom, be- twixt the King's 3rmy and that of the league. De- iigns of the Duke of Mai'enne upon Burgundy. Death of the Cardinal of Bourbon. Deaih of the Superintendant D'O : his character. Character of the Duchefs of Guife^ The Duke of Guife makes a treaty with the King. Rofny's apology for this treaty. Services performed by the Duke of Guile for his Majefty. Character of Sancy. The ftory of Alibouft. Changes made in the council of the finances. Maxims and reileirth of Lewis XIII. Henry makes La .R iviere calculate his nativity. The affair of the ifles concluded with the Grand Duke of Tufcany. Rofny procures the Count of Be- thune to be name d ambaflador to Rome, notwith- ftanding the endeavours of Villeroi and Sillery to the contrary. Oppofition made by thefe minifters to the opinions and policy of Rofny. Particulars of the confpiracy of Marechal Biron : Rofny en- deavours to recal him to his duty : Henry fends him ambaffador to London ; to Sweden : he re- fumes his 5nr r igues at his return. La-Fin's depo- iltions. An account of the pretended Don Seba- ftian ; and other foreign affairs. ME- ,*,.,,*, MEMOIRS O F . S U L L Y. xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx BOOK VII. I Remained but fhort time in the camp before Laon, after this event. borne difficulties which arofe in the treaties, particularly that with the Baron de Medavy, obliged me, in obedience to his Majefty's orders, to take a jour- ney to Rouen, which was followed by a fecond to Paris, and another, more coniiderable than both, to Sedan. The Duke of Bouillon gave daily new occafions of difcontent to the King. When, through his Majefty's intereft, he married the heirefs of be- dan, he had engaged to bring him a certain number of troops ; but he not only neglected to fulfill this engagement, but alfo retained, without alking the King's permiffion, the troops which he had lent him to guard his frontier, till he was in peaceable poffeffion of his new principality; nor did he even make any excufe for not fending them back, or give him any account of the ftate Vol.. II. A c 2 MEMOIRS Book VII. of his affairs. His new grandeur infpired him. with the vanity of making himfclf be regarded in Europe as a formidable potentate. This, which he cculd not hope from a ftate fo weak and cir- cumfcribed as his own, he iought to obtain by all ibrts of machinations and intrigues in the neigh- bouring courts All the incendiaries and malecon- tents in Europe were fure of finding a protector in him, and he was the main fpring that actuated the cabals of Auvergne and hntraguts. One day when the King fent for me fo early in the morning that I found him ftill in bed, having only Ozeray and Armagnac in his apartment, while we were ail confulting upon meafures to prevent the combinations of his fecret enemies, his Majefty dwelt in particular upon the Duke of Bouillon, and feemed greatly affected with his in- gratitude, after having conferred an obligation upon him which ought to have attached him to his interefts for ever. In effect, the King, by ef- ft cluating his. marriage with Mademoifelle dc Bouillon, had given to this Duke a proof of friend- fhip fo much the ftronger, in that his Majefty acted againft his own judgement, and the advice of al- moft all to whom he had imparted it. The day after this converfation, Beringhen prefented a gentleman to the King, in his chamber, Avho brought him a letter from Bouillon, in which the Duke informed his Majefty of the death of his wife, and excufed his delay, by the grief and per- plexity into which her death had plunged him. This letter likewife gave the King to underftand, that Madam de Bouillon had left a will, in which ihe bequeathed the principality of Sedan and all her eft-ites to her hufband, and put them under the protection f the King of France ; becaufe it was expected, that her relations would give the Duke of Bouillon great difturbance about this do- nation. fl That is to fay, (laid the King,) when he "had i 5 94. -OFSULLY. 3 " had finifhed reading the letter,) that the Duke of *' Bouillon has great occallon for my affittance : Is " he not very civil?" To humble and punifli the Duke, his Majefty was ftron^ly tempted to leave him to ft niggle all alone with thefe difficulties ; but the native fweet- nels of his difpolition, and the remembrance of the Duke's former fervices. ftill prevailed. He anfwered the Duke by a compliment of condo- lence upon the death of the Duchefs of Bouillon ; and allured him of his \villingnefs to affift him. If the King i.ad thought that this laft mark of his friend (hip would have reduced the Duke of Bouil- lon for ever to his duty, the commiffion of him whom he fent with this letter would have con- lifted in barely delivering it to the Duke : and any inconsiderable perfon might have fufficed for that : but this Prince, accuftomed to confer benefits only on the ungrateful, intended to make this deputa- tion anfwer feveral purpofes. He turned toward me, and told me, that in his opinion I was the pro- pereft perfon to carry this letter ; becaufe, if of it- ielf it was not able t fix Bouillon in his duty, the arguments of a man, who had a right to reprefent it to him ftrongly, might perhaps accompliih it ; and that, if neither the one nor the other proved effectual, it was neceffary to penetrate into the Duke's fecret intentions, and to examine narrowly the will, and the pretended donation of Madam de Bouillon. This embaffy feemed perfe&ly fimilar to that ^rhich had drawn upon me the hatred of the Princefs and of the Count of boiflbns ; and my firft emotion upon receiving it was an uneafinefs that the King's fervice generally engaged me in affairs fo difagreeable. Henry, who gucfled partly at what palTed in my mind, forgot nothing which he imagined capable of leffening the unpleafantnefs of this commilfion : he told me, that the fuccefs A 2 which 4 MEMOIRS Book VII which fortune feemed to annex to all affairs wherein I was employed, as a reward due to my fidelity, induced him to employ me, preferably to any oth.-r; that none of my fervices were left upon him; and that he took extremely kind the attention I always {hewed to avoid or break off any connections which were capable of cooling my zeal for him. Speaking thefe words, he em- braced me tenderly ; adding, with a kindnefs that went to "-y heart, that he intreated me to be care- ful of my own fafety, fince I fhould be oblged to p ifs through place' fubject to the Guifes, and to preferve myfelf for a prince who loved me. Princes who behave in this manner cannot fail to be faith- fully fervcd. I was at that time luckily well enough provided with money, having fent for remittances from Rofny and Moret, where my wife was ; and fo was in a condition to fatisfy, without delay, the King's impatience for my departure. Three hours after I had received this order I went to Bruyeres, where my equipage lay, and, followed by five and twenty troopers well armed, in four days I arrived, without any bad accident, within view of Sedan. The Duke, being informed of my arrival, came to meet me as far as the village of Tor- cy, which feparates this little ftate from France ; there he alighted and put on a fad countenance to receive my coa pliment, and to read the King's letter. He then loaded me with perfonal civilities; feemed charrmd with the choice his Majefty had made ; and perfifted (notwithftanding my repeat- ed inftances) to treat me as an ambaflador I was lodged magnificently, and all the expences of my retinue defrayed He (hewed me, with great complaifance, the fortifications he had railed about his cafHe of Sedan, by which he wa> confi- d nt that it would be impregnable. I was not of the fame opinion ; all the expence the Duke was i 5 94. O F S U L L Y. ? was at to ftrengthen this place, could not fupply the defeat of its lituation. The fiege of Laon, of which the Duke inqui- red the news, afforded us matter for entering into a more particular converfation. After reiterated af- furances of his attachment to the King, the Duke afked me, if the many ftibjecls of complaint which his Majefty had received from the ^-panifh Low Countries, had not determined him to carry the war thither ; and fpoke to me of this project, as an affair which he ardently wifhed to lee execu- ted. He expatiated upon the advantage of this war ; upon the manner in which the provinces of Luxembourg, Liege, and Namur, might be at- tacked; upon the correfpohdences which, with this view, he carried on in the principal cities of Flanders ; and upon the powerful affiftance he offered to carry thither. It was not difficult to believe, that he had ufed his utmoft endeavours to promote a war, of which all the advantage would accrue to himfelf. He was greatly deceived in ima- gining the King equally interefted in a project, that with regard to him was a mere chimera. Indeed the Duke, fearing that at court it would be treated with ridicule, omitted nothing which he thought might bring me to approve of it, by painting it in the fineft colours, and with all the air of difintereftednefs capable of impofing upon me. After having thus difcourfed upon glanders, he plunged into politics, and difplayed all his elo- quence in proving to me, that it being the King's chief interelt to humble the houfe of Au- ilria, he could never attain this end but by keeping up a ftrict union with the Proteftams. The King's late abjuration, he fuppofed, was but a neceffary ceremonial, which had only changed his external appearance ; and which he thought he proved ' fufficiently, by two or three ftrokes of raillery upon fome fuperftitious practi- ces 6 MEMOIRS Book VII. ces of the catholic devotees, upon the mendicant monks, and upon the equivocations of the Je- fuits. The Duke of Bouillon flopped here, like a man. who was afraid of explaining himself too freely, and looked upon me attentively with a feigned inquietude. Hitherto I had iftened to him with- out interruption ; and difcovered, wichout his per- ceiving it, all the ideas which vofe in that ambi- tious brain. But many things ftill remained to be known, for which it was only neceffary, I thought, to let him fpeak a long time ; for it is not poflible but that a man, who is at once ex- tremely vain, and a great talker, ihould, at length, betray all his fecrets : I therefore forced a frnile into my countenance, and affirmed the air of one filied with admiration of his wit, his policy, and his eloquence The Duke, agreeably flatteied, did not need much intreaty, but reluming his difcourfe, he went on to make me fenlible of the true intereft of the Proteftants, in the prefent fi- tuation of affairs in France. Here it became ne- ceflary for me to divine more than he faid ; ei- ther becaufe the Duke of Bouillon's expreffion fuf- fered a little from the conftraint he laid himfelf tinder, for fear of indifcretion *, or becaule he thought the affectation of a myfterious air did * The true cha -after of the Duke p to the defign of the houle of Auftria for tiniverfal monarchy ; but that, in order to fecure fuccefs, it was previoufly neceffary that all fhould be quiet within his kingdom, lince it might be ex- pected that Spain would defend herfelf in a very different manner, when fhe faw herfelf directly at- VOL. II. & tacked, 10 MEMOIRS Book VII. tacked, than fhe had done in a war, wherein fhe had engaged only as an auxiliary. I told the Duke de Bouillon, that I readily be- lieved all he had faid to me with regard to hirafelf, lince he rnuft be fenfible that the principles of honour, juftice, and gratitude, pointed out to him too plainly the conduct he ought to obferve with the King, to leave him any poflibility of mifta- king it. He refitfed me the troops I demanded for Henry, nor would he permit me even to perufe Madam de Bouillon's laft will, faying that Ihe had fealed it in a caiket, and exacted a promife from him, that he would not open it but with the tifual forms of law, if any one fhould conteft its va- lidity, and that flie had afterwards obliged him to confirm his promife with an oath. From all this, it was not difficult for me to comprehend that my remonflrances were ufelefs ; therefore my eommif- ilon being now executed, I refolved to return im- mediately to Laon. I was greatly furprifed, on my arrival at the camp, to meet the King, who was going to hunt, paffing fo near the walls of the city that he was within mufket-lliot of it But I was foon informed, that both fides had laid down their arms, the city having capitulated upon condition to furrender in ten clays, if within that time they were not a (lift- ed by an army, or at leaft if a reinforcement of eight or nine hundred men were not thrown into the place. Henry made me keep clofe befide him during the chafe, that he might hear all the par- ticulars of my journey. When I told him that the Duke of Bouillon refufed to fhew me the will of the deceafed Duchefs, he replied, that .ifter this he faw well what he ought to think of the donation *. He formed the fame judgment of * In order to deftroy the fufpicions which the whole of this ac.-. count might raife as to the reality of that donation of the Duchefs ' of 594- O F S IT L L f . tt of the Duke of Bouillon as I did, " who offers," faid he, " to be a mediator in disturbances of " which he himfelf has been the fole author." Nor was he lefs difpleafed at his refilling to fend the troops he demanded : but the prefent con- juncture required that his Majefty fhould diiTemble all thefe occalions of difcontent ; and therefore, in public, he appeared to be very well fatisfied with the Duke's conduct, and determined to maintain him in Sedan. With refpect to the war with Spain, which I was commiffioned to propofe to him, he left it to be deliberated upon in full coun- cil at fome other time. The Count of Sommerive, Du-Bourg and Jean* nin, rinding it impoffible for them to prevent th* iniurreclion of the citizens, and of the garrifon ef of Bouillon, I will give you what the Duke de Bouillon's biographtt fays on this head. " By her laft will," fays he, " fhe appointed the " Duke de Bouillon, herhufband, her univerl"*! heir. It was cur- " rently reported, that, notwithstanding this laft v.ili of the Duchcfs, " the lucceflion would be contefttd with her hufband : the truth is, " Charles de la Mark, the Count de Maulevtier, uncle to Charlotte " de la Mark, alledged that this fucceflion belonged to iim, and that " fhe could not difpofeof it, in favour of her hu?band, to his prtju- et dice. The Duke de Montpenfier pretended Hkeuiife, that the lo- ' vereignties of Bouillon, Sedan, Jamets, and Raucourt, could not ' be contefled with him ; as he had been fubftituted therein bv Ro- ' bert de la Mark, the laft Duke of Bouillon. The Duke de Bouil*- ' Ion thought it more eligible to accommodate matters with thefe two ' claimant;, than to engage in a law-Tint, which would divert him ' from the execution of his grand defipns : the acccmmodatiun was ' concluded; and the foveteign iurirdtftion of Bouillon, Sedan, and ' Raucobrt, remjined in property to him." Hifr. ie Henry due Ue Bouillon, par Marfollier, torn. 2, liv. 4. T/iis hiftorian like wife fpeaks of the Duke de Sully's journey to Sedan, and of the pro- tection which Henry TV. offered the Duke de Bouillon on this occa- fion. But here we cannot but obferve, that it would have been much better not to quote, on this fubieft, Sully's Memoirs, than to difguife their fenfe, and conceal, as he has done, the ob;eclipn that arife.3 from the text of thefe Memoirs : and this fi> much the rather, (it would be to no purpofe to diiTemble it, after all that has been faid df it, and very lately, by Amelot de la HuUfTaye, in his Memoirs, t-n the article Bouillon la Mark) fo much the rather, I fay. as Henry IV. and thp Duke dc Sully, are not the only pcribaS who feem to gentlemen demanded to be doubly indemnified out of the benefices of the deceafed Cardinal. The King was defirous that the Abbe de Tiron fhould releafe thefe abbeys to the proprietors, and receive in exchange for them the archbifhopric of Rouen, valued at thirty-thoufand livres a-year, but charged by the King with the payment of a penfion of four thoufand crowns, which he had promifed to the Chevalier D'Oife, retaining for himfelf Gaillon- houfe, which he defigned to purchafe from the Abbe ; and he ordered me to difpofe him to accept of this equivalent. As for the abbey of St. Ouen, one of the fined benefices the deceafed Cardinal had pofleffed, the King, as yet, had not beftowed it on any one ; and he had the goodnefs to tell me, that he would not do it without charging it with 4. penfion of ten thoufand livres for me. The greateft difficulty I met with in managing the King's affairs at Paris, was to communicate his prudent ceconomy to the directors of his finances, the fuperintendant efpedally. The abufe of fufFer- ing 16 MEMOIRS BookVIL ing the finances to become a prey to favourites, (an evil, the fource of which may be traced back to the reign of Charles VIII.) had in this laft reign in- creafed to fuch a degree, that had a man of the great-ft induftry, prudence, and integrity imagi- nable, been at the head of the finances, he perhaps would not have been able to remedy the bad confe- quences of fo prodigious a diffipation : and, un- happily, D'O * pofTeiTed none of thefe qualities. His temperament naturally formed for profufion, indolence, and voluptuoufnefs, had been wholly ruined by all thofe vices for which the court of Henry III. was famous, gaming high, exceffive de- bauchery, expcnfive follies, domeftic diforders, and extravagancies of every kind. D'O was on a foot- ing with Bellegarde, Souvrai, Villequier, Quelus, Saint Luc, Maugiron, Saint-Megrin, Livarrot, Joy- eufe, Epernon, La-Valette, Du-Bouchage, 'Iher- mes, and many other lefs declared favourites : and the title of minion was all the recommendation he had for a poft which the moft inconiiderate prin- ces think fit, for their own intereft, to except from thofe with which they reward fuch fort of fervants. Such was the man by whom the finances were conducted, at a time when, minions and miftrefies being excluded from the council, one would have expected they fhould have taken a quite different form : and what is moft furprifing, the King, in his moft urgent occafions, had not even the privilege of dividing his own revenues with the fuperinten- dant. D'O did not fcruple to let him lofe a city or a governor for the want of a very mconfiderable * Francis D'O, Lord of Frefnes Mail'ebois, &c. firft gentleman of the bed chamber, governor of Paris and the ifie of France, luper- intendan: of the finances, &c. " He CurpafTed Kings and princes in " extravagance and prodiga'ity ; for, even to his fuppers, he had " pies made of mufk and amber ferved up, that amounted to twenty- " five tboufand crowns." Journal de L'Etoile, Ann. 1594, p. 37. ; 2 fura 1594- O F S U L L Y. 17 fum of money, while, at the fame time, he denied none to his pleaiures. Lieramont, governor of C.itelet, anp'ied to me, to folicit the payment of his garrifon from D'O : I thought the affair of fuch importance, that I got over my reluctance, and acquitted myfelf of my commifiion ; but with little fuccefs. The fuperintendant, after I had left him, faid to Mcfliurs d'Edouville and de Mouffy, that he had rather fee this place in the hands of iSpaniards than Proteftants. Lieramont was of that religion Mouffy, who was my kinfman, repeating this difcourfe to me, I declared to the iuperinten- dant, that I would make him anfwerable for the place, if it were loft for want of this payment. But this menace had little effect on him. Fortunately for the King, a retention of urine delivered him, a few days after, from fo bad a fub- ject. And it is worthy of obfervation, that this man, who was poiTeffed of more than four millions, or rather of all the money in the kingdom, which he difpofcd of almoft abfolutely ; more fplendid in his equipages, his furniture, and his table, than the King himfelf, was not yet abandoned by his phyfi- cians, when his relations, who had always feemed to bear him great affection, his domeftics *, and ibme others, under the title of creditors, pillaged him with fuch eagernefs, and fo completely, that, a long time before he expired, there was nothing left but bare walls in the chamber where he lay ; as if fortune thought fit to finifh with him at leaft by an act of juftice f . The * He had no children by Chirlotte Catharine de Villequier, his wife. " Henry IV. pbying at tennis with M. D'O, made him ob- " ferve that tie maiker ftole their balls, and atferwards called to " him with a loud voice, D'O, you fee that all the world cheats us." Le-Grain, b. 7." t " ft',' 1 fays M. de Grillon, " each muft give in his accounts a- " bove, T believe that poor D'O will find himUlf much at a lofs to " find good d >cume'iis for his, It was faid that he died very much VOL. If. C ' in i8 MEMOIRS BookVlT. The King returned to Paris to treat of a truce, which the Duke of Lorrain requefted inftantly ; and of an accommodation with the Duke of Guife, who folicited it by the Duchefs of Guife, his mo- ther, the King's coufin german, and Madamoifelle de Guife, his iifter. It muft be confefled, that of all thofe perfons who had been in arms againft the King, the Duke of Guife deferved the moft indul- gence. To the common motives of religion and independence, which feemed to authorife all things, he joined that of a father aflaflinated by the order of the prefent king's predeceffor. It was Madam de Guife, his mother, whofe perfuafions chiefly in- duced him to take this ftep : fhe was continually reprefenting to her fon, that the revolt of the prin- ces and nobility of the kingdom, which in the be- ginning was juftified by religion, became criminal after Henry had removed the only obftacle that could hinder him from enjoying his right of inhe- ritance to the crown. In any other age, which had riot, like this, loft every diftinftion between virtue arid vice, this wo- man would have been the ornament of her fex, for the qualities of her heart and mind. Her whole conduct was regulated by a native rectitude in debt, more than he was worth; and that there were five and ' twenty or trirty officers in hifc houfe v\hen he died. The treaiu- ' rers regretted him extremely, and" called him their father: it was '- even fa-.d, thtit thre? f>f them gave each fifty crowns to Collot, *.r> ' encourage him to drefs him prrp r'y. M. le Grand, his good ' friend, was almoft diflracled for his lofs; tor he allowed h ; m ev^.- ' ry year one hundred thou'.and franks to fpend. Ma :ame was not ' at all forry for it, becaufe he aimoft (larved her: thofc of the reli- ' gion regretted him as little, for he vrifhed them no good M.:dam ' de LianC' urt mournrd for him, becaufe (he could do with him 'as ' iTiepleafed; and if he kept her in favour with the King ' M Sefuicr, the Dean, who afTifted him to the laft, as likewife ' did his brothers, repeated to him, as he was dying, Have mercy ' en me, O God. Some of the laft. words he fpoke were, Remem- ' ber me t.-> ! is M?iefty ; he v ill know better, after my death, w her- ' in I have been of fevvice to him, than he did while I livea," L'Etoile, ibid. 1594- O F S U L L Y. 19 of foul ; fo that it was eafy to fee that (he had not even the idea of evil, either to act, or to advife it ; and at the fame time of fo fweet a difpofition, that fhe never was fubje&ed to the fmalleft emotion of hatred, malignity, envy, .or even ill humour. No woman ever poffeiTed fo many graces of converfa- tion, or added to a wit fo fubtil and refin,edj a fim- plicity fo artlefs and agreeable. Her repartees were full of fait and fprightlincfs ; and the pleafing, as well as greater qualities, fo happily blended in her compofition, that fhe, was, at once, tender and lively, tranquil and gay. It was not long before the King became perfectly well acquainted with the character of this lady ; and from that moment he not only forgot all his refentmem, but alfo beha- ved towards her with all the familiarity and frank- nefs of a fincere friend. He confented to give the neceffary paffports to the Sieurs de la Rochette, Perigord, and Bigot, whom the Duke of Guife fent to propofe his demands ; and, wholly fubducd by the inftances of thefe two ladies, named, on his fide, three agents to treat with the Duke : thefe were the Chancellor de Chavigny, the Duke de Retz, and Beaulieu Rufe, fecretary of ftate. Thefe three perfons, to fhew their great fldll in negotiating, began at firft by ufing all thofe turns and artifices which policj has wrongfully introdu- ced in place of that frank and open conduct, that without deceiving any one, produces the fame effect. Their conferences lafted ten days fucceffively ; yet, at the end of this time, the fmallefl preliminary was not fettled. Madam .de Guife, who was tortu- red by thefe affected delays, came one day into the King's apartment, when his Majefty did me the ho- nour to converfe with me, holding my hand ; and turning the difcourfe upon the treaty with her fon, ihe complained to the King, with her ufual gaiety, but mingled with, a little impatience, that he had /employed three men, " who go," faid fhe, " three C 2 " different ao MEMOIRS Book VII. < t * different roads to reach no end ; the fir ft, by / never faying more than thefe words, We muft S confider ; tue mujl ndvife ; let us do better ; the * fecond, by not understanding himfelf, although '* he fpeaks almoft continually : and the third, by '* never ceafing to find fault." This was, in re- ality, the true character of the three negotiators. This lady, fuffering herfelf to be wholly tranfport- ed by her zeal for the King, and tendernefs for her fon, taking his Majefty's hand, which {he kiffed, notwithstanding Henry^s endeavours to the contra- ry, fhe conjured him to receive the returning allegiance of the Duke of Guife, and give her the confolation to fee her family reftored to the favour of their King. She fpoke with an effufiou of heart fo ftrong and lively, that the King, affected by it even to tears, could not hinder himielf from anfwering, " Well, couiln, what is it you delire *' me to do ? I can refufe you nothing." " All " I defire," replied (he, " is, that you will name *' the perfon whofe hand your Majefty holds, to *' treat with my fon." " What! returned the King, " this wicked Huguenot. Truly I grant " him you very willingly, although I know that he *' is your kinfman, and that he has a very great *' friendfhip for you." That very moment he re- moved the cognifance of this affair from the three commiffaries, and caufed a commiffion, under the great feal to be given to me ; not only for fettling the treaty with the Duke of Guife, but alfo for the affairs of the whole province of Champaigne. It may be eafily imagined, that after this the Chan- cellor bore me no good will ; but it is the part of an old and artful courtier, to appear fo much the more obliging and reipectful to thofe xvho arc in favour, as the refentment he harbours againft them in his heart is violent and lafting. Chiverny, in- deed, excelled in this art. The 1594- O F S U L LY. 21 The Duke of Guife had begun with very extra- vagant propofals, which if he had infifted upon, would have rendered this treaty ineffectual. Doubt- lefs he was induced to make them through his knowledge of thofe perfons to whom he was refer- red : he thought that, to obtain ibmething, he muft demand a great deal. He claimed no lefs than the poft of high fteward of the King's houfliold, which the Count of Soiflbns had been in pofleffion of, ever fince the affaffination of the Duke of Guife, to poffefs the government of Champaigne, which had likewife been given to the Duke of Nevers ; to enjoy alfo the benefices of his uncle, the Cardi- nal of Guife, particularly the archbifhopric of Rheims, then actually pofieffed by M. Du-Bec, a relation of Madam de Liancourt, the King's mi- ftrefs. He added feveral other articles ; but thefe three gave rife to the greateft difficulties. The Duke of Guife, being informed of the change of the commiffioners, refolved immediately to lelTen the extravagance of his demands : and wrote to the Duchefs, his mother, and to his agents, to con- clude a treaty with me upon reafonable conditions, and even at any rate. He had lately a new induce- ment to conclude the treaty as foon as poffible, of which I was abfolutely ignorant. He had difco- vei-ed that the city of Rheims (the moft confidera- ble prefent he had to offer the King) defigning to make a merit of returning to its obedience volun- tarily, had folicited the reft of the province to do the like ; and had already drawn a great party into their views. The Duke of Guife, to prevent this inconvenience, having attempted to place a garrifon there, the inhabitants declared, that they would guard the city themfelves ; and this refufal occa- lioning a debate, they anfwered the Duke's mena- ces by other threats no lefs haughty. After the fecond conference I had with the Duke's agent, there was no mention either of the poft 22 MEMOIRS Book VII. poft of high fteward of the houfhold, the govern- ment of Champaigne, or of the benefices ; and thofe three obftacles being removed, I faw very lit- tle difficulty remaining. I propofed to the King, the drawing the Duke of Guife from Champaigne, to fix him in Provence, by giving him that govern- ment for a recompenfe ; fo that his intereft there being united with that of Lefdiguieres and Ornano, who Supported the King's party againft the Duke of Epernon, they might at once join to reduce the power of that formidable fubject. The King confented to this fo much the more willingly, as by the manner in which the family of Guife acted with foim, he judged he might depend upon their fideli- ty ; and he ordered me to conclude with him upon this plan 1 made the propofal to the Duke's agent, and, upon reiterated commands from his Majefty, jufed fo much diligence in fettling al! other matters, that the next evening the treaty with the Duke of Guife was concluded, and figned by me for the King, and by Madam de Guife, and the Duke's three commillioners, for him. The next day fix deputies from the city of Rheims arrived at Paris ; and, addreffing them- felves to me, told rne, that the King needed not beftow any great rewards upon the Duke of Guife, not only becaufe R.heims was no longer in his power, but becaufe the inhabitants were ready to deliver him up to the King. They did not re- quire to be introduced to his Majefty, but faid, that they would be fatisfied with his approbation in writing, or only mine ; fubmitting it to the King to grant them what recompenfe he fhould think proper : and ended with ofFei ing me, ac- cording to cuftom, a prefent of ten thoufand crowns, which I neither could, nor would ac- cept of. I thanked them, in the King's name, for their good-will ; and aflured them that he would, with pleafure, receive this teftimony of it. O SULLY. 3-3 I deferred giving them an anfwer, till I had re- ceived orders from his Majefty, to whom I went immediately to relate all that had pafled. Ther King was at that time in his clofet, from whence he made every one but Beringhen depart, and liftened to me walking, often fhaking his head, and fmiling, through a reflection on the natural levity and inconftancy of the people, he afterwards took me afide to the window, and deiired me to tell him what terms I was upon with the Duke of Guife. As foon as I had informed him that the treaty was concluded, he did not hefitate a mo- ment whether or not he ftiould obferve it ; but he would not, however, appear infenfible of the af- fection of the city of Rheims. I introduced the de- puties to him, whom he thanked as became a King, beftowing upon them a very confiderable reward, with an air fo gracious, that they return- ed full of Joy and admiration. The treaty with the Dxike of Guife being with the ufual form ligned by Gevres for the King, the Duchefs and Mademoifelle de Guife demanded his Majefty 's permiffion for the Duke to come himfelf, and aflure him of his obedience. I wrote to him to feek for no other fecurity than that per- miffion : and he did not hefitate to comply with my advice. He afTembled as many of his friends as he could, and came and threw himfelf at the King's feet, with fo many marks of a iincere re- pentance, that the King, who penetrated into his inmoft foul, inftead of reproaches, or a filence which on fuch occalions is more terrible than even reproaches, made ufe of all his endeavours to reaiTure him : he embraced him three feveral times, honoured him with the name of nephew, treated him with the greateft tendernefs and freedom, and, without affecting either to avoid or recall what had paffed, mentioned the deceafed Duke of Guife with honour. He faid, that they had been friends 24 MEMOIRS Book V1L friends in their youth, although often rivals for the fame ladies ; and that the Duke's good quali- ties, and a conformity of difpofition, had united them in a fixed averfion to the Duke of Alenqon. A friend, who endeavours to reconcile himfelf to his friend after a flight quarrel, could not have fhowed a greater difpofition to renew the friend- Ihip ; and all thofe that were witneflfes of this re- ception, could never fufficiently admire a king, who, with fo many qualities to infpire fear, em- ployed only fuch as created love. The Duke of Guile, abfolutely gained by this difcourfe, replied to the King, that he would ne- glect nothing to render himfelf worthy of the ho- nour his Majefty did the memory of his father, and the fentiments he was pleafed to entertain of himfelf : and from that time he took fuch care to convince him that his refpecl and attachment would continue inviolable, that the King, forget- ting all which any other, in his fituation, would have apprehended from the railing again a family which had made kings tremble, lived with him familarly, and admitted him, with the other cour- tiers, into all his parties of pleafure : for fuch was the character of Henry, that that exterior gravity, which the royal dignity makes it neceffary to aflume, never hindered him from refigning him- felf up freely to pleafures, which an equality of conditions fpreads over fociety. The truly great man knows how to be by turns, and as occaiions require, whatever he ought to be, matter, or e- qual, king, or citizen : it is no diminution of his greatnefs, to unbend himfelf in private, provided that he fhews himfelf in his public character, e- qually fit to manage the affairs of the camp and of the cabinet, the courtier will always remember that he is with his mailer. Madam de Guife entering the King's apartment fome days after, when the Duke of Guife prefent- 2 ed 1594- O F S U L LY. 25 ed the napkin to his Majefty for a flight repaft which he made in the afternoon, fhe again took Qccafion to exprefs her gratitude to him for his goodnefs to her fon,, and told him, with a lively emotion, that if ever the Duke of Guife was defi- cient in his duty and obedience, fhe would difin- herit himj and difown him for her fon. The King, running to embrace her, allured her that he on his fide, would ever preferve for the Duke, and his whole family, the tendernefs of a father. The treaty I had juft concluded with the Duke of Guife produced much loud clamour. His own particular enmies, and that fort of people which iwarm a ;- )OUt a court, who, have no other bufineis than, to decry the conduct of.perfons in place, united them/elves againfl me, and being fecretly inftigated by thofe from whom the cognifance of this affair was taken, proclaimed every where, that I undertook this commiffion only to pleafe Madam de Guife. The Duke of Epernon was not filent on this occafiori ; and whenever the Duke of Guife and he were mentioned together, he conftantly faid, that I had offended the one without catife, to oblige the other againft all rea- fon. Ihefe difcourfes were fo often repeated to the King, that he was at laft made to believe, I had acted with rather too much precipitation : however, he was not difpleafed with me upon that account. It was riot difficult for me to juftify myfelf ; which I did by an apology in writing, and pre- fented it to the King. I .there defended my con- duel with the following reafons : That the King could not poffib'y grant the three articles be- fore mentioned to the Duke of Guife, without giving difguft to a great many other -perfons ; notwithstanding which, he would have been ob- Jiged to grant them, if he had not had a govern- ment to .give him, which was the leaft recompense VOL. II. D the 26 MEMOIRS Book VII. the Duke could expedl, after refigning Cham- paigne, and yielding up fo many other claims: that with regard to the government which was gi- ven him as an equivalent, no other could be cho- fen, from whence fewer bad confequences might be feared, than from Provence. For upon a fup- pofition that the Duke of Guife might hereafter become capable of forgetting the new oath of alle- giance he had taken, there was little danger to be apprehended from him in a province which had no communication with Lorrain, the Low Coun- tries, and Burgundy efpecially : on the contrary, although none of the Duke's demands had been complied with, except the continuing him in the government of Champaigne, yet by that, there was a danger of perpetuating the war in thofe coun- tries : That it was the King's intereft to referve to hrmfelf the power of beftowing the government of Champaigne upon a man who fhould be not only fincerely attached to his fervice, but whole integrity likewife ihould be fo well known, that the rebels in Burgundy might defpair of ever bringing him to favour their views. With regard to the conveniency of fixing upon Provence for the Duke of Guife, I added that argument relating to the Duke of Epernon, which I have already ilight- fy mentioned. I recalled to the King's remem- brance, in a few words, the many occafions of complaint this man had given him, his repeated revolts, his intrigues to difengage all the catholics from his Majefty's party, his infolent boaft that he would never acknowledge any fuperior in his government, his laft proceedings at Villemuir, and many other circumftances which certainly would do no honour to the hiftory of this fupercilious iubjecl:. It was oppofing one leader of the league by another, whom a thoufand motives, befides that of his perfonal intereft, which ought always to be regarded as the moil powerful, concurred to re- gulate 1594- OF S UL LY. a; gulate his conduct by a fyftem quite contrary to his former views. Without dwelling upon the orders his Majefty had given me with regard to the Duke of Guife, or the danger of a longer delay ; although the treaty with him had not been fo advantageous as it was eafy to prove it was, I reprefented to the King, that he could not act rigoroufly towards a man, who had fo fteadily refufed all the offers and moft flat- tering promifes from Spain, the Dukes of Savoy, and Lorrain, and all the enemies of the ftate *, to prevail upon him to continue a war, which, how- ever fhort a time it had lafted, would have been a greater incovenience to him, than all he had granted to the Duke of Guife, Nor ought it to be thought a matter of little confequence (whatever his and my enemies could fay) to gain over a man whofe name and birth might have put him at the head of a powerful party. I agree with them, if they pleafe, that this lord made after all but a fri- volous facrifice of unjuft claims, and uncertain ex- pectations ; nay, I will reduce it lower, and afcribc it all to the King's generofity : yet, if by that means he bound to his intereft, not a iingle man only, but a family refpectable for their alliances, their riches, and their influence, it cannot be called an ufelefs generolity. The King was ftruck with thefe reafons, and feemed greatly furprifed at my exact knowledge of Epernon, He did not think it proper to permit this writing to be publifhed, becaufe of the truths it contained, which it was not yet time to reveal. I fubmitted, without any difficulty, for I never gave myfelf much trouble about the efforts of en- vy, having always looked upon that paffion as an * The Duke of Guife was hated by the league, efpecially fince the time he had killed with his own hand, in a tumult, the Sieur de St. Paul, his field-lieutenant, who was much beloved by them. D 2 incurable 28 MEMOIRS Book VII. incurable difeafe. The Duke of Guife's whole con- duel for the future made a ftill better apology for me : he began his government by fo clear and abfolute a declaration of his fentiments, that the 1 feditious were deprived of all hopes of ever being able to feduce him. On all occalions wherein the King's fervice, or the good of the ftate, required his affiftance, he behaved with equal firmneis and prudence. The reduction of Marleilles *, which was with reafon thought one of the beft ftrokes of that kind, was his work : and with the help of Lef- diguieres, and the Countefs of Sault, he fo well humbled the haughty Epernon, that he at laft ob- liged him to reftrain his rebellious difpofition ; and this proud fubjecl was feen to fubmit to the King's mercy, and to become one of his moft af- fiduous courtiers I never was unwilling to do juftice to the Duke of Epernon, to be among the firft to enhance the value either of his perfonal fervices, or thofe of his (oldiers at Limoges, Saint Germain, Ville- bois f, Chartres, Boulogne, Montauron, Antibes, and * This town wa? upon the point of being delivered up to the. King of Spain, by two of its burgeffes, named Charles Cafault, and Lewis JJ'Aix ; when the Duke of Guife found means ;o make himfelf maf- ter of it, by intelligence held with Peter and Banh olomew Libertat, two brother , who were alfo burgefltS of the fame town. They (lew Cafault, beat the troops of the Spanifh fide, and let in, through the Porte-re.;'e, the Duke of Guife, who performed this enterprife with agreat deal of co^duft. Sec De Thou, book M 6 D" Aubigt e, torn. 3. Hv 4, chap. 12. Henry IV. upon receiving the news of the re- duction of Marftille?, faid, " Jc is now that I am King." In the following campaign, t'-e Duke of Guife /hewed a g'eat deal of va- lour, in purfuirg the Spaniards as far as Gray; and killed with his own hand, a trooper belonging to ihf enemy, who had given him de- fiance. Kenry IV. embracing him, fpoke thefe words, " Thofe who '' find old examples of virtue before them, muft imita r e and repeat " them, far fuch as come af:er." P. Matthieu, torn. 2. liv. I. p. 192. j- See on each of thefe actions, L'hift. de la vie du Due d'Eper- non, 'printed at Pjris, Ann. 1655. Villeboi". is a tov.-n of Angou- mois, which at this day is called La-Vaktte. You mav iikewlfecon- fu!t 1594- O F S U L L Y. 29 and even at Villemur. I am forry that the fubjec"k I treat on neceflarily engages me in a difcuilion which may extinguilh anyjfentiments that do him honour; but fince this is a place where nothing fliould be concealed or difguifed, what can, what ought to bethought of his conduct in Provence! Certainly, to afcribe it all to a bigotry in his religion, is (hew- ing the utmoft favour to his reputation. His pa- riegyrifts, who fo loudly extol his moft inconncier- able actions, ought to be a little more moderate when they reflect on his frequent revolts, and acts of difobedience ; or begin by eftablifhing it fur a truth, that a fubject may be irreproachable, yet fail in his duty to his King and his country, in- troduce difcbrd and confuh'on to gratify his ambi- tion, and give to violence the name of right. If any panegyrics are to be beftowed here, doubtlefs it is the King who merits them, who, after all thefe offences, received Epernon with open arms, and never excluded him from favours ; which in every refpedt, were indeed mere favours to him. After the death of D'O, there appeared among the candidates a man , who, it was immediately thought, would have the poft of fuperintendant ; this was Nicolas de Sancy, who wanted neither capacity, nor experience, for that ftation. Sancy might be very properly called a man of wit, ufing this term in the fen-fe that is generally given it, to denote vivacity, fubtilty, and quicknefs of appre- henfion. But, as thefe qualities are by no means infeparable from an excellent judgement, Sancy fpoiled them by a degree of vanity, caprice, and impetuofity, which fometimes rendered him in- fupportable. It is my opinion of thefe ftrong and fult the fame hiflory, as to the reproaches wl-'.ich our Memoirs give tliSs Duke ; but he cannot be jufhfied in evrry particular ; and even his own hiftorian looks upon it as impofiible. All th.-t canbs faidis, that M. de Sully took pleafure to aggravate faults, v. hu h the laft years oSthe Duke d'Epernon'slife have .Umoft entirely effaced. lively 30 MEMOIRS Book VII. lively imaginations in general, that although they are commonly fubjec"l to two great faults, which are, too much fubtilty, and too little clearnefs in their ideas, and confufion and unfteadinefs in their fchemes, yet they ought not to be thought utterly incapable of buiinefs ; becaufe it often happens, that they hit upon expedients which would have efcaped more cautious and phlegmatic minds : but there is almoft always occafion to watch over them, and to correct their errors. Sancy had long, and ufefully ferved Henry III. and the reigning King, both in Germany and Switzerland. He had inimuated himfelf into Hen- ry's favour by great complaifance, a fubtle beha- viour, a refined art in heightening his pleafure, and by becoming neceffary in his affairs of gallant- ry. Hence it was that he lived with his prince upon terms of the moft intimate familiarity. That he might neglect nothing by which he thought he ihould make his court fuccefsfully, he inveighed without ceafing, againft the diffipation of the fi- nances ; and as a flatterer generally goes beyond his mark, in railing at the fuperintendant he could not help decrying likewife the fuperintendancy, as an employment ruinous to the ftate ; by which he gave good reafon to call his underftanding in que- ftion. But he himfelf oppofed his advancement to this poft by an obftacle ftill greater : he not on- ly neglected to pleafe Madam de Liancourt*, then miftrels to the King, but by an intemperance of tongue, to which fuch perfons as he are very fub je6t, he had offended this lady on one of the moft delicate fubjects. * This was the fair Gabrielle, who was wife to Nicolas d'Amcr- ral, Lord of Liancourt. She was forced by her father, they fay, to this. marriage, which was not at all to her liking : but Henry IV. knew very well how to hinder the confummation. I know 1594- O F S IT L L Y. 31 I know not whether the ftory I am going to re- late had ever any foundation in truth. However this may be, thus the ftory ran in Paris : His Ma- jefty having fent Alibour, his firft phyfician, to vifit Madam de Liancourt, who was indilpofed (this was in the beginning of his addrefles to that lady) at his return he told the King, that fhe was indeed a little difordered, but that he need not be uneafy, for the confcquence would be very good. " But will you not bleed and purge her ?" laid the King to him. " I {hall be very careful how I " do that," replied the old man, with the fame limplicity, " before fhe has gone half her time." *' How !" interrupted the King, aftonilhed and difordered to the laft degree : " what is it you fay, " friend ? Surely you rave, and are not in your right *' fenfes." Alibour fupported his affertion with good proofs, which the King thought he fhould deftroy, by telling him upon what terms he was with the lady. " I know not what you have done, " or what you have not done," replied the old phyfician with great compofure, and for a com- plete proof referred him to four or five months from that time. The King quitted Alibour in great rage, and went immediately to reproach the lick fair one, who, no doubt, knew well enough how to give a different turn to all the good man had ignorantly faid ; for it was not perceived that any mifunderftanding had happened between the King and his miftrefs. It is certain, however, that the event was exactly conformable to Alibour's prediction : but it was thought that Henry, after a more ftricV examination, was brought to believe that he had been miftaken in his reckoning, fince, inftead of difowning the child which Madam de Liancourt lay in of at Coucy, during the fiege of Laon, he acknowledged it openly, and had it bap- tifcd by the name of Csefar. Sancy 22 MEMOIRS Book VII Sancy gave free fcope to his wit, in relating this ftory ; and did not forget the circumftance of La* liegnardiere *, who, having one day, as he faid,. taken the liberty to Inform his Majefty of fome things that did not pieafe him, was foon after ba- nifhf.d the court, under pretence that he had quar-: relied with the Admiralf, Sancy found fomething to fay upon the death of the good man Alibour, and would have thauuht it more natural, if it had not happened before the accomplifhment of his prediction If he commented thus upon the birth of the fon, he did no lefs upon the whole conduct of the mother. Sancy proved, to his cpft, what the hatred of a woman, efpecially a King's mii- frefs, is cabbie of doing : Henry loved him, and wanted to raifc him ; and although he was inclined to fupprefs the polt of fuperintendant of the finan- ces, yet he would have prslerved it, merely to have beftowed it upon him ; but Madam de Liancourt knew how to prevent it. Inftead of a fuperintendant of the finances, h>3 Majefty compofed a council coniifting of eight perfons. ; there were, the Chancellor de Chiverny, the Duke de Pvetz, A'effieurs de Bellievre (who was .fiiccctded,. by Matignon) de Scomberg, de MaiiTe, de Frtihe .(protected by Madam de Liancourt) de La-Crangc-le-roi, and de Sancy, who thought * " La RegnnrdJerewas alcind of buff on, half foldier, ha!flaw_- ." ytr, -ind bAi gentleman, who faicl xyijatcver came, uppermoft." It IS in this manner he" is fpoken oi in tre adventures of tbe Barc>n do Feenefte, liv, 4. chap. 7. where ws find ma.iy more ilorks relaud o.' him. f- The J^/urnal dc L'Etoile, and the confeffion de Sancy, confirm ill this p!e.au tiy, as alfu tlii; fufpicion of its ending tr^gji .. old M.'AJ incur, the King's fi'rft phyfician, who was p.iironed, th;.y /ay, by order of the King's miOrefs : but all this is alleciged wi.hou: any proof. You niay alfo read, on this head, v. bar Suiival : on the faiih of public rvport, and ''aiirical libels, touching the in- trigues between the fair Gabrieilfc and the Duke ds Bel!:gauk. 2 himfelf 1594- O F S U L LY. 33 himfelf very happy to be one of the members * of this body. The King judged it necefiary to give this council for form's fake only, and without any diftin&ion, a titular head, which was the Duke of Nevers. This form of government of the fi- nances lafted fome time, although with a few in* confiderable alterations, which I fhall mention in their proper place : for the reader may expeft in, thefe memoirs to fee whatever relates to the finances treated with all that clearnefs and extent which a man, who has fo long made them his ftudy and employment, is capable of giving them. The King was convinced in the fequel, that this new change in the council f was far from affording that remedy the difeafe required : fmall as my experience was in thefe affairs, I eafily comprehended it. It is not the government of one man only by which the finances are thrown into confufion ; fince it is an inconteftable truth, that, as they muft pafs through fome hands, the fewer that are employed, the lefs will be em- bezzled. The abufe lies in the choice of this man, and in the nature of the finances : and therefore, to have this office difchargecj by many different perfons, is to perpetuate the evil. If in the whole kingdom, it is difficult to find one fingle man fit for fuch an employment, how can it be expected that a great number will be me; with ? Nor is the miftake lefs palpable in imaginr ing, that all thefe perfons bringing each of them * M. de Thou and Perefixe f^y, that M. de Sully was for fome time fuperintendant before M. de Rofny : which ought not to be un- derflood, in my opinion, but only ot the authority which he affvH- jned oi himfelf among his fellow-counfellpurs, as M. de Sully tells us afterwards. The writers of that time agree that nothing of cer- tainty can be faid as to the ftate of the council of the finances, till the time in which M. de Rofny was at leaft declared the chief. We run no rilk in believing all he fays on the head of the finances. f Perefixe talks of this new form of the council of the fiijanc> as M. de Cofny, Ann. 1698, p. 224. VOL. II. E 34 MEMOIRS Book VII. one diftmguifhing good quality into their emplby- ments, the fame 1 effect will be produced as from & man who unites them all in himfelf ; fince that is to fuppofe, that this fingle good quality can-not poffibly be' rendered ufclefs bv the oppofition o/ftf- feral bad orles, either in himfelf or in his affociate*. In general, the predominant principle 1 with whic'h thofe peifons who are irrve'fted with public employ- ments, enter upon the execution of them, is to faife and enrich themfelves and their relations. If this eager defire of riches is not felt by tRem at firft, it is infpired, increafed, arid ftimulated, bf the great fums of money which pafs through their hands : amidft that dependence on, and mutual fear of, eaich Other, every one reprefents td hkfrfelf integrity a$ a quality not only ufelefs, but hiirtful to him, the honour of which is fhared by his col- leagues, the inconvenience wholly his own. The" King was far from being fbrturiate in his choke of the members of this body : feveral of thofe who compofed it, befides their evil difpofitions, wete in a fituadon that expofed them to corruption' : they iiad debts to pay, and dqmeftic wants to fupply. His Majefty deftined me a place in it, and had, for a long tiftie, in his cbnverfations with me, exprefled his d : cfire } that I would ftudy to make Ihyfelf thottnighly acquainted whh whatever re- garded the finances ; but I could not poffibl.y fub- mit to the imperious behaviour of the Duke of Nevers, who very unfeafonably aiTumed great con- fequence to himfelf from his quality of prince, in a place where it fignified very little. One day, when his infolence had exhaufted all my patience, I took the liberty to intreat he would remember, that the family of Bethune was in pofleffion of the earldom of Nevers before the family of Gonzague. To a man puffed up with vanity, no blow could be more fenilble. He often repeated to thofe wh< hear him, that my whole- family wert Hugue- nt>ts OF. SULLY, 35 nots ; and, to anfwier my anecdote withi another, iaid, that he had ieen my grandfather make a very mean (figure at Nev.ers. 1 fuffered him to have bis revenge, .which could extend no further than keep- ing me out of a council where I had very little in- clination to be with him : and this fartisfaction he had. The Kijig, who had many meafures to keep, told me, in a very obliging manner, that he was under a neceifity of deferring ibme time longer the proof he intended to give me of his friendfhip ; and I waited for it without murmuring, fatisfied with the poft of lecretary of ftate, with a falary of two thouland livres a-year, and a penfion of three thoufand fix hundred more*, which the King con- ferred upon me. Peribns of the leaft difcernment being convinced of the neceffity there was to introduce a reforma- tion into the finances, the new council were at firft deiirous of this honour ; and a fcheme for that purpofe was propofed by thofe .amongft them who moft valued themfelves for their penetration and method. Thefe were Frefne and La Grange-le- roi. But after they had produced a very large volume upon this affair, it happened with that, at with moft plans that have been or can be invented ; nothing more eafy in fpeculation, in practice no- thing more difficult : and the King, whom they had flattered with mighty hopes, found every- thing in the fame condition as before, at the end of the year which he had pafled at Paris, expecting daily the effect of their promifes. He was retained there to more pxirpofe by the treaty withLorrain, which, entirely foriiiking bpai.nj concluded a league offenfive and defeniive with, France. Sancy's fervices were of great ufe in this treaty ; and to him almoft all the honour of it was due. The King was no longer at a lofs for * etb ftms together make about 233 1. Sterling. E 2 employment, $6 MEMOIRS Book VII. employment, after the Duke of Bouillon arrived at Paris he came in Perfon to prefs the execution of thofe fchemes he had entertained me with at Sedan, particularly a declaration of war againft Spain, which he made the balls of his advancement in the Low Countries. He ufed fuch plaufible ar- guments for it, that after almoft perfuading the King, and gaining the generality of the courtiers to his opinion *, he did not fcruple to propofe it in full council. He found there two different parties who did not approve of this war : thofe in whom a rooted attachment to Spain and the league ftill remained, and they were not few in number ; and thofe who thought a war, in the prefent weak and exhaufted ftate of the kingdom, was very un- feafonable. Thefe laft had very few partifans, but very ftrong reafons on their fide, if thefe could on- ly have procured them audience. I would not incur the reproach of filence up- on this occafion. I ufed every argument my rea- fon could fuggeft, to difiuade the King from this war ; but this prince, whom a natural propenfi- ty drew always a little to that fide, thought he had now found the opportunity he fought for, to revenge himfelf upon a neighbour who had made it his endeavour to maintain the flame which confumed the heart of his kingdom. He was fure of troops from Lorrain : England and Hoi- * M. de Thou makes no douht but the Duke re Bouillon svas the principal author o' ; this war : and his hiftornn entirely agrees, that in giving thiscounfe! he far lefs confulud the advantage of the ftate. an' he glory of th~ King, than Ivsown perfonal intercfr, and that of the C'lviri'ical j arty, who rvceiTanlv wanted a war, in order to ob- tain the favorrable terms which were granted them by the edift of N^.tz. Nr>!withfrardir>c: the reafons for declaring war againft Spain, ot which a minu'e de'ail maybe feen in IV! SS. de la Bibliot. de Roi, vol. rrrrked 8955, and in tl>c K'nc's declaration, that is fet down in tom'. VI of the memoirs de la Lieu- : ail good writers rnd iudiciotre yerfons -ire unanimous, in favour of the Duke de Sully's opinion as to the prccipiotion and imprudence with which PIcnry IV. condudlea Hmfdt in this afr'air, the confetjuenccs of which might have been a good dta] more fatal than they were. land. O F S U L L Y. 37 land, by their ambafTadors, gave hopes of a powerful diverfion ; and, according to the Duke of Bouillon, a fingle word from him was fuffi- cient to make all Luxembourg furrender : Sancy made great promifes in behalf of the thirteen Cantons : all Tranche- Comte lay open to their ravages. The King was determined by all -thefc flattering appearances; and in January, the fol- lowing year, war was declared in form againft Spain. That kingdom feemed to give herfelf very little trouble about this proceeding ; and anfwered only by {hewing great contempt for Henry's council, and for Henry himfelf, to whom Ihe gave no other title than that of Prince of Beam. While (he made preparations to defend herfelf, her emiffaries in France endeavoured to fpare her the trouble, by an attempt fo horrid, that it is fcarce credible (he could have recourfe to it. On the 26th of December, the King being then at Paris, in his apartments in the Louvre *, where he gave orders to Meffieurs de Ragny and de Mon- tigny, who entered with a great number of other perfons ; at the very moment when he ftooped to embrace one of them, he received a wound in the face with a knife, which the murderer let fall, as he was endeavouring to efcape through the croud f. I * According to ethers, in the chamber of the Marchionefs de Monceaux, at the hotel de Schomberg, behind the Luuvre : but in fal, it was neither at the Louvre, nor at the Hotel de Schomberg, that this affair happened. A regifter belonging to the town-fcooie at Paris, quoted by Piganiole, torn. 2. dc la defcription de Paris, fays. That the fair Gabrielle refided, in 1595, at the Hotel d'Eftrees; and that it was a<- this place Henry IV. was woended. This Hoiel .-s afterwards called L'hotel du Bouchage j and was parchafed in 1616, by M. de B.irelle, in order to lodge and accommodate the fathers of the oratory, who (till continue there. f- " Immediately the King, who found himfelf wounded, !ook- n as the treaty between France and Lorrain wa* concluded, and the latter immediately, and without felicitation, difperfed her troops over Burgundy, under the conduct of Tremblecourt and Saint George, and carried terror into every part of that province. On the other fide, the garrifon of Soi fons, a place abfolutely devoted to the league, com- manded by Conan and Bellefond, was almoft wholly *' thoufand Crowns, hi? hotlfe razed, and Jnfteid thereof " creeled, containing the wnole ffory of the fail." L'Etoilc , ibid. If is thought that the little fquare that lies before the Barnabites, is the fpot on which Chatel's houfe ftcod. * " The Jefuits, in obedience to the arret agal . ft them, departed " Paris, conduced by a ferjeant of the coun : thty were thirty* ' fsven in number, part of whom were put into three carts, and " the reft travelled on foot j .hci f procurator being mounted on a lit- " tie nag," &c. L'Etoile, ibid. f- He would D"t make the atr.ir.dt bctnraWe to the King, alledging that he had not offended him. Cayet, .bid. J Here the author is miftaken. J h . Gueret wa?, by an exprefe arrct, condemned to perpetual banifhment ; but there is no exprelR mention made of Peter Varade, Al.xander Mayus, ^c. win wer eomprifed with all the reft, and without beinp particularly named in, the arret which profcribed in , enetal the whole fociety. It is a gla- ring calumny in Morilot, to have advanced, chap, 3^. that Francs? Jacob, to whom they had told that Henrv IV. was juft aflaffinated i>y Ch-tel, boafted that he wr.uld have difpatched this piince, if he 'had not been prevented by Chatel. I know of no li:'.' ^riin who has .Vd any fuch thing. 40 . M.EMOIRS Book .VII. cut off by MoufTy |j, D'Edouville, De Bays, and Gadancourt, the lieutenant of my company. The Duke of ontmorency, to prove himfelf worthy of the dignity of conitable, which he had latehjr been inverted with, fell upon Dauphiny, the Lion- nois, and BrciTe, with a body of four thoufand foot, and four hundred well difciplined horfe ; drove -out from thofe places the remainder of the troops belonging to the Dukes of Savoy and Ne- mours, took Vienne by competition from Dizimi* cux, who was governor of it for the Duke of Ne- mours, and afterwards Montluel. Marechal Biron, after the expedition at Beaune, made himfelf ma- iler of Nuys, Autun, and Dijon *. The Duke of Buillon, as foon as war was proclaimed, entered Luxembourg, where, with the affiftance of Count Philip of Naflau, he defeated eight or ten parties of horfe, commanded by Mansfield. Henry did not doubt but that, by uniting all thefe feparate bodies into one army, he fhould make whatever province he conducted it into tremble. It is certain, that if he did this, he could not make a {land every where as before ; but the expectations his JYIajefty formed from his firft project, made him refolve to prefer it. Having the choice of enter- ing Picardy, Champaigne, or Burgundy, he deter- mined upon the laft, where Meffieurs de Montmo- rency, Biron, and Sancy, gave him hopes of great fuccefs. Their fecret motives for calling him thi- ther were thefe. The conftabie Montmorency had been alarmed by the great preparations he faw made by Spain in Lombardy, where the Conftabie of Caftile had or- ders to quit the Milanefe, however neceiTary his j] On the 25th of February, in the Plains de Villers Coterets in Vailois. The Baron de Conan is called Conas or Conac, in M. de Thou : and ip.ftead of Bays, you muft read it Beyne. * See all thefe di.Teren: expeditions into Burgundy, in De Thou and D'Aubigne, ann. 1595. 2 prefence i$ 95 '. OF S U L L Y. 41 prefence might be in that country, to enter France, and make fome bold attempt there, after he (hould be joined by the Count de Fuentes, general of the Spanifh troops in the Netherlands. Montmorency therefore apprehended, that all thefe troops would fall upon him. Marechal Biron, who was in the fame quarters, where, after feizing the city of Di- jon, he had attacked the caftle of it, and that of Talan, both of great ftrength, was afraid, likewife, that he fhould be obliged to raife the fiege if he was not am" fled. As to Sancy, his views were to advance his own reputation by the conqueft of Franche-Comte, to which he was inceffantly endeavouring to perfuadq the King. Convinced by his own experience of Madam de Liancourt's power,, he fought to gain her approbation of dais : but the terms he was up- on with this lady not permitting him to propofe it to her himfclf, he concealed his own intereft in the affair, and made ufe of the interpoiition of others. He caufed It to be hinted to the Chancellor de Chi- verny, and, by his means, to a lady who could not fail of making her court by k to Madam de Lian- court, that the King might eafily provide a noble inheritance for her fon Crefar, by driving out the Spaniards from Franche-Comte, and giving him the poiTeffion of it under the fovereignty of the thirteen Cantons, who would be induced by their own intereft to favour the attempt. Madam de Liancourt, I am perfuaded, could not flatter hei;felf with the hope of gaining the King's confent to fo ridiculous a Icheme ; and clurft not even communicate it to him, though this Prince's paffion * for her was fo great, that he fufiered no * " He went through Pari?, having this lady by his fide ; he took " her with him to hunt, and rarefied her before all the world." Journ. de L'Etoile, ibid. And vie may judge of the attachment of Henry IV. to this lady, from the letters he writ to her : which fee in the <-ollUon newly printed. VOL. II. F one 42 MEMOIRS Book VII. one to be ignorant of it: but there needed no more to make him refolve upon a journey to Burgundy, than this lady's joining herfelf to thole who advi- fed him to it. Such is a court, and thus are Kings impofed upon : from whence they may learn, that, whatever ideas they may have conceived of the wif- dom and abilities of their minifters, to judge truly of every tranfaction, it is the fureft way to ftudy carefully the fecret inclinations, intereft, and difpo- fitions of thofe who are neareft to their perfons. To remedy, in fome meafure, the inconvenien- cies which might arife from leaving the frontiers of Picardy expofed to the inroads of the Spanilh troops that were in Flanders, the King, who was not, like others, impofed upon by the great pro- mifes that England and Holland made him, left Meffieurs de Nevers, De Bouillon, De Villars, and De Saint Paul, upon this frontier, with each a de- tachment under their command ; enjoining them to affift each other upon occafion, and above all, re- commending a good intelligence amongft them- felves. In cafe of a re-union, the Duke of Nevers was appointed to command in chief. He provided with the fame wifdom and forefight for the affairs at home, by eftablifhing a council, which, befides the finances, was to take cognifance of all the trea- ties that were made with the provinces, cities, and governors ; of all affairs relating to war ; and of the civil administration of the kingdom. As foon as his Majefty had publicly explained himfelf with regard to the forming this council, the Count of Soiffons wifhed to be made prefident of it ; and began to infmuate fomething to that purpofe in the King's prefence That I might re- move his refentment againft me for traverfing his marriage, I folicited this title for him, which was jnore honourable than effeftive, and in all appear- ance would be of fhort duration : but the King, whofe averfion for the Count increafed every day, had 1595- O F S U L LY. 43 had already fixed upon the Prince of Conti, and at dinner declared his purpofe before the whole court. Then turning co the Count of Soiffons, he told him, that, knowing his difpofition to be turn- ed wholly towards war, he would keep him about his perfon this campaign ; and ordered him to get his company of the houfhold troops in readinefs to attend him. The Prince of Conti anfwered only with a profound bow, becaufe he exprefTed himfelf with difficulty ; and the Count of SouTons did the fame, becauie anger hindered him from fpeaking t all his Majefty faid to him being accompanied with praifes of his valour, and an air of diftintion which, forced him to appear fatisfied. The members of the new council were almoft all the fame that had compofed the former ; to which, were added three intendants, Heudicourt, ' Marcel, and Guibert : the number was afterwards augment- ed to eight, by joining to thofe three Incarville, Des-Barreaux, Atichy, Santeny, and Vienne, and. a fecretary named Meillant. Although the Duke of Nevers was not now in the -council, the King found no lefs difficulty in procuring me a place in. this than in the former. He was airraid to propofe it at llrft, on account of the Catholics, who could not fuffer a Proteftant in power : but he broke through this obftacle three days afterwards ; and the rcaibn he gave for it to the other counfellors was, that the confidence which the Prince of Conti had in me, rendered my aflbciation neceffary even to themfelvcs. The road his Majefty was to take being through. Moret, I attended him fo far, not fo much to re- ceive him there, fmce Madam cle Rofny could have done that Avithout me, as to have an opportunity 'of conferring privately with this Prince, and of re- ceiving his lait inltrucYions concerning any affairs that might in his abfence be brought before the council, the members whereof did noi long conti- F 2 nue 44 MEMOIRS Book VII. nue in a ftate of friendfhip. My colleagues, per- ceiving by the private difpatches I received from the -King, that I was in poffeffion of his confidence, entered, through jealoufy, into a combination againft me, looking upon me as one who would carry away the honour of every thing laudable that might be done by the council. They fought to difguft me, or to filence me, by joining in a conftant oppofition to all my opinions; but finding that, notwithftand- ing this behaviour, I ftill followed my own plan, they had recourfe to another ftratagem, and in our alTemblies every affair was difcuffed but what rela- .ted to the finances, which was referred to private meetings, either at the Chancellor's or at Sancy's ; and there all was regulated without my participa- tion. I did not diffemble my thoughts of this coi- lufion, but declared to them, that I had no defire to mix in their debates ; and, inftead of figning their decrees, protefted againft them, and retired to Moret. The members of the council, who could not ev*n invent any pretence for the difguft they gave me, being afraid of his Majefty's reproaches, prevailed upon the Prince of Conti himielf to in- treat me to return. Being always naturally incapa- ble of flattery, or of acting inconfiftently with my own fentiments, I replied, that iince they did not rectify the abufes which had been introduced into the finances, although they were fufficiently ac- quainted with them, I would at leaft avoid the re- proach of following rheir conduct, and would ft ay ut Moret, rather than be a witnefs of faults which I faw committed with impunity. The King, whom I informed of what had hap- pened to me, found fo much conformity between his fituation and mine, that he thought he could not confole me more effectually, than by acquaint- ing me of it in his turn. He had indeed untracta- ble tempers to deal with. The Count of SoiiTons, who had followed him with reluctance, revenged himielf 1595- O F S U L LY. 45 himfelf by repeated inftances of his caprice and ill humour. But not all his endeavours could induce the King, however greatly he was offended, to or- der him to retire ; which was all he wanted ; and he was at laft obliged to go of his own accord, up- on a pretence fo very trilling, that it had fcarcely the appearance of one. A report being fpread, that the Conftable of Caftile was approaching, the King ordered the Conftable de Montmorency, and Marechal Biron, to bring up the two bodies of troops which they commanded : the Count of boif- fons alledged, that, by his poft of high fteward of the King's houihold, he had a right to the chief command of thefe troops in his Majefty's abfence, and aflerted his claim to it in his preience. 1 he King did not think proper even to requeft a favour of this nature from the Conitable and the Mare- chal ; and ufed his utmoft endeavotirs to banilh fo ridiculous a notion from the Count's mind. He iblicited, he intreated him, as he would have done his fon or brother (thefe were his Majefty's own words) but in vain : the Count, who did not err through ignorance, quitted him with a diflembled difcontent, and prevailed upon part of the foldiers under his command to do the like. The King im- mediately difpatched letters to his council, to take proper meafures upon the Count's flight : the f.ime meffenger left one for me as he paffed by Moret. Henry did not yet know that I had retired thither; but we had agreed upon this expedient, to conceal from rny enemies the correfpcndeace I had with his Majefty. Three or four days after the receipt of this letter, my fervants informed me that fome foldiers were juft arrived, who infifled upon quartering at Saint- Mamert, a village upon the confluence ot the Seine and the Loin, dependent upon Moret, and diftant from it about a quarter of a league. I fent Ca- niord to bring me intelligence who they were, and 46 MEMOIRS Book VII. what was their dcfign. They not only negle6led to return me by this gentleman the ufual compliments upon thefe occalions, but likevvife anfwered him iniblently, that they had a right to quarter in any place where their horfes began to be fatigued, and all that could be required of them was to do no mifchief. They refufed to name their cap- tains, and only faid, that they belonged to the Count of SohTons. To put thefe officers itill far- ther in the fault, I wrote to th.m a fecond time, telling them that, fince they belonged to the Count of Soiflbns, who honoured me with his friendlhip, they were welcome to quarter at Moret ; that I would provide them lodgings in the inns and houfes of the town's people, where they would have greater conveniency ; and juft hinted to them that I was fenfible of the manner in which they had received my deputy. Camord, whom I would have fent with this fecond mefiage, told me, that it would have no other effect than to in- trcafe the infolence of thefe officers, who came \vithapremeditatedtleiign to affront me; which he confirmed by feveral other circumftances of his reception, that he had concealed from me before, to avoid a greater misfortune. Madam de Piofny, who was prelent at this relation, began to give way to female fears ; and accusing Camord with im- prudence, flainty faw his miftake. One party of one hundred horfe preceded two fquadrons of fix hundred each ; which followed at the diftance of about a thoufand paces, and were fupported by three other Iquadrons, confiding of an equal number, and a body of feven or eight thoufand foot. The hundred horfe, perceiving Bouillon, gallopped towards him, followed at a great pace by the two firft fquadrons, all armed cap-a-pie, and lances by their fides ; which left him no room to doubt but that the French were difcovered, and that they would be obliged to engage, not-' withftanding the inequality of their numbers, the Spaniards being ftronger by two thirds than they, unlefs he could conceal from them his little party. Bouillon, fending a gentleman to the Admiral, to defire he would come immediately to his afiift-' ance ; Villars, who was bravery itfelf, without anfwering a fingle word, armed himfclf in the midft of his' troopers, and making them put their helmets on, exhorted them no otherwife than by bidding them follow him ; and Bouillon faw him in an inftant at his fide. Finding him in fuch a good difpofition, he told him, that to prevent the enemy from difcovering their rear, it was neceflary to charge them with as much fury as poflible. The Admiral ftaid not to be defired a fecond time ; but, fuppofing that he {liquid be vigoroufly fupported by Bouillon, pdvanced, through emu- lation, firft with his troop, aud galloping intre- pidly towards the enemy, fuddenly attacked the left wing, threw himlelf with his pirtol in his hand, amidft that foreft of lances, and carrying terror and difmay through the firft fix hundred horfe, 1595- O F S U L LY. 51 horfe, would have cut them in pieces, and per- haps have gained ftill greater advantages, if he had been fcconded v/ith equal bravery : but Bouillon^ on his tide, made only a falfe attack ; after which, he wheeled about and retreated, and has fince con- ilantly maintained, that it was this only which had been agreed upon between the * Admiral and him, although all thofe who accompanied the lat- ter have unanimoufly afferted, that he meant a true attack. This miftake, if it was one, had a confequence as fatal as might have been expected : the enemy's fquadron which Bouillon had attacked and after- waids (hiiimed, was the firft to fall upon Villars, who was then conqueror of his own ; and being that inftant joined by freih troops, which came pouring on him in gr at numbers, his fquadron, being quite overwhelmed, could find their fafety only in flight. Villars, incapable of fear, and dif- daining to turn his back upon the enemy, perform- ed wonders with a few brave men who would not abandon him ; but at laft being attacked on all fides, and furround by the enemy, they were all thrown to the ground, and expired, pierced with a thou- fand wounds or maiTacred in cold blood f . Bouillon * If we will not give credit to his biographer, let us believe M. de Thoj, who entirely clears the Duke de Bouillon: he moreover, fays, that the Admiral dr Villars was acquainted by the Count de Saint- Paul ;o uiire, but that he uid not take mis notice for any o- ther ihan a kind of order or" the Duke ds Boulll n. to which he re- fold to pay any regard, through a piece of vanity and bravery which cannot be exculed from the imputation or umerity, 1. na, D'Auhigny (peaks in thj fame manlier as de Thou, torn. 3. 1. 4. c. Q. i,-s Mem. c!e la Ligiie,. torn. 6. and Mauhieu. torn. 2. 1. I. The opinion of Cavet is, that the Admiral de Villars would wil- lingly have taken advantage of the advice which the Duke of Bouil- lon cauf.-d to be {riven him to retire, buc that he was then too far en- gaged. Chron. Novcn. 1. 7. p. 504, f- The Admiral de Villars was among thefe laft : after having keen nude piifoner by fome Neapolitans, a Spanifh captain, named G 2 Contrera, 52 MEMOIRS Book VII. Bouillon gained nothing by this facrifice of his colleague : the victorious enemy attacked his fquadron, the other commanded by Saint-Paul, and the whole body of foot. Their leader had not infpired them, by his example, with a refolu- tion to defend themfelves, and at this moment he minded nothing lefs. Bouillon and Saint Paul fled with their cavalry, leaving the foot without any hopes of fafety ; in effect they were all cut to pieces. After this, the befieged in vain de- manded to capitulate. The enemy, intoxicated with their good fortune, would liften to no pro- pofals, but flormed the place while they were parleying, and inhumanly butchered all they found in it. I had this whole relation from La- Font, who, after the 1'ofs of his mailer, returned to my fervice ; and the reader may be afiured that it is abfolutely true, fince this man deferves all the faith that is due to a man of honour, and an eye witnefs of what h'e relates. He told me that more than three thoufand French were loft upon this occafion ; and, what is truly deplorable, more valiant men perifhed, than in thofe three great battles the King fought at Courtras, Argues, and Ivry : France, in Villars alone, fuftained an irreparable lofs ; to the general grief of the kingdom, I joined mine in particular, for the lofs of a true and excel- lent friend. Another letter, equally worthy of credit, from the Sieur Baltazar, whom I had charged exprefsly not to omit the fmalleft circumftance relating to the actions of the King's army, puts it in my power to inform the reader of all that pafled. In Contrera, entered on purpofe into a difpire v. ith them about having h ; m, and he made a hmdle of their refufal, to kill him. L'Etoile 1 vs, th-'t the hatred which the Spaniards bore him, from the time that he quitted the party of t e league for that of the King, was the true cauie of his death. He pives him the fame encomiums as M. de Rofny. Jcurn. dc P. de L'Etoile, Ann. 1595. this 1595- O F S U L L Y, ft this recital he will, with great pleafure, behold a King whom the fweets of royalty had not power to alter ; his fuccelTes were fuch, in all their cir- cumftances, as could be attributed to nothing but his own valour and good conduct, and the glory of them was heightened by the oppofition of thcfe misfortunes which happened in all places where he was not in perfon. This campaign of Henry's in Franche- Comte, in the opinion of the beft judges, exceeded all he had hitherto performed. I have before obferved, that Marechal Biron was employed in affixing the citizens of Dijon, who held the enemies garrifon belieged in the caftle. He arrived there very fealbnably : the Vifcount of Tavannes having brought a considerable reinforce- ment to this garrifon, the befieged became be- fiegers in their turn. The citizens, preffed on all fides, and reduced to the iaft extremity, could on- ly defend themfelves at the end of a ftreet to which they had retired, and had but one of the city-gates in their pofleflion, when Biron came to their af- fiftance, and reanimated their courage ; they once" more drove out the V ifcount Tavannes, and in- vefted him in the caftles of Dijon and Talan *. In the midft of thefe tranfaclions Biron was inform- ed that the Duke of Maienne, full of grief for the fuccefs of the King's arms in Burgundy, had fo earneftly folicited the Conftable of Caftile for af- fiftance, that the latter was upon the point of paffing the Alps, with his army, to enter Burgun- dy. Biron, concealing this intelligence from the King, contented himielf with only fending to in- treat he would come as foon as poffible to help him to reduce the caftle of Dijon The King was come to Troyes when he received the Marechal's dif- patches ; and barely gueffing at a circumftance which ^ * About half a league from Dijon, where aa Italian, nanr.ed Frin- cifque, commanded, the 54 M E M O I R S Book VII. the Marechal had an abfolute certainty of, name- ly, that the Conftable of Caftile, who, he fup- poied, would foon pafs into Flanders, would take Dijon in his way, to fettle there the affairs of the league with the Duke of Maienne, he marched thither haftiiy, and put every thing in motion, that they might find nothing more to do at their arrival. It is not to be doubted but that thefe two gene- rals might again have prevented the King, and preferved the caftles of Dijon, had they not flop- ped unleafonably in their way to take Vefou, and Ibme other little places in Fr.mche-Comte, which had been feized by the troops of Lorrain. To this volun- tary delay neceffity afterwards added another at Gray, by the overflowing of the river Saone, which ren- dered their pafTage impracticable. To remove this obftacle, the conftable of Caftile caufed a bridge to be built over the river : but by his carrying on this work fo flowly, it feemed as if he was afraid of engaging himfelf in the heart of France, with fo many rivers behind him. The truth was, this general already knew that he had the King before him. When the King left Troyes he fent the Count of Torigny with eight or nine hundred horfe be- fore him, with which Marechal Biron was extreme- ly pleafed. For days after, Henry himfelf arrived at Dijon, and, without dismounting, went imme- diately to reconnoitre the outworks, and all the neighbouring places ; eipecially on that fide where the enemy might be expected. He caufed deep trenches to be made, and by that means cut off all communication between the two caftles. This done, the King perceiving that notwithstanding all the efforts he could make, the caftles might ftill hold out a long time, he went, according to his ufual cuftom, with a fmall detachment to meet the enemy, that he might retard their march, and give 1595- O F S U L L Y. 55 give time to the reft of their troops to finifh their enterpiife. He thought, if he could find his ene- mies employed in their paffage over the Saone, it would afford him a favourable opportunity, though he had but an inconiiderable body with him : he therefore appointed Lux and Fountain- Franqoife* for a rendezvous for the reft of his troops, and marched before with only three hundred horfe, half of whom were arquebuilers ; and with this little efcort advanced to the Vigenne, near Saint- Seine ; from thence he detached the Marquis of Mirebeau, with fifty or fixty horfe to get intelli- gence ; and in the mean time he pafled the river of Vigenne with a hundred, or a hundred and twenty horfe ; defigning only to reconnoitre the ground, and the form of a country, where he might poffibly be obliged to come to an engage- ment. He had not marched more than a league, when he faw Mirebeau return in great diforder : who told him, that he had been charged by three or four hundred horfe ; which had prevented him from getting a full view of the enemy : but added that he believed thofe four hundred horfe had been fent to feize the poft of Saint-Seine, and that they Were followed clofe by the whole army. .Biron, who arrived that inftant, offered to go and make a clearer difcovery. At the diftance of a thoufand paces he found, upon a little hill, an advanced guard, confifting of fixty horfe. which he attacked; and taking their place, law plainly the whole Spa- nifh army marching in order of battle ; and in particular, a body of four hundred horfe, which, advancing before the reft of the army, pnrfued a party of one hundred and fifty French. This was the party commanded by D'AufTonville, whom his Majefty had fent to make difcoveries on the other * Upon the frontiers of Burgundy and Francht-Cointe : this expe- d'.tloa happened in the beginning of June. fide. S$ MEMOIRS Book VII. fide. D'Auflbnville, by flying, diverted the ftorm upon Biron. The enemy's detachment dividing into two bands, attacked him on the right and left, doubtlefs with the fame intention as Biron, to difcover what forces were in the rear. Ihe dif- ference between them was, that the enemies, being fupported by near fix hundred horfe, were two thirds fuperior in number to the two fquadrons commanded by Biron and iViirebeau, which made up only three hundred. Notwithftanding this inequality, Biron conti- nued to make a {land : he feparated his three hun- dred horfe into three equal platoons, placing Mire- beau, with the firft, on the right ; the Baron of Lux, with the fecond, on the left ; and pofted himfelf, with the third, in the middle. The e- nemy attacked each lide at once, with a hundred and fifty men : Lux fuifered greatly, and was e- ven thrown to the ground, with many others : Biron, having the advantage in this place, flew to his afliftance, and reanimated his troops ; but was himfelf charged with fuch impetuofity by all the enemy's fquadrons united together, towards whom he faw others from the main body of the army ftill advancing, that he was obliged to retreat. This retreat, as foon as the enemy's horfe drew nearer, was changed into a real flight ; in which condition he came within view of the King, who immediately fent a hundred horfe to fupport him. Nothing is more difficult than to ftop the flight of a fquadron when the enemy is at their heels ; the }aft hundred were feized with the fame pannic, and returned flying with thofe whom they went to fup- port. The King now finding that all depended upon himfelf advanced towards the fugitives, without taking time to put on his helmet, expofed himfelf to the fury of the victorious fquadron, which con- fifted of more than eight hundred men, called his 2 principal O F S U L L Y. 57 principal officers by their names, and throwing himfelf every where, without any regard to his own perfon, obliged fome of the fugitives at laft to (lop. He compofed two bodies of the whole, and putting himfelf at the head of a hundred and fifty horfe, returned to the charge on one fide, while La- rremouille, with a like number, did the fame, by his order, on the other. But for this intrepidity, it is probable, that not one of thofe three hundred men, engaged thus on the farther fide of a river, with a victorious body of cavalry in front, would have efcaped. 'The King *, giving his foldiers an example, threw himfelf, bareheaded, amidft fix of the enemy's fquadron, broke through them, and forced them to give ground. Biron, * The King faid, that upon other occafions and emergencies into which he had happened to fall, he fought for viftory, but here he contended for his life. Perefixe, Matthieu, Cayet, Le Graine, and D'Aubigne> relate the aftions of this day in the fame manner : but M. de Thou, and vol. 8929 cf the royal IViSS. with fome little diffe- rence. D'Aubigne fays, that the Ki ig d : .d not fhew himfelf entirely faiisiied, that only the Duke de la Trcmcuillf and D'Elbeuf joined together with a good grace, " To brufh off,'* favs he, " the dew be- " fore his Maiefty." Tom. 3. 1.4- c. 8. But according to De Thou, he commended rmich before the parliament Mirebeau, La Curee, and many others. " I have no n^ed of council but of adiflance," replied Henry IV. to thofe who advifed him to make his cfcape on a good Turkifh horfe that was got ready for him ; " There is more hrzird in the flight " than the chace." Matthieu, torn. 2. 1. I. p. 187. " Mainville," adds this hiftorian, " who flood ntar him, and had his piftol ready ' charged for the firir. of the enemy that came near him, let fire at ' onr fo apropos, that he. ih>!t him quite through the head; and the ' ball came whiftlirg fo about the King's ears, that he never fpoke ' of a piftol bur he remembered this report, faying, That it was the ' loudeft he had t-ver heard, having been charged with two fteel ' balls." According to the account of the fame hiftorian, the Duke, de Maienne demanded only four hund'ed horf; of the Spanifh gene- ral '.o attack the King's tioops ; which the Spaniard refufed him, be- ing perfuaded th*t Henry only wanted to draw him into an ambu- fcade. This difiruft of the enemy was the occafion of his efcape at Fontai e-FrancDife, as it had been before a Aumaie. And what is more furprifiug is, that this prince only lo;l fix men in fo hot an ac- tion : whilr on the enemy's fide \\ere killed one hnrrdred and twenty, beficles two hundred wounded, and fixty taken prisoners. Chron. Noven. 1. 7. p. 47, VOL. II. H taking 58 MEMOIRS Book VII. taking advantage of this opportunity, rallied a- bout a hundred and twenty horfe, and returned to iupport the King, and altogether drove the ene- my's horfe back to the main body of the Duke of Maienne's army. Henry would not have fuffered his ardour to have tranfported him fo far, but that he did not immediately perceive, that a wood on each fide of him was croud ed with fufileers, to whofe dif- charge he had like to have been expofed, and would have been furrounded by them, if, in the heat of the fight, he had attacked the Spanifti ar- my : he therefore ftopped his career, and kept himfelf upon his guard. At that moment he per- ceived two other bodies of horfe, who came out of one of thofe woods to ftrengthen the advanced guard, which he had vanquiftied. This was one of thole critical moments, when the leaft want of precaution brings on inevitable ruin. The King, who with one glance perceived the defign of thefe troops, ordered his to halt and thicken their ranks, that they might be in a condition to receive them; for in the heat of his victory he overturned all that oppofed him, and found himfelf at large before all thofe battalions, who were aftonifhed at the mi- racles they faw him perform, Henry knew this furprize would not laft long, and that he would have the fury of a whole army to fuftain, anima- ted by the fight of a handful of foes, to repair the fhame of fuch an aftonifhing defeat ; he therefore took advantage of the enemy's inadlion, to regain at leaft his firft port, without being purfued ; and difengaged himfelf from the midft of the enemy's army with fo much order and luperiority, that they could make themfelves no amends for their lofs. And this Prince, in one day, and almoft in one moment, acquired the honour of the. molt glorious victory, O F S U L LY. 59 victory, and of the fineft retreat of which any hi- ftory ever afforded an example. On his arrival, he found the Count of Chiver- ny, the Chevalier d'Oife, Meffieurs de Vitry, de Clermont, de Rifle, d'Arambure, de La-Cu- ree *, d'Heures, de Saint- Geran, and de La Bou- laye, with each his company, which being joined to thofe troops the King had before, compofed a body of eight hundred horfe. After this rein- forcement, the enemy durft not attack them, be- ing perfuaded that his whole army was not far off ; and not yet recovered from their confirmation at the defeat of their men by a platoon fcarce the flxth part of their number, they turned back, pla- cing the infantry in the rear to cover their caval- ry. The King followed them clofe, and har- ralTed them continually, till they had repaffed the Saone upon the bridge they had built below Gray. Not daring to attempt the paflage again, Burgun- dy, by this exploit, remained wholly at the King's discretion ; he reduced it all in a few days, except the Ssure f, and feized feveral little towns in Franche-Compte, which he relealed, at the ih- treaty of the Swifs. Thefe advantages were all owing to the battle of Fontain-Franc,oile. Henry, when he learnt the defeat of his forces in Picardy, confefled, that thofe advantages, great as they were, did not equal that lofs. He quitted Burgundy and the Lyonnois immediately, and marched haftily towards Paris. Paffing byMoret, I acquainted him with my motives for leaving the coun- cil ; he approved of them, and was of opinion, * This gentleman fought without armour, and was badly mount- ed. A voice which he thought to be the King's, called to him, . By fpeaking thus, the King confidered on- ly the greatnefs of a lofs fuch as Catelet, Capelle, Ardres *, Dourlens, Cambray, from which Ba- lagny hud been juft driven ; and Calais especially., which though not yet taken, was looked upon as already loft : for my part, I thought the kingdom was then in moft danger, when the King, * A'dres -'as f'jrrendered to the enemy ly fhe Ounr de Bclin al- rnoft w;ttiout making any defence ^ tor which he was difgraced, turn- ed out cf hi.pl.ices, and lent home to his eitate, &c, Bongars Epift. 75. ad Gamer. Morifor, c. 33. i by O F S U L L Y. 61 by an aftonifhing inftance of valour and good for- tune, preferved Burgundy and his own life. From that time Henry ufetl to lay, that a declaration of war was one of thofe affairs chat required the great- eft deliberation, and could never be fufficiemly e- nough attended to. From this example, princes may ftill draw another leffon no lefs uleful, which is, that they ought never to harbour a rancorous hatred againft their neighbours, and that prudence, on certain occasions, requires them to fc em difpofed for a reconciliation, notwithftanding the moft vio- lent, and even the moft juft reientment. The King was careful to avoid difcovering his thoughts in public ; on the contrary, he endea- voured to revive the courage of thofe who feemed moft depreffed. To the Parifians, who made him compliments of conclolance upon his lofs, he replied, that it might be eau'ly repaired, provided they would join actions to words. They made him great offers ; but his Majefty who had had frequent proofs of the little dependence he could have on them, took his own meafures, and with- out waiting for the accomplifhment of their pro- mifes, left Paris the next day, with the fatisfaciion of hearing before he went, by a courier from Rome, that the Pope had been at laft prevailed upon to grant him the abfolution * he had fo long folicited. In the prefent conjuncture, this news was of the utrnoft importance. To this abfolution the holy father annexed the following conditions f : That the King ihould ex- clude * " What mpde the Pope," fays M. de Perefixe, " delay giving " abfolution f:> lot g, wa-, becaufe that he alone had the power of re- " fto.i: g penitents : and he was very much difpleafed, that the pre- lt lates ot France had ;ak>-n upon them to abfolve him, thougn they " had only d^.-ne it provifionally, ad czutdam " j- Beddc'. tliefc conditions, the <-rigin*l of which mav be feen in vol. 8778. of the MSS. re ia Biblot. du Roi, where t hi aft of abfo- lution of Henry IV. b fet dov\ n at length, in Lallan, the holy fa- ther jmpcfcs therein for penance upon this Pi Sues, to hear, on every Sunday 62 MEMOIRS Book VII. elude the Proteftants from all employments and dignities, and ule his utmoit endeavours to fupprefs them Sunday and fftival, a conventual mafs in the chapel royal, and pri- vate mafs every week day, to fay the rofary every Sunday, the cha- pelet every S. u:;ay, and the litanies e^ery Weiln (day, to fa ft every Friday, to coi fefs and c .mnrjn'caie publicly at leaft four t>mes a year. 1 .-h e:ve, in this a:>, that thu- Pope, after having given this Prince ah o'u ion, then entitles him on'y the K.ii>g of France and Navarre. At L-jch verfe of the Mrerere, the holy far er gave a light tomb, of the penitentiary crook on the fhculJers of M. Du Ptrron, and M. D'O'iat, who arc therein oiled Prixuratori di Navarra : ;his is but an ordinary formality in t'lis fort or ceremony ; upon which the Pro- teftant writers ha'.e rot failed to romm nt with gr-/a: maligni'y, by faying that Henry IV. had fu-mn:ed to rece-ve lafhes o; the whip from the procurator, and othrr fuch like calumi.ies : but theft ma!i cio s pisafantrus have not been able to impose upon any, fince ?-I. de Thou anr, all the fer.fible writers h .ve ihevv , that they ,- ere alto- gether uniuft and without K undation. M. de Sully, as tar as appears, had got over th s popular error; but I know not if he obferves the fame eqiiitv with regard to M. D'OfTat. Wh ;t he fays here, and in manv other places of thefe Memoirs, excit d in me H curiofry to read carefully the Collection of this Car- dinal's letters, who is reputed amorist us to have been as good a Frenchman as an able ftatefman. I will fpeak freely my mind as to each grievance which furniflies the Duke de Sully wit., occafion of attacking him, acccrding as they fail in my way. And to begin with th^t of H nry IV.th's abfoluiion, it appears to me, after exa- min ng all he fays on ihis head. p. 45. 48 105. 107. 115. 129. zc8. &c. of the old edition in folio, tha; we cannot '.ut acknowledge, on one hand, 'hat he met with great temples in thr Pope's breaft, and real difficulties on the part of tne facn-d college ; tha he apt lied himfelf with great affinity ar.d with equal fuccefs to furmount them ; Z'.A t at any hut he wvu.d have had much t. do to have conquered them ; as is evident fiom what happeped to the Duke de Nevers, the Ca dinal ce Re;z, the Marquis de Pif-ny, and others ; that for his own Dart he is very far fr:m approving the many fub'erfuges to which the court of R- me ' ad ^ften recourfe in their formalities : and even that all thif chicane mi<:e him often uneafy, as slfo the unfair deal- ing which, he complains, they ufed in the bull of abfolution. How- ever, in oppolition to ail this, a man may perceive, on the ether hand, in thefe very places, and ftill r*ore in ail tho'e paflages that in any mea'ure relate to 'he Proteftants, the Jefuits, or the council of Trent, &c. that his Eminence was not at all difiuibed, '.hat the af- fair of the King's abfolution had piffed under the rcftricHons of vliic-i M. de Sully complains fo bitterly : v hsthir it v,-as '.hat M. D'OfTat did not perceive therein the pretended le(Ton of the honour of the crown, and the prejudice done to the liberties O! the Galiican church, which I leave to 'he learned to r'et-rmine ; or whether the believed that all theie prtca'uuoiis became nectilary for;he intereft cf religion ; 1595- O F S U L LY. 63 them entirely : That he fhould re-eftablifh the mafs in Beam, and oblige the Huguenots to make refti- tution to the Catholics of all the effects which had been taken from the eccleiiaitics : That he mould prevail upon the Prince of Conde to embrace the Roman Catholic religion : That he fhould publifh. and caufe the council of Trent to be received : And lal'tly, That the Jeluits fliould be again eftablifhed in France. Thefe conditions which regarded the Proteftants, and the council of Trent, were not complied with, the reft were Thole perfons who thought the King received laws from the Pope upon this occafion, ought to l^y the blame upon Du Perron, and ftill more upon Arnaud D'Offat, then agent for this affair at Rome Thefe two eccleilaftics were fo far from rejecting thefe conditions, that they would have been grie- ved, if they had not been indited upon ; if any credit may be given to a memorial which was many years afterwards lent me from Rome, and which I ihall fpeak of fully in its proper place : it affords ZL complete proof of what I have juft advanced, at leaft with regard to D'Offat. This memorial advances two things relating to the King's abfolution, which is one of its principal articles. That the Pope and the whole facred col- lege were fo ardently defirous of the King's apply- ing to Rome for this ceremony, that they could not conceal their fears, when they were fometimes in- formed that Henry would be brought to defpife it, or to reckon it ufelefs ; and this the author proves from their own letters : fecondly, That D'Offat, in- religion ; or, lafrlv, whether he were not biaffcd in favonr of the maxirn^ of the league : a id yet all this d es not hinder me from fub- fcnbi: g t'> t-- enco.i iums given to this Cardinal by all our beft hifto- riai.s, .: d :aft of al! v .y Amelot de la Houffaye, in the Kre lie gives us of him. pr-. fixed to the edition of his le ers, to which I refer '.he rejder. The Aobe du Perron, am 1 M. cie Villeroi, had liksxvif done confiderable f rvice t.> Henry IV. in the affair of his abfolution. Matthieu, torn, z, 1. z. p. 210. et leqq. ftead 64 MEMOIRS BookVIT. ftead of informing the King of this difpofition in the court of Rome, which he would have done had his honour and dignity been of the fmalleft confequence to him ; on the contrary, gave this prince to underftand, that he could not obtain a reconciliation with his Holinefs, but by offering an incroachment upon the liberties of the Gallican church, and purchafing it by thofe conditions al- ready mentioned. Henry, however, rewarded his two agents with the rnoft eminent dignities in the prelacy In three days his Majefty arrived at Peronne, where he was immediately faluted by Balagny. This man who, by an excels of ridiculous vanity *, had juft loft his government, his fortune, his wife, and his honour, inftead of blufliing for his folly, and concealing himlelf from reproach, affected to Ihew himfelf, talked big ; and in this ftate, which was indeed the fitteft ftate for him, expected all that regard which is generally paid to unfortunate fovereigns. 'ihe King refolved to attempt every thing to affift Calais, and finding that his troops * M. de Perefixe fays, that Cambr^y was taken by famine : ci- thers, as Matthieu, blame the mifundcrftanding that fubfifted be- tween the Duke de Nevc-rs and de Bouillon for it ; and o'hers again the negligence of Balagny. 'i he memoirs of the league, torn. 6. remark, -hat three companies of Svvifs, not having had their pay gi- ven them, compelled him to give up the place. All the hiftrrians have cried up the courage of Rcnee de Cleimont, the wife of Balagny, and fifter to the brave Buffy d'Ambo fe, who, after having, to no pur- po f e, done all fhe could to infpire refolution into the garrif- n and her hnfband, did not cb.U e to furvive the lofs of her principality, and died either of famine or giief. " And here in ene article, is an ab- " draft of the greatrft diigrace that France ha; fuflfrred from foreign- ' eis in the memory of man." So fpeaks D'Aubigr.e, in conclud- ing the 9th chap. 1. 4. torn. 3. of his hiltory, in which he has collect- ed ihe taking of Catelot, la Cap:lle, Ardres, Carribray, Calais, and the cefeat at Dourlens. Balagr.y tells a Spanifh officer, who feemed furprifsd at feeing him take his iniftrefs along with him, and in the fame boat, that IOVE foftened all the crofs accidents of foitune : " Righ'," replied the Spaniard, " and efpeciaily at prefent, as you " w:U have lefs to co than you have had b:fore." P. Matthieu, tcm. z. 1. 2. p. 119. were 1595- O F S U L L Y. tf* were not fu indent to ftorm the camp of the be- fiegers, took the only courfe that now remained xvhich was to throw himfelf into the place, at the head of a confiderabie reinforcement. Twice he embarked with this defign, but a contrary wind forced him back again to land. While he de- fpaired of accompliihing his enterprife, Matelet, governor of Foix, came to him, and offered to at- tempt a third time to enter Calais, promifing him, that, if he would give him four or five hundred gentlemen, he would fo manage, either by fea or land, that he would open himfelf a pafiage. The King, praifing his refolution, gave him the efcort he demanded ; with which Matelet fucceeded in his defign, and entered Calais, after having furmount- ed a thoufand obftacles *. But the glory of this brave action was foon obliterated, when it appear- ed that he had only joined the garrifon to be in- fected with their fears, and to confent to a capitu- lation : and the King had the mortification to march to Calais, only to fee it furrendered before his eyes. If it be demanded where, during this time, were all thofe French noblemen and officers who were fo forward in advifing the war ; and why they fuf- fered the King to bear the whole burden of it, and fuller repeated lofles ? It muft be owned, to the * Hiftorans do not agree as to this a&ion. Some, as De Thou End D'Aubigne, by frying nothing at ail of it, frem to call it in que- ftion : o hers afcribe it to the Sieur de Campagnole, the younger, Dxvila and our memoirs, to Mateiet, governor of Foix. Que.n Eli- zibeth offered to defend Calais againft the Spaniards, upon condition that the place were put into the hands if the Englifh. Sancy, who was then amtafladoi at London, made anfwer to the Queen, That the King, his matter, would rather have ;t in the hands or the Spaniard* than in thcfe of the Englifh: and Henry IV. faid himfelf, " If he " were to be bit, he had rather it svas by a lion than a lioneis :" and this was the reafon that Queen El fdbeth afterwards rernfed to te! : ege th.t town, while Her.ry IV. lay before that of Amiens, though they offered then to put it into her hand! by way of fecurity. M;ntereft, he fcnt Jaquinot for me early in the morning, to communicate his fears to me. I kneeled on a cufhion at his bedfide, and his Majefty aflced me immediately what was faid, and what I, in particular, thought of the long converfarion he had juft held with the Duke of Bouillon ? I replied, that every one had his own conjectures ; and that probably the affair of Ham and Dourlens, and the propofal made by the Duke of Montpenfier, made up the greateft part of it. The King told me that 1 was miftaken ; that he was too well acquainted with the Duke of Bouil- lon's difpofition, to doubt that any reproaches up- on thofe occafions, inftead of correcting, would only ferve to throw him into an open revolt. His Majefty afterwards, repeating exactlv all that has been related concerning the embalTy to England, propofed to me to accompany the Duke of Bouil- lon thither, that I might have an eye upon his be- haviour. In courts every thing is brought about by arti- fice. The King, after his converfation with the Duke of Bouillon, telling his council for the finan- ces, that he had fent the Duke to England, thefe gentlemen, after conferring together, found no- thing fo fit to fatisfy their hatred of me, as to per- fuade the King to join me with the Duke of Bouil- lon. My abilities for negotiations were praifed, an honour which they were refolved to deprive me of, when they had once fucceeded in removing me from the King, who, not penetrating into their views, approved of the propofal : but I did not fo eafily fall into the fnare : I fhewed his Majefty the true motive of thefe gentlemens feigned generolity with regard to me. From the moment that the Duke of Bouillon difcovered that I watched his conduct, and difconcerted his projects, he would not 1595- O F S U L LY. /7 i not fiiil to break with me ; and fnch a genius as his, when actuated by malice, would not fail to iuggeft to him the means of throwing upon me the blame of .all the faults he committed, and all the good he neglected to do. My enemies knew this as well as I ; his Majdty was convinced by my rea- Ibns, and prefied me no further. The gentlemen of the council did not ftop here: when they came again to the King, they were the lirft to confefs, that it was with reluctance they joined me to the Duke of Bouillon ; but fince the Duke was to ftay but a fhort time at London, they had pitched upon me to take his place with the fame title and equal honours. All was alike to them, provided they could get rid of me. The King was again influenced by their opinions, and fome days after declared his intention to me, order- ing me to make preparations immediately for this voyage ; to provide myfelf with money ; and to difpofe my wife to follow me, if I chofe to have her with me ; which, however, he did not think neceiTary, fince I fhould not, he faid, be abfent above feven or eight months at the utmoft. The King infuintly perceiving my reluctance, accompa- nied this order with the moft obliging expreffions his imagination could fuggeft ; he told me, that the prefent perplexed fituauon of his affairs hinder- ing him from giving me the ible direction of the finances, he fhould reproach himfelf for expofing to the dangers of a long and furious liege, the on- ly man in his kingdom whom he thought worthy to fill that important ftation. His Majefty had jult then declared himfelf publicly concerning the fiege of La-Fere. While the King was fpeaking, I was ftruck with aftonifhment at the obftinate perfecution of my e- nemies, and the depth of their malice. Under the appearance of a title of honour, vain in itfelf, and fatal in its confequtnces, they took away, and per- haps 72 MEMOIRS Book V!!. haps for ever, all opportunities of advancing me : For who in my abfence would be felicitous for my interefl ? Who would hinder them from prolong- ing my ftay out of the kingdom, till, affairs having taken a fixed and durable ftate in France, there would be nothing left for a man who, by fo long an abfence, would be afterwards regarded as a ftr:mger. Thefe reflections kept me firm in my purpofe. I intreated the King not to force me to a journey for which I felt an invincible repugnance; and I had the good fortune to find, that Henry was of himfelf difpofed to believe, that I fhould be of more ufe to him at Paris than London, during the fiege he was going to undertake : he therefore fent me thither to facilitate his fupplies of money, and the difpatch of whatever was necefTary towards car- rving on the liege, to receive his orders there, make one in his council, and direct its refolutions. Had the choice of my revenge been in my own power, I could not have fixed upon any other more effectual. BOOK VIII. HE motive which had determined the King j[ to undertake fo difficult a fiege as that of La-Fere, was, that, his enemies having after their fuccefs feparated their troops, he wouid not fuffer his own, who had at leaft aflembied, to remain idle, and becaufe it was of importance to fecurc Picardy, already fliaken by fo many repeated lofies. Had I the liberty of difpofing of myfelf as I pleafed, I fhould have chofen to have continued with the King during this fiege, whofe too great folicitude for my fafety I could by no means ap- prove : but I durft not refufe the commiffion i which i$ 9 6. O F S U L LY. 73 which would detain me in Paris ; and his Majefty, to render this order lefs difpleafing, affured me, that nothing confiderable \vould for a long time be done before La- Fere ; and that fome time or other, he would permit me to make a journey thither. In reality I did fo feveral times ; but I had no fooner arrived, than the neceffity of pro- viding for the fubfiftence of his troops, obliged me to return again immediately. I comforted my- felf, however, with the thought, that through my diligence the army being fupplied with every thing it had occafion for, I might flatter myfelf with having, in fome meafure, contributed to the fuccefs of this fiege, which lafted fix months, and was the longeft in which Henry was ever engaged. This place, befides its advantageous fortifications, had a very numerous garrifon, compofed of fe- lect foidiers, and commanded by two excellent officers, the one a Frenchman, high-fteward o Montelimart ; and the other a Spaniard, named Oforio. Beringhen, at the perfuafions of an engineer, who was his friend and kinfman, and had come exprefsly for that purpofe from Flanders, where he lived, took it into his head, that it was poffible to lay all La Fere under water ; and upon the af- iurances of his friend, was fo confident of fuccefs, that the King, though contrary to his own judge- ment, fuffered him to make the attempt ; it would indeed have fhortensd the fiege ; but it is to be obferved, that almoft all projects of this kind are liable to difappointment : the flighteft miftake is fufficient to ruin them, and it felclom happens but fome miftake is made. The project of turning the courfe of the Tefin formerly coft Francis I. the lofs of a battle, together with that of his li- berty. In one of thefe journies I made to the camp, I found this propofal upon the carpet. I looked upon the execution of it to be impoffible, VOL. II. and 74 MEMOIRS Book VIII. and I combated it with all my force : but the en- gineer wanted not plaufible reafons for his opi- nion. It was, as he laid, an attempt that would coft but little time or trouble ; all they had to do was to raife a caufey; this they performed ; and the water deftroying their work two or three times, they renewed it as often ; at laft it became proof againft the water, but the river did not rife to the height they expected ; it is true, in- deed, that it wanted only fix feet, but that was fufficient to force them to abandon the work *, after having confumed in it a great deal of time and money. The King falling fick at Traverfy, where his head-quarters were, the fiege of La Fere fuffered a ftill longer delay As foon as the news was brought me, I flew to him, and never left him till he was reftored to perfect health. His ficknefs was confiderable enough to make me apprehend for Fr >nce the greateftlofs it could poffibly fuftain. The Governor of La Fere finding himftlf in want of every thing that could enable him to told out a longer time, furrendered the place to the King, who caufed it to be repaired; and at the intreaty of Madam de Lincourt, he appointed her fon Cxfar to be governor of it, Manicamp, a kinfman of this lady, performing all the functions of that office, in quantity of deputy -governor. His Majefty marching afterwards to the frontiers of Artois took the caftle of Imbercourt by afTault; and thought to have done the fame, by furprife, with the city of Arras. Marechal Biron * was the * D'Aubieny does not fpeak of it fo contemptibly, ch. 12. Ibid, The. caufey, (Cays he,) having made the river Oife flow back within La Fere, itfpoiled all the magazines they had in the lower parts and cellars of the town. It was a large machine, above a quarter of a league in length. Such an undertaking ihews, that neither the King nor the kingdom was difpiiited under their pref- fures and difadvantages." j- Biron, in his turn, loudly ezckimed againft the King's avarice. caufe 1596. O F S -U L LY. 7$ caufe of the ill fuccefs of this laft enterprize, by not providing himfelf with a fufficient quantity of petards ; the three firft they applied played tolera- bly well, but the fourth being thrown, without ef- fect, into the ditch, with the perfon that directed it, feveral of our men were killed and wounded by it. It was, indeed, a mortifying thought, that a conqueft of fuch importance, which would have fecured Amiens from the misfortune which foon, after happened to it, fhould be loft for want of a few petards more. Biron, to avoid the reproaches he had reafon to expect, got out of the way, and w.m to dilcharge his rage upon the country a- bout Bapaume, where he made a horrible devafta- ion. The ill fuccefs of the attempt upon Arras was fufficiently compenfated by many favourable events that happened at the end of the preceding year and beginning of this, which 1 {hall pafs over flight- ly as uiual ; thefe were, the reduction of Tou- loufe *, the profperity of the King's arms in Pro- vence, and the reunion of the chiefs of the league in the King's party. Joyeufe f, who had quitted the habit of a monk, to aflume that of a foldier, and paid himfelf with ufury for the mortifications of a cloifter, made a treaty with the King about that time. The Duke of Nemours fol- lowed his example ; but jull as it was upon the point of being concluded, he died j with vexation, as fome believe, for the bad iuccefs of fo many goodly projects. Saint-Sorlin, his brother, con- tinued the treaty for himfelf. Moreover the * As to thefe facts, confult the hiftories before mentioned for the years 1595 a >d 1596. f He agai . enter d h mf If among the capuchins, and died there Un<'er t. e ame of Father Ange. J " He v-j'.^ed, by his mouth and pores, every drop of blood in hi " body." Perefix, Ibid. Cayet gives a very moving defcriptioa of it, Ibid, p, 519. K 2 death. 76 MEMOIRS BookVIir. death of the Duke of Nevers * delivered the King from a fervant equally troublefome and tifelefs. Laftly, the Duke of Maienne, now ab- iblutely difgufted with the treachery of the Spa- niards, began to think feiioufly upon means of reftoring himfelf to the good graces of the King. The King thought it of fuch importance to make himfelf mailer of Arras, that after having in vain attempted to furprife it, he refolved to beiiege it in form. I was, I imagine, the only perfon to whom he communicated this defign ; fecrecy was of fuch confequence on thi- great occafion, that he durft not truft any one with the care of making obfervations upon the place ; and therefore under- took that talk himfelf. I had continued the whole winter at Paris, employed in his Majefty's fervice, and fometimes made little excursions to Moret, in Louis de Gonzague died of a dyfentery at Nefle in 1595, aged fifty-fix t of chagrin, fay others, becatife that when he talked with Henry IV. advifmg him with regard to Calais, this Prince made anfwer, " How can you advife me on this head ? you who iiave ne- " vcr been nigher that town than feven leagues." Though M. de Thou, 1. 113. and Brantome, torn. 3. p. 2.59. very much extol him, the charge which the Duke de Sully brings aga;nft him, of having been always a very expensive fervant to his matter, may be eafily made out, even from this General's own letters to Henry IV. of which we have a collection in de Nevers's Mem- irs, torn. 2. p. 407. 376. "If vourMajefty, (fay? he to him in ore of his letters,) can- " not orwill not come this length, I {hall remove fo far, that the-e will be no grounds to expeft ar.y fuccours from me. In truth, Sire, you do not make me returns fuitable to the manner in which I ferve you -. and it appears to all the world that you do not value me much.- "I never was treated in the manner you treat me by the kings your predecefibr^ : from them I received many favouts, wherebv I was obliged to ferve them implicitly, and I am yet to receive the firft favour frorti your Majefty. If fatal and ruinous commiflions be not the favours I receive from you, I will be fo 'ree as ta tell you, that I have received BO other fince you were pleafrd to order me into thefe pr;rts." &c. p. 348. And there are a grca' many more letters in the fame ftrain. It is fro;n thefs the Duke of Sully, to whom Henry IV. communicated ail his cabinet fecrets, formed a judgement as to the difpofitions of the Duke de Nevers, and not from thofe he writ to fever^l other perfons, which fnew great attachment and zeal for the King's per- fen. which I 5 9<5. OF S U L LY. 77 which I took great pleafure. One day, when I was bufy in overfeeing my workmen, who were levelling the high grounds about two thoufand paces from my houfe, to bring thither two rivu- lets which form thofe two iheets of water which are at prefent near the great alley, a courier from Madam de Liancourt arrived, who brought me a letter from this lady, and another from his Ma- jefty, in which he informed me of his defigns upon Arras, and the methods by which he hoped to fucceed. I had never feen this prince in fo great a rage as by this letter he appeared to be againft the " impofitions aud rogueries (thefe were his ft words) of eight gluttons ; " who were given him, he faid, inftead of one that he had before : " Thofe " rafcals, (added he,) with that prodigious num- " ber of intendants, who have brought in all " their male and female goffips, feaft together, " and have confumed above a hundred thoufand " crowns, a fum large enough to drive all the " Spaniards out of France." This was, indeed, exactly true, which I fhall make fufficienly ma- nifeft when I enter into an account of the finances ; at prefent I fhall only relate two or three circum- ftances. The council of the finances fuppofed, that in order to furnifh the fupplies for the fiege of La- Fere, they fhould be called upon to clear their ac- counts : in this, however, they were miftaken, the King having put the fuperintendency of the liege wholly into my hands. Thefe fupplies Defcures, La-Corbiniere, and fome other contractors, with whom the financers lived in fuch intelligence, that they made ufe occasionally of their names, without admiting them to more than very fmall fhares, were engaged to procure. They then treated, un- der thefe borrowed names, with tradefmen and purveyors, who commonly ferved them at the low- eft 78 MEMOIRS Book VIII. eft prices, and contrived to charge to the King double or triple the real expence*. The following fact I had from the King himfelf. Very confiderable arrears were due from the royal treafury to the Swifs ibldiers, German horle, and other foreigners in the French pay. The council fuborned a man, named Otoplotc, who gave the receivers deputed by thefe foreigners to under- ftand, that they muft never expect to be paid, un- lefs they confented to reduce their demands to fuch a moderate fum as could be given them, without draining the exchequer. The reduction was a- agreed to ; but the gentlemen of the council charged the whole fum to the King's account, and by this means robbed his Majefty, or rather the lawful creditors, of the overplus. To this many other frauds of the fame kind may be added. Thefe gentlemen revelled in luxury, while the King and his houfhold wanted neceiTa- ries. A few days after that, on which his Majefty wrote to me, he fent to inform them that he had occafion f<-*r eight hundred thoufand crowns, for an enterprize of importance (the fiege of Arras ;) he intreated, he conjured them to let him have this fum, but in vain ; all the anfwer he could get was, that fo far from being able to furnifh him with what he demanded, they knew not how to fupply the expences of his houfhold. It is, indeed, curi- ous to fee how this houfhold was fupported. " I " am, (fays this amiable and worthy prince, in " a letter to me,) very near my enemies, and hard- " ly a horfe to carry me into the battle, nor a " complete fuit of armour to put on ; my fhirts " are all ragged, my doublets f out at elbows, my " kettle * This has been too much the cafe with Britain in the wars of 7743 and 1755. f " I have feen upon him, (fays Le Grain, 1. 8.) a coat of plain " white cloth, that was very much foiled 'by his bread- plate, and torn 1596. O F S U L L Y. 79 (< kettle is feldom on the fire, and thefe two laft " days I have {hift for a dinner, my purveyors " having informed me, that they have no longer " wherewithal to furnifh my table. " That of the gentlemen of the council were better provided, Henry, in his letter, deplored thefe monftrous a- bufes, lefs on his own account than on his people's whom he faid he looked upon as his children, iince heaven had given him no others, and propofed to me the deilgn of afTcmbling the ftates of the kingdom, to confider of a remedy for all thefe abuies. I obeyed the order the King gave me to burn his letter, but not till I had taken a copy of it ; and as the reafons for Keeping it fecret now no longer fubiift, I think it my duty to publish the contents, as a proof of the wifdom and goodnefs of this Prince. His Majefty concluded his letter with ordering me to come to him in Picardy, and to conduct his miftrefs thither. We were the only perfons to whom he could difclofe his thoughts with freedom. The letter from Madam de Lian- court was very fhort ; in it fhe informed me, that fhe would fct out the Tuefday following, in order to reach Maubuifibn on Wednefday, where fhe had a lifter, who was abbefs, and that fhe would wait for me till that time at Paris. I arrived at Corbeil on Saturday evening, in- tending to pals part of Sunday, and all Monday, at Paris, having fome purchases to make for the palace. Juft as I entered the ftreet de la Coutel- liere, I met a meffenger from Madam de Lian- court, who acquainted me, that that lady having received frelh letters from the King, and alfo an account that her lifter, the Abbefs of Maubuiflbn, was ill, Ihe had determined to fet out before the torn in the fleeves ; as alfo ftockings that were much worn and through on the fword-fide. day 8o MEMOIRS BookVIII. day appointed, and that I might join her at Pontoife. I fufpe&ed this lady had an intention to make her court to the King at the expence ot my dila- torinefs ; I therefore altered my refolution, and told my people, that 1 would go that fame night to MaubuhTon, without flopping at Paris, but on- ly while I refrefhed myfelf, and baited my horfes, which I did at the firft inn I came to, whofe iign was the three pigeons. The mention of this ina recals to my remembrance a comical adventure which happened to me there. Going up flairs withoitt any attendants, into a very large chamber, I there found a man walk- ing about it very faft, and fo abforbed in thought, that he neither faluted me, nor, as I imagine, perceived any entrance. Looking at him with more attention, every thing in his perfon, his manner, drefs, and phyfiognomy appeared to me very uncommon ; his body was long and lank, his vifage emaciated and fhrivelled, his beard thin and forked ; had a large hat on his head which covered his face, a cloak buttoned clofe at the collar, boots of an enormous fize, a fword that trailed on the ground, and in his hand a large double bag, like thole that are tied to faddle bows. I ailced him, pretty loud, if he lodged in that chamber, and why he feemed in fuch profound contemplation ? My man, difdaining the queftion, without faluting, or even deigning to look at me, anfwered me bluntly, that he was in his own chamber, and that he was thinking of his own affairs, as I might do of mine. Although I was a little furprifed at his. impertinence, I n~verthe- lefs defired him very civilly to permit me to dine in that chamber ; a propofal which he received grumbling, and was followed by a refufal ftill lels polite. That moment three of my gentlemen, my pages, and fome footmen, entering the room, my brutal companion thought lit to foften his i looks 1596. F S U L L Y. 81 looks and words, pulled off his hat, and offered me every thing in his power : then fuddenly, eying me with a fixed look, aiked me, with a wild air, where I was going ? I told him to meet the King : " What, Sir," replied he, " has the King fent for " you ? Pray tell me on what day and hour you " received his letters, and alfo at what hour you " fet out." It was not difficult to difcover an aftrologer by thefe queftions, which he aiked me with an invin- cible gravity. I was further obliged to tell him my age, and to allow him to look into my hands. After all thefe ceremonials were over, <{ Sir," faid he with an air of furprife and refpeft, " 1 will 44 reflgn my chamber to you very willingly, and " before it be long, many more perfons will quit " their places to you with more regret than I do " mine." The more I pretended to be aftonifh- ed at his great abilities, the more he endeavoured to give me proofs of them ; he promifed me riches, honours, and power (aftrologers are fel- dom niggards) and added, that if I would inform him of the hour of my birth, he would tell me all that had, or ever would happen to me : but without defiring to know my name, or telling me his, he thought proper, after thefe words, to leave me precipitately, excuiing himfelf for not fraying longer with me, upon the neceffity he was under to carry fome papers immediately to his advocate and procur tor. I made no efforts to detain him : but it was not the fame with my people, whom I perceived to be feized with fear and refpeft at every word this madman uttered. I diverted my wife with an account of this little ad- ven'ure in the firft letter I wrote to her In the evening I arrived at Maubuiffon, which is a fort cf fuburb to Pontoife : there I met K!a- dam de Liancourt, with whom I took the road Hext day to Clermont. I rode about feven or VOL. II. L eight 82 MEMOIRS Book VIII. aght hundred paces before the litter in which this lady was, and which was followed at fome diirance by a great unweildy coach that carried her women ; before and behind this coach marched ieveral mules loaded with baggage. About a league from Clermont, where the road was very narrow, a fteep hill on one fide, and a hanging valley on the other, leaving only room enough for two carriages to go a breaft ; the coachman alighting upon fome occafion or other, one of the mules palling near the fide of the coach, after it flopped, by its neighing, and the found of its bells, fo terrified the horfes, which unfortunately happened to be young and fkittifh, that, taking the bit betv.-een their teeth, they drew the coach along with fuch rapidity, that meeting with two other mules, they rode them down, The women within, feeing a thoufand abyfles opened under their feet, apprehended their danger, and fcnt forth moft doleful cries. In vain did the coachman and muleteers call, bawl, and ftrain ; the horles could not be flopped. They were already within titty paces of the litter, when Madam de Liancourt, a- larmed by the noife, looked out at the coach door. She gave a frightful fhriek upon feeing no poffi- bility of preventing her litter from being overturn- ed. I alfo turned back, and trembling at the danger in which I faw this lady and her retinue, without being able to affift them on account of the diftance I was at, " Ah! friend," faid I to La- Font. " the women will be dallied in pieces, what " will become of us ? and what will the King fay :" While I was thus foeaking, I pufhed myhorfe for- ward with all rny ftrength ; but this was needlefs, and T fhould have come too late. By one of thofe lucky chances, which have in them fomething miraculous, when the danger was givateir, the axle-tree of the little wheels co- ming out of the nave by a violent fliock which broke 1596". O F S U L L Y. 83 broke the pegs, the two wheels fell on each fide, and the coach to the ground, and there flopped ; one of the hindmoft horfes was thrown down by the fhock, and kept in the other ; the fore horics broke their traces, and panned fo clofe to the litter, which was already at the extremity of the preci- pice, that it is plain, if they had drawn the coach along with it, it would have been thrown over it. 1 Hopped them, and gave them to my dome- ftics to hold ; after which I flew to relieve Ma- dam de Liancourt, who was half dead with tru hf. I went next to the coach, and aflifled the women to get out of it : they were for having the coach- man hanged, and I was complaiiant enough to cane him ibundly. At length their terrors being entirely dillipated, and the carnage refitted, we reiumed our journey ; and till we arrived at Cler- mont, I continued to ride clofe to Madam de Liaa- court's litter. The King had fet out for this place to meet his miftrefs, and arrived there a quarter of an hour after us. 1 did not fail to inform him immediate- ly of what had happened ; and while I was relating this adventure, I obferved him attentively, and faw him turn pale and tremble. By thefe emotions, which I never perceived in him in the greateft dan- gers, it was ealy to judge of the violence of his paffion for this lady. The firft moments were given to tendernefs ; after which the King confulted with me concern- ing the flate of his affairs. That which was of mofl confcquence at prefent, was the advice he had juft received, by a letter from Rouen, that the Duke of Montpenfier, engaged more ftrufdy than ever with the .factious courtiers, had formed a very dangerous dcfign againft his royal perfon (this defign was not explained) ; and that he was endeavouring by all forts of methods, to gain himfelf dependents. The King was fo much the L 2 more 84 MEMOIRS Book VIII. more afflicted at this news, as he really loved the Duke of Montpenfier ; and fince policy hindered him from marrying his lifter to the Count of Soiffons, or any of the princes of Lorrain, he was accuftoined to look upon this Prince as his future brother-in-law. He infifted that all other bufinefs being poftponed for this, I fhould go immediately to Rouen, and there either prevail upon the Duke of Montpenfier to return to his duty, or difconcert all his intrigues. I ftaid fix days at Rouen, and during that time I had fufficient reafon to be convinced that the imputations againft this Prince were abfoluteiy falfe, and an artifice of thofe who fought to throw the government into confufion. The Duke of Montpenfier, whole fentiments were very differ- ent from thofe of which he was accufed, fuffered nothing to appear either in- his actions or difcourfe, but what proved his ftricl attatchment to the King. Thofe perfons with whom he had had the clofefl connections, durft not in his prefence avow any principle contrary to his, and defpaired of ever gaining him One day when he did me the ho- nour to invite me to dine with him, he talked to me of his refolution to continue inviolable in his duty to the King, with a candour and freedom which thole who know him are lenfible he would not have been capable of, had he been confcious of any fecret guilt ; and although he did not feek to juftify himfelf, yet innocence carries along with it certain filent proofs, which can hardly be mif- taken. He embraced me feveral times as a man who was dear to him by being faithfully devoted to the King; and on that account promifed me his friendlhip, of which I have fince had many inftances. I mentioned to him his marriage with the Princefs Catharine, as an affair in which the King was a 9 foilicitous for his fuccefs as he him-' ielf could be. He confefied to me that he had ne- ver 1596. O F S U L LY. 85 ver defired any thing with fo much ardour as the polTeffion of this princefs, but that he durft not flatter himfelf with a hope of obtaining her, fince he had not qualities, he faid, capable of gaining her heart, or of fubduing the afcendant the Count of Soifibns had over him. I remained entirely Jatisfied with the Duke of Montpeniier's fenti- ments, and refolved to give a good account of them to the King. The remainder of the time I ftaid at Rouen I employed in renewing my former friend- fhips with leveral perfons, among whom were the lirft Preiident De Eoquemare, Meffieurs De Lan- quetot, De Gremonville, De Bourgtheroulde, DC Berniere, all members of the parliament ; the Ab- bots De Tiron, and Martinbault ; the Sieurs De Motteville. Des Hameaux, De Mefnil, Captain of the Old Palace ; De La Haulle, De Menen- court, Du Mefnil bafil, an4 others, by whom I was treated and whom I treated in my turn. I lodged with La Pile, one of my particular friends. I found the King ftill at Amiens *, where a few- days after arrived deputies from the principal cities of Provence and Languedoc, whofe compli- ments and harangues his Majefty received with his ufual goodnefs 1 he deputy from Marfeilles was heard with moft pleafure, as he fpoke for a city fo ancient, and at all times fo faithful to its fove- reigns. The King being not only undeceived by my re- port of the Duke of Montpeniier, but alfo more than ever convinced of his affection, refolved to make one effort more in his favour : and unfortu- nately I was the perfon whom he fixed upon to * The deruties of the town of Amiens fpeaking to him, in their addrefs, of Hei'rv III.'s goodmfs ; " Yes" fays he to them, he was ~** a good prince, but he was afraid of y-ui 5 and for my part 1 nei- *' ther fear nor love you." Le Grain, D-xaJe d'H-nry le Grand, 1. x. difcharge 86 MEMOIRS Book VIII. difcharge this new commiffion. Having fent for me one night to his bediide, he told me that, un- der a pretence of vin'ting the Princefs Catharine, I mull go and endeavour to prevail upon her to give the Duke of Montpeniier that place in her heart which the Count of SoifTons*, notwith- Itanding the facrifice of the marriage-contract, ftill pofieffcd. After what had happened to me at Chartres upon this occafion, I thought it prefump- tuous to embark in an affair in which it was im- pcffible to fucceed. I conjured the King not to expofe me, by this new attempt, to the eternal ha- tred of this Princefs and the Count. My intreaties, preffing as they were, had no effect : he anfwered me only with the proverb, *' A good mafter, a " bold iervant j" and obedience was the only choice left me. My laft reiburce was to demand my commiffion in writing, that it might fecure me againft the fate of many courtiers, who have been difgraced for acting with a blind obedience to their mafier, a- gainftperfons of that rank ; and, befides a letter of compliment to the Princefs, I required a fecond, in which he fhould tell the motives of my journey, the nature of his orders, and the manner, and ar- guments by which he den'red I fhould in force them. When I made this propoial, the King, always tenacious of what concerned his honour, re- plied, that his greateft enemies never demanded itronger fccurity than his word. I anfwered, by affuring him, that I would never make ufe of it but in cafes of extremity ; and that if the Princefs fhould appear difpofed to comply with his defires, provided I could convince her, that I acted folely by his authority, this writing would then be necef- * Sheufed to fay to fuch as fpoke to her by the King's order, " A- " bcveall things, I will have mv Court." W,uthitu, torn. 2 ). 2. P. 628. fary. O F S U L L Y. 87 fary. The King yielded to this laft argument ; and, being furnUhed with this authentic writing, i let out for Fountaincblcau, where the Princds then was, extremely perplexed with the commiilion i had un- dertaken. I ftaid only one day at Paris, from whence I went to the Princefs, who expected me with fome impatience, the King having informed her Tome clays before by Lomenie of rny intended journey, without explaining the occaiion of it. She had flattered herfelf (for love, if it fears all, hopes all likewife) that I might poffibly be come to make the Count of Soiffons happy ; and this thought made me happy alfo, as long as it lafted, which Avas the two firft days ; for thofe I thought necef- fary to give to civility and compliments. She al- tered her behaviour on the third, when fhe found that I only introduced the fubiect of her love with no intention, but to declare to her, that the Count of Soiffons had, by his imprudent conduct, in- cenfed the King to fuch a degree, that Ihe ought no l>nger to think of making him her hufband : for I judged it proper to begin by removing one lover, before I endeavoured to in roduce another. Although in fpeaking of the Count de SoiiTons, I made ufe of the gentleft terms that my imagi- nation could fuggeft, he had in the Princefs fo zea- lous an advocate, that her anfwer was a feries of the harfheft epithets, and menaces to deprive me of the King's favour. Aftonifhed at a rage fo fudden and violent, I thought of nothing but ap- pealing her, othenvife my commiffion would have that moment been at an end. I therefore intreated her to hear me, and began a tedious fpeech, of which I knew not myfelf the end. And firft I in- troduced a long and eloquent protenVitSon of my re I peel, attachment, and earneft cltfire to ferve her ; during which I racked my imagination, in vain, to furnifh me with the means of calming her mind, 88 MEMOIRS Book VIII. mind, fince what it was mod necefiary fhe fhould hear, namely, the Count of Soiflbn's iniolent be- haviour to the King, was precifely what would molt readily work her into a paffion. I ventured, however, to break through this difficulty, and conjured her to reflect ferioufly whether this Prince had, by his whole conduct, deferved that the King fhould endeavour to make him happy. It was the hope only that a difcourfe, whofe beginning was fo difagreeable, would end in a manner favourable to her paffion, that obliged the Princefs to give any at- tention to me ; which I judged by thole emotions of anger and difdain hich alternately appeared in the flufhing and palenefs of her face. I continued to lay before her, with all the mode- ration imaginable, the many caufes of diiTatif- fadlion which the Count had given the King, par- ticularly his behaviour in Burgundy, certainly in- excufable even in the eyes of a miftrefs I ufed, however, the precaution to repeat it frequently that, for my own part, I believed the Count to be ve- ry diftant from thofe fentiments which, from his conduct, might be afcribed to him : I dwelt upon the confequences it muft unavoidably have, at a time when a procefs was actually commenced a- gainft the Prince/s of Conde, by which the Prince her fon, (till a Huguenot, lived uncertain of his ftate, in a kind of exile at P^ochelle. This affair being of the number of thofe in which juftice a- lone was not Sufficient, the friends of the young Prince would have found it difficult to have fcatter- ed thofe accufations againft the mother, and fe- cured to the fon his rank of firft Prince of the blood, and prefumptive heir to the crown, if the King by fuppreffing the records and evidence of the procefs, as he did at laft, had not interested himfelf in the justification of the one, and in the defence of the other. I made the Princefs fen- fible, that the Count was matter of his own fate, i but 1596. O F S U L L Y. 89 but that he made fo bad an tife of the King's fa- vourable difpofitions towards him, that he would infallibly oblige him to engage in the interefts of his rival. In fhort, I imagine, I faid enough to have made any other think the Prince highly culpable. The Princefs, who, during this difcourfe, had fallen into a reverie, occafioned more by vexation, than prudent reflections, interrupted me here, to haften to that conclufion of which at fiift 1 had gi- ven her a favourable profpecl, and which feemed more remote in proportion as I lengthened my fpeech. But having once begun, Jhe wasnotfuffi- ciently miltrefs of herfelf, to ftop where fhe intend- ed ; and giving way to the rage that filled her heart, ihe fell upon me a fecond time, who, fhe faid, on- ly fought to deceive her, and upon the King her brother, " who loves me fo much," faid (lie iro- nically, " that he cannot refolve to get rid of me ; and as a proof entered into a long enumeration of her lovers : amongft whom it would have been. eafy for me to prove, that (he had milled of an e - iiablifhment through her own fault; as when (he refufed the King of Scotland. In the courfe of her complaints fhe neither fpared the Queen her mother, nor King Henry III. who, fhe faid, had all confpired to keep her fingle Her frock of ran- cour being almoit exhaufted by fo many invectives, the fofter paffion took its place, and naturally- turned her thoughts on the Count of hoiffons ; a fubject which fhe treated not lefs amply, but in a manner very different from the former. At length, recol:ec"ling that her deiign by inter- rupting me, was to hear that advice by which, I told her, all paft errors might be repaired, flie aikcd me poutively what that advice was, but with the fame tone of malignant raillery ; by which I v/as ft ill better convinced, that her mind was irri- tated beyond the power of human eloquence to cure. But, prelied by the queftion, I replied, " By the Count of SohTon's doing the very con- VoL.II. M trary po MEMOIRS Book -VIII. ice of thefe people v.-as not yet fatisfied, and, und-T pretence of the lofles at Calais, Cam- bray, Ardrefs, &c. they allowed fuch drawbacks upon all the other parts of the King's revenues, that, inftead of increaling, they became percep- tibly lefs. The King, amidft that juft indigna- tion which this knowledge infpirecl, fent for me, and 1596. O F S U L L Y. 107 and commanded me to go to Paris, to inquire from whence fo great a diffipation of the money proceeded, which could only take its rife from the council. I replied, that his Majefty having cer- tainly revoked the order he had once given to Vil- leroi, to difpatch my commiifion, flnce I had not received it, I had no right to intrude into the council, or to meddle with the affairs tranfacted there. " How ! (faid Henry,) concealing his con- fcioufnefs of this reproach,) then Beringhen has not given you your commiffion, and a letter from Villeroi, which he has had thefe fifteen days : you fee this heavy German would have forgot them." While, by the King's orders, I went to make preparations for my journey, that I might reach Claye that evening, his Majefty fpoke to Beringhen, who confented to take all the blame upon himfelf. During this interval, a thought came into my head, which 1 communi- cated to the King when I returned to receive his laft orders. I told him, that I thought it would be neceffary for me to go, before the day appoint- ed for the opening of the ftates, to fome of the principal diftricls of the kingdom, to procure there a more certain account of the prefent {rate of his Majefty 's revenues, the diminution they had fuf- fered, and the augmentations they would admit of, to the end that his Majefty might regulace his demands upon the ftates according to this fcheme, which, however imperfect, might Hill, in propor- tion, throw fome light upon the ftrength of the more diftant diftricls, and confequently upon the whole kingdom : that, befides this advantage, I did not defpair of procuring for him, in thofe di- ftricls only which I fhould viilt, the three or four hundred thoufand crowns which he had demanded in vain of the council. I thought it would be ufe- lefs, and~even imprudent, to take upon myfelf to make this examination, without fuch an inftru- O 2 ment io MEMOIRS Book VIII. xnent as appeared to me to be the moll effectual means to prevent my being deceived, which was a full power from the King to fufpend the contumacious receivers and overfeers from the ex- ercife of their office, or even to difcard them en- tirely, and to reward the integrity of thoie who were beft difpofed to promote the good of his Ma- jefty's fervice. Henry highly approved of the efTential part of this fcheme, but altered fomething of the manner in which it was to be propofed to the council. He was of opinion, that I ihould take fuch mea- fures in offering this advice to them, that thofe who moft valued themfelves upon the ftrength of their genius, fuch as Sancy, bchomberg, Frefne, and La-Grangeleroi, might feize the hint firft themfelves^ and fo pafs, at leaft in part, for the authors of it ; and likewife, that each one in the company might flatter himfelf, that this commif- fion would be given to him, or through his means, to the intendants and matters of requefts, who were wholly at his devotion. Nothing could be more prudent than this medium, which gratified alike the vanity of fome, and the rapacity of all. Accordingly I took my place in the council, where, by a miracle, to be found only in courts, my colleagues, who inwardly pined with vexa- tion, fuffered nothing but joy to appear in their countenances, words, and behaviour. I was al- moft deceived myfelf by that profufion of praifes with which the chancellor loaded me, and the manner in which he told me I had been expected by them with the utmoft impatience fuch is the art of courtiers ; they fettle it amongft themfelves, that however grofsly they play the counterfeit, they fliould not appear ridiculous to each other. The treaty with the Duke of JViaienne, which had been agreed upon fome time before, was con- cluded during the King's ftay at Monceaux. When 1596. O F S U L LY. When the King was at Amiens, the Duke had fent a man to him, named D'Efrienne, to know what place would be agreeable to his Majefty, for him to come and pay him his refpcts ; and the King appointed Monccaux, in confideration of the: JJuke's indiipofition, which would not permit him to make longer journies than from Amiens to SoilTons, where he refided. The King was walking in his park, attended only by me, and holding my hand, when the Duke of Maienne ar- rided, who put one knee to the ground, with the lowell lubmiilions, and added to a promife of in- violable lidelity his acknowledgments to his Ma- jefty for having forced him, he laid, from the arrogance of the Spaniards, and the artifice of the Italians. Henry, who, as foon -as he faw him approach, had advanced to meet him, embraced him thrice, and forcing him to rife, embraced hi.n again with that goodnefs which he never with- held from a fubjecl: that retured to his duty ; then taking his hand, he made him walk with him in his park, converiing with him familarly upon the embellil'hmentshe defigned to make in it. The King walked fo faft, that the Duke of Maienne, equally fatigued by his fciatica, his fat, and the extreme heat of the weather, fuffered great torments without daring to complain. The King perceiving it, by the Duke being red, and in a Iweat, whifpered to me, " If I walk longer (laid " he,) with this corpulent body, I fhall revenge " myfelfupon him, without any great difficulty, " for all the mifchiefs he has done us." Then turning to the Duke of Maienne, " Tell me truly, " coulin, (purfued he,) do I not walk a little too " fail for you ? " The Duke replied, that he was almoft ftifled ; and that, if his Majefty walked but a very little while longer, he would kill him with- out deligning it. " Hold there, coufin, (replied *' the King with a fmile, embracing him again, " and no MEMOIRS Book VIII. " and lightly taping his fhoulder,) for this is all " the vengeance you will ever receive from me." The Duke of Mai'enne, fenfibly affe&ed with this frank behaviour, attempted to kneel and kits the hand his Majefty gave him ; and protefted that he would henceforwards ferve him even againft his own children. " I believe it, (faid Henry ;) and " that you may love and ferve me a long time, go " to the caftle and reft and refrefh yourfelf, for " for you have much need of it. I will give you a couple of bottles of Arbois wine, for I know you do not hate it : here is Rofny, whom 1 re- iign to accompany you ; he mall do the honours of my houfe, and attend you to your chamber ; he is one of my oldeft fervants, and one of thofe who is moft rejoiced at your heartily refolving to ferve, and love me affectionately." The King continuing his walk, left me with the Duke of Mai'enne, whom I conducted to a fummer-houfe to repofe himfelf, and afterwards attended him on horfeback to the caftle, as much fatisfied with the King and me as we were both with him. The King thought Monceaux ib agreeable a place, that he ftaid there longer than he had at firft intended : He fent for the Conftable and Villeroi from Amiens, and ordered the council of the finances to reiide at Meaux, for the conveniency of receiving his commands. I had not yet pro- pofed in it my fcheme of vifiting the diftrifts. His Majefty, more and more convinced, that it mufr. have good confequences, took upon himfelf the tafk of propofing it. At the h'rft hint he gave of it, the counfellors, who thought none but them- felves could be defigned for this employment, and each of whom was attentive to his own particular intereft, without prejudicing that of the iociety in general, approved of the defign ; but were greatly furprifed, when they found that, amongft them all, the King only named La Grangeleroi for this purpofe, i 5 rt of e;ite r pri(es : the fitft is an au.hority in the l^g.flitor, x'uffir-enily gre.it j>ot 10 be ^bilged to change, or abate the leaft title cf his p an through fear, policy, or compliance ; the feccnd, is a wif- j >m eouaily gr^at, to prepare al! the rr^ans for putting it in execu- VoL.II. R tion, 130 MEMOIRS Book VIII. Accordingly they beftowed their time and pains with raking old regulations and ftatutes out of the diift, and went on ftill enlarging the collection, which they found already to be of no value, till an impoffibility came full in their view, and deftroyed their project ; for it appeared that thcfe old confti- tutions were adapted to a form of government in which royalty, though decorated with a fptcious title, was a ftate of fervitude ; and could therefore not be applied to a time when the public intereft had concentered in a fingle perfon the authority Avhich. was formerly diftributed amongft great num- bers, and eftablifhed monarchy as the fureft foun- dation of general fecurity. This fancy was followed by another, which held them for a time by fome fpecious appearances, though, in effect, it was no lefs inconvenient than the former. This was the eftabiifhment of a new council, which they thought it proper to denomi- nate the council of reafon, whofe members fhould be firft named by the afTembly, and afterwards by the fovereign courts. But there was already a council of this kind, and that very council had been apparently the caufe of the diforders in the finances, and the abject poverty of the nation. This fignified nothing; the whole multitude fufrer- ed themfelves to be io dazzled by a fine name, and a new choice, that it was pfopbfed and agreed to make the fame evil its ov.-n remedy. It was deter- tion. Amidft a great nutr.bcr of real changes that have been rn^de in the different parts of tlie government, which w.il be ieen in the lequei of thefe memoirs, we may obferve a ftill greater r umber of projects ifh'di have not been executed, though formed a grta: v-hileasjo: and v. h:t is the reafon? Why, bccaufe Henrv the pteiit and his miniher wsiclicH and waited for the proper con'un&ures and circumstances, feft. "rich ihruid render them certain and infallible. I \\ i 1 rot fcruple to lav, that pcrleft fri)\] ^onfifts not in imagining, but in knowing, tiie hr.ziirds that pr ceed from too g'eat precipitation, r.nd too great ; '-. Cif the proper opportunity j and in fhort, to knew !.:,\v to co..uuft and how to piepa:c i'ui it. mined 1596. O F S U L L Y. 131 mined that the new council fliould divide the King's revenue into two parts, which they eftimated, with- out much examination, at thirty millions of livres* ; that they fhould keep one half in their own hands, for the difcharge of arrears, penfions, falaries, and other public debts and engagements ; and that out of the fame fum they fliould repair or erecl: cities, buildings, roads, or other public works ; and that of this fum neither the King nor the fovereign court ihould have power to take cognizance, or examine the application. It may eafily be imagined, how the members of the council flattered their rapacity by a difpofal fo abfolute and unaccountable of half the revenues of the ftate : let us for a moment fup- pofe them difhoneft in their management, what num- bers muft be diftrefied, what confufion and ruin muft enfue ! The other part was left to the King, to be ma- naged by him, or his minifters, with equal exemp- tion from account. This fhare was burthened with all the expences of the artillery and fortifications, all foreign affairs, embaffies, and negotiations, the fupport of his houfhold, his buildings, and his e- quipage, the payment of his officers, and his pi-ivy purie. Neither party was confined by any prefcrip- tions, as to the manner of raifing or managing ei- ther fhare of the revenue ; fo they preferved that mutual independence on which the projectors va- lued themfelves ; as if the ftrength of the kingdom did not depend upon the power of afiilting, ac- cording to their refpedlive need, any of the parts that ihould happen to be in diftrefs, and fupplying * The author has reafon to fay that this computation is not ex- act, fince, noiwithftanding the augmentaiion of the King's revenues, and the clearing of his debts that happened under his miniftry, and which may he feen in the ftquel ot thele memoirs to amount to a very connYerable Aim. Cardinal Rkhelieu did rot value the whole- revenues of the ftate,, after all the alterations which he himf If had iade, at more than thirty five millions. Ted. Pol. part z. p. i ra. IV 2 the 132 MEMOIRS Book VIII. the difeafed, if I may ufe the exprefiion, with the fupcrfluous blood of thofc that are more found. As the thirty millions at which the royal reve- nues have been rated, were fufpected to be fome- what more than their real value, they refolved to create a new tax, by laying five per cent. * upon all merchandiles f, and provifions bought and ibid in the kingdom, by wholefale or retail. When they computed the amount of the trade of particu- lar perfons. and the expences of neceffity, conve- nience, and luxury, they concluded that this new tax might fafely be raced at five mHions ; and the happy notion was bleft a thoufand times though in reality the fcheme was no leis chimerical than the new computation was erroneous 4;. When the affembly had thus brought their fcheme in all its branches to perfection, they fent it by their deputies to the King, who received the propofal in his council. The indignation raifed by this project: inftantly appeared by fuch a confufion, of outcries and murmurs, that the King had great difficulty to make the council give their opinions one by one. The field of difcuffion was boundlefs ; every man was made eloquent by vexation and re- fentment. When my turn came, I fatisfied myfelf with faying coolly, that I had nothing to add to * We have feen a tranflation of thefe memoirs which uniformly renders f*u pourli-vre, f{ a penny in the (hilling," which is a twelfth part, whena= a feu is nly the twentieth part of a livre. f- C"rn was the on'.y th ng that was exempted. j M. de Sully thinks ar.d fpeaks of the efhbfifhifie a fou in the ]ivre, or (hilling in the pound, as almoft the whole world thought an.T fpnke of it at that rme Lc Grain neverthdefs gives his fuft'rage to this iax, I. 6 Ma'thieu does not condemn it ; ard what is of greater weight, Ca-dinal Ric elieu finds it to be fo much the more juft as it is eflab.'ifhed, fays he, in divers other fla es, and had oeen already re- folved on by a body of the ftates, under Francis I. However, the dif- ficulties and inconveniencies which M. de Sully mentions in the lequel are real, and partly the fame which made Richelieu be the firft entirely to difTuade Lswis XIII. from eftabliitiag it. Teft. Pol. p. z C. 9- 7. fuch 1596. O F S U L LY. 133 iuch fine harangues. The King, who obferved me attentively, and wondered at my caution, refolved to have a private converfation with n~-,e before he gave the fuffrage which was to determine for or a- gainft the aflembly's icheme; he therefore adjourn- ed the confideration of the affair till the morrow, in the prefence of the fame perlbns As icon as we were alone, he aikcd me with eagerncfs the rea- fon of my lilence ; and I offered to his confidera- tion the following obfervations. It is certain, that the aiTembly were fo infatua- ted with their new fcheme, that if the King ftiould follow the opinion of his council, and reject it with fcorn, he would expole himfelf to the danger of a general diffatisfaction ; the more dangerous becaufe the ftates aflembled acknowledged no fuperior, nor allowed that even the King had power to alter their decifions. One of the moft important maxims of monarchical government is, that the King fhould take care not to reduce his fubjedts to acts of difo- bedience, or even to words of difrefpect ; befides, the King would directly break the word by which he had promifed the aiTembly to conform himfelf to their refolutions : and to conclude, all they who contrived, or had adopted the fcheme, would make the rejection of it by the King an argument, by which they would convince themfelves, that this was the true fcheme of affairs, till by an attempt to put it in execution they were cured of their no- tion, and would infinuate, that only their Prince had prevented them from feeing that practice efta- blifhed in France, which had been for fo long a time defired. Every body knows, that it is the dif- pofition of the people, efpecially of thofe that have fpirit and refentment, to fpeak difrefpectfully of their fovereign's meafures. On the other fide, it was equally certain that this project was at once deftructive in its tendency, and impracticable in its execution ; to give a full con- i 3 4 MEMOIRS BookVIIt ' conviction of this, the leaft knowledge of the fi- nances was fulHcient. Beikles the obftru&ions which I have juft been mentioning, how many more muft arife from the competitions which would be produced by an election of the members of the council, who were to be taken equally from all the provinces of the kingdom ? No fooner could this fcheme, which was now only iketched out, be branched into particulars, than that appearance of impartiality and juftice, by which the conduct of public affairs muft be necefiarily thrown into the hands of new and unexperienced men, would oc- cafion innumerable mifcalculatioris and miftakes. It was apparent that the heads of the new council would immediately grow giddy, and that all the meafures they would take would be only blunder accumulated on blunder. From the impoffibility that any advantage fhould arife from this fcheme, I drew my arguments to perfuade the King to confent to it ; by which he would obtain, in the eyes of his people, the honour of falling readily into the meafures which they themfeivcrs had propofed ; and this condefcenfion would be fo far from lefTening the royal authority, that when the new council had made the melan- cholly experiment of their ftrength, he would ul- timately receive this advantage, that all the parts of the finances would return into his own hands more exempted from dependence. As the calculation of the royal revenues was made by the aflembly, and the council felecled from it, it would be fuppofed that they had taken in all neceffary confiderations relating to thofe payments, of which the collection was mo ft difficult and expensive : they could not therefore take it amifs, that the King chofe his fif- teen million out of that part which he liked beft. Chuiing for his part the revenue of the five great forms, Kfcheats and Cafual-rents, Crown-lands and Subfidks, or Royal Aids, he might expect, without 1596. O F S U L L Y. * 35 without prefumption, to fee them doubled, if not trebled, in a fhort time. This I fpoke with full confidence, becaufe I had already provided myfelf of refponfible people, who had engaged to take thefe farms at a confiderable advance. With re- fpeft to that which remained in the hands of the council of reafon, the cafe was quite otherwife ; and 1 would have been bound to the king, that the five per cent, amongft others, would not, when all expences were defrayed, bring in above two hun- dred thoufand crowns clear money. The reafori why I did not give ihis opinion open- ly in the council, was, becaufe I thought it proper that it fhould feem to come from the King himfelf. The King, after having heard me with great atten- tion, was afraid left my advice fhould bring him into difficulties, and into a miftake in fome Ibrt ir- retrievable ; but having considered my reafons very ferioufly, he refolved to follow my opinion. When the council met next day, they gave their votes as the day before, and I voted in the fame fide. The King declared that he could not follow their advice, left them in the utmoft alloniihment, and went in to the arTembly, where he declared, in itrong terms, that finding himfelf difpofed to pro- mote, with all his power, the inclinations of fo wife a body, he received their fcheme without any qua- lification or reftriction, which he considered as con- fifting of three articles ; the erection of an inde- pendent council, the division of the public reve- nues, and the railing a tax of five per cent. ; that the afTembly had nothing to do but in twenty four hours to name the council ; to give in a Schedule of the thirty millions, that he might chide his own, fhare : and that they fhould fee, by his conduft, whether he or the council were the better cccono- mifts. The goodnefs and compliance of the King were loudly praifed ; and the council finding itfeit" concluded by a determination fo unanimous, whiclx left i^6 MEMOIRS Book VIII. left no farther room for debate, at leaft between the King and his fubjefts, thought of nothing but returning to Paris, there to conclude this mafter- piece of policy. The new council was not formed with fo little difturbance as had been expected ; that change of temper which retarded the election was fo great, that people of penetration faw from that moment how chimerical a fcheme had been embraced by th- multitude. The nomination was at laft completed, in which the clergy were very bufy from the firft ; and the Cardinal tie Gondy, famous for his ceco- nominal abilities, was put at its head> as if public affairs was to be adminiftered by the fame rules as thofe of a private houfe. The council of realon held their meetings regularly in the epifcopal pa- lace, where the Cardinal had affigned them an a- partment. But no fooner had they begun to lay papers upon the table for the collection of the payments of the enfuing year 1597, but thefe new money-mongers were fo much perplexed, that they knew not on which lide to turn them. The farther th^y went the more the labyrinth was perplexed ; they found no body that would undertake for the five per cent.', the farmers afked for other funds, but at a dif- count which put them quite at a lofs ; and to add to their 1 vexation, the bufinefs could not be put off: all the penfioners of the ftate came upon them, and talked of nothing but millions to people that had not yet got a lingle farthing. Chagrin and vexa- tion foon broke the unanimity of the new council ; they began immediately to quarrel, and reproach one another with ignorance and rafhnefs. The thing was come, in a few weeks, to this pafs, that the council of reafon could do nothing reafonably ; and they were forced to apply to D'ln- carville and me, and begged of us to corne, at lead once a week, and give them fuch council as we 2 gave 1596. O F S U L L Y 137 gave the King, whofe part of the revenue they faw growing and fiouriihing day after day I excufed my f elf on account of my employ, which took me tip altogether. They then addreffcd the King ; who, with his ordinary goodnefs, commanded me to go : but I did not forget, o-\ that occafion, what was neceffary to his fervice. I lamented the Hate of the affairs of the council ; I found no means of extrication, and 1 helped forward nothing but per- plexity. In Ihort, fcarce three months had paifed before thefe profound politicians, being at the end of all their art, and linking under their burden, went to the King to beg to be difcharged. The King, who I believe began to like this new regula- tion that fet him at eafe, told them that every thing \vas difficult at firft ; advifed them to take heart, and fent them away confuted by their own reafons. But they foon came back, and changed their intrea- ties to importunity ; confeffed that they had been, in the wrong when they undertook to govern the kingdom, and fhewed a thoufand times more fa- tisfaclion on their difmiflion from their employ- ment, than at their advancement to it. This burden fell upon me, as an addition to that with which I was already loaded, and my labour was fo great, that it required both my days and nights. As I had a kind of paffion for the re-eftablifh- ment of the finances, I made prodigious advances in the ancient regifters of the council of ftate, the parliaments, the chambers of accounts, and the courts of aids, and even in the private accounts of the former fecretaries of ftate, for the new ones would not communicate theirs. I did the fame thing in the offices of the treafurers of France, in the treafury chamber, and in the papers of the treafurers of the exchequer * : I raked even into that * c( Rofny before he entered upon his-'ffice of fupcrintendent, had " fVnifr.cd himfdf with all the neceflary informations, the better I 3 8 MEMOIRS Book VIII. that vaft collection where nil the ordonnances ars kept infcribed. Having a defign to draw up a ge- neral Hate of the finances for the year 1505, which was the end of all my refearches, I thought it fit to negloct nothing, th.it i might come as near as was poffible, in the firft year of my management, to the exactnefs to \\hich i earneftly defired to carry it. Whatever fraud or miftake had crept into the fi- nances, I imagined that it could be neither fo grea'c nor lo general, but I fhould be able to prove and, fhtw its original, by comparing thefe pieces which I have been mentioning, or by the inferences to be drawn from them, with a due obfervation of the different proportions of various times and altera- tions of affairs. The people of the King's council were frighted at the fight of my project, and beginning to ima- gine that I ihould throw every thing open, blamed themfelves now more than ever for not having with much vigour oppofed my admiffion into the coun- cil. MaiiTes, to whom I muft do this juftice, that as foon as he diicovered my intentions he joined his endeavours with mine, gave me information of their terrors and regret. To confirm them in their fufpicions, I declared in public, that I had obtained fuch intelligence about the finances, that they would be prefently regulated upon another plin ; and 1 defired that the comptroller-general, the intendant of the finances of France, the trea- jfurer of the exchequer, and the receivers- general, fhotild be joined with me, in order to draw up this general ftate of the finances, of which thcie very men were in fuch terror. I had the care, how- " to be enabled to acquit himfelf therein : he perfectly knew all the " revenues of the kingdom, and .-.1! 'he exnevies necei ; ary in railing '" them: hecommumcau-d .!! that hf knew of this matter to (he " Ku g, who had in lik ma ner ftuditd all thefe tilings thoroughly ' h'.mlelf," &c, Peref. p. 225. ever, i 5 9<5. OF SULLY. i 3 ever, to keep the pen always between my own fin- gers. However, I could not this time keep myfelt clear of feveral confiderable errors, nor efcape being tricked by thefe old practitioners. I think it is no lhame to confefs it ; this very year they gained a profit of one fifth, which is exorbitant, though in- finitely lefs than their ordinary gains, i propofed the next year to remedy both this and another mi- ftake which I had committed : one of the chief tricks of the financiers was, to make the expence of the current year appear to be much more than, the receipt, and to anticipate the revenues of the following year; by which means the expence of the next year, and of all the reft in fucceflion, was thrown into confufion, from which thefe men drew many advantages, particularly that of appearing never to have money which was not pre-engaged long before, and of being able to alledge this ex- cufe to the King, and all thofe whom they were not inclined to pay. In the fecond place, they made ufe of that money : and, to conclude, they compounded for the old debts at a very low price, and yet charged them entire in their accounts. This negligence cf mine coft the kingdom this year two millions. This fault I corrected the following year, during my reiidence in Britany r fo that from that time forward the receipts and expences exactly agreed. And, in the mean time, to fill up the deficiency which my miftake had made, I took the parties cafuelles, les gabelles, the five great farms, and the toll of the rivers, out of the hands of the Dake of Florence, who held them under the names of Gon- dy, Senamy, Zamet, Le-Grand, Parent, L'Argen- tier, and other old managers, who had no fhare in the new finances ; and I increafecl thefe farms with. two millions that had been loft by mifcomputation. The contractors for the finances, and their affb- S 2 elates 14 MEMOIRS Book VIII. ciates of the council, were thunder ftruck with this laft blow ; but for this time their fpitc vented itfelf in fnloke, the King having fupported me for Come time in a manner lo confpicuous, as funk them all into inactive defpondency. The confequence of his conduct to the afl'embly was, that he was made mafter, not only of the pretended council of reafon, but likewife of his own, whofe authority wa? now declining ; and he had no longer reafon to fear that his defigns would mifcarry, as formerly, by their obftruction. The defign in which he was then actually en- gaged, was the fiege of Arras, which hsd been, propofed in the council of war, which, excepting onlv the fecretary, conu'ited merely of men of ac- tion : it had there pafied without oppofition ; but the refolution was kept fecret, becaufe only by concealment could we be allured of fuccefs. That the commhTaries with whom I agreed for fupplies of all neceffarv provifions might know nothing of the matter, I named to them a great number of ci- ties along all the frontiers of Picardy, and Arras among the reft, at any of which they obliged them- felves to delive* during the whole campaign, fifty thoufand loaves a- day. Santeny, Robin de Tours, Mauleville, and Lambert Chevalier de Guet d' Or- leans, engaged likewife for the conveyance of e- very thing elfe, and particularly of twenty-five cannons. The contract was concluded at fo low a price that if the misfortune that happened at A- miens a little after, had not obliged us to draw thi- ther the forces defigned againft Arras, they would have been coniiderable lofers : but as it happened, their gain was reafonable. BOOK 1597- O F S U L L Y. 143 BOOK IX. THE amufements ufual at Paris in the winter feafon were no ways interrupted by the pre- parations that were making for war. The gentle- nefs of the government fecured the tranquillity of the public, who tafted all the fweets of it, with- out any of that allay which for fo long a time had imbittered all their pleasures. Gallantry, {hews, play, took up the time of the courtiers ; and the King, who liked thofe diverfions through tafte, permitted them through policy. Monfieur and Madam de Fervaques intreated me to allow of the addrefies of Moniieur de Laval, the fon of this la- dy, to my eldeft daughter. 1 referred them to the King, without whole confent I could not now dif- pole of my daughter, fince it had been propofed by thcPrincefs to marry her to Monfieur de Rohan ; \vich who:u the King being at that time offended, approved of Moniieur de Laval. The court everv day had the pleafure of a new entertainment, from engagements of this nature, the moft iplendid of which was given by the Con- ftable, at the folemnity of baptizing his fon. This was the pretence ; but it was well known, that one of the moft beautiful young ladies of the court, and who was afterwards married to an old man, was the real objecl of thefe gallantries. Montmo- rency, amongft all the courtiers, chofe out twelve jioblemen for his ballet, who he thought would appear there with the greateft magnificence ; and prevailed upon the King to lay his commands upon me to be of this number. The elegance and pro- priety with which it was conduced, and which is ilia MEMOIRS Book IX. is the very efience of thefe fort of diverfions, was fuperior to any thing I had ever fcen of the kind. This entertainment was univerlally allowed to have greatly excelled all that went before it : it was likewife the laft, and a ftrange disturbance hap- pened at the end. I retired about two in the morning, and had been an hour and a half in bed, when I law Beringhen enter my chamber, with the urmoft confirmation painted in his counte- nance : he could but juft tell me that the King wanted me ; and afture me, in anfwer to my in- quiries, that no accident had happened to his per- fon ; for this was the firlt quertion I aiked, and his reply comforted me beforehand for the mil- fortune, whatever it were, fince I faw none which were abfolutely irremedible, but thofe that threat- ed his life. I put on my cloaths hailily, and ran to the Louvre, in great anxiety of mind : upon my entering the King's chamber, I faw him walking about very faft, his arms folded, his head reclined, and all the marks of a deep uneafinefs * imprefTed on his countenance. The courtiers flood in different corners of the room, leaning againft the hangings, without uttering a iingle word. The King coming to meet me, preffed my hand with great emotion, crying, " Ah, my friend, " what a misfortune ! Amiens is taken." I con- fefs, I continued immoveable, like all the reft, at this unforfeen blow ; a place fo ftrong, fo well provided with every thing that was neceflary, fo near to Paris, and on the fide of Picardy the on- * " Being as it were thunderftruck at this, and yet looking Up t<4 heaven as he commonly does more in adverfiry than profperity, he fpoke aioud, This blow is from heaven ! Then pauunga little, faid, I have iufficiently a&ed the part of King of France, it is time now that I afl'ume the character of King of Navarre ; and turning to the Marchionefs, who wept, we muft quit our prcfont warfare, and take horfe to engage in another." 1597- O F S U JL L Y. j 43 Jy key to the kingdom, to be taken fo fuddenly ere we could be informed that it was threatened with an attack ; the thing was almoft inc. edible, and the general conlternation appeared to be too well grounded. However, I took my refolmion immediately, and while the King, who had re- ceived this news as he was preparing to go to bed, related to me the manner in which the Spaniards, with ibme facks of walnuts, had fyrprifed this im- portant place *. I reflected that, inftead of in- creallng, to no purpofe, the general difmay, pru- dence iuggefted, that, in the prefent circumftance, it was neceiTary to keep up every one's fpirits, and to comfort the King. I therefore told him, that i had in good time juft put the finifhing hand to a fcheme, by which not only Amiens, but feveral other places, would be restored to him, without much difficulty. This hint alone feemed, on a fudden, to have robbed the late misfortune of half its force ; and although it did not hinder the King from reflect- ing on all the difficulties of an enterprife which might have very fatal confequences, yet, as the aftonifliment the courtiers were in left them no- thing to fay, in anfwer to the King's interroga- tories, but what tended to increafe his difquiet, his hopes were greatly raifed by what I had faid, * It was the eleventh of March. Hernard Teillo de Porto-Ca- rero, a Spaniard, the author of this fchctne, had difguifcd like coun- try men and country-women, carrying good-; to markef, abou tiiirty Spaniards, who ftorped up one of the gates of the town, and amu ed the guard, by pouring out at the entrance thereof a cart loaded with facks full of filberts which one of them untied ; soA tiuring this time fome Spanifh troops, w ho lay concealed behind the hedges, marched up, and putting the guard to the fword, made themselves mailers of the town. S^e an account of this in all the hiftorians under the year 1597. Hern.ind Teili was killed in bravely defending this town a- ganft Henry IV. He ufedto fay, that the three greateft commanders he knew, were Henry for the conduct of a large army, the Duke of MaVenne for the fiege r.f a town, and Marechal Bircn for a battle. Matthieu, torn, 2. 1. 2. p. 232. and 144 MEMOIRS BooklX. and he deilrcd to know what methods they were by which I propofed to ferve him. I replied, that he fhould be informed by the papers I had drawn up for that purpofe ; and I went out as if to fetch them, leaving the King at leaft in a more compofed ftate of mind than I had found him. Had he been a witnefs of my perplexity and un- cafinefs, when I was alone in my clolet, he would have fupprefTed part of thoie praifes which he beftowed on me when I had quitted his cham- ber ; for then it was, that, refigning myfelf up to reflection, I comprehended the whole extent of thoie misfortunes, which might be expected f om the prefent pofture of affairs The King's trea- fure exhaufted, not a (ingle regiment fit for fer- vice ; at the fame time that there was an ablolute neceffity both for money and troops, in great a- bundance, and that without any delay. I read over my private memoirs : I revolved in my mind all thofe fchemes for levying money, which I had employed my leifure hours in con- certing, forefeeing, that the King would have foon an occafion for them. Moft of thefe fchemes might be reduced to two different kinds ; one very eafy and plain, wherein all that vv.;s necel- fary to be done was, to augment the lind- tax, and other impofts already eftablilhed ; the o- ther more difficult, which confifted in contriving new fources from whence money might be drawn. The firft I did not think it prudent to have re- courfe to, fince, after all the hard (hips which the country- people had endured, to opprefs them ftill more by an augmentation of taxes, the fole weight of which falls upon them, and at a time when they but juft began to breath again, was to complete the ruin of the ftate, and to deprive the King him- felf. for the future, of his inoft fruitful, and, in ne fenfe, his moil certain refources. I then 1597- O F S U L L Y. 14$ I .then turned my thoughts another way, and fixed upon the following project, which was, to demand of the clergy a free gift for a year, if not for two years, and oblige them to make immediate payment ; to augment the old offices with new members, four in each fovereign court, befides four matters of accounts in every chamber, two in every office in the finances, two offices of coun- fellor in every preiidial court, an afTefTor in every royal tribunal, and an elect in every election ; to add a third to all the officers of the finances * ; to keep back half a year's payment of the arrears of fums borrowed from the contractors in the laft reign ; to increafe the tax on fait fifteen fous a pottle, and to leave it always in that ftate, becaufe fuch an increafe would give room for the fuppref- ilon of certain offices too chargeable to the public; to raife the entry of goods, and the tolls of rivers a third part by a new eftimate ; and, as all thefe meafures gave us, for the moft part, only the hope of money, to begin by borrowing twelve hundred thoufand livres f from the richeft people of the court and principal cities, and to affign them, payments out of an augmentation of the gabels and five great farms; and, to fupply the ready money which we fhould have occafion for befides, to raife a profecution in the chamber of juftice a- gainft the old contractors, who had made confide- rable fortunes, and oblige them to fuller a new tax, in form af a loan. This plan was indeed of fufficient extent. How- ever, it was not my intention, that thefe methods * The offices of the finances were pcfieiTi-d by two perfons : the fuft was called L'Ancien ; the iccond who had been appointed after, was called L'Alterrutif ; and this third was called Trienna!, becanfe he had every third year his rotation with the other two, who alone hid the privilege of leimbnrfing the Triennal. f This fum makes only fifty rhoufand pounds Sterling ; which ftews the fcardty of money in thofe days, VOL. II. T Ihould 146 MEMOIRS Book IX. fliould be all made ufe of at once, but, being un- certain how long the war would continue, they might employ them fucceffively, beginning with thole which were the leaft burthenfome. With regard to the troops that were neceffary, I thought they could not do better than to raife them in thoie provinces of the kingdom which had no longer any occafion for defence. Thus I taxed the Ifle of France, by joining Bary to it, with a complete re- giment ; the Orleanois with Touraine was to fur- nifh a fecond ; and Normandy itfelf a third : thefe regiments were to confift of fifteen hundred and fifty men, furnilhed and maintained by the provinces, from the day of their arrival before Amiens ; be- caufe thefe provinces enjoyed the right of calling the regiments by their own name, and of appoint- ing the officers. Five days after I carried my project to the King, with the proper eftimates formally drawn up in thirteen papers. His Majefty retired to examine them with me, in the prefence of D'Arambure, Lomenie, Beringhen, and L'Oferai. When I had finifhed reading them, I told the King, that, with thefe fupplies, there was nothing to retard his de- parture for the expedition of Amiens ; fince ail the neceffary preparations for a camp in Picardy were already made in fuch a manner, that, I durft allure his Majefty, his army would not only find there provifion in great plenty, but likewife every thing requifite for mere convenience, with the fameeafe, and at the fame price as in a city. I added, that whatever reiource this fcheme might afford the King in his prefent necefTuies, his Majefty muft not imagine it could be carried into execution, without increafing the number of thofe wounds of which France v/as far from being wholly cured : that he need only take a flight view of the immenfe debts and engagements with which the ftate was over- burden :d ; that, to an exhaufted ftate, a new tax, iu whatever manner difguifed, is always the fame ; therefore 1597- O F S U L L Y. 147 therefore the war fhould not be renewed, but with a view of procuring an advantageous peace, which was now become absolutely necelTary : and how- ever great the public milery was at prefent, I was fully convinced that twelve years of continued peace would be fufficient to reilore the kingdom to a llourilhing condition. I did not doubt but that, by the conduct which the King appeared difpoicd to obferve, the ene- mies, notwithstanding the advantages they had gained, would be the firft to wifh for the end of the war ; and at that time I freely difcloled a thought to the King, the juftnefs of which was verified by the event ; and this was, that the firft overtures for a peace would be made by the King of Spain, whom policy, in that ftate of weakneis and incapacity to which the common courfe of nature had reduced him, would not permit to ex- pofe his crown to the uncertain chances of war, always to be feared, but chiefly in the beginning of a Prince's reign who was ftill a child. I even went fo far as to foretell, that Spain would purchafe peace by the refloration of all the towns fhe had taken from France. My fchcme for raifing money was fo much appro- ved by the King, that he refolved to propofe it him- felf in full council ; but he communicated it before- hand to a kind of a little council of war, compoied of the Duke of Montpenfier, Meffieurs de IVlont- morency, de Mai'enne, d'Auvergne, de Biron, d'Ornano, de Bellegrade, de Saint Luc, de Fer- vaques, de Pioquelaure, and de Frontenac : he afterwards fummoned an extraordinary council, to which he admited all in Paris who had a right to a place there, particularly the chief perfons of the aflembly of Pxouen, who ftill relided there. The King could take no happier meafures to efta- blifli his authority upon the weaknefs of this great alTembly, which was now acknowledged by them- T 2 felves. 148 MEMOIRS Book IX. felves. He began with lamenting the lofs of A- miens, declaring the neceffity there was to recover this city as loon as poffible, giving in a full plan of all that was necefiarj for that purpofe : he con- cluded with aflcing the advice of ail that were pre- fent, concerning the means of carrying it into execution, complaining , in order to conceal from them what he himfelf had to propofe, that his moft ufeful and neceffury emerprifes were always oppofed by difficulties, and retarded by delays. Here the K;ng flopped, as if to wait for the de- liberations of the allembly. Each looked upon the other without uttering a fingle word ; at length the nobles broke lilence, but it was only to refer the affair to the financiers, who in their turn replied that it belonged wholly to the nobles. Hen- ry urging them to deliver their opinions, fome general propofals for new levies were made, which were immediately oppofed by one half of the af- fembly ; and the counfellors finding their fpeech all at one time, to ridicule, in a confufed and dif- orderly manner, whatever might be offered by ei- ther party, the King, feizing that moment when their animofity was carried to fuch a height, that there was not the leaft probability of their coming to any agreement, drew the memorial out of his pocket, telling them, that, although he had but little experience in the affair- of the finances, yet, upon the prefent occafion, he would offer his o- pinion, which he was always ready to give up for a better : he then prepared to read the paper, which threw all that were prefent into a fixed at- tennon, and afterwards into an aftonifhment, that rendered them fpeechlefs and immoveable. Hen- ry fuffered them to remain in this filence for two moments, then declaring that he underftood it as an unanimous confent, added, that as he had no intention to make ufe of all thofe meafures at one time, he would begin by borrowing the iiim of twelve O F S U L L Y. 149 twelve hundred thoufand livres ; and exhorted the nobles and the wealthieft perfons in the kingdom to comply voluntarily with the prelent neceflity of the times, and depend upon his royal word, that the lenders ihould have their principal reimburfed in the fpace of two years, together with the inter- eft. His Majefty then brought forward the fif- teen fous upon fait, the eftablifhment of the third man in the finances, and an inquiry into the conduct of fraudulent coatracters. The affair was decreed, and a decree drawn up upon that plan. We had, in a very little time, three hundred thoufand crowns voluntarily lent : the creation of the third man brought in twelve hundred thou- fand, and the fame fum was drawn from the col- lectors of taxes, to whom the treafurers of France were joined, but were fuffered however to tax themfelves. The council of the finances, accuftomed to rejoice in the calamity of the people, were foon comforted under thefe new fubiidies, provided they might pafs through their hands. They re- prefented to the King, after having greatly com- mended his memorial, that the fuccefs of it de- pended upon his employing perfons of great ex- perience, ready difpatch, and poffefled of a full power to execute it. The King replied, that the perfon he was refolved to employ mould be invert- ed with his authority ; and that, with regard to the other qualities, he pitched upon me (I was prefent at this difcourfc) as the moft induftrious and moll prudent amongft them, although the youngeft. He exprefTed himfelf in yet ftronger terms to Schomberg (whom his Majefty vifited juft before his departure, on account of an indif- pofition * that confined him to his bed) and to the counfellors * Gafpard Schomberg, Count de Nantcuil. This diforder was a difficulty cl breathing, that p.ocaeded from the membrane that 'covers 150 MEMOIRS Book IX. counfellors he found in the fick Count's cham- ber. He told them, that as I only fhouid bear the blame, if he was not itipplied with every thing he had occaflon for, while he employed hiuilelf wholly in fighiing againlt his enemies, fo he was refolved that every thing fhould be regulated in the council agreeable to my directions. And according- ly, before he went away, he invcfted me with his whole authority. This mortified fckhom'-erg to fucli a degree, that he chofe rather to go and lerve at the liege, than lee me at the head of the finances. Sancy likewife left the council, to hold his rank in the army as colonel of the Swifs. The gentlemen of the council gave me ftill more reafon to fufpe6l them, of which I had a proof in the affair of the third men After having record- ed the edict by which they were created, I endea- voured to raife as much money as wa- poffible from thefe offices. And to deprive the gentlemen of the council of all means of ferving- at a low rate, any relation or friend, as was ufual with them, I applied myfelf with as much afliduity to the pen, as any clerk or treasurer des pat ties cjj'uelles ; and not fatisfied with tiling this precaution, I gave a note under my hand to each purchafer, who was obliged to carry it to the treafurer, from whom, af- ter laying down the money, he received an acquit- tance, and both were to be produced to me. All artifice becoming ineffectual, the contrac- tors had recourfe to a method which, doubtlefs, had feldom failed before . they attempted to cor- rupt me with bribes. Robert De TOUFS, a very the heart becoming ofTeous on the left fide, as alfo (brae others of the neighbouring parts j and this was found fo upon opening his body af- ter his death, which happened two years afterward?. He was employ - ed in the making the edict or N-intes, as {hall be'obferved hereafter ; and he did nvny other fervices to the dare. M. de Thou highly commends his character aud abiliuts, both as a warrior and as a ftatef- man. confiderabls 1597- O F S U L LY. 151 confiderable contractor, after conferring with the council, whom he had gained over to his intereft, came to my houfe, and intreated one of my iecre- taries to procure him an interview with my wife, to whom he offered a jewel worth fix thoufand crowns as a preient for me, and another worth two thoufand for her, that I might not oppofe a deter- mination of the council, who had affigned to him the nomination of ail the third men in the diftricls of Tours and Orleans, for the fum of feventy-two thoufand crowns. He was introduced to me by Madam de Kofny, whom, by a fevere reprimand in the contractor's prefence, 1 made fenfible of the fault ihe had committed. Nor did I fpare him, in order to prevent fuch attempts for the future. He left me greatly furprifed, and probably as much of- fended at my behaviour. I had juft been refuting from another contractor, fixty thoufand crowns, for one half of that of which he had before offer- ed me feventy-two thoufand for the whole ; and that very evening, that half brought me fourfcore thoufand crowns, becaufe I divided it into fmall parcels. This employment detained me at home all that day, and the following, for 1 thought it of more ccnfequence than to attend the Chancellor's fum- mons, who h d fent a ferjeant of the council twice to me, to deiire I would come thither, and finifh an affair which would procure the King, he faid, feventy-five thoufand crowns of ready mo- ney. I went as foon as I was difengaged, with- out thinking any more of Robert De Tours. The Chancellor, upon my entering the council- chamber, made me fome flight reproaches for my negligence: I anfwered him bluntly, that I had been more ufeful to the King in my clofbt. " We " have been no lefs fo here," returned the Chan- cellor. \h- iouf..ht to enhance the value of the fervice he had done the King, in procuring him i this 152 MEMOIRS Book IX. this ready money, by the neceffity his Majefty was in for it, having, by two letters, fuccefiively, de- manded fome of the council. When I difcovered that th's was the mousy which had juft before been, offered me by the contractor of Tours, he having only added three thoufand crowns more to the fum, I reprefented to thefe gentlemen, in very ftrong terms, that fince they could not be ignorant that Robert had firft applied to me, they ought not to have concluded, without my knowledge, an af- iair which had appeared to me to be unjuft. Finding that they were endeavouring to impofe upon me, partly by complaint, and partly by an air of authority, I told them plainly, that if i had been of a humour to be gained by bribes, the bar- gain would noc have returned to them ; but that fince the K ing relied upon my fidelity, I would not fail to give him every proof of it in my power. The Chancellor, Frefne, and La Grangeleroi, fen- ilbly affected with the reproach conveyed in thefe words, had the affurance to mention immediately, that a bargain by which the King loft more than half of what was due to him, was, notwithftand- ing, more advantageous for him, fince he was paid with ready money, than mine, by which I com- monly allowed the purchafers the term of fix months for the payment of the fecond moiety. They did not ftop there, but reproached me with fetting myfelf up for a reformer of the finances ; and declared, with an air of contempt, that they were able to fupport their bargain againft mine. Upon this, growing violent, the council determin- ed that their alignment to Robert de Tours fhould take place. I did not think proper to fay one word more concerning this unjuftifiable method of proceed- ing, nor upon the regulation that was made in con- fequence of it, which was, that thenceforward the council would have no regard to particular notes. But J597- O F S U L L Y. 153 But when Fayet, the fecretary, brought me this arret to fign, I refufed to do fb, till I had received the King's anfwer to a letter, in which, as I told Fayet, I had fupprefied no part of the truth, nor concealed the perfons. This letter gave Fayet fome appreheniions, as I defigned it fhould ; he intreated me to fhew it him ; and pretending to be overcome by his importunity, I yielded. It turned entirely upon the underhand practices which Robert had made ufe of to gain the gentlemen of the council ; all which I had had the good for- tune to difcover. I likewife gave the King to un- derftand, that this contractor had procured the fa- vour of the council, by making to Madam de Sour- dis *, miftrefs to the Chancellor, the fame offers which I had rejected ; to which he had added other prefents to Madam de Deuilly, a relation of the Chancellor's, and Frefne's miftrefs. Fayet repeat- ing the contents of my letter to the perfons moft concerned in it, they fent him back immediately, to intreat I would not fend it : the arret was fup- prefled, and Robert's bargain rejected. In this manner I divided my labours, between the care of receiving the money of the ftate, and laying it out advantageoufly for the neceflities of * Ifabel Bibon de la Bourdaifiere, the wife of Francis D'Efccu- bleau, Marquis de Sourds ; flie had an elder fitter, called Frances, who was married to Antony D'Eftrees, and Mother to the fair Ge- briellc j and likewife a younger fifter, who married Claude de Beau- viliiers, the Count de Saint Aignan, This whole family was ftrangely cried down and fatirized in the Amours du Grand Alcandre, and other farcaftical libels of that time, even as far back as the grandmother of thefe three ladies, who was called Mary Gaud'm* Ail the daughters of this line were remarkably beauu : ul. Leo X. was fo charmed with the beauty of Mary Gaudin, at Bolonge, where he had feen her, when he had a conference with Francis I. that he prefented her with a diamond, called by domeftic tradiiion Gau- >. 'vTo to Pcu,'j"igay, a: which the Marcchal de Biron and otner general officers murmured very much, His i S 97- O F S U L L Y. 155 His example, however, did not produce the fame effect upon all. In the very mid It of his camp, a cabal of -mutinous Protcftants was foimed, headed by Meflieurs dc la Tremouilie, de -Bouillon, and du Pleilis, which gave him great unealinefs. Going to pay my refpecls to him, before I returned again to Paris, I found him in deep affliction : he had juft received certain intelligence, that theie three gen- tlemen, in concert \vi;ii the two Saint-Germauis, De-Clan and Dc-Beaupr$, * C'Aubigne, ; a-Caie, Lft-Vallierc, JLa-Saufaie, La Bertichere, Prtanx, Baiignac, Regnac, Beffais, Conilant, and other I'roteftants, to the number of twenty, had held an afiembiy of the whole body -of Proteftant bigots, wherein they had made a propofal, which they iupported with all the power and influence they had, to take advantage of the opportunity the liege of Amiens f afforded diem, which could not be carried * This is the hifiorian D'Aiibiene who is always ca'le-i D\A- tigny in tt'.efe memoirf : his name u Thto;H>re- Agrippa D'Allbigne ; his birth, his lervicvs, and his courage, u:-i:itd him great rtpututioti among >.he CalvinHl party : he retiied in 1620 -o Geneva, where he died jn 1631, i-gid tourfcore, leaving behind him only one fon, callrd Conifaris D'Au'u-u.ne, whofe daughter v^as Frances D'Aubigre tlie late MMTChionef) dj VIairrter.cn, Addiu-6 de Choumon r , Segr.eur de la B^; i.'.iere, hr(;iher to John de Chaument, the Ma quis de Guitiy j las r.orterity is (tiil extani to tiiis duy. Hefior de Preaux, &c. ~\ Ii i ctrtair- 'hat it w?s by ihis coniunctuie of the ficge of A- micn% ;.n, J , the fevers! eps which the CaKinirt'= nf France took to innke their advantage of it, that they obtained the famous edift of Nantes, \vhich was grarteJ t. em the year following. The Duke tic Bouillon f'oes not deny this. AU the re^fcns by which he jufli- fi ? ihi- .: .--niuft, may he icen in Marfo!i:r, I. 5. but the beft of ail is th? pro^eft which he ai u'd wifh, folely for '.he t-ntirs juftification ( f thi- Duke de E< niilon, tliat there h .d ut l-e: -n uaton to t:pbraid him for refuting to follow the King in his tx^dition to Amiei.s ; and ihat the iuipiifc of this to n Uz by 156 MEMOIRS Book IX. carried on without their afliftance, to force an edict from the King entirely to their fadsfaction ; or, if he refufed, to do themfelves juftice, by taking up arms againft him. Happily for the King, this propofal was objected to by many perfons in the aflembly, as well as in fome of the great towns, which they had endeavoured to draw over to their party. His Majefty was a little comforted by this circumftance, but he had reafonto apprehend, that the moft violent party would carry it at laft He commanded me to write to fome of the principal among them, to prevail upon them, if poffible. to refume more reafonable fentiments, and particular- ly the Duke de La Tremouille, whom he knew o be the chief promoter of the confpiracy. Hitherto I had preferved fome degree of intima- cy with La-Tremouille, infomuch that he thought himfelf obliged to require my prefence in thefe af- femblies, but concealed the occaiion of them ; and in his letter to me made ufe of fuch ambiguous terms, as it was not difficult to judge, that I was confidered by thefe gentlemen as a man unfaithful to his own party ; and that La-Tremouille was not far from engaging in an open rebellion. This did by the Spaniards had not been followed, on the party of the Calvinft?, fey a tranflation of the Proteftant aflembly of Vendome to Chatel- leraut, where the proceedings were fo violent, that the King was obliged to fend thither M. de Schomberg, de Thou, de Vic, de Caiig- non, and de Montgiat, who were charged with full powers to otter fuch conditions as fufficiently (hew, that Henry IV. thought he had every thing to fear from them. The rc-afons why the Calvinifts have fi:led Europe with their complaints about the revocation of the edi&of Nantes, is becaufe the intervention of a fpace of time of up- wards of fourfcore years, has made them lofe fight of the means they made'jfe of at firft to extort it. As to the above remark, conlult t|;e memoirs of the Duke de Bouillon, his hiftory by Marfolier : the hilt. of the edict of Nantes; the life of DarPlefti Mornai, the verbal procefs of the aflemblies of Vendome and Chatelleraut, &c. but efpe- c'ully D'Aubi^ne., torn. 3. J. 4. c. n. where he relates, at very full length, all the fchcrr.es and cabals cf the Calvinift party, ana ths new turn which they endeavoured io give their affairs. i not- 1597- O F S U L L Y. 157 not hinder me, however, from taking advantage of the remaining correfpondence there was between us, to endeavour to bring him back to his duty. I wrote to him in anfwer, that although it were true the King, in refpedt to him, wns luch as he imagined, there was neither honour nor [ re t- nefs in extorting from him a declaration which was the effect only of neceffity ; but that, in rc<.li- ty, this Prince had the fame fentiments as formerly for the Proteftants ; that he was not the caufe of that injuftice they fuffered from the Catholics, fincc he had equal realbn to complain of them himfelf ; that beiides he fhould obferve, that the confequence of this edict, obtained fo unfeafonably, would not be fo advantageous for them as they imagined, fince the Catholics, always more powerful than they, were able to prevent it for the prefent ; and for the future, the King, juftly offended at their violent proceedings, would lofe all inclination to grant them one day, voluntarily, what in fo unfavour- able a conjuncture they wanted to anticipate by force ; and all the effect which an unfuccefsful at- tempt would produce, would be to create a diftruft of them in the Catholic party, and put them upon their guard againft them. I reminded Tremouille of the examples of thofe illuftrious Proteftants, who, on all occafions, both by their words and C e, ' it!) his ha' in is hand, and his eyes lifted towards hea- ven), r 'tis to :y tha r thnu nu-ndeft >o pu'iOi me, as my fins ief;r,'e, I <;fier nu my life a facrifice to thy jufKcc, fpa'e not the guilty j but, O L'jid, for thy great mercy's fake, pity this poor kingdom, and cna ife not the flock tt r the errors and faults of the (hepi'erd. When he law nothing appearing, he wirli'irew dif- fatisfied,' faid h- gallantly, " with the courtefy of the Spaniards, wno w.'uld not adva ce - ne fingle ftep to receive him, and who, with a bad grace, refufed the horrur h ; -n he ofTevc-i them." Perefixe, p rt 2. Mod ;-a I o. the hi ori ns Jgree, that <}is Spa- niai i. >hicf rrarcrc told him all \vas now loft. TlaTthieu, torn. - ' ' p, 234. VOL. II. X bers, r6> MEMOIRS Book IX. bers, finding them a confufed and diforderly mul- titude, without difcipline or conduft, refolved to attack them ; but at the firft motion he made, the Archduke retreated with precipitation f : probably it would not have been impoffible to have forced the Spaniards to a battle, and to have beat them without difcontinuing the fiege : at leaft Henry was always of this opinion. Neverthelefs he yielded to the advice of the greateft number, who were for allowing the Archduke to retreat. After this, they applied themfelves clofely to the liege. The ravelin having been carried away, and the body of the place beginning to be Tapped, Amiens furren- clered the letter end of September this year, which had been almoft wholly employed in this fiege. When I look upon the great number of letters which I received from the King during the expedi- tion of Amiens, I cannot help being furprifed that a prince, who had the operations of a great fiege upon his hands> and the care of a whole camp, f The King faid of the Cardinal Archduke, that he came on like a captain, bin went off like a pritft. La Curee very earneftly de- fired of the King, that he would be pleafed to let him go and difco- ver the pc.fture of the enemy's army, putting his Majefiy in mind, that the Spaniard had entered France tour times, and that he had every time attacked them, and was the firft who had beaten them. Henry made anfwsr, PtC la Curee, don't be in a hurry ; and at the lame time he gave him leave. La-Curee was much fpoke of upon this occafion fr>r his valour, and the noble retreat he made before this army encamped at Betancourt, four leagues from Amiens. Howe- ver, he afterwards faid, upon this occation, that when three or four hundred men reircat in this manner before a whole army, it is only the fault o f that army if they are not cut off. He was an undaunt- ed man : for one day h 1 flung himfelf into the midft of the enemy, when, by his hand being benumbed with holding his pifrol, he couKi nor ufe his fword. There were even w .men drdied like rmn, who fought in the French ?rmy : four among them were very remarkable, \v h > diftingtiifhod themfelves in taking prifoners with their own hands, and one efpscially who went under she name of Captain Gal"- con. Thefe particulars -are taken from vol. SQzg of the King's MSS. See alfo on this head, torn. 6. des Mtmoires de ia Ligue, in which ate giv n very high commendations of the fpirit, alcrtneis, and valour of Henry IV. fhoul d 1597- OF SULLY. 163 fhould yet be fo attentive to all affairs within his kingdom, and with equal facility and equal diligence acquit himfelf of fuch oppofite employments. I iliall fpare the reader the trouble of perufing all thefe lettei's, as likewife thofe which his A'lajefty did me the honour to write to me afterwards. I reckoned above three thoufand, without taking in thole that I have neglected to preferve, or have been loft through the careleffnefs of my lecretaries. It would be too tedious to give a particular account of each : fome of them I iupprefs in obedience to his Majefty's orders, as they regarded perfons whofe reputation he had no de-fire to wound, and whom I have doubtlefs more reafon to avoid offend- ing, as I fhould do by revealing intrigues of ftate, or merely gallantry, which have ftill continued fe- cret : as for the reft, they turned wholly upon ac- counts, application of particular fums, payments, penlions, and other things of the fame nature, all of which were fo dry and unentertaining, that they afford new matter for praifes of this prince. With regard to his finances, for example, he was fo extremely exact as to make me give him an ac- count once a-week of the money received, and the ufes it had been put to *. He does not mifs to re- mark that, in cafting fome cannon, they wanted to rob him of a piece. In a remiffion of fix or fe- ven thoufand crowns which he was obliged to grant the people upon the land-taxes, he fettles himfelf the gratification that ought to be repaid to certain pariih.es which had fuffered moft. He calculated exactly the number of the offices that were fold, and the money arifing from thence. He never forgot any perfon to whom the ftate was indebted, or who had done it any fervice, either in the diftant pro- vinces or the neighbouring kingdoms, affigning * A hundred crowns could not be expended, fays Perefixe, but he knew whether they were well or ill laid out. X 2 with 164 MEMOIRS Book IX. with the utmoft difcernment a particular fund for all. His great care was, that the fund appointed for the fupport of the war, fhould not be broken in upon by a: y other payment, as appears when he mentions a recompence to be given to the Sieur de Vienna, who had brought back the city of Tours to its obedience, or the repayment of four thou- fand crowns that he had borrowed of Madam de Beaufort. The number of his letters relating to his military affairs are prodigious. He calculated fo juilly the fums neceltary for the making of trenches and o- ther works, together with the foldiers pay, that there was no danger of a miftake in following him. The order he obferved in the march of his troops was not regulated with lefs prudence, than that of the convoys of money v> hich came to his camp, that the one might not be retarded, nor the ether intercepted. All this made up but one part of his cares. The letter wherein he fpeaks of the repairs of Mon- treuil, Boulogne, and Abbeville ; thofe in which he expatiates upon the method of maintaining re- gularity in the provinces, obedience in the cities, fubordination in the different bodies, on occafion of the chamber of accounts which had failed in the refpect they owed him ; that in which he fays ; " I would not mix the expences of mafqueradcs " with thefe deftined for the ufe of my army ;" for Mortier, who had provided drelTes for a ma Ik, had caufed the money laid out on that occafion to be inferted in a memorial of military expences ; thnt alfo which contained his reply to the offer which the city of Paris made him by her Mayor and Aldermen, to fupport, at their own expence, twelve hundred men, in confideration of which fervice, he difcharged this city from paying the aids a fecond time, and many other of this kind ; all thcfe fhew, that the fame hand that was able to draw 1597- O F S U L L Y. 165 draw up a plan of attack, was equally capable of conducting the affairs of the cabinet. The only thing he neglected was his perfonal maintenance ;. to make him think of it, Montglat, the firft fteward of his houfhold, was forced to in- form him, as he tells us in fome of his letters, that he could fcarce make the pot boil any longer. He was not afliamed to confefs a thing which affected his domeftic enemies only ; it was their part to blufh that he was deftitute of apparel, arms, and horfes : however, he afterwards found means to fettle a fund for his own fubliftence, which could, not be confounded with any other ; it was the mark of gold arifing from the offices which were fold, that he deftined for this ufe. Such were the fubjec'ts of many of the letters he wrote me this year, from which the reader may judge of thofe of the following years, the originals of which I keep with the utmoft care, but fhall only tranfcribe the moft important amongft them. It is remarkable, that although there are a great number of them, and ahnoft all very long, there are few, however, that are not written with his own hand, particular- ly thofe which are directly addrefied either to the council or to me * I was prefent at the council which was held after the furrender of Amiens, upon the operations of * I obferved in the preface the rcafons that induced me not to tranfcribe hsre fo many letters. They may be fecn at the head of the new collection of Henry le Grand's: the originals of fome of them ate at this day to be feen in the fine mufeum of the Duke de Sully, with marginal notes written by Maximilia.i dz Bethune'i own hand. But the moft valuable picccj in this cabinet, htfiJc a confider- able number of original letters of Henry III. and other contemporary prince*, are papers of ftate, letters, ferious or gay pieces, and other fragments, writ by Henry le Grand's own hands, and by his chief niinifler, or only figned or marked in the margin by them. We h.ivc already fpoktn of thofe that concern the accomodation of the Admi- ral de fillers, and other governors and towns, efpecially in Norman- dy: we fhall have cccafion in Uie fscjucl 10 mention particularly fome others, the 1 66 MEMOIRS Book IX. the reft of the campaign. Three proportions were made : to follow the enemy's army ; Jeize fome cities cf Artois by furprife; and bdiege Douilensf in form ; upon which each one that was prefent gave his opinion ; mine was, that it could not be expected the Cardinal Infant, who had fo obftinate- ly refufed to fight, when he had no other way of fuccouring Amiens, fhould luffer himfelf to be ob- liged to come to an engagement now, when he was fenfible he fhould have all the King's forces to en- counter, and had had fufficient time to take meafures to avoid it ; nor was it more probable, that the en- terprifes upon the cities of Artois fhould fucceed, in the neighbourhood of fo numerous an army : yet that either of thefe defigns appeared to me more judicious than the project of laying liege to Dourlens, fince that in fifteen days we might know what was to be expected from the former, and in- cur no fhame by failing in them : whereas, by fol- lowing the latter, we fhould infallibly have the re- gret to find, that we had confumed a great deal of time, money, and troops, to no purpofe It was refolved, that the two firft meafures fhould be fud- denly attempted, without renouncing the fiege of Dourlens. The Spaniards kept upon their guard, and the French gained no other advantage by this attempt, than the honeur of having endeavoured to finifh the war by a fingle ac~Hon, which contri- buted as much as all the reft, to make the King of Spain defirous of peace. It was quite the reverfe with the enterprife of Dourlens, upon which they were obftinately bent. The King fent me at Paris, whither 1 had now re- turned, his laft refolutions on that head. I did not fcruple to reprefent to him, in terms ftill ftronger, the reafons that had hindered me from approving that propofal ; that his army, having fuffered con- f A city of Picardy. fiderably 1597- O F S U L LY. 167 iiderably at the fiege of Amiens, was not in a con- dition to undertake a fecond equally laborious in the month of October, a feafon when the ground about i/ourlens, which is naturally fat and vif- cous, was made impracticable by the rains, and within fight of an army eager to feize an occa- fion of being revenged. The King did not take my freedom amifs, though he was not convin- ced by my reafons. He wrote to me in anfwer, that the expedition of Dourlens was abfolutely ne- ceiTary for the prefervation of Amiens and Abbe- ville : that by putting Picardy in a ftate of fecurity, he fhould facilitate the fale of the new offices ; and that he would take fuch meafures, that the fiegc Ihould not continue fo long as I apprehended. Accordingly Dourlens was inverted the ninth of October, and on the thirteenth the rains had fo much fpoiled the grounds and the roads, that the works could not be brought forward. Villeroi in- formed me in a letter, that they already repent- ed of their attempt ; in effect, the King fet out al- moft immediately after, from his quarters at Beau- vai, and came to Belbat, where he gave orders for railing the liege, at which the foldiers had fuffered fo much during the fhort time it had lafted, that they were upon the point of difbanding. The King caufed them all to be paid, placed them in winter quarters upon the frontier, left his light horfc there, retrenched part of the garrifons whicja the furpriling of Amiens had obliged him to throw into the neighbouring places, and fet forward for Paris, to fpend the winter there, taking his rout through Rouen and Monceaux, where he ftaid eight days. From this place he fent me orders to over-rule the difficulties which the Chancellor de Chiverny raifed in parliament, to erect his country of Ar- magnac and Lectoure into a prefidial ; and to affign the money arifing from it to the payment of coics granted 1 68 MEMOIRS Book IX. granted in parliament to the Sieur de Fontrailles, Count of Armagnac, in a iiiit which he had car- ried in thr.t court againft his Majcfty. As the Princefs might have fome claims upon this money, by virtue of the ceffion h~r brother defigned to make her of all his eftates in this province, the King defired me to keep the matter fecret, and ufed the fame precautions with Fontrailles and the Chancellor, the laft of whom obferved this com- mand very ill ; but his indifcretion had no bad confequence, the Princefs leaving the Court of France a Ihort time after. In the fame letter, the King ordered me to pay Demeurat his folicitor at Riom, as likewife La-Corbiniere, who was employ- ed to furnifh provifions for the troops that were left in Picardy. It was in thsfe intervals from bu- finefs, that he extended his attention to the moft inconiiderabL 1 objects. He made me give the Sieur de Piles, an old faithful fervant, a reward of three thoufand crowns, and another of eight thouiand livres ro Gobelin, to whom, at the fame time, he repaid fixteen thoufanc! livres, advanced by him for the fupport of his houfhold. There was no name, even to that of the poor woman who gathered the taxes ;-t Gifors, which was not mentioned f'ome- whtre in his letters. The poverty of the people *, which was indeed exceffive, having produced many blanks in the re- ceipts for the taxes, the King iufpecled that the gentlemen of the council, who were very zealous in reprefenting and exaggerating thefe deficiencies, would find means, when they had obtained a dif- charge for the people, to put large fums in their own pockets, by concealing the clifcharge that had * Bjugars, defcribing in his letters tlie defo!arion which the civil w:irs hadcaufed i.) tre kingdom stlurcs u juld not but wiih much adb be oiR^vcred. Epift. 73. ad Ca- merar. i been 1597- O F S U L L Y. 169 been granted ; he ordered me firft to get informa- tion, whether the people were as much behind hand in the years 1594 and 1595, as thofe gentle- men had made him believe ; which would eafily be done, by examining the accounts of receipts and expences given in by the general and particular receivers, and by vifiting the courts of the fame provinces, whither I was already gone ; and fe- condly, to examine whether this deficiency of the taxes did not proceed from idlenefs in the collect- ors, and difobedience in the people. To conclude, his Majefty began to bufy himfelf' at Monceaux with another matter of importance, that of drawing up articles, on which he dcfired to come to an agreement with the Proteftants. This work he preiTed for fome time upon the Chancellor and Villeroi : I was likewife ordered to engage in it ; but he would have had reafon to complain a long time of the little attention which thofe men paid to his defign, if he had not come himfelf to Paris to put it in execution *. For thefe two laft affairs concerning the finan- ciers and the Proteftants, more leifure was neceffa- ry than the King, upon his arrival at Paris, was able to afford them. He was obliged to turn his thoughts upon making new preparations for paf- fing the following fpring into Britany, where the rebels, finding themfelves out of the view of their fpvercign, continued, with impunity, in diforder and difobedience. The Duke of Mercceur, who was at their head, durfh not openly, however, favour their revolt : on the contrary, the letters he wrote to the King were filled with feeming to- kens of fubmiffion ; and during the fpace of two * ' He faid to a deputation of the townfmen, who came to compli- ' ment him after the expedition to Amiens, (hewing them the Mare- ' chal dc: Birnn. " Here, Gentlemen, is the Marechal de Biion v.hom I freely p:efcnt bath to my friends and enemies,' P^rcf. part 2. VOL. II. Y years, 173 MEMOIRS Book IX. years, it had been his whole ftudy to amufe him v.'ith feigned propofals which he knew how to e- viide fulfilling. The King, on his fide, had con- ft;:atly difTembled with the Duke, and hitherto contented himlelf with favourably receiving the officers of this province, who, weary of Mercceur's delays, a'ddreifed themfclves directly to his Maje- fty : but at length, the King thinking it time to go und attack this rebellious fubjecl, even at his own doors *, this defign, which was carried on with the utmoft fecrefy, employed us during the whole win- ter. It would have anfwered no purpofe to have un- dertaken it without a body of twelve hundred foot, and two thoufand cavalry, and a train of artillery, confiding of twelve cannons at leaft ; and it was not poffible to draw out thefe troops from the fix thou- iand foot, and twelve hundred horfe, which his Majefty thought neccfTary for the defence of the frontier of Picardy, and which he had com- mitted to the care of the Conftable, affifted by the counfels of Meffieurs Bellievre, Villeroi, and Sil- lery. New funds were to be found for the fup- port of all thefe troops ; the taxes could not pof- ilbly be increafed otherwife than by leffrning the cofts of the collection, which is with refpecV to the King a real increafe. I likewife applied myfelf to collect the debts that were in arrear, and to recover fuch as were negledted ; to which I joined fome new imports, few in number, and not oppreffive. The King, without thefe fupplies, would have been obliged to have liftened to propofals for a peace, and could not then have concluded one, * One of tne Duke tie Mercceur's friend 8 , having a/ked him one day, ifiver he dreamed of being Duke of Britany, he made anfwer, " I know not whethe^ it be a dream, bur ir has laacd t'.ele ten vears " and upward?." The Duthefsde Metcaur's grandmother was Ci -tr- lotie, heirtrl^ of thehoufe of Pen'hievre, whufe pretended rghts tc tiie Ductiy of Brirany were apparently the foundation of thefe of the Dake de Mcrcoeur. but 1597- O F S U L L Y. -171 but upon terms very advantageous to Spain. Pope Clement VIII. deiired it with great ardour ; and, long before the campaign of Picardy, had fent the Cardinal of Florence, in quality of legate, to pro- pole it to the King ; a the lame time Calatagironne, patriarch of Conftantinople, went by his Holinefs's orders to Spain for the lame purpofe. The nego- tiation had been unfortunate in the beginning, 'ihe King, more irritated than difcouraged by the inva- iion of Amiens, only anfwered the Cardinal haughtily, that he would defer hearing what he had to propofe, till after he had regained this place. The King of Spain on the other hand, although it was with regret that he beheld the war renewed, yet founded great hopes upon his fuccefs in Flan- ders, and particularly upon having furprifed the city of Amiens, the pofleffion of which might draw along with it that of all the neighbouring country from the Oife to the Seine. The expeditions of the campaign being more fa- vourable to the French, drew both iides nearer an accommodation. Philip knew Henry to be a Prince with whom it was as difficult to keep as to gain advantages, and having befides a foreboding in his own mind, that the illnefs he was feized with would be mortal, the fear of leaving at his death the Prince his ion expoled to fuch an enemy as the King of France, induced him to liften to the ad- vice of Calatagironne, who when he was affured of the King's inclinations, returned to Piome to ac- quaint the Pope with them, and was by his Holi- nefs again deputed to France, to give the Cardinal of Florence an account of his iuccefs, and aSt in concert with him. Accordingly their Eminences renewed their former felicitations with Henry, and often repre- iented to him, that the peace, in fome meafure, depended wholly upon him. The King, who was undeceived in his turn, and no longer influenced Y 2 by 172 MEMOIRS Book IX. by thofe great and flattering hopes, which, through a reliance upon the promiies of his courtiers, he had entertained, faw the return of the two nego- tiators with pleafure, though he appeared indiffer- ent to their proposals : at length he told them, that he would not be againft a peace, provided Spain would give up all fhe poflefled in his domi- nions. The legates hinted, that this 'might pof- iibLy be obtained. And the King replied, that upon this plan he permitted them to ireat and con- el.. de a peace with the three minifters he had left in Picardy, to whom he referred them ; in the mean while, that he might not lofe the advantage of thofe preparations he had made for war, nor wafte time fo precious in mere negotiations, he fet out for Britany. The King took his rout through Angers, in the beginning of March, ordering his army to follow him by lliort journies : he permitted his council likewise to attend him, but not till it had made the neceflary difpofitions for fupplying his army in Britany, and the troops and commiffioners for the peace in Picardy, with all things that were needful. As I now had the abfolute direction of the council, and met with no oppofition whatever, I quickly put matters in fuch a ftate as I thought I might join the King, without any bad confequence. I expecled to have found him already far advanced in Brirany, and was greatly furprifed to hear, as I drew near Angers, that the King had not left that citv he Duke of Mercoeur muft have been in- fallibly ruined, but for the fervice he received from Mefdames de Mercceur and De Martigues upon this occahon : they began with obtaining, by the inter- eft of the Marchionefs de Moriceaux, a pafiport to meet the King at Angers * ; where, as foon as they * They hail come thither hefore the King, hut \veri refused en- trance ; upon hich ihey withdrew to Panic Ue Cc, till the King ar- rived at Aii^t.S. arrived. 1597- OF SULLY. 173 arrived, they entirely gained ever the King's mi- ftrefs to their party. The Duchefs de Mercceur offered her only daughter, to be difpofed of in marriage to whomfoever the King thought proper, hinting, to the March ionefs, that fhe would not be againlt marrying this opulent heirefs to her Ton Cseiar f . The Marchionefs of Monceaux was ib agreeably flattered by this alliance, that from that moment, considering the Duke of Mercosur's in- terefts as her own, fhe folicited for him with the utmoit ardour and afBduity : the two ladies like- wile employed every art to foften a prince remark- able for his complacency to the fex. He fuffered himfelf to be diiarmed by their fubmiflions, pro- mifes, and tears, and no longer thought of chafti- fing the Duke of Mercceur. '1 he moment I alighted at Angers I went to pay my refpecls to the King. This prince, who by the firft word I uttered, and the turn only of my countenance, comprehended all I had in my mind, embraced me clofely in his arms, and preffing me to his bolom, " My friend," faid he to me, " you ** are welcome ; I am truly glad to fee you here, " for I have had great need of you." " And I, " Sire," I replied (incapable of thofe mean com- pliances that are dictated by flattery) " I am great- " ly grieved to find you ftili here." " It is long," laid the King, interrupting me, " that we have " learned to underftand each other by half a word; ' I guefs already what you would fay to me ; but " if you knew what has paffed, and to what a for- ' wardnefs I have already brought affairs, you tf would alter your opinion." I replied, that thofe advantages, whatever they were, which he meant, he might have obtained, and many far more con- f- " The ef;>cu r als were Cflebra'erf at Angers with the f-ime rrng- " nificence, as if he had been a lawfully begotten Con of France : " hs was but. four years of age, and ike but fix." Persf. zd part. fiderablf, I 7 4 MEMOIRS BooklX. fiderable, if, inftead of flopping at Angers, he had pivfented himfelf before Nantes, at the head of his army The King endeavoured to excuie himfelf upon the want of inftruments proper for the fiege of the city. 1 anfwered, that he would have had no occaiion for them, becaufe Nantes would have rendered them unneceflary by a furrender, and perhaps have delivered * the Duke of Mer- coeur into his hands. The firft of thefe things it was highly probable would have happened, and the King acknowledged he believed' fo. After this confeffion I added, " It i- true, I do not find the " bravery of my prince in this inftance ; but I " fhall fay nothing, becaufe I know what it was " that withheld you." With this prince, I was not apprehenlive my fincerity would have any bad confequences. He confeiTed all to me, though with fome little confuiion, alledging as an excuie his compafiion for thofe who were in a ftate of hu- miliation, and the fear of difobliging his miftrefs. After this, the converfatiun turned wholly up- on news : his Majefty had juft received letters from the Queen of England, expreffing her defire pf fending an ambafTador to him, to induce him, as we imagined with great probability, to continue the war. By other letters, from Bellievre and Sillery, he was informed, that the legates had of- fered, in the name of Spain, to reftore all the ci- ties, except Cambray, that had been taken during tlie war. The King's carrying troops into Britany, without being under a necefiity of leaving Picardy defencelefs, had given great furprife to Spain, and * All the hifto-ians agree, that Henry IV. was in a condition to .have T.ade the Duice de Mercoeur fmait for his difooedience : he would never fufter that this Duke fhould (Vnd him any pe'fon in hi 5 name to Vervins j ar.d protcfted, that he would rather endure a con- tinual war, than cortfeut that one of h s fubjecls /hould feem to treat v/ith him thus like a foreign prir.c.. fatisfa&ion 1597- O F S U L L Y. 175 iat is faction to the court of London, ever felicitous to humble the pride of the crown. I advifed Hen ry not to refufe a peace for the fake of a lingle ci- ty, and to be fatislied with having driven the ene- my out of Picardy and Britany. This latrer province, which had panted for tran- quillity a long time, was feniible how much it owed to his Majefty, whofe prefence at the head of an army was the only thing which could procure it that happinefs. The party of Mercceur became the King's party. The Spaniards were not in a condition to hold out long againft their united for- ces. Blavet * and Douarnenes, where they were cantoned in the greatell numbers, could not fail of yielding f ;on to the common lot, and a few days were lufficient to clear the province entirely of its foreign enemies, who afterwards aiTembled her ftates, in order to prove her gratitude to the King, by granting him a confiderable fubiidy. His Majefty commanded me to continue my rout to Britany, and while I waited there for his arrival, to pay the ti'Oops, and quarter them in caferns in the neighbourhood of Rennes and Vitre, with ftridt orders to keep up an exact difcipline there ; after which I was to go to Rennes, to reprefent his .Via- jefty's perfon in the ftatcs, to haften their refolu- tions concerning the fums that were promifed, and ule all my authority to facilitate the levying it. The King having an inclination to ftay fome days longer at Angers, laid hold of the pretence, that fometliing was {till wanting to the treaty with the Duke of Mercneur. I had no reaibn to be offended with the Duchcis of Mercosur for having endeavoured to procure the moii fivourabl^ wcr.dr.:ci- fhc could: ^ e t I * Blavet is now called Port Lars, and lies in the Bifliopric of Van ies : Douarnenes is another port and roa-.i, in the bifhopric of Quimpcr, fo 176 MEMOIRS Book IX, fo far refented her making the King the dupe of her arts, that if his Majefty had not obliged me to make her a viiit, I would have left Angers without feeing her ; although I was related to this lady by the fame fide, by which I had the honour to be al- lied to the royal family, that is, by the houfe of Luxembourg. The King remonftrated to me, that if the con- fideration of being related to her, together with the laws of poiitenefs, were not fufficiem to induce me to pay her this refpecl, yet the Duchefs cf Mercceur deforced it on Account of that regard fhc had for rne, which the knowledge of my intentions could not alter. In effecl:, I was received by her and Madam de Martigues with the higheft diftinc- tion and refpecl:. Madam de Mercosur, after fomc gentle reproaches for having endeavoured to hurt her intereft, and that of her daughter, my little kinfwoman, told me, that there was nothing ilie fo ardently defired, as to be able to put the affairs of the Duke her hufband into my hands, that I might conclude this treaty with the King in whatfoever manner I thought fit. I anfwered the Duchefs, that while my refpecl: and adherence to her were not inconfiftent with the fervice of the King, which always carried me againft any other confideration, {he ihould find no body more difpofed to ferve her than myfelf. I went to Chateau-Gonthier that evening, and reached Vitre the next day, where I faw but too plainly of what importance it was to be extremely cautious and circumfpel in quartering troops, that nothing might be neglected. Meffieurs de Saiig- nac and de Mouy, Marechals de camp, were of great ufe to ine upon this occafion. Tranquillity was fo perfectly eftablilhed in all this part of the country, that the countrymen who at firft had re- treated to the woods, and fortified themfelves there, where every moment they were ready to come to i blows, T597- O F S U L L Y. 177 bjows, now returned to their houfes ; and the city of Rennes thought that fome acknowledgement was due to me ; for this reafon, when the ftates were aiTembled, a fine apartment was prepared for me during my abode in that city, at the houfe of Ma- damoifelle de la Riviere ; (he was a woman of wit and gallantry, who being always looking out for pleafures for herfelf, was the fitter for the commif- lion with which fhe was charged, of engaging me in all the eatertainments that aie commonly found in cities like Rennes, opulent and polite. If the life of a minifter was to be at all times like that which 1 led in this city, and which laired almoit fix weeks, it would have- in reality all thofc charms which are ib falfely attributed to it. I had no other employment than being prefent at the aflembly of the frates, who, with all poffible gratitude, agreed to the fervice the King required of them, and grant- ed him, without any opposition, eight hundred thoufand crowns ; of which one hundred was to be paid the firft month, as much the fecond, and afterwards two hundred each month, till the \vhole was paid. To furnifh this fum, a tax was created of four crowns upon a pipe of wine. The iii.embly were defirous of adding a prefent of fix thouiand crowns' to me, which I refufed, without examining whether this was among the number of thofe occafions when I might have been permit- ted to have accepted a prefent. The King, to whom the merit of rny dilintereftednefs had been highly exaggerated, and who had himfelf bellowed more prailes on my conduct in the aiTembly, than it deferred, was refolved, that the expence of a prefent to me fhould be his, and inftead of fix, gave me ten thoufand crowns. During fix and twenty years, which I had fpent in his Majefty's fervice, I had never received fo considerable a gift. On chis occafion there was a kind of generous con- teft betsvixt the King and the province of Britany ; VOL. II. Z which i 7 8 MEMOIRS Book IX. which at laft obtained, that thefe ten thoufand crowns ihould be added to the eight hundred thou- fand the aiTembly had offered his Majefty. The treaty with the Duke of Mercceur being compleated, the King fent it to the chamber of ac- counts at Rennes to be registered. As fome pri- vate articles in this treaty were not expreiicd, the court thought it had a right to refufe regiftring it, without certain reftriclions with reipect to thefe ar- ticles. Henry, who knew better than any other prince in the world, how far the power of thefe Ibvereign courts extended, and always appeared careful not to make the leaft encroachment upon it, refented this refufal with becoming fpirit ; and, together with the difpatches which I received from him regularly every day, he fent me an order in writing for the chamber of accounts, in which he obferved, that this court could not be igr.oranr, that in all treaties or acts relating merely to war or the King's perfori, the fovereign of France took counfel with no perfon, nor demanded his letters to be regiftered but as a formality, which otherwife was little elTential ; he reproved them for their rafh conduct, and ordered them to repair their difobedience by an abfolute fubmiffion to his will. The King did not fhew lefs firmnefs on another occafion which likewife regarded the fovereign courts. Thefe bodies aiTumed the privilege of fur- nifhing immediately but half of the funi which the ailembly had taxed them for their contingent, and endeavoured to take a more convenient and more diftant time for the p.iyment of the reft : they made the fame difficulties about their (hare of the neceffary contributions for the maintenance ot thofe troops which they had demanded themfelves. Henry ealily comprehended, that they would not have had recoxrrfe to this artifice, but to avoid contributing any thing, as foon as he had. quitted the province; therefore he fent me word, that it was i 5 97- O F S U L L Y. 179 was his will they fhould furnifh the whole tax ; which was done accordingly. Their murmurs on account of paying the troops ceafed, as foon as they were convinced that the tranquillity of their province depended upon this regulation, and they wei-e the firft after that to approve of my con- duit. Thefe feveral orders were fent to me from Nan- tes, to which place the King had advanced, after the treaty with the Duke of Aiercoeur had been a- greed upon, to attend to two affairs of importance, namely, the edict for the Proteftants and the recep- tion of the two ambafTadors from England and Hol- land. His Majefty believing his prefence in Picar- dy was neceffary to forward the peace, intended to have left Nantes in a month's time, without taking a journey to Rennes, which he had looked upon as ufelefs ; and had already given orders for the march of the five regiments of Navarre, Piedmont, the lile of France, Boniface, and Breaute, which he drew out of Britany, to fortify the frontier of Flanders. The King having informed me of his defign with refpedl: to thcfe regiments, I reprefented, to him, that the probability of a peace, being now- changed to an abfolute certainty, it was neceffary to diiband part of his troops, and leffen the num- ber of his garifons, as being a burden too heavy for the kingdom to fupport,and that two of thofe regi- ments were now fufficient forPicardy ; accordingly, only the two firft were fent thither, under the conduc~t of the Marechal de Briffac. I even inlilred fo much upon the neceffity there was for his M ijefty to {hew himfelf at leaft in the capital of Britany, that the King, altering his fcheme, relblved to come and Ipcnd fome days there before his return to Paris ; and for that purpofe, to difpatch as ibon as pof- iible, thofe two affairs which detained him at Nan tcs. , Z 2 It J8o MEMOIRS Book IX. It was now become more neceflary than ever, to regulate that concerning the Proteftants : thele people affumed fuch a licentioufnefs of tongue in France, that the King himfelf did not efcape the rage and malignity of their invectives. The re- monftrances his Majefty had made to the authors of the plot before mentioned, were fo far from bringing them back to their duty, that, in appear- ance, it ferved only to make them ufe their utmoft efforts to bring the whole Proteftant party in their feveral fynods *, to the moft violent refolutions : Madam de Rohan did not fcruple to cabal with many of them, in order to carry, by a plurality of voices, the propofal of taking up arms, and forcing the King to receive fuch conditions as they fhould prefcribe to him ; in which attempt fhe was feconded with furprifing affidr.ity, by D'Aubig- ne, remarkable for his fatirical turn, and propen- fity to flander f . It was he who in thofe affemblies had the affurance to mention, that they ought no longer to place any confidence in a prince who, together with his religion, had abjured every fenti- ment of his affection, good-will, and gratitude, for the Proteftants : that nothing but neceflity for- ced him to apply to them and treat them with re- gard ; that when this was over, he would have no longer any care about their confciences, liberties, or lives ; that the peace with Spain, which was upon the point of being concluded, would plunge the party into the utmoft diftrefs, fince the folc motive that induced Henry to confent to it, was to unite himfelf with that crown and the Pope, to facrifice them to their common hatred ; and there- fore, that nothing remained to be done, but to At Saumur. Loudon, Vencome, and C'-.arelleraut : ofthefewe have ipokcn l-.efore, on fxc?fion of the cabals ot the Proteftant par- ty during the fiege of Amie ;S. f He is fuppof-d to be the author of the confeffion of Sancy, the ademures of lue Baron de Fanefte, and other lampcons. '597- OF SULLY. 181 take advantage of the King's perplexity during fo toillbme a fiege *, the diftrefs he was in for mo- ney, the need he had of their affiftance, and the power which the Duke of Mercoeur ftill poifdTed in .Britany, to obtain by force what Henry would af- terwards refufe to grant them. To incite the members of thefe aflemblies to a revolt, the Proteftants thought the blackeft calum- nies were lawful. D'Aubigne was not afhamed to reprefent Henry there, as a prince to whom all re- ligions were indifferent, and who was only zealous for that which would fecure him a throne f . This v, r as the notion he wanted to give of his converfion. According to him, the luppcfed injuries offered to the Proteftants left no room to doubt of the new jyftem of politics that Henry had formed for him- ieif. Thefe injuries opened to D'Aubigne a vaft field for exclamation ; the leaft of them were re- prefented as outrages of the mod violent nature, and inftances of the deepeft treachery ; and thus, without any regard to the extreme injuftice of which he was guilty, he placed to the King's ac- count all thofe hardihips which proceeded iblely from the Catholics or the court of Rome. The Duke of Bouillon, leaving others to declaim, fup- ported D'Aubigne, by his uncommon dexterity in fowing divillon between the King and all that came near him, whether Catholics or Proteftants, and created him i'ufficient employment, that he might not for a long rime be at liberty to turn his arms againft him. The taking of Mende by Fof- fenfe, and the fitting out of the Count d'Auvergne, were the confequence of thefe counfels. * The fiege of Amiens. f " There are thive things, (f.-.id Henry IV.) which the world '' is very unwilling to believe j and yet, for all that, they are ftill " true and moft certain j namely, that the Queen of En r lario Hied a " maid j that the Archduke is a great ^Ci.cral ; an / ihai the K-ing *' of France is a very good Catholic." Journal de L'Etoile, p. 233. None iSz MEMOIRS Book IX. None of thefe perfons neglected to make their court to the ambaffadors from England and Hol- land, as foon as they arrived at Nantes ; and de- pended fo much the more upon drawing them into their fchemes, as they were not ignorant, that it was particularly reco.mnended to them to prevent a pe^ce with Spain Thefe ambafiadors were Lord Cecil * fecretary to Queen Elifabeth, and Juftin dc NaiTau, Admiral of the republic They demand- ed a private audience of the K>ng ; or, if that could not be obtained, at leaft to have no one pre- fent but Lomenie and me. But I was then employ- ed at Rennes. If the two ambaffadors had been perfuaded by the Proteftants, all they had to do was to intimi- date the King, and force him by menaces to come into their deiigns ; but either this was not in their power, or being convinced of the Proteftants in- juftice, they thought it beneath them to be influ- enced by their paffions ; and therefore took no notice to the King of what they had fuggefted. They had indeed offers to make which were much more likely to prevail with a prince of whofe in- clination for war they were not ignorant : the Englifh ambaffador offered, in the name of the Queen his miitreis, fix thoufand foot and five hundred horfe, to be maintained at her expence ; and NaiTau four thoufand foot, and a large train of artillery completely furnimed and fupplied, befides a particular fupply, which they hinted would be very conftderable, provided Henry would endeavour to retake Calais and Ardres. Upon the fuppofition that the King appeared inclined to accept thefe offers, the two ambafladors had or- ders to conclude a treaty of alliance immediately * This was not the fecrstary himfelf, whofe name was William, but his fon Robert. Dr T:v u, i. cxx. See iikewii'^: Ciimnol. Sep. tennaire for the yeir i;c8 concerning this in;erviev> of Henry IV. \vith the Engliih ana Du:ch ainba(I"..dors. between 1598. O F S U L LY. 183 between France, England, and the Low Countries, ngair.it: Spain, and to ftipulate that neither of thefe three powers fhould liiten to any proposal, either for a truce or peace with the common enemy, but with the confent of the two others. Happily the King efcaped this dangerous fnare ; and the confideration of the prefent ftate of his kingdom had more weight with him than all o- thers He thanked the ambafTadors with great politcnefs, and introduced his aniwer by afluring them that although he could not accept the offers of their fbvereigns, yet he would not depart from. t^it friendfhip which had fo long fublifted be- tween them : and that the peace he was going to conclude with Spain (for he did not conceal the terms he was upon with Philip) fhould not hinder him from keeping up the lame correfpondence with them as before, nor from fupplying them with money, when they had occalion for it, with this only precaution, that thefe loans were taken under the title of acquittances of debts, to give no pre- tence for a quarrel with Spain. He afterwards, with the fame fmcerity, explain- ed to them all his reafons for putting an end to the war. His kingdom, he told them, was not like England and Holland, fecured by nature from the attacks of her enemies, but open on all fides; his caftles unfortified, and deftitute of am- munition ; his marine weak, his provinces laid wafte, and feme of them reduced to mere deferts. He went on to give a more particular defcription. of the abufes which had crept into the govern- ment, and introduced a thoufand diforders ; all fubordination being cieftroyed by the licemioufnefs that had been pradtifed with impunity amidft the confulion of civil and foreign wars ; his power weak and unstable, and the royal authority, as well as the moil facrecl laws of the flate, equally difrcgarded. Thefe evils could only be remedied by i4 MEMOIRS Book IX. by a peace ; and if that remedy was ever fo> little deia)ed, France was every hour approaching to her ruin ; the; difremper would loon reach the heart, and no human help would then be able to remove it. Henry did not forget to ftrengthen thefe motives, by comparing his prefent fituation, in all thefe refpecls, with that of England and Holland, who could engage in a war, on which their fafety depended, confidently at the fame time with their iafety and their intereft ; and :he King drew this parallel with fo much ciearuefs and judgement, and io exat a knowledge of the ftate.of thole countries, as to make them feel the truth of what he was faying ; fp that the two foreigners, having nothing to object againft fuch convincing arguments, look- ed upon each other in amazement. The King gave them to underftand, that, when he had fettled tiie affairs of his kingdom, he fhould then, with more affurance of fuccels, renew his former defigns a- gainft the empire, and the houfe of Auftria ; but that thefe two enterprifes were not of a nature to be executed at one and the fame time. The arn- baffadors for form's fake, thought they ought to diffuade his Majcfty. frovn this refolution, but did it fo faintly, being themfelves llruck with the force of his arguments, that, before the conference was ended, the King brought them over intirely to his opinion, and obliged them to confefs, that the peace he was going to conclude was for the advan- tage of all Europe. They left France fcon after, ?nd filled their refpeciive countries with the opi- nion they had themiclves conceived of the. great wifdom and extraordinary abilities of the King of France. In effect, what innumerable miferies would -this. Prince have drawn upon his kingdom, if following the wild emotions of hatred and revenge, rather than the calm dictates of v idiom and prudence, he had at that inftant engaged in a \var, .which f though 1598. OF SULLY. 18$ though in his power to begin, was not to end ! How dreadful 'the confequence, if chance, which, arbitrarily difpofes of all the events of war, ihouid have favoured the enemies of France ! but grant- ing that his arms were victorious, how little pre- ferable to a defeat is that i'uecels, which a Prince m lift purchafe at fo dear a rate, as by the alienation of his domaines, by the anticipating and mortga- ging his revenues, by the ruin of commerce and agriculture, from whence France derives her chief fupport ; and laftly, by the utter devaluation of his provinces ! Such evils cannot be balanced by the acquin'tion of new territories, the poffeflion of which keeps the conqueror in perpetual alarms, and, remaining as fo many hateful monuments to the enemy of the ambition and injuftice of him. that gained them, cherishes and keeps alive thofe feeds of envy, hatred, and diilruft, which fooner or later never fail to produce the fame miferies with which the kingdom was before overwhelmed* On this account, I am not afraid to fay, that, in the prefent ftate of Europe, it is almoft equally un- laappy for its princes to fucceed or mifcarry in their enterprifes : and that the true way of weakening a powerful neighbour, is not to carry off his fpoils, but to leave them to be fhared by others. The infolence of the Proteftant cabal was totally deprefled, when they found that the ambafladors, upon whom they had fo greatly relied, were entirely brought over to the King's opinion ; and, not doubting bur that a peace would now be foon concluded, they thought only of procuring reafon- able conditions It was happy for them that, at a rime when it would have been eafy to punifh them for their unjuftifiable proceedings, they had a Prince to deal with whofe reafon was always ftronger than his refentment. Both fides were! then very induftrious to draw up that famous a- greement known by the name of the edict of V OL.I1, A a Nantes, i86 MEMOIRS Book IX. Nantes, by which the rights of the two religions were afterwards both clearly explained and folidly eftablHhed. Schomberg, the Preiidem de Thou, Jeannin ; and Calignon, were employed to draw it up, of which all I fhall fay is, that, by this edict, it was provided that the French Calvinifts, who till then had been only privileged by truces refu- med and continued, Ihould have a fixed and du- rable eftablifhment *. All that now remained to be done, was to get this treaty regiftered and con- firmed by the parliaments and fovereign courts, and to begin with thofe of Paris ; which was deferred till the King's return to that city. Having paid what he owed to the Proteftants f, according to the exacted juftice, the King thought himfelf ,not obliged to fhew much regard to thofe who rtill continued to ftir fedition, fuch as the Duke of Bouillon in particular, who had moft reafon to reproach himfelf, and, for once, he re- folved to fpeak to him like a mafter. He had now acquired a right to do this, even though we fup- pofe him not to have had it in the character of King. He propofcd as foon as he arrived at P.en- * The edict of Nantes was finned the I3th of April. De Thou fays, that the judicial confirmation of it was put off till after the de- parture of the legate, whom they were loth to lend away difcontent- ed. The conceflions this ed;ft contains more favourable than thofe that had been formerly gran ed them are, that thereby they were ad- mitted to phces of truir, both in the courts of juft:ce and in the finances : all the reft is no ways cfTjn'ially diff;:cnt from the edidr. of pacification that pafiVd in 1577. Eayle afctibes the honour of competing the edict of Nantes to the reformed minifter Chamier. See it in Matthieu, torn. 2. book 2. and in icveral other hiflorians. Therr were liicewife fome fecret artic.es, of which the moft cifad- vantageous for the Calvinift is that which forbids them th; exercifc of their religion in a great many towns and particular diftricts, as Rh?ims Soillbns, Dijon, Sens, &c. becaufe Henry IV. had io en- iiimfclf by particular treaties bsfore, with the different Lor^s of the league. } Le Grain mentions a good faying of Henry IV". One day as the P.oteftants were importunately tedi g him \\ith their demand^, " Apply to my filler," fays he to them, " for vour affairs are now "' Jaik:i into the hands of women to conduct them." nes 1598. OF SULLY. 187 nes to execute this defign, and took his rout thi- ther without delay. The Duke of Bouillon then lodged at the houfe of 1'Alloue, where he was con- iined to his bed by the gout. The King went to viiit him, and after the firft compliments, iignify- ing that it was his pleafure to be left alone with the Duke, the reft of the company quitted the chani- ber, and his Majefty defired that he would, with- out interruption, hear what he had to lay to him. He began with a particular detail of all his proceed- ings, to (hew that he was not ignorant of any of them. He dwelt chiefly upon fome fteps the Duke had taken fince the edict of Nantes, and were therefore fo much the more criminal, as it ought to have prevented him from entertaining a thought of rebelling againft a Prince who had fo generouily adhered to his intereft. The Duke attempted to offer fomething in his excufe, but he was flopped by the King, who told him, that without any juf- tification, he would from that day forget all that was patted ; and fince he had pardoned whatever the moft inveterate malice had been able to fuggeft to his enemies, he had no inclination to exclude from his favour an old fervant, with whom he had been pleafed for a long time. At laft he adviled the Duke, with an air of authority, which became him. better as he ufed it feldom, to make good ufe of the counfel he was now giving him as his friend, to think no more of his pafi behaviour, but for the fake of acling in a manner quite contrary ; for if he fhould again fail in his refpect to his King and mafter, he was refolved to make ufe of that convenience which the peace now eftablifhed in the kingdom gave, to bring him to punifhment. After which the King, without waiting for his anfwer, went out and left him to his own thoughts. The inhabitants of Britany were charmed with the affability of their King, and his complaifance in being preient at all the entertainments with which A a 2 the i88 M E M O I R S Book IX. the ladies contended to divert him. Henry divided his time between thefe affemblies, the fport of run- ning at the ring, balls, and tennis- playing, without leffening his affiduity about the Marchioneis of Monceaux, who was very far advanced in her pregnancy. - In the midft of thefe amufements, the King at certain intervals appeared fo penfive and relerved, . that it was not difficult to guels fome fecret uneafi- nefs preyed upon his mind ; and I was the more convinced of it when his Majefty, who often divert cci himfelf with hunting, ordered me twice to fol- low him apart, that he might have an opportunity of converging with me alone ; yet when I did fo lie .was filent. I then remembered that the i'ame thing had happened at baint-Germain and Angers ; and I concluded that he had a defign in view, which he had fome difficulty to difclofe to me, knowing with what freedom I fometimes oppofed his opinions ; but what this defign was I could not poffibly guefs. Returning from the above mentioned vifit to the Duke of Bouillon, his Majefty being at the foot of the ftair-cafe, faw me as 1 entered the court, and calling me, made me go with him into the garden which was extremely large and beautiful, holding my hand with his finger between mine as ufual, then ordered the door to be fhut, and that no per- ibn fhould be allowed to enter. This prelude made me expect to hear a fecret of great confequencc. Henry did not enter upon it immediately, but, as if he had not fufficient refo- lution to explain himfclf, began to tell me what had juft paffed between him and the Duke of Bouillon. This converfation was followed by news relating to the negotiations of Vervins, and led him infeniibly to reflect on the advantages France would receive from a peaceable government. One ciKcumftance, the King faid, gave him great uneafineis, which was, that not having children by the Queen his wife, 1598. O F S U L L Y. 189 wife, it would ahfwer no purpofe to be at fo much trouble to procure peace and tranquillity to his kingdom, fince, after his death, it muft necefiarily fall into its former calamities, by the dilputcs that would arife between the Prince of Conde and the other princes of the blood, concerning the fuccef- iion to the crown. His Majefty confeffed to me, that this was his motive for defiring, with fuch ar- dour, to leave Tons behind him. Unlefs his mar- riage with the Princefs Margaret could be diilblved, it was not poffible for him to be abfolutely happy ; but the informations he received from the Arch- bilhop of Urbin, Meffieurs du Perron, d'OlTat, and de Marquemont, his deputies at Rome, of the Pope's favourable difpoiitions in refpecl to that af- fair, gave him great hopes of its fuccefs. In effect, Clement VIII. who was as good a politician as any prince in Europe, revolving in his mind what means were moft likely to hinder France, and the other Chriltian kingdoms, from falling again into a ftate of anarchy and confufion, could find none ib effectual as to fecure the fucceffion of the crown of France, by authorifing Henry to engage in a f'econd marriage, which might produce him male children. Our converfation being fixed upon this fubjecl, it was eafy for me to perceive that it was from, hence his Majefty's uneafinefs proceeded ; but I could not fo foon know what particular circum- ftance it was that difturbed him. The King began to confider with me what princefs of Europe he ihould chufe for his wife, in caff his marriage with Margaret of Valois fhould be diiTolved. But in- deed he fet out with a declaration which Ihewed any reflections on that head would be fruitleis. " That I may not repent," faid he, " of taking " fo dangerous a ftep, nor draw upon myfclf a " misfortune which is with juftice faid to exceed " all others, that of having a wife difagreeable in " perfoa ipo MEMOIRS BooklX. " perfon and mind, it is necefTary thnt in her " whom I marry 1 fhould nnd thefe feven things ; " beauty, prudence, foftnefs, wit, fruitfulnefs, " riches, and a royal birth ;" but there was not one in al 1 Europe, with whom he appeared entire* ly fatisfied. " I Ihould have no objection to the " Infanta of Spain," purfued Henry, " although (t ihe is a little advanced in years, provided that " with her I could marry the Low- Countries, even " though I fhould be obliged to reftore to you the " county of Bethune. Neither would I refufe the " Princefs * Arabella of England, if, as it is pub- " liciy faid. that crown really belongs to her, fhc " were only declared prefumptive heirefs of it ; '' but there is no reafon to expect that either of *' thefe things will happen. I have alfo heard of tf fome princefies of Germany, whofe names I have *' forgot ; but the women of that country don't <{ fuit me. I fhould always fancy I had a hogfhead " of wine in bed with me ; betides, I have been " told that France had once a queen of that coun- " try, who had like to have ruined it : all thefe " confiderations have given me a difguft to the " German ladies. The fifters of Prince Maurice '* have likewife been mentioned to me ; but befides " that they are Proteftants, which would give um- " brage to the court of Rome and the more zea- 4f lous Catholics, they are daughters of a nun ; " which, together with a certain reafon that I'll " inform you of fome other time, has prevented " my entertaining any thoughts of them. The *' Duke of Florence has a niece who is faid to be " handibme, but ihe is defcended from one of the * Arabella Stuart. She was daughter to Charles, E^rl of Lenox, who was grandfon to ^.Jaraaret Queen of Scotland, eldift fifter to Henry VIII. Her ceufia german James VI. King of Scotland, ha- iing in 1602 been declared lawful heir to Q_E!ifabetb, the following jcara (Onf^-iracv was foTned ir 1 . her favour 5 aid (lie died in 1616, a frifoaer in the Tcwjr 01" Loaaon. S^e the hiiiorians. " moft 1598. OF SULLY. IQI " moft inconfiderable families in Chriftendom that " bear the title of Prince, it not being above three- " fcore or fourfcore years fince her anceftors were t( only the firit citizens in Florence ; flie is likc- " wife of the fame race with the Quren mother *' Catharine, who did fo much mifchief to France, *' and to me in particular. " Thefe." continued the King, obferving that I liftened attentively to him, " are all the foreign " Princeffes of whom I have any knowledge Of " thofe within my own kingdom my niece of " Guife would pleafe me beft *, notwithstanding " the malicious reports that have been fpread that " fhe loves pullets in paper better than in a fricaf- " fee. For my part, I not only believe thofe re- " ports to be falfe, but fhould rather chufe a wife " who is a little fond of gallantry, than one who " wanted underftanding ; but I am apprehenfive w that the violent affection fhe difcovers for her " family, particularly for her brothers, would cre- " ate fome diforders in the kingdom." After this the King named all the other prin- cefies in France, but to as little purpofe. He ac- knowledged that fome were beautiful, and genteel, fuch as the eldeft of the Duke of Mai'enne's two daughters, although of a brown complexion, the two daughters likewife of the Duke of Aumale, and three of the Duke of Longueville ; but all thefe were either two young, or were not to his liking He afterwards named iVlademoifelle Ro- han, the Pi incefs of Conti's daughter, of the houfc of Luce ; Mademoifelles Luxembourg and Gue- * Louifa Margaret of Lorrain : fhe was a very beautiful princefs. It was propof-d, t the time of the fiege of Paris, for her to marry Henry IV. in order to unite the two parties. The farcaftic lam- poons of that time charge her with carrying on an intrigue with the Duke de Beliegarde, martcr of the hoife : and what Htnry fays here of poulets, is t'ken from a fong th^t was nude 'igainft Madamoifeiie de Guife, which may bs feen in L'Etoile, for the year 1596. mene: ! 9 2 MEMOIRS BooklX. mene ; but the firft was a Proteftant, and the fe- cond not old enough, and the perfons of the two others did not pleafe him : and all for fome reafon or other were excluded. The King clofed this e- numeration by faying, that although thefe ladies might be all agreeable enough to him in their per- fons, yet he faw no way to be allured that they would bring him heirs, or that he could fuit him- feif to their tempers, or be convinced of their pru- dence, three of the feven conditions without which he had refolved never to marry ; fince, if he enter- ed into an engagement of that kind, it would be with a defign to give his wife a (hare in the ma- nagement of all his domeftic affairs ; and that, as according to the courfe of nature he fhould die be- fore her, and leave children very young behind him, it would be necefTary that he fhould be able to fuperintend their education, and govern the kingdom during a minority. Weary at length of endeavouring to no purpofc to find out what the King aimed at by this dif- courfe, " But what is it you mean, Sire, faid I, " by fo many affirmatives and negatives ; and what " am I to conclude from them, but that you are " defirous to marry, and yet cannot find a woman " upon earth qualified to be your wife ? By the " manner in which you mentioned the Infanta " Clara Eugenia, it fhould feem that great heirefies " are moft to your tafte ; but can you expect that " heaven fhould raife a Margaret of Flanders, or " a Mary of Burgundy, from the dead for you, " or at leaft reftore the Queen of England to her " youth ?" I added fmiling, " that for proof of " the other qualities which he demanded, I faw *' no better expedient than to bring all the beauties " of France together, from the age of feventeerx " to that of twenty-five, that by talking with them " in perfon, he might know the turn of their rem- " psr and genius ; and that for the reft he fhould 2 " refer 1598- O F S U L L Y. 193 " refer himfelf to experienced matrons, to whom " recourfe is had on iuch occasions." Then begin- ning to talk more ferioufly, I declared that, " in my " opinion, his Majefty might contract his expecta- (i tions, by ftriking off a great fortune and royal " birth, and content himfelf with a wife who was *' likely to keep his heart, and bring him fine " children ; but that here again he muft content " himfelf with mere probability, there being many " beautiful women incapable of chiiclbearing, and " many illultrious fathers unhappy in thtir .oti- " fpring ; but that whatever his children ihould " prove, the blood from which they fprung would " i'ecure the reipect and obedience .of the French " nation." " Well," interrupted the King, " fttting afide, " your advice concerning this aflembly of beauties, " with which I am mightily diverted, and your " fage reflection that great men have often children " who poflefs none of their qualities, I hope to " have Ions whofe adtions fhall exceed mine, bince :< you confefs that the lady whom I marry ought " 10 be of an agreeable temper, beautiful in her '" perion, and of luch a make as to give hopes of "" her bringing children, reflect a little, whether " you do not know a perfon in whom all thefc " qualities are united." I replied that I would not take upon me to decide haftily upon a choice where- in fo much conflderation was requilite, and to which I had not yet fufficiently attended. " And what " would you fay," returned Henry, " if I fhould ft name one, who, I am fully convinced, pofTeiTes " thefe three qualities." 1 fhould fay, Sire, re- plied I, with great iimplieity, that you are much better acquainted with her than 1 am, and that ihe muft neceffarily be a widow, otherwjfe you can have no certainty with regard to her fruitfulnefs. *' This is all you would dciirc," faid the King, " but if you cannot guefs who fhe is, I will name YOL.H. B b "her 194 MEMOIRS Book IX. " her to you." Name her then, faid I, for I own I have not wit enough to find out who fhe is. " Ah ! how dull arc you/' cried the King, " but " I am perfuaded you could guefs who I mean if " you would, and only affeft this ignorance to " oblige me to name her myfelf ; confefs then *' that thefe three qualities meet in my miflrefs : " not," purfued the King (in fome confufion at this difcovery of his weaknefs) that therefore I require a little time to confider of it," &c. And afier he had faid this, he got up and difmif&d them. faid, 1598. O F S U L L Y. j 97 faid, left it fhould draw her refentment upon me. " She loves you," find the King ro me, " and e- *' and efteems you ftiil more ; but her mind ftill " entertains ibir.e remains of diftrult, that you will " not approve of my deiign in favour of her and " her children. She often tells me, that when " one hears you perpetually talking of my king- " dom and my glory, one is apt to think that you *' prefer the one to my perfon, and the other to " my quiet." I anlvvered, that againft this charge I could make no defence ; that the kingdom and the fovereign were to be looked upon with the fame eyes : " Remember, Sire, added I, that your " virtue is the foul which animates this great bo- " dy, which muft, by its fplendor and profperity, *' repay you that glory and happinefs that it derives " from you, and that you are not to feek happinefs " by any other means." After this we left the garden, and it being night, feparated, leaving the courtiers to rack their imaginations in vain to guefs the fubject of fo long a conference. Neither the King nor I had attended to a cir- cumftance abfolutely neceffary on fuch occafions, which was Margaret's confent to the difiblution: of her marriage. I conceived it to be highly pro- per to enter upon this negotiation while we expect- ed the fuccefs of that which was carrying on at Rome. I was willing fir ft to found the intentions of this Princefs ; therefore the fubftance of the letter I wrote to her on this fubjecl was, that, moft ardently deiiring a reconciliation between her and the King, upon which France founded her hopes of having a lawful heir to the crown, I thought it my duty to intreat fhe Ihculd authorife me to ule my utmoft endeavours to effect this reconciliation; but that, if the inclinations cf both parties were fuch as to render this attempt fruitless, or that it fhould not conduce to the purpofe I mentioned to her (a point I was fenilble the fterility of this Princefs 1 9 3 MEMOIRS Book IX. Princefs would make her fecretly agree to) J ho- ped fhe would not be offended if I fhould after- wards take the liberty to perfuade her to make a itill greater facrifice, which the ftate expelled from her. I did not explain myfelf any farther, but af- ter what I had mentioned juft before, upon the neceflity of giving legitimate children to the crown of France, it was not difficult toguefswhat I meant by this facrifice. The Queen took time to deliberate upon a mat- ter of fuch importance, before fhe fent me an an- fwer ; which I did not receive till five months after 1 had written to her : it was dated from UfTon *, where flie ufually refided, and was fuch a one as we would have wifhed, prudent, modeft, and fubmiffive. Margaret, without explaining herielf any more that I hud done, upon a reparation that was not yet publickly talked of, was contented with fubftituting, inftead of it, an affurance that flie would readily fubmit to the King's will ; add- ing the moft candid praifes of his conduct, and thanks to me for my folicitude and cares. The King ftaid at Rennes but feven or eight days, refolving to fet out as foon as poffible for Paris, that he might reach Picardy the beginning cf May. He took his rout through Vitre f, from whence I received orders from him to give a gratui- ty to the garrifon of Rochefort, and afterwards to caufe the caftle to be razed. From Vitre his Ma- iefty coafted along the Loire, and came to Tours, by the way of La-Fleche, which he took pleafuie * This princcfs had at firfr retired nnny years before to Aen, and afterward^ to Carlat. King Henry III. her brother, had not trested her better than Henrv IV. her husband, but pcrfecuted her every v.-here, and at laft {hut her up in the caftle of Uffon in Auvergne, where, after his death, of honour, and repeating oft-n, " O very benign, Overyciea', O very merciful, f:c. Kin;:." " Arfil toi," favsHsfr.ry to him, '' a d ^erv w\a.v." Ani/tlirr ha- ving bcgi n his fpeech with rhefe wo-ds, '' Agefilaus, Ki:'g of Lace- '' i1tm> i . Sire &c. Th- King intcrrui tm^; him, fays, " Vcntrt^ " faintgtii ! I have he .rd i go-'d t'es! Ipo -en of 'his Apefiiau , but " he h^d din;ri firft; but, for my tart I have not yet." K.ivin*; twice told another, thut he fhcuid rut fnort his ha-angue ; and feeing that he \v 1- 's, he left hirr, and fn went a- wa^, ti-l'i him. ' You mul 1 . fav 'he rott then to mailer William," meaning the fcol that belonged to the court. their MEMOIRS Book IX. their fecurity for the future. All this was but the work of eight days, and his Majefty was no fooner come to Paris than the treaty was figned *. The treaty was very clear and plain. The re- fignation of all the towns and fortrefles that Spain pofieffed in France was almoft the only confider- able article in it. No difficulty arofe concerning the affair of the marquifate of Saluces ; the King did not think fit to break off the peace on account of this article, which was reckoned of fo little im- portance, that if Savoy fhould refufe to do jufticc in it, the King, it was faid, might, with ve- ry little trouble, feize the whole territory with- out any obftruclion from Spain, both parties, however, obliged themfelves to (land to the Pope's f decifion of the affair. Here the plenipo- tentiaries committed an error, which was the caufc of engaging his Majefty foon after in a war that might have been avoided. I fliall take no notice of the reft of thofe formalities in ufe amongft them J, and leave it to others to extol thofe refined ftratagems * On the zd of May, 1590, the peace Was figned, in the name of the King, " by M Pomponne de Bcllievre, Knight, L.rd of Gria- non, and counfellor of (late to the King, snd M. Nicholas Bru- Jart, Knight, Lord of Sillery, ccunfcllor of ftate to the King, and prefidtnt in his court of parliament at Paris. In the name of the Cirdina! cf Acftria, havinz full powers from the King of Spain, by M. John Richardot, Knight, chief and president of the privy- cottncilof his faid Ma^fty, and one of his council of ftate: M. John BaotHe de Taxis, Knight, &c, and M. Louis Verreiken, Knight," &c. See this w'noie treaty in the Memoirs & negotia- tions de la paix traitc a Vcrvins, torn. 2. with an account, in form of a journal of all t'oat oafTd between the plenipotenliarif f, from the opening of that negotiation till the conclufion of the peace. f Vrhat regards the D;ike of Savoy, who was reprefcnted by M. Cafpa'd de Geneve, Marquis de Lu'lin, and ccunicHor of ftate, &c. js at the end of the 24th article, ?nd imports, " that the remainder " of the other difFerences th)t fubfiil between the faid moft Ch'jftian " Kins nnd the faid Duke, {[nil b^ referred to the judgement of our " holy fit er Clement VI IT. to he oe'eimined by his Holinefs with- " in on: year. And matters lhal! continue in the ftate in which they " are ?t piefi.nr," &r. X There were fsunrl th:- fame difficulties a" to thefubftance, and the fameobflacks as to the formalities that a.-e uAialiy to be met with in i fuch 1598. O F S U L L Y. 201 ftratagems that in politics are thought the mafter- picce of human wit. The King ligned the treaty at Paris, in the pre- fcnce of the Duke | d'Arfcot and the Admiral of Arragon ; the Archduke did the fame at Bruflels, in the King of Spain's name and his own, before Marechal I'ironj on whom the King, to qualify him for this ceremony, hadjuft beftowedthe rank of Duke and Peer of France, a dignity that com- pletely turned his head. Meffieurs de Bellievre and de Sillery were likewife prefent. The Duke of Savoy gave his folemn aflent to the peace at Chamberry, in the preience of Gadagne Botheon, governor of Lyons, who was deputed to him by the King for that purpofe. Thus, notwithstanding a league fo poweful as that of the Pope, the Lmperor, the King of Spain, the Duke of Sav y, and all the ecclefiaftics of Chrijtianity, did the King of France accomplish his deiigns * and crown them with a glorious peace. All thofe who had been employed in effecting it, fuch Tort of deliberations. They may be fee n in the Lettres de M. de B.llievre and de Sillery, and ; n the Relation, &c. Ibid. T befe two negotiators have been generally commended for the firm a d ife conduct which they He wed therein. In ireir letters, and, among o- th:r 5 , in thofe dated the 71!) of April, ir.d 4th of March, they give a parti u!ar detail ot the motives that induced .hem to conclude with \he agents for t',.e Duke of Savoy in t. e manner of which M. de Sul- ly C'impJai'.s ' and all this they did by the particular orders of his Ma- jefiy, ii his letter of April 9. &c. j Henry IV. took an oath for the obferving of the treaty of peace OB Sunday the2lft of June, the Cardinal de Florence, the Prpe's le- gate, officiating in the moft folemn manner. The ate. unt is alfo to V>e met witn, Ibid, 'om 2. p. 266. of the MSS. de la Biuliot. du Roi, vol. 9361. Mi.m. de la ligue, torn." 6. Mem. de Nevers, torn. 2. Matthuu, torn. 2. 1.2. Caver, and others. * The letter* which this p r ince wrote to his two minif crs at Ver* vins, durinu ail the time that this negotiation lafted, confiim this. They are i^f.rted in the Mem. & Negotiations, &c. Ibid. He fays, f< That with one ftroke of his pen he had performed mr/re exploits, " than he coirc have dorn during a long war with the beft fw.^ds of his " kingdom." I; w s a;fo laid, upon this treaty, that the Spaniards had got the better by arms, but the French by negotiation. VOL. II. C c lie 202 MEMOIRS BooklX. he rewarded with a royal munificence : and to pre- vent this meafure from alienating Holland from his interefts, he fent Buzenval to Amsterdam, to keep up a good intelligence with the States, and to pay the penfion his Aiajefty allowed them. One could never weary in giving this prince the praifes fo juftly due to his great abilities, and to his fur- prifing diligence and expedition in ihewing himfelf in every part of his kingdom where his prelencc was neceflary. BOOK X. THE peace produced other cares and other labours. The King began by reducing the number of his troops, both French and foreign- ers. The Swifs, except three companies of an hundred men each, commanded by the Colonels Galati, Heid, and Baltazar, were difbanded. This reduction was not fo complete as I could have wifhed, and the neceffity of the times feemed to require ; but my advice on this head was not ap- proved by his Majefty. However, if it had been confidered that the royal treafure was almoft ex- liaufted, and yet there war, an abfolute neceffity of furnifhing money for many occafions fo urgent, that new fums muft necefiarily be borrowed for that purpofe, I am of opinion, that I could not have been reproached with a fordid and mifplaced oeco- nomy. Tkefe fums were to be applied to the fortifying a great number of towns, and the repairing of ma- ny buildings, that by the late diforders of the times were threatened with an approaching ruin, which it 1598. O F S U L L Y. 203 it was nccefiary to prevent without delay. Upon viiiting the chief rivers of the kingdom, to fettle the different claims (a bufinefs which was trufted to four perfons of known probity) it was likewife found necefiary to raife feveral works, particularly upon the Charente. Amongft other political regulations which were thought neceffary to be made, the King fet bounds to that prodigious quantity of grain, which it was ufual to fend out of the kingdom, and which often expofed France to fuffer the greateft inconyeniencies from a fcarcity of her own produce *, By ano- ther regulation, all that had no right to wear fwords f , were forbid, upon pain of the fevereft punilhments, to appear with them. Amidft thefe occupations, polite literature was not excluded from a fliare of the King's attention^. He * The moft jnft confequence which it would feem 'can be drawn from all the reafonings we read and hc^r daily upon this point, namely of exporting corn out of the kingdom, is that which the Duke de Sully inters hc'e. It would be unreafonabte to deprive this kingdom of one of the moft bappy refources and one of the richett Aipports of its commerce, by forbidd-ng all exportation of this fort of commodity: and it would be no lefs imprudent to allow it without meafure or pro- portion. If to find this proper medium, the public and royal megazines do not appear to be an anfwerable and fufficient expedient, by rertfon of the great expences and ftill gieater inconveniencies that attend them ; it would feem that the fame objection cannot be made againft com- mifTaries that might be eftabl;fhed to take care that the granaries of private perfons might be filK-d, opened, and (hut, whenever the pu- blic exigencies require it. This part of political (Economy, whofe great and aimoft Iblc view (hould be to know and keep up the pro- portion betwixt the productions of the earth and their ccn umption, by fairly balanc:ng the different years and different provinces, is not, J believe, fo Difficult as it firft appears. \- As to the regulation of cairying arms, feveral perfons are of o- pimon, that it would be proper to ad.) fome diflinguifhing marks in the form of the cloaths, that might ferve to make known in public the different ranks of people. J As to arts and fcicnces, and the belles Kttres: if it be trns, as it appears undoubted, that it is to the care that ha been taken for fome years part to cultivate them in Europe, that \vc owe the differ- ence that may at thk day be obferved among Europeans, with re- C c 2. gard 204 MEMOIRS Book X. He heard Caufabon '.entioned, and upon the repu- tation of this learned man, he invited him to come and fettle in Paris with his family, where he fixed him by a peniion that afforded him the means of living as became a man of his character, who is not called, faid Henry, to govern a ft ate. I am under a neceffity of fuppreffing a detail of lefs important incidents, the number of which would be infinite, were 1 to recount in thefe Me- moirs all that his Majefty faid or wrote to me from Fontainbleau, Monceaux, and Saint-Germain-en- Laye. where he paffed the remainder of this \ear, and where, from time to time, he commanded my attendance to confer with me upon different occa- fions. I fhall exactly fulfil my former promife, in fuppreffing all that are not in thcmfelves of fome confideration ; and lhall only obferve here, that gard to the foftnefs of their manners, the pc! tenefs of their behavi- our, thc-ir connexion with each o her, and the means which a mots pacific fpirit has found out to difcufs and terminate, in a lefs truel manner, their refpeCtive difference^ ; it appears, thai, by all kind> of publi motives, independently of that of 'he glory and particular in- teieft that refults t'rom it, a great ftate ought not to lofc light of this ob <.c~l. After all the care which hu- be.n already tak n in this kingi dom, in order to form and efta'bliili a library, mufeums, and collec- tio' s of all kind 1 , that might be wormy of the powerful monarch that rules it, to inft.ture academies where perfons apply themfelves to improve the arts and fciences ; the world expccls with impatience to fee the defign executed that w s formed fomc time: ago. namely, to accommodate all the different parts a httl more to one another, in fuch a large town as Paris, by bringing them a!! within the fame wail.-, where one might conveniently find all, at onre, s bo Jcs, in- ftrumentj, printing- houfes, and in g-neral, all the neceflary imple- ment?, together with proper accornmad ;tions for lodging the perfons appointed, and intruded witli the infp;dlion of ihcm ; ad efp^cially, to fte eftablifheH a tnbunal of arts and >ciences confii'iing of proper perfons in 'he different academies, and paid by his Majefty, to make exaft trial and form a p'ecife judgement concerning boks, difcovc- rie?, and productions that might be ufcful to the public. At firft there was an intention to make the (quare or place Vendome f-rve for this purpofe ; after this the Old Louvre /as pitched upon: bat exigencies of ftate that are ftill more necefnry to hea't;:nd;j ti>, 13T5 ever fince ciade the execution of this project be deferred. perhaps 1598. O F S U L L Y. 205 perhaps no minifter of ftate ever found in his prince more attention, or more fertility of expe- dients for every thing that could promote either the advantage 01 the mere convenience of a king- dom, than I found in the Prince whom I ferved. Neither peace, nor domeftic affairs, made him ne- glect to obferve v.-hat was doing in the neighbour- ing courts. The queftion about the true or falfe Don Sebaftian * made then a great noife in Lurope as well as in Spain. He fen: La T remouille into Portu- gal, to endeavour, if poflible, to unravel the myftery, that he might not, but upon full conviction, deter- mine upon the jultice or iniquity of the council of Sp:iin, which had begun their meafures by cau- fing the fuppofed King of Portugal to be arreft- ed. Henry, not having yet explained himfelf con- cerning thofe great fchemes which he afterwards formed againft the houfe of Auftria, was defirous of acting this year as a mediator between Spain and England. He therefore propofed a conference to be held at Boulogne * between the two crowns, and fent Caumartin and Jeannin, to aflift at it in * This queftion feems at prefent t-> be p'etty well decided, by the authority of far the g-eateft part of the heft hiftorians, who make no doubt but rhat King Sebaftian loft his life in the battle he fought with the Moprs at Alcacar, in 1578 j and confeauently that this pre- lendcii Don Sebaftian was but an importer, foppurted both at that time and fince hy the enemies of S-ain. See the proofs of t h i< king's death in M. ' de Thou, book 65. of which we fhail f.,y more in the feqael. France could betides have medoled in this queftion ano- ther way. Catharine tie M?dicis pretended to have a rightful title to the crown of Portugal alledging thai fi,e was descended of Robert {on to Al.h'>nfus III. by Maude his firft wife who died in 1262. Since which time fhe main ained that a'! the kings of Portugal were no o- ther than ufurpers. But as thefe were points very difficult to be de- cided, it appers that !ne made but iittie prugrefs in nr.aking gooii her preienfions. ' * This conference or congrofs, into which were admitted the States of the united provinces, was not held till the year 1599, in the months of May and June. his 206 MEMOIRS Book X. his name. It was in vain that I oppofed a meafure, which leemed to me to be founded in very bad po- licy ; happily, however, this conference produced nothing that had been expected from it. The ob- ftinate ha red thcfe two nations bare to each other, gave rife immediately to io hot a difpute about pre- cedency, that they iepararcd before they had even begun toleciie the fniallcfi: preliminary. Jc uits were not more fortunate in their en- deavours to take advantage of that article in the treaty of Vervins, by which all French exiles as well as foreigners were at liberty to return into Fnnce anJ fettle there. The decree of council which intervened, deprived them of this refource, and they were obliged to make ufe of other means that lucceeded oe r ter. The ailembly of the clergy which was held this year, and continued part of the following, fliared likewife his Majefty's attention, as well as the pro- mtlon of Cardinals. The fon of Madam Sour- clis was one of thole Frenchmen for whom the King procui'ed a hat, although he was too young to be thought worthy of that diftinction. Madam de Sourdis owed this favour to the Duchefs of Beaufort's intereft, whom he prevailed upon to fupport her requeft. This was the title the King's miftrefs now bore, for \\hich fhe quitted that of Marchionefs of Mon- ceaux, when the birth of a fecond fon drew from his Majefty an increafe of tendernefs and honours. This lady had for a long time fet no bounds to her ambition; fhe afpired to nothing lefs than being declared Queen of France ; and Henry's paffion for her, which incrcafed every day, gave her hopes of accomplishing her defigr.s. Whtn fhe was in- formed that the King's agents at Rome were com- miffioneci to folicit the ditiblution of his marriage with Margaret, and that his Mnjelty was on the point of fending the Duke of Luxemburg to that court 1598. O F S U L L Y. 207 court with the title of ambafFiu'or, to Laften the concluilon of it, fhe looked upon th : s us a favour- able opportunity. But fufpTCtiiig the agents and probably the new ambafTador, Ihe caft her e>ei up- on Sillery, who was already deep in her inteieil, and whom this iaft inftance of confidence would not fail ot binding full cloler to her fervice. She fentforhim, aiiSJ 'explaining her views to him, let no bounds to the reward which fhe pretended to give for his fervice and devotion. As fhe knew what was moft likely to tempt billery, fhe allured him of the ieuls ac his return from Rome, though at the hazard even of difobliging Madam de Sour- dis her aunt and intimate friend, and promifed him likewife the poit of Chancellor, as loon as it ihould be vacant. At this price Sillery engaged, with all the oaths iue demanded from him, to ne- glect nothing that might prevail upon the Pope to legitimate the two children fhe had by Henry, and to diflblve his marriage with Margaret. This firll ftep taken, few obstacles remained to hinder her advancement to the throne. She eafily found rea- fons to make the King approve of the ambaflador fhe had chofen. The Duke of Luxembourg was only fuffered to fet out, to be recalled as foon as Sil- lery ihould be in a condition to take his place. The Duchefs was at no pains to conceal from the court the title with which fhe had graced her favourite. She aflifted nerlelf in preparing his equipages, and prevailed upon the King to give the neceflary orders for Silkry's appe : ranee \\ ith all the pomp and mag- nificence, by which the fuccefs of his negotiation might be fecnred. The Duchefs of Beaufort at the fame time, to prepare the French for that change which fhe me- ditated for her children, obtained of the King, who had no lefs tendernefs for them than for the mother, that the ceremony of the baptifm of the fecond ion fhe had lately born him, ihould be per- formed 2o8 MEMOIRS BookX. formed at Saint- Germain, where his Mnjefty then was, with the fame magnificence and honours which in this ceremony are only ufed to the chil- dren of France. Though I could pardon in this lady an intoxication in which fhe was kept by the fervile refpec~t the courtiers paid to her children, and the adorations they offered to herfelf, I could not have the fame indulgence for Henry, who was fo far from taking any meaiurcs to undeceive her, that he gave orders for the baptifm of this child, with a readinef; that fhewed how agreeable the re- queft was to him. I declared my Liniments of this proceeding with great freedom I endeavoured publicly to oppofe the inference which I perceived the courtiers would draw, in favour of children fo dear to the King, for the fucceffion to the crown. The King himlelf, after the ceremony, became fenfible that he had permitted too much, and told me that they had exceeded his orders ; which I had no difficulty to believe. The child was named Alexander *, as the eldeft had been Csefar ; and the court- flatterers, by a kind of fecond baptifm, gave him the title of Monfieur, which in France no one is allowed to bear but the King's only brother, or the prefumptive heir to the crown. The miftrefs did not ftop here ; fhe began to afTume all the airs of a Queen, not indeed wholly through her own prefumption, for I think fhe knew herfelf too well to have indulged fuch extra- vagant ideas, but was driven on to take that ftep by the continual folicitations of her creatures and relations. Madam de Sourdis, Chiverny, and Frefne, feconded her fo well on their parts, that it became infenfibly the public talk of the court, that the King was going to marry his miftrefs ; and * They eave him the title of Chevalier de Vendome. Lady Catharine, filter to the King, and the Count de Soiffo. s, wer- ti.e fponfors ac his chri'kning. He died grar.d prior of Prince, in 1629. 2 that jjr,3. O F S U L L Y. 209 that it was for this purpofe he was foliciting his divorce at Rome. 1 was {hocked at a report f ; in- jurious to the glory of this prince, i went to him, and made him ienfible of the confequence of it He appeared to me concerned, and even piqued at it. Yet his iirit care was to juftify Ma- dam de Beaufort, who, he pofhively affured me, h,ul not contributed to the report ; for which all die pr jot he had was, that fhe had told him fo. He threw the whole blame upon Madam de ' our- dis and Freine, to whom he {hewed that he was capable of pardoning a conduct: fo little refpe&ful to h' in ; iince, although he was afTured they were guilty, he gave them not the flighteft reprimand. One circumftance added great weight to the fteps I took on ihis occaiion both in public and private. Queen Marga.et, with whom the affair of the ap- proaching diilblution of her marriage obliged me to keep a correfpondence by letters, was the laft who heard of what was faid and done at court, with regard to Madam de Beaufort's pretenlions. As foon as fhe was informed of them, fhe wrote to me, and gave me to underftand, that fhe had not changed her mind with regard to a feparation. from the King, but that fhe was fo much offended at their intending to give the place fhe refigned to a woman fo infamous as the jJuchefs was by her commerce with the King, that, although fhe had at fir ft given her confent without annexing any conditions to it, (he was now determined to infift upon the excluiion of this woman ; and no treat- ment whacever fhould oblige her to alter her refo- lution. I fhewed this letter to the King, who judging by it how much his marrhge with his mifuefs would irritate the belt of his fubjecls a- gainft him, began, In reality, to change his fenti- incats and condudt I was of opinion that if Madam de Beaufort was acquainted with, the contents of this letter, it might VOL. II. Dd pro- MEMOIRS Book X. probably produce the fame effects upon her. I would not take this trouble upon myfelf, being unwilling to meet the inlblence and rage of a wo- man, who looked upon me as a flumbling-block in the way ot her advancement ; but I communi- cated the letter to Chiverney and Frefne, who im- mediately informed Madam de Sourdis of it, and ihe, alujoft in the fame moment, the Duchefs of Beaufort. But this lady's counfellors were not fo t\iflly alarmed : they were very fenfible that the de- iign in which they had undertaken to engage the Kimr, could not fail of meeting with many diffi- culties, and they had fettled their behaviour upon each. The refult of their deliberations had been, to haften, as much as poffible, the concluflon of the afKiir ; perfuading themfelves, that when it M-as (nice over they might give it a colour that fhould make it excufable ; or, at worfi, matters would be compofed after a little murmuring, as always happens when things are without remedy, They knew well the difpofition of the French nation, efpecially the courtiers, whofe firft law it is, to be always of the fame mind with the fove- reign, and whcfe ftrongeft paffion, the defire of pleallng him. In a word, they thought themfelves fecure of every thing, provided the King himfelf did not fail them. Frefne having drawn up the warrant for the payment of the heralds, trumpeters, and other tinder-officers of the crown, who had attended at the ceremony of the baptifm, it was brought to hie, as well as the reft, that I might give my or- der for its payment. As foon as I caft my eyes upon this writing, a tender concern for the King's honour made me look upon it as a lafting tefti- inony of his weaknefs, which was going to be handed down to pofterity I helitated not a mo- ment to return it, and caufed another to be drawn Up in terms more proper. The titles of Monfieur, : Son jj 9 8. O F S U L L Y. 211 Son of France, and all that could give any notion of that kind, was fuppreffed ; and confequentlr the houfhold fees reduced to the ordinary price, with which they were highly diffatisficd. They did not fail to renew their efforts; and in their difcontent quoted Moniieur de Frefne, and the law by which their claims were regulated: At firft I reftrained myfelf before thefe people, whole bad intentions I well knew ; but growing impatient at laft, I could not help faying to them, with fome indignation, " Go, go, I will do nothing in it ; <{ know that there are no children of France." No fooner Jiad thefe words efcapcd me, than, fufpecling that a troublefome affair would be made of it, to prevent it, I went immediately to his Majefty, who was walking with the Duke d'Epcr- non in the palace of Saint- Germain. I {hewed him the warrant Frefne had drawn up, telling him, that if it was allowed, there needed no more but to declare himfelf married to the Duchefs of Beau- fort. This is Frefne's malice (faid the King, after '" he had read hi) but I lhall take care to prevent " it." Then, commanding roe to tear the paper, he turned to three or four lords of the court who were neareft him *' How malignant are thefe people (faid ft he aloud,) and what difficulties do chey throw " in the way of thofe who ferve me with fidelity. " They brought a warrant to Monfleur de Rofny, ". with a deligntomake him offend me, if he paffed " it, or my miftreis, if he rcfufed it." As matters then flood, thefe words were far from being in- different. They gave the courtiers, who had fmiled at my fimplicity, to under (land, -that they might poffibly be deceived themfelves, and that the fuppofed marriage was not fo near as they had imagined. The King continuing to converfe with me apart, told me, that he did not doubt but that Madam de Beaufort was greatly enraged a- gainft me, and advifed me to go te her, and en- D d 2 deavour, 212 MEMOIRS BookX. deavour, by folid reafons, to give her fatisfa&ion. *' If they will not do, (added he,) i will fpeak to " her as her mafter." 1 went directly to the Duchefs's apartment, which was in the cloiiter of Saint Germain. I knew not what notion ihe conceived of a vifit which flie found I began with a fort of explanation. She did not allow me time to proceed. The rage with which fhe was animated not permitting her to obferve any meafures, fhe interruted me with a reproach that I had impoled upon the King, and made him believe that black was white. " 'Tis * f well ! (faid I, interrupting her in my turn, but *' with great calmefs,) lince you ihink fit to talk *' in this manner, I fliall take my leave ; but I fhall *' not, however, neglect to do my duty " Saying this, I left her, not being willing 10 hear more, left I fliould be tempted to fay fomething more ievere. I put the King in a very ill humour with his miftrefs, when I repeated to him what flie had faid. " Come along with me, (faid the King, with an " emotion that pleafed me greatly,) and I will let you " fee that women do not wholly pofiefs me." His co.tch not being ready foon enough for his impati- ence, hi Majefcy got into mine ; and as we drove to the Duchefs's lodgings, he affured me that he would never have caufe to reproach himfelf, that, through his complaifance for a woman, he had banilhed or even difgufted fervants, who like me, were only felicitous for his glory and interelt Madam de Beaufort, upon my leaving her apart- ment fo haftily, had expected to fee the King ioon after : and during that time had taken iufficient pains to fet off her perfon to the greateit advan- tage ; believing, like me, that the victory which one or other of us muft now gain, would be the prefage of her good or bad fortune. As i'oon as flie was informed of the King's arrival, ihe came as far as the door of the firft hail to receive him. Henrv, 1598. O F S U L L Y. 213 Henry, without faluting her, or expreffing any part of his ufual tendernefs, " Let us go, Madam, " faid he, to your chamber, and fuffer no one " to enter but yourfeif, Rofny, and me; for I " want to talk to you b..th, and make you live to- " gether upon friendly terms." Then ordering the door to be fhut, and that no one fhould be differed to remain in the chamber, d rolling room, or clo- i-r, he took her hand, holding one of mine at the iame time, and with an air, at which Ihe had good i-eafon to be furnviJed, told her, that the true mo- tive which had determined him to attach himfclf to her, was the gemlenefs he had obferved in her dif- poiition ; but that her conduct for fome time paft had convinced him, that what he hr.d believed to be real was only difiembled, and that fhe had de- ceived him. He reproached her with the bad coun- iels to which fhe had liftened, and the very con- iiderable faults they had occafioned. He covered me with praiies, to* fhew the Duchefs by the dif- ference of our proceedings, that I only was truly attached to his perion. He commanded her to get fo far the better of her averfion for me, as to be able to regulate her conduct by my advice, fince, fhe might depend upon it, his paffion for her fliould never induce him to deprive me of his con- fidence. Madam de Beaufort began her anfwer by fighs and tears; fhe a {Turned a tender and fubmiffive air; /he would have kiiTed the hand of Henry ; omit- ting no artifice which fhe thought capable of melt- ing his heart. It was not till Che had played over all thefe little arts, that fhe be;^an to fpeak, which ihe did by complaining, that inftead of thole re- turns fhe might have expected from a Prince to whom fhe had given her heart, ihe faw herfelf la- criiiced to one of his grooms. She repeated ail that I had faid or done to the prejudice of her chil- dren, in order to awake his Maj city's refentment ' againft 2f4 MEMOIRS BookX. againft me. Then, feigning to fink under the vio- lence of her grief and defpair, fhe let herfelf fall vipon a couch, where fhe protefted {he was deter- mined to wait for death, not being able to endure life after fo cruel an affront. The attack was a little ftrong ; Henry did not expect it. I obferved him heedfully, and faw his countenance change ; but recovering himfelf immediately, that his miftrefs flight not perceive it, he continued to tell her in the fame tone, that (he might fpare herfelf the trouble of having recourfe to fo many artifices ou fo flight an occafion. henfibly affedted at this re- proach, (lie redoubled her tears, crying, that fhe ^plainly perceived fhe was abandoned, and that was transacted by me ; thefe gentlemen difdained even to come to the meetings, unkfs forced thither bv their own inte- reft, or that of their relations or friends. In thofc meetings, nothing was propofed without my appro- bation, and nothing executed without my ccnfent. The King had no fecret with which I was not en- trufted, nor any authority with which I was not occafionally inverted. All thefe confiderations perfuaded me that, if the calamities caufed by fo many long and cruel civil wars were ever to be re- paired, O F S U L L Y. 219 paired, now or never was die time to accom- pitfh it. I had received from nature a ftrong constitution, a body able to Support * long labours, and a mind capable * The piflure which M. de Peiefixe gives us of M. de Rofnv, al- together agrees wiih that which we fee dr.,wn here. " He had ef- ** peciaily, fays he, a genius turned for 'h; m.'rug.ment of the firiah- " ces, a.,tA all t>he other qualification? requifi e lo< fuch a fiation. In " ;-ct, -he wns a regular man, ex. ft, a, d a gre t tcconom.ft, he " was run\ual to his word, no ways prodigal, wahi.ut any p mpu- " ous oft .a ation, not inclined to pr.iufe expence, g^me, or women, " nor addkvcd to any thine that d.d not txa,f!)y ialiy with a man *' bred to ftich an employment. Btfidcs, he wa vigilant, laborious, " expediiious, bert<-wifg almoit his wnole time on hunntfs and but little on hi? ple.vares. Withal! he had rht hjppy d-xterity . f fee- ing throEgh fuch ort ' f m ;'ters, and ot urra\elmg the puzz ing, pcrpleutitrb, and untying the intiicate knots, under which the far- ' mers of the finances, when they have a mind t<; be knavifh, en- ' d.-avoflr to conceal their tricks." Part 3. P Ma thieu giv^s him no hfi' hi^h a charaf'er, torn, i 1. a. p. 278. " The Kirg gave " him," lays Le Giain, " tlie port et ftipenntt ndant-genc-ral ot his " finances, inve^ ii-,g him with To great n uthority as had never " been f en in ihat office betore. In this place, ii muft be co: ft rd, wanted .1 man at t!;at time, uho would have his eyes h oi_- ' winked to every othe; confi^t^ ion bu: t e King's advantage, that ' is, to the public trtafure, w ich it was neceffary to reft.*!.- to its ' full vigour ; and who would br more rigid than either the dignity ' o, fame peri'ons ortne refptd due to othets, wt.ula have endured ' at any other time. And indeed this grea> authority and power, " which the King gave him, did in a Ihtle time after, reftore full " ftr.:- g'h to all the rr.ain refourc^s of the ftate." See the whole of what 'h'is -.vri;er lays. wi;h r;,!rd '.o M. de Sully. 1. 7. " HL put," fiys D'AuS'gne torn. 3. 1. 5. c. 3. " 1 he finances " into the ha-.dsof th- Marquis df Rofny, afierwards Duk of Sul- " ly, hecaufe he found he had a \e.y cxtenfive a>im fay, that he alone was of more E e i " uf 220 MEMOIRS Book X. capable of great application, a natural propenfity to regularity and oeconomy, improved by a parti- cular ftudy of that fcience for a courfe of twenty- five years that I was near the King's perfon ; and, if I may be allowed to fay it, a pafiion yet more forcible for honour and virtue Such are the qua- lities I brought to the conduft of public affairs. With thefe, although one cannot keep clear o committing faults, and thofe likewife very confide- rable, yet (and experience as well as the fuccefs that attended my labours gives me a right to fay fo) one may be aflured that the revenues of a ftate are fallen into good hands, when a moderate degree of judgement, much diligence and exactnefs, and ftill more probity, are qualities remarkable in him that governs them. I dare not aiTume more likenefs than this to the portrait I am going to draw of a good minifter of the finances; becaufe that, al- though I have always propofed fuch an one for my imitation, yet I candidly confefs I am far from pre- tending to let up myfelf for a model. It would be the fhorteft way to fay, that a man who is called to the management of public affairs, ought to have no pafflons ; but that we may not wholly deftroy the notion of fuch a being, by re- ducing him to an impoffible and merely ideal exift- ence, it is fufficient to fay, that he ought to have " ufe to the public, and knew its interefb better, than all the reft " of the kingdom befi'irs." The ms. Tru- fev rity, ri- gidnefs, and hau r h y tarriag?, wriich are almciHlie onlyfaujrs v.ith vvl.ith ,e has been cha-ged, arif- from the lail mjatLned quality, that no dvoubt was c.vrir.j a little too far. We ftiall haveo:cafion to fpeak m-jre of it TI the ff-quel : but I thought myfclt ob.ig d previ- oufly to a jd thefe tcfiimonies, to the accinmt he j,ives us oi bis cha- tailer ana conduil. fuch I5 (;8. OF S U L L Y. 221 fuch a knowledge of them, as to be able to avoid their influence. He fhould be fenHble of all the meannefs of pride, the folly of ambition, the weaknefs of hatred, and the b.ifenefs of revenge. As 1 intend only to make fuch refleftkjos as imme- diately relate to him, I fhall not take any notice here of the great meannefs of treating people ill, not only by actions but even words and of never giving orders to inferiors but in the tranfports of rage, or peevifhnefs of ill humour, leafoning them with oaths and curfes ; fince, liv ng for the public, he ought to appear affable, and be eafy of accefs to every body, except to thof; who only come to him with a deiign to corrupt him. and never to lofe fight of this maxim, which holds one of the firft places in the affairs of government. That a king- dom ought to be regulated by general rules, and that exceptions only occifion dilcontent, and pro- duce complaints. A juft knowledge of what is due to rank, and of different degrees of diftmclion, is fo far from being contrary to this maxim, that it is eflentially neceflary to it, as well for obferving thofe rules of behaviour to perfons of different ranks, which the French politenefs h;is eftablifhed, as to be unde- ceived of that miftake, that one's riches and the favour of his King place every other perfon in a ftate of fubordination to him. An inclination for the fair fex is a fource of weakneffes and injuftice, which will inevitably carry him beyond the bounds of his duty. A paffion for deep play will expofe him to temptations ftill a thoufand times more diffi- cult to be overcome by a man who has all the money of the kingdom palling through his hands. That he may efcape this dangerous fnare, I am un- der a ncceffity of prefcribing to him to have no ac- quaintance either with cards or dice. A diflike to bufmefs proceeds generally from the fame inclinations which lead to voluptuoufnefs, or create 222 MEMOIRS Book X. create effeminacy. A ftttefmaa ought in tempe- rance to feck for a remedy againft a fondnefs for fplendor, and the delicacies of the table, which lerve only to enervate both body and mind. A vir- tuous man ought to be wholly unacquainted with drunkennefs ; a diligent man ought to be no lefs ignorant of what is called high living. As he ought to make his retirement into his cabinet at all times, and at all hours, not merely fupportable, but plea- iing , he cannot be too careful to prevent his mind from running on the delights of balls, mafquerades, and other parties of pleafure. In all thele trilling amufements there is a namekfs enchantment, that intoxicates the hearts of philofophers and mifan- thropes themfelves. The fame caunon is necefTary againft hunting, keeping many fervants, equipages, furniture, buildings, and all other occaiions of ex- pence that luxury has invented. A tafte for any of thefe thinps foon degenerates into a kind of paf- fion, of vhich the xvafte of time is not the only bad confequence ; prodigality, ruin, and difhonour, are its ufual effects. It belongs only to man who cannot reiolve to live and amufe himfelf with his own company, to think continually of galleries, columns, and guildings, and to run all his life after ftatues, antiques, and medals. Do you learn to be contented with a common picture ; the delicacy of procuring, at a great expence of money and an- xiety of mind, original and other fcarce pieces, proceeds wholly from an affectation of tafte. I am, however, far from carrying the feverity of thefe manims fo far, as to forbid a man, im with a public employment, from having any atten- tion to his own eafe ; and to deny him all kinds of amufement. I would have him indulge himfelf in moderate pleafures, and take care of his fortune, provided that he does the one without diffipation, and the other without difhonour. It is one of thofe advantages that attends a difpolition not prone to expence, 159$. O F S U L L Y. 223 expence, and fond of regularity, that he who i? poiHtled of it, if he lives long, finds himfelf in- fenfibly in affluent circumftances. To make a for- tune, which is a phrafe of fo hateful a found, (be j caufe, when it is applied to a man of buiinefs, it commonly means nothing but injuftice, opprefiion, and cruelty ; and when applied to a courtiei , noticing but mean tricks, defpicable flattery, cringing i ervilky, and even at fome times knaveries and treachery), is nothing more than a natural confequence, and even an act of virtue, where all lee that the fortune is only the reward of labour, or an honeft recompence of good actions. That I may not be miftaken, 1 will add, that this ought to appear fo clearly as to force our greateft enemies to fee it and confefs it *. It ought therefore to be an eftablifhed rule, That every man who undertakes the management of the finances, or any other part of the miniftry, fhouid make and renew, from time to time, a kind of ac- knowledgement of the ftate of his income ; that is, that upon his entrance into the miniftry he fhouid draw up an exact and particular memorial of his prefent poflcffions, and upon his leaving it give in another in the fame form ; fo that whatever altera tions have happened in his fortune may be known to others as well as himfelf. I have already taken care to give the public an account of every aug- mentation of my fortune, and each new dignity that was conferred upon me, according to the dif- rent periods of time when they happened, and I * A great part of the maxims which fill up chap. 8. part i. of ths political teftament of the Cardinal de Richelieu, tliat treats both (fthe council ?nd counfeHors of the King, is evidently taken from this and many other place? of M. dc Sully's rru moirs ; and chiefly u hat he fays of the four qualities requifite to conftitute a p^rfecT: counfellor, to wit, capacity, fidelity, courage or tefolution, and application. I (hall have occalion in what follows to make fome remarks upon what feems bverftraioed in the maxims and manners of M. de Sully, with regard to what is called luxury, fhall 224 MEMOIRS Book X. fliall fiill continue this method. But as I look up- on this affair to be iubjecl to calculation, I am go- ing to put every one into a way of doing it himfelf, and flnll (hew it completely done at the end of thefe Memoirs My father's eftate being equally divided between me and the only remaining brother cait of four that I had, my fhare of it, joined to my wife's for- tune, which was ten thoufand livres, amounted on- ly to fifteen or fixteen thoufand livrts a-year. And as it increttfed but very little in the fpnce of five and twenty years, when the King had no means of rewarding his fervants, this was my whole income when the revenues of the ftate were committed to my care. I am fenfible that there are manv per- Ibns who would blufh to make fuch a confeffion ; but for my part, I have already faid, th.it in this refpecl: I fee only one thing that ought to give oc- cafion for a blufh, which is, the infamy of poffeir- ing riches either ill or doubtfully acquired. I have neither the reproach of extortion, confifcation, or unwarrantable profits to apprehend; all that I add- ed to my firft fortune aroie merely from the King's bounty to me, fo that I o\ve all to one God, and one mafter. What I had been able to add to my fortune till the prtfent year 1598, amounted to the following fums, an appointment of two thoufand livres a- year as counfellor of Navarre, as much as coun- fellor of fiate, with a penfion of three thoufand fix hundred livres, which the King annexed to this poft* My falary as member of the council having been augmented by degrees, and in proportion to the fervices the King found he received from me, was, at this time, brought to twenty thouf. >nd livres. The King doubled my company of gendarmes, which at firft only confided of fifty men, and after it was incorporated with that of the Queen, of winch I was made Captain-lieutenant, the pay a- mounted 1598. OF SULLY. 225 mounted to five thoufand livres. The King made me likewife honorary counfellor of the parliament of Paris, but without any income. It was at this time that Chauvelin the younger had the firft dit- penfation that had been granted from the rule of forty days, paying for it four thoufand crowns. 1 ihall make but one article of the government of Mante, which had been juft then given me, and that of Gergeau which I had afterwards. Such was the ftate of my fortune at that time ; the courfe of it, till then extremely flow, became very rapid the following years, by the great offices with which his Majefty honoured me, and by rewards fo confiderable, that when I colled them together they will make one of the moft important articles. I fhall take into it his leaft prcfents, and even thofe which I received from other royal perfons. Before I enter into the difcuffion of affairs, and account of the finances which I have promifed, fince I have begun to inform the public of my perfonal charac- ter, I will finifli the pidrure by giving a detail of my public employments, and my whole manner of living, after I was in a public employment. This is the proper place for it, although, in order to fay all upon this head at one time, it is neceflary I Should fuppofe myfelf poflefTed of all thofe ports which were not given me till fome time after. Six days in the week a council was held both morning and evening. The firft and moft import- ant was called the council of ftate and the finances, which fingly took up the Tuefdays, Thurfdays, and Saturdays, fitting both in the morning and after- noon. 'Ihe King was the Jiead of it, and was ge- nerally prefent. The dukes and peers, the officers of the crown, the knights of the King's orders, or thofe who had a warrant from his Majefty, had a feat, and a voice in the consultations. Here were received and examined all kinds of petitions on any occafion whatever, but efpecially thofe relating to VOL. II. Ff the M E M O I R S Book X. the penfions of ftate, which from this time began to be paid with a punctuality that made them be preferred to every other eftablifhment, and even to landed eftates. The three other days of the week were 1'kewife taken up morning and evening with different councils, which were called conjcils dts parties or privy councils, com poled of a certain number of particular counfeliors, where examina- tions were held of things properly referred to each of thefe counfels. If there was any controveri'y, it was difyatched to the courts of jullice, to whole cognifance it belonged ; and care was taken that juftice ihould be done honeftly and fpeediiy. I was a member of each of theie councils, and common- ly preiided in them when ihe King was not prefent, which often happened, efpecially in the coiijcil dis parties, or privy councils. 1 never failed to be at the council of ftats, the whole butincis of which lay upon me. All the letters and petitions that were to be prefented there were addreffed to me ; and as the queftions that require general delibera- tions are not very common, itofn four fecret ries of the finances, of h'.s M jelly's firft clerks. Th ugh it appears that n ne of the three hath been cal- lid prime m;nifter of (rate, yet fo unequally was the di^ribution of in- lunctions i-f the mioiftry made betwee M. .1 Suiiy and h;S two tolleagues, and Henry IV. gave the firft fo great a fhars, and fo much authority in what belonged to their province, that we may {<) he was in cflcit, prime minifter, only that he had not the name. This ti- i t w*s not a: that ticr.e mni!i in ufe : for the Chancellor du Prat, u/.uc-r Franc. s I. the coniabie de Montmorency, und.r Henrj- I. vc. oid not bear it, though they fblely pnfielled :he confi.ence cf their rnafters. M. d^ Villeroi was at the head . f f^T'A^n affairs, having aifo the Prt-i-d^nt Jeanr.mfor his colleague. M. deSiliery and Bel- li.-vre, \\ho became chancellor fome little time after, had the ma- nagement of all domtflic a: i-rs. F f 2 were 22 8 MEMOIRS Book X. were made to alter my concluft in this refpeft ; but I always replied to any reproaches of that kind, in the words of an ancient, That if the guefts were wife there was fuffkient for them ; if they were not, I could fuffer the want of their company with- out trouble. When dinner was over, I went into my great hall, Avhere it was known that I regularly gave au- dience; and therefore at that hour was always full. Every one was admitted, and had free audience ; the reply was no lefs fpeedy. In this my particular tafte agreed perfectly with his Majefty's intention. I began with the eccleiiaftics of both religions. The country people, who remained laft, were kept but a little time in expectation. I took care to dif- patch every one's bufinefs before I retired ; and e- ven fent for thofe who, flaying in the court or garden, had fuffered the hour to flip. If the affair that was propofed to me was equitable, and de- pended upon me, I promifed in two words the ex- ecution of it ; if otherwife, I civilly chid the pro- pofer, and honeftly forbore to meddle with it. If it appeared doubtful, or complicated, I called aa intendant, or one of my fecrecaries, to whom I gave the papers that led to an explanation of it. And fuch was my management, that the affair was totally difpatched within a week, if I had promifed it ; and let the bufinefs be ever fo much perplexed, the council before whom it was laid always difpatched it within the month. As to the other counfels, which were held on Mondays, Wednefdays, and Fridays, I affifted at them likewife as long as I could, before the increafe of my employments had likewife increafed my bu- finefs, and even afterwards. But when the direc- tion of the marine, artillery, fortifications, build- ings, bridges, and caufeys, were entrufted to me only, to which muft be added the affairs of my go- vernments, I was obliged to apply to this bufinefs in 1598. O F S U L LY. 227 in the place of the other ; and to devote the morn- ings of thcfe three days to the difpatch of bufinefs- relating to thefe offices ; becaufe h ; s Majefty thought them of coufequence enough, efpecially that of furveyor-gencral of the high-ways, and fupcrin- tendant of the fortifications and works, to be pre- fcnt at the clearing the accounts of each of thefe bodies of people, which was done in the prefence of the governors and other officers, who were call- ed together in a body on thefe occalions. Not- \vithftanding this, I did not neglect the other coun- cils, but took care to be prcicnt when any import- ant affair was debated, especially when it related to war. I regulated my time in fuch a manner, that I had ftill leifure enough for thofe other affairs, and alfo for many more which I have not yet mentioned. The extraordinary and unforefeen bufinefs in which I was engaged, the converfations I had with his Majefty, the orders and letters I received from him, may be imagined by a general declaration, that this prince not only informed me of whatever happened to him, but alfo intrufted me with his moft private affairs *, his fecrets, defigns, reflections, private diftempers, pleafures, domeftic uneafinefTes, fears, hopes, amours, friendfhips, and difgufts; in a word, all was confided to my fidelity and difcretion, terms which I am juftly irftitled to ufe. In all thefe mo- ments, to comply with the King's delires and oc- calions, there was an abfolute neceffity to lay afidc the moft preffing bufinefs, to invent fchemes, to go upon private errands, anfwer letters, and under- take journeys ; by all which the affairs of the ftatc would have been injured, if by giving the night as * " Never any minifter had ihe confidence cf his matter more en- ' tirely than this had : and r.evci was any more worthy of it, on ac- ' count of his fid-Iky, aourges, &c eight hundred ninety eight thoufand r.ine hundred livres. To Mefnurs de Villeroi and D'Alincourt, for Pontoife, &c. four hundred fe- 'venty-iix thoufand five hundred and ninety- four livres. To Monlieur de Bois- Dauphin and others, f.\ hundred and feventy-eight thoufand eight hun- dred livres. To Monfieur de Balagny, for Cam- bray, &c. eight hundred and twenty-eight thoufand nine hundred and thirty livres. To Meffieurs de Vitry and de Medavy, three lutndred and eighty thoufand livres. To the Sieurs Vidame d' Amiens, ns an -I exaction-- t bear. " For France uou'.d " become too rich," fays Cardinal Richelieu, Tcft. pol. part 2. c. o. 7. " and the people be >n too flounfhing a c nduion, if the public *' money> which other itates expend with oec-.nomy, were not iquan- " dered wi'h prodigality here. Sf.e lofcs more in my -.pinion, than " thtfe kingdoms that pretend to rival her J.y cut in their ordinary *' difljurfemcnts." Upon this he relates a good frying of a Venetian am- ba'Tador; viz. that to render France happy, he vui>.ed no other, than that (he knew as well how to expend t. e money flie fqjandered with- out reafon, as his republic did not t fpend one finglc farthing without occafion and the created good b uibandry. pie. 1598. O F S U L LY. 237 pie. And I caufed a decree to be pafled in coun- cil, by which they were prohibited, under great penalties, to exa duft, and that of his minifter, " that " his trealure may be prefervcd vi h 'he fame care thai jt has been " acquired." liv. vii. I thought thi<; r-mark neceffary to be made, :s in the fequel -.t thefe meny iis I fli.ill aduce a g-eat many other ex- irriples, like the dif-ute we have ju't nov^ fetn .mciUiuned. fioner 240 MEMOIRS BookX. fioner of the King, under the title of their employ- ments, rewards, gratuities, or treaties made with his Majefry on their returning to their obedience to him. And, by an effect of the licentioufnefs of the paft times, it was cuftomary for thefe officers, inftead of addreffing themfelves to the treafurer of the exchequer for the payment of their penfions, to pay themfelves out of the produce of the farms up- on which they had affignments ; fome upon the tallage, fome on the excile on fait, others upon fo- reign commodities, the crown lands, five large farms, efcheats, tolls of rivers, revenues of Bour- deaux, patents of Languedoc, Provence, &c. The King had no other means of paying more confider- able debts which he had contracted with foreign princes, namely, the King of England, the Count Palatine, the Duke of Wirtemberg, the Duke of Florence, the Swifs Canrons, the republic of Ve- nice, and the city of Strasbourg. His Majefty paid in the fame manner thofe penfions that policy re- quired he fhould allow foreign princes and com- munities ; for France has always made herfelf a voluntary debtor to all Europe. From this it hap- pened, that all thefe different creditors fet up new farms for their own profit, in the midft of the King's. They had their commiflaries and receivers among thofe of his A'lajefty, and who applied themfelves with equal induftry to pillage the people. Certainly there never was a more dangerous, and, at the fame time, a more fhameful abufe, that every one, and particularly foreigners, fhould be thus fuffered to concern themfelves wth the reve- nues of the ftate : and monopolifers of all nations multiply ufuries and extortions in the mofr auda- cious manner*, and, with impunity, arrogate to themfelves part of the royal authority. Nothing * This a^u'e muft have drawn af'er it fome conf-qnTices of fo ruinous a nature, that we cannot too n.uch bkfs tue memory of him who J 59 8. O F S U L LY. 241 Nothing feemed to me more necefTary than to fh-ike fuddcnly at the root of this evil, by a fecond declaration ; in which all the foreigners, and na- tives, princes of the blood, and other officers, were prohibited, on pretence of any claim, title, or debt whatever, to levy money upon the farms, and o- ther revenues of the ftate ; and were enjoined to apply to the exchequer only for the payment of their petitions, arrears, &c I faw unmoved, the ftorm ivhich fuch a declaration could not tail of raifing a- gdinlt me. la effect, ihe decree was no fooner pu- bliihed, than every place refounded with clamours of the lords, and chief tax-gatherers ; from whole complaints and exclamations, it ihould feem that they had been reduced to beggary, when they were only brought back to the conditions of their origi- nal agreement, and had their payments transferred to different funds. The King, who had great leri- libility in his temper, was moved at thefe com- plaints, and could not fuppofe them to be fo un- reafonable as they were. He was apprehenfive that my zeal had probably carried me to commit fome imprudence ; he therefore fent for me, and as foon. as I approached, " Ah ! friend, laid he to me, " what have you done ?" It was not difficult for me to convince his Ma- jefty, ihat I had acted upon principles of juftice and regularity. That it was not fit his finances ihould hive any longer fo many matters, nor fo many different mortgages. That the farms would produce him an income twice as great, as foon as their value Iriould be raifed by being in his hands, and that this profit had not before accrued to the different proprietors, but to their agents and clerks. And laftiy, That whenever this v/as done, it was who had the courage to charge himfeK wi;h th' public cx'ium, en- riicly to exrirpatp. it ; inftcad of accufmg him of a h.ughty i.ehavi.,ur anJ ilern temper, witln.ui \viiich it wouid have been impolitic Jor hjm io have accomj'hrtieri it, VOL, II. Hh not 242 MEMOIRS BookX. not depriving them of what was their own, but ta- king away profits to which they had no right. The King comprehended the juffnefs of this proceeding, but he was perplexed about the difcontent he muft neceflarily give to Sir Thomas Edmonds, agent to the Q^ieen of England ; a certain German, factor to the Duke of Wirtemberg ; Gondy, farmer to the Duke of Florence ; and iaftly, the Conftable, his godfather, the moit diitinguiihed perfons in his court, and his o'.vn fitter. I entreated his Majeftyto fend for fome of them, to whom I might fpeak in his prefence. The Con- it ible was but juft gone out of his apartment : he was called back : " Well, godfather, faid the " King to him, what complaint have you againft ** Rofny ?"---" I complain, fays he, that he has " put me upon the level with the common people, " by taking from me a poor little affignment which " 1 had in Langueaoc upon a tax, of which nothing " ever came to you." I anfwered the Conftable with great civility, that I fhould be the firft to ac- knowledge myfelf guilty, if it had been my defign that he fhould lofe any thing. I aflced him what proiit he made of this tax, knowing well that he was one of thofe perfons from whom the contrac- .tors exacted the higheft price for their fervices. Monfieur de Montmorency anfwered my queftion ; and I aiiiired him, that he might depend on being paid the whole fum. " 'Tis well, faid he ; but who will proittife me that I fiiall be paid exactly as I now am?" " I will," replied I, "and will give you his Majefty for fecurity, who fnall ne- ver turn bankrupt, I promife you, at leaft if he fufters me to manage his revenues asl propofe to do ; and I will be counter-fecurity to him, be- " caufe I expect, that if I make him rich, he will " he fo kind to me that I (hall never break." The Conftable, who was a plain lioneft man, was pleaied with my anfwer, and fincerely appro- ved 1598. O F S U L L Y. 243 red my fentiments. He even confefied to me, that he had let out the tax in queftion for only nine thoufand crowns a-year, out of which he was ob- liged to give two thoufand to the treafurer. " All " this I know," replied I, " and I am refolved to " give you the nine thoufand crowns entire ; yet " the King ihall have eighteen thoufand, and there " will ftill remain four thoufand forme." The Conftable was amazed ; he was noi willing to own he had been fo greatly impofed upon ; while the King, in the mean time, laughed heartily. How- ever, the next day I brought a perfon to his Maje- fty, who in his prefence took this farm at fifty thoufand crowns, in the name of the ftates of Languedoc. The King offered to affign me, upon this fum, the four thoufand crowns, which I had only propofed in jeft. I refufed ir, and told his Majefty, that the diforder in the finances, which I was endeavouring to remedy, having moftly proceed- ed from the eafy temper of the deceaied King, in appropriating his farms to the gratuities he bellow- ed on thofe about him, as well financers as others, they would infallibly fall again into the fame incon- veniency, if it was not made a cuftom for men of bufinefs, who ferved his Majefty ufefully, to receive their rewards only from his hands. The King a- greed that I was in the right, and I loft nothing by it ; for having procured twelve thoufand crowns to be advanced upon this farm, he fent Beringhen with a prefent of four thoufand to me. I fatisfied all thofe pcrfons who were in the fame fituation as the Conftable ; and, indeed, what could be more reafonable, than that his Majefty fhould himfclf receive his own revenues? As for all the reft, whofe intereft made them deaf to arguments fo convincing, I gave myfelf no more trouble about them. By this article the revenues of the crown had an addition of fixty thoufand crowns. This trouble was flight, compared with that H h 2 which 244 MEMOIRS BookX. which I found in laying open the tricks of the far- mers of the revenue, and their agents. The moil- likely means I couid devife to accomplifh it, was to procure fuch a general and exact account of the fi- nances, as I have mentioned. But here lay the difficulty : I was not fluisfied with that which I drew up, as has been obferved, in the year 1^9', for 1597; nor even for the year following, aitho' it wis much more exact than the others, becauie I \vas under the neceflitv of regulating my calcula- tions according to the reports, and by the accounts of the intendents and treasurers ; from all whom, without exception, notwithstanding the caution I ufed in chufing them for this purpofe, I had reafon to expect artifice and fraud. I therefore went to work again this year. I collected all the commif- iions of tallages lent to the feveral di ft nets, ar >d a ^ the edicts by which money was raifed throughout the kingdom To thefe I joined the tariffs or rates made in confequence of thefe edicts, and the leafes and under leafes granted by the council to the firit and fecond farmers. I compared all thefe pieces according to the knowledge which my former work had afforded me in this matter. And at laft I thought, that I had come for once to the bottom of the bufinefs. There was fome abufes in the or- dinary commiffions of the tallage ; thefe, however, were the leaft ; there were much greater in the ex- traordinary commifilons granted before hand for the enfuing year ; but the chief enormities appear- ed to arife from the under leafes. The fanners that took them from the council, and the treafu- rers of France, whom the fanners employed, col- lected twice as much as had been ailigned them ; and as thefe farmers-general granted under-leafes of under leafes, the feries of under-leafes proceed- ing without end, produced a multiplication of charges, endlefs likewife, and afforded no other advantage than that of maintaining in profufior. thofe O F S U L L Y. 245 thofe who did nothing to deferve it ; firft, the gen- tlemen of the council, then the farmers, and the reft of the fubordination, who kept the myfteries a profound fecret into which they had been once initiated. I was tranfported at this difcovery ; and by the authority of the King, to whom I had told it, I flopt the produce of the tallages paid upon extra- ordinary commiffions, and, without having any regard to them, fent word to the receivers, that they fhould account for it as for any other money, and ihould immediately remit it. I annulled for ever the under-leafes ; and ordered, that for the future every part of the revenue fhould have only one farmer and one receiver. Great were the cla- mours on this occafion ; but the moft difcreet a- mongft the farmers, knowing that thefe murmurs only ferved to expofe them to notice, and finding, that by the fuppreffion of a great part of the con- tractors, places were likely to become fcarce, came in hafte to look for me, and took the fame farms again upon their own account ; with this difference, that their profit came to the King, the value of the farms being doubled *. In proportion as my work was improved by my experience, I brought my general ftate of the re- venues towards perfection. It then came into my mind to go on no longer by the forms of accounts, * Though we arc more and more convinced of the juftice of thii, to wit, that the King fhould take for his own advantage all poflibie /hare in the profits' of his farms and other revenues ; yet we find, it fe.-ms, and that with fome ground of reafon, that fince the Duke of Sully's urne, there has not been made, in this refpecl, all that pro- grefs which he views, and the great care he took, had apparently gi- ven hopes to expeft. We /hall have occafion to enter into this mat- ter at f.-me greater length, when our author comes to fpeak of the farming of the tallage, and other taxes which is the trus caufe of all the difficulties that are to be met in attaining to the end he propi fed, and which all the miniilers after him made the objtft of their endea- vours. fuch 246 MEMOIRS Book X. fuch as the receivers had drawn up themfelves, but to fend them fome contrived by myfelf ; in which I endeavoured to have every thing, to the minuteft particular, clear and diftinct. When they were re- turned to my hands, I examined them over agaim with the utmoft accuracy, noting the flighted in- advertency or omulion ; fo that there was foon ruo- fhing at all left out, even in the leaft and moft ob- fcure p.irts of the revenue, becaufe every thing was to be vouched by the writings which I ordered to be brought along with it, and which I compared with the utmoft attention. Thus I blew up all the mines of the receivers, which were very numerous, fuch as, pretended differences, bad money, draw- backs, immunities, privileges of office, payments of rent, charge of carriage, fees to judges, and cofts of auditing accounts ; all theie, and more, were very commodioufly ufed to the advantage of the commiffioners and clerks ; becaufe no body had given himfelf the trouble to rate, according to their real value, all thofe particulars which, being fo ex- travagantly fwelled, abforbed a great part of the fum received ; and the people of the council, who ought to have examined them, knew the advantage of this jargon. So little care was taken of the accounts of the re- ceivers, that a man often quitted his employment, charged withvaft fums of arrears, which afterwards funk into oblivion. I put an end to this cuftom. I obliged thofe who came into oiiice to inquire after their predeceflbrs, and ufed the only method that could have any effect upon them. As long as any arrears remained, they laad no other fund for their faliaries and allowance. They then knew very well how to hinder thefe little bankruptcies, inftead of favouring them, as they had hitherto done. Several receivers, and particularly thofe of the chamber of accounts, upon whom alignments are raoft frequently granted, had the ingenuity to contrive ways of tiring out tliofe who brought the affignments, 1598. O F S U L LY. 247 alignments, by frequent delays, till they were con- tent to take part of the money granted them, and to give an acquittance for the whole. I ordered that no payment fliould be deferred ; and that no money fhould be taken for prompt payment. This prohi- bition put an end to all the accounts of the reim- burfement of money payable by the precepts of the chamber, and to the multiplicity both ot accounts and charges, by which the King's money was ftolen to an incredible degree. From this time we had a clear iniight into the finances, and confufion was at an end. When the general ftate, of which I have been fpeaking, with the regulations and different mo- dels were drawn up, 1 went to read them before .the council, in the King's abfence. I eafily per- ceived that my colleagues were offended at my di- ligence, and at my neglecting to defire their af- fiilance in my work. However, they conten ted themfelves with anfwering me dryly, and in a jeft- ing manner, that my fecretaries had an eafy time of it with me. Thefe papers were indeed all writ- ten with mine own hand*. But, as foon as I had left them, they acknowledged that my labour had been infinitely great and exact ; and that it would be in vain for the future to pretend to hide any thing from me. Two days after, when his Ma- jefty was prefent in the council, 1 read thefe papers again ; upon which he aiked them their opinions of my accounts. They allowed them to be very right, and fa id, that, for a foldier, I was extreme- ly expert in bufinefs. I know not whether it was * The preterit Duke of fully preferves as a choice curio/if, a ereat part - f ;hefe manufcripts, with many other originals of M de Rofny's, which he takes pleafure to (hew to fuch as v;lit him ; hs looks upon them as one of the principal ornaments of the muftum which his tafte for the fc'n-mes inducts l,im to augment daiiv: a-vi thefe are, in fact, fo many glorious rr.ejuunvnts ot his ii.uftrii.u3 fa- mily. 248 MEMOIRS Book X. they who were the authors of a piece of {lander 1 that was current about that time, namely, that I had employed f Du-Luat to write a book, in which, under pretence of giving a new view of the finances, I railed, without charhy or referve, at his Majefty's beft fervants. The King a flu red me that all the endeavours of my enemies fiiouJd never alter his friendship for me. In effect, his Majefty, from that moment, behaved to me in fuch a manner, as to make me look upon him ra- ther as a friend than a mafter. He interefted him- lelf in all my concerns, ihared in all my joys, and bore a part of every afBi&ion that befel me. I fhould be doubly ungrateful if I concealed the obligations I received from this prince. With regard to the finances, they were not confined to the fupporting of all my proceedings with the ut- moft refolution, (as it happened when the mayor and aldermen of Paris rcfufed to communicate their accounts to me, under pretence that they had no connexion with the council of the finan- ces,) nor in preventing all my defircs, or with the gentleft goodnefs confoling me under difficul- ties, as he generally did, by propofing himfeHf for an example. His knowledge and his advice , efpecially in relation to the finances, had often been of great ufe to me ; and I candidly confefs, that without it I fhould have in vain attempted an enterprife fo difficult as a reformation in them. * There is mention made in vol. 8778. des Manufcnts de Ja b"- blict. du Roi, of a book in \\hirh he gives many n.lfu! hints to tbe members of the council with regard to the tinanccs : this, no dcufcr, is the book which our author mtans here. Du Lmt is reprefcnttu to us in the remarks on chap. 9. de la C nteilion de Sancy, as H quirk, ready, and sg eta'j!<- flatterer, who, ia a manner bev.K!)H ti:e Duke de Sully, his rmircr, wi;h a eer,e/.ogy, in which he derive-: Y\:s pedigree from the hfife of C<'UHen>v. Tnuru^l du regnc J. HtnrjIII. pr:i:ted ia 1720, tern. z. p. .77. 2 Molt 1598. O F S U L L Y. 249 Moil of my defigns were hinted by him * ; and I keep, with the greateft care, whole memorials written, although very long, with his own hand, upon fubjeets which equally employed us both. After this I ought to own, with the lame fin- cerity, that moft of thofe praifes which were given to the adminiilration of affairs in the reign of Henry IV. ought with juftice to revert to him. Others would have ferved him with equal abili- ties, and as much fidelity as me ; for it never happens that good iubjccls abandon their king ; it is the king who abandons good fubjects. 'ihe great difficulty will ever be, to meet with a prince, who in a minifter capable of managing his affairs, fecks not for one who will comply with all his inclinations, and footh all his pailions; who u- niting great wifdom to great penetration, calls none to thofe employments but perfons whom he knows to have as much rectitude as capacity ; in a word, who being poffefled of great abilities himfelf, has not the weaknefs to envy that ad- vantage in another. This jealoufy of merit in a fovereign, which fuppofes, however, that he is himfelf mafter of fome degree of it, creates, in one fenfe, more diforders in a ftate, than the ha- tred he is known to have of particular vices can do good. \Vhen I quitted Britany, I left there regulations for the finances, differing according to the na- ture and privileges of that provice ; and after- wards fent thither the Sieur de Maupeau, mafter of accounts, as well to enforce the obfervation of them, and raife the value of the farms in that province, as to haften the payment of the money for which I had fettled a fund. I Jikwife fent^ for the fame purpofe, Coefnard, auditor of ac- * M. da Percfxf, p. 215. likcwife a'Tures us, that Henry TV. loudly i'u. led the iumeft of tilt finances. VOL. II. 1 1 eountSj 250 MEMOIRS Book X counts, to Poickm, and Bizouz to Champaignc. I appointed Champigny over the toll of the rivers, in the diftricl: of Orleans or Touraine. But for this time I have faid enough of the finances. I will now proceed to incidents of another kind, which, by their fingularity rendered this year re- markable. It is yet a queftion, of what nature that illuilon might be which was leen fo often, and by fo many perfons, in the foreft of Fontaine- bleau : it was a fpeclre *, furrounded with a pack of hounds, \vhofe cries were heard, and who were feen at a diflance, bur vanifhed when any one ap- proached near to it. A whale was taken on the < oaft of Holland, eighty feet in length f . The Tiber overflowed in fuch a manner as to throw down a great number of houfcs, and laid part of the city of Rome under water. A report was ipread in Europe, that the Jews, through hatred of the Chriftians, had offered the Grand Signior * Perefixe mentions this apparition, and makes it fpeak, with a hoarfe and frightful voice, Thefe words, Af attendex. >vous, or M'entenJex -oout, or Armncex win. He afcribes thefe vifions to the delufive arts of forcercrs or fvil fpirits, Ibid, part 3. See like- wife Journal Henry IV. and La Chronologic Septennaire, ann. 1599. where it is faid, that the King and his court, who laughed at this ap- parition as a f.Vule, faw it one day diftiniflly among the buihes, in the /hape ofa tal! black man ; which fo frightened them, that the ftrite was whoccuM (hew the lig'refl pair of heels. P. Matthifu affures us, torn. 2. p. 268 that one day at Fontair.bleau the Duke of Sully, having heard the noi'e of it, came down, imagining it was the fiami?- ing of the King's horfes, after his return from hunting. Bongars, epift. 184. ad Camerar. tells u% with an air of gra\ity, that this was the phoft of an hunt'.man that had be^n killed in the foreft in tlie time of Ft?ncis I. f- Seethe defcription ofth's monftrrus fi'Ti in the Chronologie Septennaire, p. 17. and the ac.cunt of this overflowing of the Tibtr, in Ca-dinal d'Oflit's letters, p. 365. ' It was greater, fays he, tho " any recorded in hiftory ; fo that the whole piain on which (lanos " the citv of Rome was under water a pike's heijht in the ftreer?, " and houre<; ; and that nrt one among a hundred could go tohcsr " rnafs on Chriftmas-dav. Thisinundanon d'd incftimable damage/' &c. five 1598. OF SULLY. -251 five hundred thoufand ducats to deftroy the holy fepulchre at Jerufalem. But the moft interefting event, and with which this year was clofed, was the death of Philip II. King of Spain, after fuffering, for the fpace of eight or nine months, fuch agonizing* torments, as a principle of piety only could have enabled him to fupport with that patience he fhewed for fo long a time : however, this heroifm of his was quite loft upon the vulgar. When they reflected, that through his avarice and ambition he had almoft drowned the new world with the blood of its mi- ierable inhabitants, and on his own fubjecls ex- crcifed equal cruelties, excepting taking away their lives, they looked upon thofe infectious ulcers, with which his whole body was covered, to be not fo much a natural accident, as the effect of di- vine vengeance. He left a will behind him, which, in my opinion, is too curious a piece, to be paffed over in filence ; it is not certainly known whether he dictated it in his iilnefs, and gave it with his own hand to his fon, or whether it was found after his death, with his other private pa- pers, in the box that he had put into the hands of Chriftopher de Mora, his favourite : but this circumftance, of fmall importance in itfelf, is like- wife of no confequence towards proving the au- thenticity of this piece, which is clear from many others. The copy that fell into my hands was * " For two and twenty days together there was, fays Perefixc, a ' fins of blood from all thevefLls of his body; and a little before " his death impofthumes that broke in his hreaft, from which " there continually iffued fo great a (warm of vermin, that all the " care of his attendants could not rtertrr,y them." Ibid. M. de Thou, 1. 120. adds to this a dyfentery,, tenefmuS, dropfy, &c. ?rtd he gives zs moving a defcription < f the dtptorable condition of this prince, as of his patience and religious fentiments under it. Matthicu fa\s, that he had nolefs thin feven fiftulas on two fingers of his right hand; .-",d he alcribes this teirible difeafe to the debaucheries of his youth. He died on Sanday, September 13. I i 2 252 MEMOIRS Book X. fent me by the fame perfon who font one to the King; this was Bongars, his Majelhr's agent to the Proteftants in Germany, who had it from the Landgrave of Hcffe, and that Prince from the ci- ties of Venice and Genoa; and it is in every re- fpecl fo exactly conformable to thofe which were fent to different places, that it removes all doubt of its being forged by fome of his Catholic Ma- jefty's enemies *. In this piece Philip begins with a candid enu- meration of all the faults he had committed, and places at their head his chimerical fcheme of uni- verfal monarchy, the ablurdity of which he ear- neftly endeavours to make his lucceflbr fenlible of, by his example, and by that of Charles V. his father, whofe inftrudtions he adds to his own, although he confeffes he had not profited by them. To this will he joins the memoirs which, had been juft left him by that Emperor f , to the end that Philip III. might always keep them together. The Emperor Charles V. being in the flower of his age, and of a healthy and vigorous conftitution, mafter of Spain and Germany, covered with glory, and elated with fuccefs, formed the defign of fubduing the infidels, and reuniting all the powers * Notwithstanding what M. de Sully fays here, the piece which in his memoirs is infilled, Ttflatr.cnt du Roi d'Efya^r.c, is neither the genuine latter-will of that prince, nor even a faithful extract of it ; which may eafily be difcovered, by comparing it with the particular and circutnftantial one which M. de Thou gives us, 1. no. But it rnigbt happen that this writing, which was Jilcewife called, Jnjlruc- tion du Rd d'Eipagneafcnjiis, might real'y have been a ietret, and have nothing more in common with the will and tcftament of this prince than its being, a* is evident, in the lame fpint, and in ccnformitv to the fame rmxims, without the precaution il.at is comonly ufcd in wriiings defigned to he made public. As to tiie fubfiap.ce thereof, it is given us in the Chronologic Septcnnaire, in the, fame manner as in thele memoirs, only in a oirFtiteat fliJe and oraer. f- M. de Thou rinds nothing in the laft will of 1'hilip IT. com- parable to the wif(iom of the difpofiticns, and the dignity of expref- fion, fhewn in that of Charles V. of 1598. O F S U L LY. 253 of Europe, as well as all the religions, to his. After many years fpent in fruitlefs attempt?, he quitted his crown, and with it all his chimerical projects. Philip his fon, fufferecl himfelf to be ta- ken in the fame fnare, and fucceeded Hill \vorfe, which he was defirous his fucceffor fhould know. The difference of religions, laws, and manners among the Europeans ; their almoft equal know- ledge of the art of war, the great number of ilrong cities with which Europe is filled and which made as many long and painful fieges neceffary; the inconftancy of the ieveral nations, who are al- ways ready to obey the firft comer, who offers to aflift them in repelling a domination which it had taken immenfe labours to eftablifh ; all thefe Philip reprefented as unfurmountable obftacles to fo great a defign. He acknowledges that he had not been always of the fame opinion : that the impetuofity of youth had prevented him from making thofe prudent re- flections at firft, and that afterwards two great vic- tories, and the divifions which tore the kingdom of France to pieces, contributed to continue his infa- tuation, and to make him reject with difdain all the offers that had been made him for an advantageous peace. And, as he thought, he had reafon to fear that his fon would not make a better life of his un- derftanding, it was by a declaration of all that a ri- diculous ambition had made him unwifely under- take, that he fought to cure him. He therefore acknowledges as a fault his having endeavoured to get himfelf declared Emperor of all the new world ; he accufes himfelf of a defign to invade Italy upon frivolous pretences ; to conquer the Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, a pro- ject which in fix years had coft him twenty mil* lions in preparations only for a fleet with which he expected to overwhelm this power : this was the fleet called " The invincible armado, which, how- ever, 254 MEMOIRS BookX. ever, was reduced to nothing, at one ftroke, in 1588, as foon as it fet out; to bring the Low Countries into fubje&ion; to overthrow the French monarchy, by taking advantage of the weaknels of the laft King, and prevailing upon his fubjecls, e- Ipecially the eccleliaftics, to revolt ; and laftly, to deprive his own uncle Ferdinand, and Maximilian, King of the Romans, his nephew*, of the empire, He obfcrves, that thele intrigues coft him above fix hundred millions of ducats (about 260 millions Sterling) f; a proof of which, he tells his fon, he would find in the accounts which he lert in his ca- binet, drawn up and written by himfelf. He bl.imes himfelf lefs for his profuiion of money, than that of human blood, which he caufed to be fhed : and indeed the confeiiion he makes, that he had ficrificed twenty millions of men to his luft of dominion, and laid more countries wafte than all thofe he pofTeffed in Europe, is enough to raife horror in every mind not wholly divefted of huma- nity. What has been the effect of all this ? This is the reflection which he propofes to his fon. Provi- dence, as if it had thought itfelf concerned to pre- vent fuch wicked defigns from fucceeding, caufed him to lofe Germany, by the jealoufy and hatred of his own relations ; England by the winds and ftorms ; Ireland, by the treachery of its inhabi- tants, whom its great diftance fecured from his re- fentment ; France, by the inftability of the people, * " Poilip II. was called, The devil of the Sourh, Dtf/nin rr.t- " ridiaru? ; becaufe he troubled all Europe, in the fouth of' which " Spain lie ." Notes fur la Henriaiie. f- P. MitHicu fay?, tha' the Indies yielded to the King of Spain two hundred and fix:y millions of gold in the i'pace of fixty-four years} and that ho might have conquered all ' uikey wit'p that treafure only which he fpem in Pianders. Tom. a. 1. z. p. a66. and 1598. O F S U L LY. 255 and their arerfion to a foreign domination f, and kftly, by the great qualities of their king. So that the mighty preparation he had made, and the tor- rents of blood that had been ihed, procured him no other advantage than the acquifition-of the little kingdom of Portugal to his dominions. After this, Philip made a more particular appli- cation of cheie inftruclions to the perfon and fitua- tion of the heir to his throne ; and reduced to the following articles the politics from which no King of Spain ought ever to depart, and Philip III. lefs than any other, on account of his tender age : thefe articles were, firft to maintain with France the peace which Philip II. himfelf hoped to have concluded before his death, and this as well in confideration of his own intereft and quiet, as out of regard to his people : to keep up a good corre- fpondence with the Pope, and to ftrengthen it by having always a great many cardinals in his inte- reft : to be upon friendly terms with the Emperor and his family ; neverthelefs, not to fuffer the pen- fions to pafs through his hands, which his intereft required he fliould continue to the electors, prin- ces, and prelates of Germany, in order to keep them always attached to him by thofe largefTes ; at the fame time, to take care to foment divisions among them, which would afford him the means of turning to his advantage thofe opportunities f In the genuine la'fcr will of Philip II. is an article with regard to Henry IV. the omiflion of which in our memohs is iufficient to prove, that the piece to h ch this name is given is fuppni'uuious j. and that is, That this prime bcirg troubled with ftrong remorfo of conscience for tb? ufurpation ot the kingdom of Navarre, tecommeni:*- to his fin wh-t had been before recommended to himf-!t by hi? lather, namely, to caufe this point to be carefully ex-mined by the moft able lawyers, in order to relior? the crown to us rigl.iful own- er, if it fhould come out fo, according tj equity. Cl.arles V. h ad faith as much to Philip II. and Ferdinand and Kabei to Charles V. In this mannerto refer tne executing of a difpcfition known to 1 .- juft, to a Uiccefibr who, one m:ght be afi"urcd, would pay no rejarc !:, it, is what M. de Thou calls an impudenl trifling with the Deity. thar 256 MEMOIRS EookX, that time might produce for acquit ing the empire : to be more vigilant on the fide of Germany, as there is a greater multiplicity of interests in the northern countries than in any other place. Poland, Den- mark, and Sweden, were powers from which he thought there was little to be apprehended ; the firft, not only on account of its diftance, but becaufe the policy of the princes its neighbours, as well as its own, being miftaken, made the King of Poland rather the minifter than the matter of his fubjects : the two others, by reafon of their diftance likewife, joined to their poverty and unikilfulneis in war, were as little to be feared. He took care not to fay the fame with regard to France, England, and Flanders, which he confidered as powers very for- midable to Spain, and againft which he recom- mended it to his fon, to be always upon his guard. With refpect to England *, his advice was, to neglect nothing to prevent the three crowns which comprife the Britannic hies from being placed on the fame head ; an event which this able politician, from a fpirit of prediction, mentioned as very near ; and for that purpofe not to regret the money which was diftributed in thole iflands to make partifans, and to continue filling them with fpies, but of ano- ther fort from thofe that were then there, whofe fi- delity Philip II. thought he had reafon to fuipect. To cultivate carefully thofe divifions which a diver- lity of religions might produce in that ftate, as well as in France : he confidered thofe which the league gave rife to amongft us as things now ftale and ufelefs, fince we had a King Henry's capacity: but to give occafion for many other civil difcords in each of thefe two ftates, and efpecially fuch as mi^ht keep them in war againft each other, or at * Theyal r o make him f.-.y at th point of death, wVier. fpeaking of England, P icem cum j4tfri\, be/lum cum rtl'iq:, is : " Pca.cs with the ' lineiif! , a/id \var wi:h all the reft of the world," 2 leaft 1598. O F S U L L Y. 257 leaft in diftruft and fufpicion, which might be done, by favouring the pretenfions of one upon the o- ther, to which their mutual hatred naturally inci- ted them. To confider as the greateft misfortune imaginable, that ftroke which fhould join the li- nked Provinces, and thofe two powers already uni- ted amongft themfelves, in one common intereft ; lince from thence muft naturally refult a power ca- pable, fays he, of fubjecling fea and land. To lind means to exclude all the princes of Europe from the navigation of the two Indies, an attempt which could meet with no obftruclions but from, thofe three powers ; and lefs from France than the two others, becaufe flie had no marine ; a new mo- tive for gaining pofTefiion of the Low Countries, and yet more of England. However, amidft all thefe counfels that Philip gave his fucceflbr, he never advifed him to enter into any war, not even with the rebels in the Low Countries, but earneiHy difluaded him from it. The conduct he recommended to be obferved with the Provinces was, to grant a general pardon there ; to require nothing of the people but that they iliould acknowledge the Spanilh authority ; to watch the behaviour of the governors, minifters, and of- ficers, that were maintained there ; not to continue them too long, nor to give them a too abiolute power, becaufe they would be the perfons whom they would have the moft reafons to fear, if ever they entertained a defign of heading the party. If, however, Spain could not avoid engaging in a war, Philip was not willing that his fucceflbr fhoukl be deprived of that knowledge which expe- rience had given him in that refpecl. He apprifed him, that if he propofed not to fink under it, he muft not undertake a war but in fuch favourable opportunities as might, from time to time, prefent themlelves, fuch as, changes in the government, <:ivil duTentions, faults or neceffities of the fove- VoL.II. Kk reigns, 258 MEMOIRS Book X. reigns, &c. This maxim of Philip, that a prince ihould make himfelf acquainted even with the molt particular inclinations of the princes his neighbours, is fo true, and of fuch vaft importance, that no change fhould ever happen in the ftates about him, but what ht fhould be prepared for, and in rea-.li- riefs to take advantage of that inftant. He conclu- ded this article by- {hewing the new king, that he is anfwerable for his actions at the tribunal of a God, who judges wars, and, unhappily, not by the fame rules which warlike princes lay down for them- felves. After thefe maxims, which regarded only the government abroad, Philip proceeded to thofe which he thought necefiary for the government at home. He held it juft, that a King of Spain, ha- ving nations under his command, between whofc cuftoms and manners there was as great a difference as diftance in their realms, fhould ftudy to govern each according to their refpective character, and and all with gentlenefs and moderation : that he fhould be acquainted with the talents and diipoii- tions of his counfellors and fecretaries, and chufe them himfelf; that he fliould likewife expedite all his difpatches, and render himfelf expert in the ufe of cyphers, that he might not expofe a fecret of confequence to be betrayed by a confident ; that he fliould be careful to feek for men of honour and fufncient abilities to beftow employments upon: thit he fhould avoid giving any perfon any great caufe of complaint, efpecially thofe of high quali- ty ; he obferved, that the prince, his eldeft fon *, had fuffered by it, and that he fhould make a juft diftinclion between the ancient and the new nobi- lity, in order to advance the laft, as being general- * Don Carlos Prince of Spain : it was by orda- of his father th~. he loft his life ; and it appears that \\~\-, c.riiuc was ra'hcr gaining o- verthe affections of the grandees tkan treating them withcontempi. 1598. O F S U L LY. 259 ly fufceptible of pure and difinterefted fentiments : that he fliould leffen the number of the perfons that were employed, in the revenues, adminiftration of juitice, and the officers of the huumold ; and re- commended the fame conducl to be obferved with regard to the eccleiiaftics ; to which he added, that they, as well as ethers, ought to contribute to the neceffities of the ftate, not only becaufe they could better afford it, on account of their riches, but likewife becaufe it became neceiTary for them to do fo, if they would not forfeit the refpect that was due to their character, by luxury, floth, and im- piety, the ordinary fruits of great riches, and the indolence in which they lived ; but that he fliould increale the number of merchants, hufbandmen, artifts, and foldiers, by whole induftry, labour, and frugality alone, a ftate is fupported againft the ruin with which it is threatened by the dilfolutenefs of the other ranks. All principles, which, like thefe, tend to maintain lubordination and ceconomy in a (late, ag^inft corruption and dilbrder, merit praife from whatever mouth they proceed. Philip clofed his will with the article relating to domeftic diipoli;ions. He enjoined his fucceflbr to fulfil the promifes and other caufes of the Infanta his lifter's marriage He propofed a match for the young King, in which he had already made fome advances, and privately regulated all the articles, which he informed him he would find in the hands of Loo. He obferved, that though no king ever loved his father's favourite , yet he would recom- mend Chriftopher de Mora for his confident, who had been his own. Philip III. chofe rather to prove the truth of the observation, than comply with the requeft, and gave Mora's place to the Marquis of Doria. He required, as an inftance of refpect due to the memory of a father, that all thofe perfons to whom he had given employments Jhould be continued in them ; but he expreffed K k 2 hi-xfrlf 260 MEMOIRS Book X. himfelf in fuch a manner with regard to this ar- ticle, as fhewed he rather wifhed than hoped for a compliance with it. He recommended to his fon the Doctors Ollius and Vergius, who had attended him in his illnefs. He mentioned Antonio * Peres as a d mgerous man, with whom it was neceffary he mould be reconciled ; and afterwards not to permit him to ftay either in France, Flanders, and efpecially Spain, but in the ufelefs country of Italy. Philip concludes this piece with a fhort maxim, To love God, to endeavour to be virtuous, and to profit by the precepts of a father. It muft be con- fefled, that in this piece there are likewife many more ftrokes f of piety and refignation to the will of God, who, he laid, had in mercy chaftiied him in this life rather than the other. The firft of thefe articles which was executed by the King of Spain was that relating to his mar- riage with the Archduehefs of Gratz : he fent im- mediately after the death of his father to demand her in marriage ; and in the beginning of the year following flie iet out for Spain, accompanied by her brother, the Archduke Albert, with whom flie landed upon the coaft of Marfeilles, for the bene- fit of that air. The Duke of Guife, who was go- vernor of the province, having notice of it, fent to iet the King know of her arrival-, and received * Antony Peres had been chief minifrer to Philip II. with whom he fell into difgrace tor reafons whi h have no manner of relati .n to the fubjcft of thffe memoir; : he retired to Paris where he ri-d in 1611. He w*S a great p.'iliiician, and a man of very corifiderable ] arts : the following maxim Was one of his, which includes a deal of meaning in three words, namely, Rtnta, Cor:Jegs, Pi-lagt ; that is to fay, To pain ovi he ccur of Rome, compofe the council of proper perfons, and to he mafter at f.-a. f " He ordered bis coffin to be brought him, which was made of " copper, and a dta h's head to be laid up.cn a buffet, with a cro.vii " of gold by it: fays La Chronologic Sepiennaire, where, ann. 1598. we may find, together with an account of all that this pri .ce fjici ^nii did in his laft illnefs, the hiftory alfo of his rubiic and private life. orders i -99. OF SULLY. 261 orders to give this Princefs a very honourable re- ception ; his Majefty detuned fifty thousand crowns to be expended for that purpofe, and ordered them to be paid at Marfeiiles. 1 was upon the point of iending thither, to direc"l how this money was to be difpofcd of, either La- Font, or another of my do- rneftics, who \vas only a footman of my wife's, a. ;f low ftature, and a mean figure, but in whom I had dilcovered ib much capacity, fidelity, and prudence, that I thought I ought to endeavour his eftablithment : but there was no occaficn for it, a perlbn I had upon the fpot was fufficient ; for the Archduchefs, notwithstanding the inftances that were made her by the Duke of Guife and the city of Marfciile-, would not .nter any of the great ci- ties, to avoid the ceremonial, but ordered tents to be fet up upon the fhore, where fhe refted and heard mafs ; the Archduke, indeed, was fo devout as to vifh the churches at Marfeiiles, but went to them incognito, and without any train ; and after killing the relics, returned without either eating or drink- ing. This marriage united the two branches of the hoxife of Auftria by a double tie, the deceafed King of Spain having already, on the $th of May the preceding year, married the Infanta Ifabella, his daughter, to the Archduke Albert, who, for that purpofe, had diverted himfelf of the cardinal's purple. This Princefs had, in appearance, a very large portion, fince it was made up of no lefs than the fcventeen provinces of the Low Countries, Tranche Comte, and Charolois : but the addition- al claufes that were inferted, that this new fove- reign fhould be excladed from any commerce in the Indies, and not fullered to permit in his {hues the exercife of any religion but the Roman Catho- lic, without which the donation was made void, re- duced it, in eFeth as to ;hefe military expeditions, and a? toa!l that is hc:e fai of the marriage of the King rnd the Infanta of Spain, for the years 1598, 15^9. Matthieu, I ,i.H p. 21,8. &c. * H r.iy Duke of B.-.r, who be ame Duke of Lorrain, after the de.t'.-. of hi^ father Charles II. " The Kin.; :u:\e his fi. ; er, at her " marriage, three hundred thoufand ; r> t.s of told ;cr her portion," fays the hiftcrisn Matthieu, It-id, p. 278. the 7599- OF SULLY. 263 the old Duke of Lorrain, becaufe he had children by a former marriage. The King of , s pain de- manded her, on condiiion of a itricl union between the King of Navarre and him, which the firft oi : thefe princes would not hear of. '1 he Princefswas afterwards fought by the Duke of Savoy ; but in circumftances wherein this marriage might prove prejudicial to the Proteftant religion; and there- fore the Proteftants themfelves threw difficulties in the way. She would not have the Prince of Con- de on account of his poverty; andrefufed the King of Scotland, without giving any good reafon for it. The Prince of Enhalt made likevviie his advances. And in thofe tranfports of anger with which fixe was fometimes animated againft the King her bro- ther, ihe reproached him, that he would have thrown her into the arms of three or four other foreign princes, or, as fhe called them, gentlemen, for the payment of their fubfidies. Laftly, her in- clination for the Count of r^oiffons made her reject the Duke of Montpenfier, who was a fuitable match for her. At length, the neceffity of procuring an eftablifhment determined her to accept tne Prince of Bar. This defigned marriage was no fooner made pu- blic, than the ecclefiaftics in general, and the French bifhops in particular, then alTembled at Paris, found, in the difference of religion of the two parties, a reafon for hindering its conclufion, which they did not fuffer to efcape them. The firft meafure they took was, to hinder, at Rome, with ail their power, the difpatching of the difpenfation, with- out which, they imagined, it was not poillble to pro proceed to the celebration of the marriage. In this refpecl:, they could not truft the care of their in- terefts to one more faithful than D'OiTat, who ne- verthelefs was fent to this court to manage thofe of the King. But this is not the firft time, nor will It bs the laft, that this ecclefi.iftic has fufFered from me. 264 MEMOIRS Book X. me, and will again, the reproach of having not only exceeded but betrayed his commiffion. If I may give credit to the memorial from Rome which has been already mentioned, D'OlTat, in the name of the whole parry of whom he was the instrument, neglected nothing to duTuade the Pope from grant- ing the dilpcniation, which he was particularly employed by his Majefly to folicit. Thefe perfons gave his Holinefs to underftand, that if he conti- nued firm in his refufal to grant this favour, it would produce two things equally to be defired ; one, that the Princefs would turn Catholic ; the other, that fuch a change would be thought by the Protcftants an effect of the violence ufed to her by the King her brother for that purpofe.; which would incrcafe the diftruft they already openly ihewed of his Majefty, make them conlider him as their enemy and declared perlecutor, and bring on, at length, that inteftine war which, according to them, was fo much to be defired, for the inter- efts of the holy father and the true religion. The clergy did not ftop here ; they made re- monftrances fevere enough to merit the title of threats. His Majefty had the complaifance to lif- ten to them, and permitted a conference to beheld, in which Dr. Du-Val on one fide, and the minifter Tilenus on the other, endeavouring to fupport their caufe, debated with much heat, and in my opinion, to little purpofe ; though each boafted afterwards, that he had vancjuiihed his adverfary. I (peak as one who was a witnefs of the difpute, for I differed mifelf to be drawn along with the crowd which ran thither, as to a very interesting fpectacle. I did not come in till toward the conclufion, when the two difputants were beginning to fink under the. fatigue. I know not for what reafon they were dciirous of making me play the part of a judge upon this occafion ; probably becaufe they were informed I had been employed by his Majefty to 1599- O F S U L L Y. 265 to draw up the articles of marriage between the Princefs Catharine and the Prince of Bar. They were beginning to repeat to me all the points of a difpute, which had already taken up feveral hours ; but I arneftly intreated them to fpare me either this trouble or this honour, telling them, that if two fuch learned men had not been able to recon- cile the canon and decrees of the Pope with the ho- ly fcripture, or to prove that fuch a talk was im- poffible, it could not be expected, that fuch an ig- norant perfon as I fhould be equal to it ; and this was really my opinion. This conference not having produced all the ef- fects the clergy expected from it *, and finding likewife that they fucceeded no better at Rome, they declared, that nothing fhould be capable of prevailing upon them to give their confent to this marriage. Little regard would have been paid to this ; but as there was a neceffity for getting a bi- fhop to perform this ceremony, and that all thofe gentlemen held together, hence arofe aa obstacle, upon which they founded their laft hopes. In this perplexity the King was advifed to have recourfe to the Archbifhop of Rouen, from whom, being his natural brother, and obliged to him for the bifhopric, more complaifance was to be expert - ed ; betides, his Majefty, as well as all France, knew this prelate to be not very fcrupulous (to fay no more) in matters of religion. However, upon the fir ft propofition made him by the King, the Archbiihop, like a devout rebel, overwhelmed him with citations, as often ill as well chofen, from the holy fathers, the holy canons, and the holy fcrip- tures. The King, aftonifhed, as may be well ima- gined, at fuch uncommon language from a man * Perefixc f.-.ys, that the king not being able to accomplish her converlion, though he made u e of threatening, faid one day to the Duke of Bar, " My good coufin, it is your bufmefs to break her." VOL. II. LI who 266 MEMOIRS Book X. who generally talked of quite different matters, could hardly hinder himfelf from laughing in his face, alking him, by what miracle it was that he had become ib learned and confcientious ? Suppo- iing, however, the Archbifhop might be wrought upon by ferious arguments to comply, he tried their efficacy ; but finding him ftill untradtablc, he grew angry, and reproached him with his ingrati- tude. " Since you carry it fo high," added Hen- ry, refuming his firft air of pleafantry, " I will " fend you a great doctor, your ufual confefibr, " who is wonderfully Ikilful in cafes of confcience." This great doctor and director of confciences was Roquelaure, an old companion of Monfienr de Rouen's, and an actual (harer in his debauches, by whofe intreaty he had obtained the archbifhop- ric. The prelate underftood perfectly well the meaning of this little threat, and the embarraf- ment he appeared to be in was a proof that he was under fome apprehenfions of thofe great advanta- ges which an accuftomed familiarity would give Roquelaure over him, without the addition of thofe which he derived from that wit which all the court acknowledged to be free, ingenious, and fruitful in the moft happy fallies ; and the Archbiihop him- felf was not often guilty of carrying too far the re- fpect due to the epifcopal character. The King having quieted Moniieur de Rouen, fent for Roquelaure : " Do you know, Roqueiaure, faid he to him, that your Archbiihop takes up- on him to play the prelate and doctor, and would quote the holy canons to me, v*-hich I believe he underftands as little of as you or I ; how- ever, by his refufal my fitter's marriage is itop- ped : therefore pray go to him, and talk to him as you ufed to do, and put him in mind of pail times." " By the Lord, Sire," replied Roquelaure, " this is not Avell done of him : for it is high time, in " mv OF SULLY. " my opinion, that our fitter Kate fhould tafte the " fweets of marriage. But pray, Sire, tell me tc what reafons this fine fellow of a bifhop gave " you for his refufal ? he feldom has much better " to give than myfelf. I will go to him and teach '' him his duty." He did not fail to perform his promife. " What " is this I hear, ArchbHhop ?" faid he, as foon as he entered his apartment : " they tell me you " have been playing the coxcomb ; by the Lord, " I will not fufFer it ; it derogates too much from " my honour, fince every one fays you are go- " verned by me. Know you not that at your en- " treaty I became your fecurity to the King, when " I prevailed^upon him to give you the archbi- " ftiopric of Rouen ; therefore I defire you would " not make me out a liar, by continuing thus ob- " ftinately to act like a fool : this might do be- " tweenyou and I, who are often feen quarrelling " at dice, but fuch difputes muft not be thought on " when our matter's fervice and his abfolute com- " mands are in queftion." " Merciful God! replied Monfieur de Rouen, " what is this you would have me to do, Roque- f( laure ? What ! muft I make myfelf ridiculous, " and fuffer the reproaches of all the other prelates > " by an aftion which the whole world agrees is *' unjuftifiable, and which every one of the bifhops " to whom it has been propofed by the King has " refufed ?" " Hold a little, pray," interrupted Pioquelaure : " there is a wide difference between " them and you ; for thofe men have puzzled their " brains fo much about Greek and Latin, that they " are become fools and you are the King's bro- " ther, and obliged to obey all his commands, '* without any hefitation : the King did not make " you an archbifhop to preach to him, and quote " the canons, but to do whatever his fervice rc- fe quired : if you continue this perverfenefs and L 1 2 " obftinacy, a68- MEMOIRS BookX. " obftinacy, I will acquaint Jeanneton de Con- " dom, Bernard 1'Eveillee, and Matter Julian with " the whole ftory : Do you underftand me ? don't *' let me tell you this a fecond time : know, that " nothing ought to be fo dear to you as the King's *' favour, which, together with my felicitations, < have done you more good than all the Greek " and Latin of the others : By the Lord, it is a " fine thing to hear you talk of the canons, oi : " which you know as little as of high Dutch." Monfieur de Rouen endeavoured to perluade him, that he ought to quit that ludicrous ftyle, which was agreeable enough when he was in his youth ; and hinted fomething concerning paradife to him. " How ! paradife !'' interrupted .Roquelaure r " Are you fuch an afs to talk of a place, where ** you have never been, where you know not what " is doing, or whether you fhall be admitted when " you attempt to get in till another time !" " Yes, ft yes," faid the Archbifhop, " I fhall be admitted " there, do not doubt of it." (i You talk finely," faid his companion, preffing ftill harder upon him; *' by the Lord, I believe paradife is as little defign- " ed for you as the Louvre for me : but let us lay " afide a little your paradife, your canons, and " your confcience, and do you now refolve to " marry the Princefs to the Prince of Bar ; for if " you fail, I fhall take from you three or four ** paltry Latin words that you have always in your " mouth ; farther the faid deponent knoweth not : " and then adieu to the crofs and mitre ; and, what " is worfe, to your fine palace of Gaillon, andre- " venue of ten thoufand crowns " Many other things paffed between thefe two men, which may be guefled at by this fample. Roque- laure would not leave the Archbiihop till he had made him promife to marry the Princefs ; and ac- cordingly he was the perfon that performed the ce- remony*. O F S U L L Y. 269 remony *. I received from both parties very mag- nificent prefents, in return for the pains I had ta- ken ; among others, a Spaniih horfe of great va- lue, which was given me by the Duke of Lorrain : I lent him to his Majefty, who ordered me to keep him. This was not the only occaiion on which the clergy were againft the King ; they made a more refolute and likewife a more important oppoiition againft the registering the edicl: of Nantes, which always ap- peared to them a difficult morfel r.o digeft : as they had for almoft a year held an aiTembly at Paris on this account, they had had time to prejudice the parliament, and other fovereign courts, as well as the Sorbonne, againft this edicl:. All thefe bodies, as foon as it was publifhed, rebelled, and occalion- ed diforders, that may be better imagined than de- fcribed. It was the fubject of all difcourfe ; every one applied himfelf to criticife the piece, and to of- fer different arguments againft it, all which were far from being juft, as well as the reafons the par- liament gave for not rcgiftering it : but that can- dour and fincerity I have profeiTed to obferve here in matters that neareft concern me, oblige me to confefs, that they were not abfolutely to blame. For example, the Proteftants, by one of the ar- tkles of the edicl, were permitted to call and hold all forts of aiTemblies, convocations, &c. when and where they pleafed, without afking leave * " The ceremony was perfo-med one Sunday m'-rnin?, fays the Chronologic Septennaire. The ICing came to ft. ch the Lady Ca- tharine his lifter, when ftc was dre"ed ; and leading her by the hand into his cloict, whither her faid future fp.'ufe 'nad come be- fore her, he ordered M. the Archbifiiop of Rou.n, to marry them, &c. and thsr it was h'.s pleafure it (hcuid be !;. T k is the Arch- bifiiop at rrft rclu cd. ailed^ing, tha- the ufual fi !emn ; ty oug it to have been obferved therein. To which the King vtry learnedly made anfwer, That hi prefet-cc fuppiied the v\3jit of all other fo- lemr.ity, and that his clolct was a conficra:td place." either 270 MEMOIRS Book X, either of his Majefty or the magiftrates ; and like- wife to admit in them all foreigners whatever, with- out acquainting any fuperior tribunal : as alfo on their fide, to be prefent, without licence, at thd aiTemblies which were held amongft the foreigners. It is very plain, that a point as abfolutely contrary to all the laws of the kingdom, as prejudicial to the authority of the King *, the right of the ma- giftracy, and the utility and quiet of the people, could not have been obtained but by flratagem ; and it was upon this point likewife that the enemies of the Proteftants iniifted chiefly, in the feverai remonflrances they made to the King, each al- ledging thofe arguments in which they were moft interested. The parliament remonftrated, that this article compleated the ruin of their authority, which the clergy had already confined to fuch nar- row limits, as well as the King's (for it was pre- tended, that thefe two authorities were fo clofely connected that they could not be feparated) that if appeals againft the irregular exertion of ecclefiafti- cal authority fhould be taken away, they would have only the fhadow of any power. The clergy and the Sorbonne complained of the fuperiority this conceffion would give the Protcftant over the Catholic church in France, which had never been pofTeffed of fo large a power in its jurifdi&ion ; and * This point, fays le Septennalre, the Marecbal de Bouillon had ' manage; with fome p-rfons, who perhaps were not aware of the c danger of it ; but th- Sieur Berthier, who was agent for the cler- ' gy, and Biihop of Rieux, difputed it fo warmly with the Mare- ' crul, in the prefence of the Kii'.g, that after hearing his reafons, c and in regard of ;he imt-ortance of the point itfelf, his Majefty ordci - ' ed it to be eiazed." Ann. 1599. p. 66. This account of M. Cayet's agrees wi;h t. at of F. Matthi u, Urn 2. 1. z. p. 280. etfeq. fo that the. article of the edift or Nante?, which was fo warmly contefled, being appaiently the eighty-fecond, is at prefent as difadvantageous to the Calvin fb, as it was formerly to them ; fince it forbids them all i aba s, negotiations, intelligtncef, aflemblics, councils, leaguer, afibciations, either in or ovit ot the kingdom, airefTments, and rai- fing of money, &c, without liis Majefty's exprefs pcimifiion. this 1599- O F S U L L Y. 271 this was certainly true. Laftly, they enumerated all the bad confequences which this abfolute inde- pendence of the French Huguenots might produce, either among ft themfelves, or their affectations with the enemies of France in Europe. The King had not yet examined the edict with care : all he knew of it was from a flight reading, in which he had, doubtlefs, glanced over this claufe, or probably wholly omitted it. The fur- prize he difcovered to thofe who talked to him in that ftrain, fhewed he had been deceived ; and he promifed them to confider it attentively, and give them an anfwer. When they left him, he imme- diately fent for me, and fhewing me the edict, I concealed from him none of the fentiments I have delivered here ; I added, that by too great zeal to make that article advantageous for the Proteftants, I thought he was doing them a mifchief, in that it would give large fcope for all the flander that would be invented again ft the worthy men of the party, of their intriguing with foreigners againft the ftate, or of fuffering themfelves to be fuborned. Henry, ftill more continued in his opinion, fent me back with orders to prepare myfelf to fupport all thefe motives in the affembly of the Proteftants, which he would have to be called immediately ; while he, in the mean time, went to demand an explanation of the edict from thofe who had drawn it up. Meffieurs de Schomberg, de Thou, Calignon, and Jeann'm (for the King fent directly for them all four) were greatly difconccrted by the reproaches the King made them of having abufed his confi- dence. Schomberg a.nd de Thou, in the name of them all, replied, that they had been obliged to act in the manner they had done, by the threats of Meffieurs de Bouillon and de la Tremouille, who declared in the name of the whole party, that if this article was denied to them, they would fereak all agreement, and even commence war a- gainft 272 MEMOIRS . BookX. gain ft the. Catholics ; which Teemed to them of the u-cmoft confequence, the peace with Spain la- bouring at that time under great difficulties The King contenting himfelf with this excuse, ordered Eerthier, fondle of the clergy, to report it to the afTembly, and to add from him, that amongft four perfons, to whom he had committed the care of drawing up the edict, there being no Proteftant but Calignon, he could not perfuade himfelf that the three others would have given the Proteftant religion fuch an advantage over the Catholic. The anf.ver made by the Bifhops fhewed plainly, that they had not the lame opinion of thofe three gentlemen that his Majefty had : they were treated in full aflembly as falfe Catholics, who in many articles agreed with the Proteftants, and had no fcruple about the reft. Whilft we condemn this fecond imputation * as it deferves to be, we ftill allow, that with regard to the firft, every thing made againft the writers of the edict ; and that their reply to his Majefty did not fo effectually de- ftroy the opinion that might be conceived of it, as the iilence they abferved in his prelence gave it ftrength f. The Duke of Bouillon, however, had certainly thofe fentiments they attributed to him. By en- * If a certain private converfa'ir n He'rue, which D'Aubigr.e makes tV:e pr-fident rie Thoi to hi>M ^i'h the Ouke de la Tremnuille, when he was Tent by his Mijcf.v :o the .iflsmbly of the Calvinitis, the fuf- pic^ons <{ ihv ciirgy w oir>t Ki \s; ; i.ii ni.ureis now ilar.d, and the cor.ctf- " fi^ns v.-c hive alreadv ' .-- dtrran. w^ieb you may rru-:e " are not at ti.e'r'uinnnft lui^ii VI. l Sch-mb.rg is a Lutheran, " and V"~'J :? r irriTT! ii'::n<; a -o -j C :lvini(r ; a'. !or my own part, you " (hall Know theinmoU thrncht of my hcjrt." Tom. 3. 1. 5. c. i. But it is very pr^'ojble that D'A'jbigr e I 3> itl ted th s coi)v,eriJtion uoon the credit of perf> ns not to ^e dcperyed on, zs a!fo L me o her points of his hiilory, which at that time diew an arret of parliament upon that work, f M. de St.lly's fiiiccri-y in all this is fo rcrnarksb^e, that we can- not, in my opinion, lufficientiy admire it in a proleitanf. i deavouring 7599- O F S U L L Y. 273 deavouring to come at the bottom of the affair, I Jearnt that he had in reality difcovered an infur- mountable obftinacy ; but was there no other means to make the others more reafonable ? and then, what could he do by himfelf ? If all the Pro- teftants were like the Duke de Bouillon, what could the writers of the edict mean by this blind compliance with their inclinations ; was the King and the realm to be betrayed for neceffity ? as no- thing could be thought worfe than that by honeft and flulful negotiators, they can hardly be char- ged with fuch a notion. For my own part, 1 al- ways thought Bouillon the fole favourer of the project contained in that article, as he had been the author of it ; he confidered only himfelf, and difregarded others. I will now fhew the ultimate defign of all his politics. The Duke of Bouillon, in order to terminate in his favour the difpute for precedency between him and the dukes and peers of France, as well as the marechals that were more ancient than him, form- ed a defign to get his fovercignty of Sedan f de- clared a fief of the empire. But this prerogative was not to deprive him of all communication with, the Proteftant French lords, otherwife he would lofe more than he gained. The medium he thought upon to reconcile his intereft with his ambition, was to have his church of Sedan com- prehended in the Proteftant churches of France. This he did by means of the article in queftion : mean time he would continue to make himfelf be treated as a foreign prince. Berthier came back to the King, to give him an account of the difpofition in which he found the prelates of the affembly, together with the re- lult of their deliberations ; which was to take from f Confult 1' Hiftoire du Due de Bouillon, which 1 we have quoted feveral limes already, 1. v. VOL. II. Mm tht 274 MEMOIRS Book X. the four perfons who drew up tiie edict all cog- nizance of the affairs of religion : and the diiputed article, and Tome others lefs efTential, ihould be mended ; which his v:ajefty likewife promifed. Neverthelefs, the aiiembly of the chief Pro- teftants then at Paris having been fummoned the day after that, in which this agreement betwixt the King and the commilTaries was made, I re- ceived, as ufual, a note inviting me to be there. I had left off going to thefe affemblies, ever fince I perceived that my prefence laid a reftraint upon three or four of the leading men in it, and was good for nothing but to produce altercations. 1 deceived them, by prefenting myfelf at this. The Duke of Bouillon ealily comprehended the defign which had brought me there thus contrary to my ufual cu- ftom, and hinted as much with an ironical feverity; which I anfwered, by excuiing myfelf on account of the multiplicity of affairs that took up my time, and by feigning not to know the occafion on which the prefent affembly was held. I gave no attention to the fullen air which the Duke de la Tremouille affumed, nor the expreffion he let fall to intimate, that he was not perfuaded of the truth of what I faid ; but went and feated myfelf near Mefficurs de Mouy, de Clermont, and de Sainte-Mare-Du- Mont, who informed me of the bufinefs that was to be brought upon the carpet ; alluring me that the article which had made fo much noife, was dii- approved of by almoft all the Proteftants; and that none but Meffieurs de Bouillon, de la Tremouille, du Pleflis, and fome others of the cabal, infiited on it, in order to bring on a civil war. They could not obtain their point, notwithstanding the tumults they had occafioned, and the clamours they made in the affembly. When it came to the vote, it was carried againft them, the contrary opinion prevailed 1599- OF S U L LY. 275 prevailed, and with reafon : for the bed arguments were on our iide *. They likewife agreed upon fome qualifications with regard to two or three other articles, in which the public good did not feem to be fuffi- ciently considered. The juftice and mildnels of Henry's conduct was acknowledged by every one. After the affair was thus fettled, he explained his motives to the greater number ; and for the reft, he thought only of hindering them from doing worfe. He an ; for in an obeoient ftate they never afk their " prince any other. I am King, I fpeak to you as fuch, and I will " be obeyed. " Peref. ibid, and Journal de Henry IV. ibid. See alfo in M. de Thou, and in le Septe^njire, anno 1599, tne feveral modi- fications which weie added to the edil ot Nantes, and all the confe- rences held on this occafion. M m 2 Broffier, 2-6 MEMOIRS BookX, Broilier, a pretended demoniac, in play, who was become the object of the people's curiolity, who are always ftrwck with the marvellous, whether true or falfe. It is indeed furprifing, that a matter ib ridiculous in itfelf, and which was even below the consideration of the mob, fhould be talked on for a year and a half, and become an affair of ftate: one half of the world fuffer themfelves to be daz- zled by every thing that feems to be fhpernatural, and others are kept in awe, not by the thing itfelf, but by the motives upon which it is founded, Martha Broffier met with many protectors among the clergy, even as far as Rome, whither fhe took care to b& carried. The King r without any extra- ordinary notice, allowed * both the time and means neceflary * We hare a very curious account of all that relates to this pretend- ed demoniac in M. de Thou, at the beginning ot book 123. ann. 1599. an abltracl of which is as follows : one James Froffier, a baker at Romorantin in Sologne, taking a difiike to his own trade, turned conjurer, with a defign to travel about the country wiih his three daughters, Martha, Silvini, and Mary : the eideft, who is the per- fon fpoken of here, bad facceeded fo well, by the inftruftions which her father had given her, to counterfeit a demoniac, that ihe impof- ed upon every body at Orleans and Cleri, except Charles Miron, Bi- ihop of Angers, who found out the impoftu-e, by patting commoa water in the place of holy water, and holy in the place of common ; by repeating a verfe from Virgil inftead of the beginning of the ex- orcifm, and touching her with a key inftead of hrs cpif.opal crofier. Th : s did not hino'cr her from coming to Paris, where fhe pitched up on the Church of St. Genevieve for the fcene on which to fhew her- felf to the people, who flocked thither in great numbers. She im- pofed upon all the credulous ecclefialtics, and upon the capuchins, wh began to exorcife her in good earneft j and even upon fome tfbvficiini whom Henry IV. had fent to fee her : though all the reft depofed formally againft her, efpscially Michael Marefcot, one of the phyfi- cians, who publickly convicted her of not understanding Greek or Latin, and having no ereater capacity than what is common to her fex; and, in fhort, of being an impofture and arrent cheat. But notwtth- ftanding all this, the ecclefialHcs and preachers knew fo well how to iniereft religion in this affair, and the pretended demoniac pbyed her part fo well, that the arrst of parliament, that enjoined her, as alfo her father, toreturn home, how wife and reafonable foevtr it\va?, occafioned Grange murmuring, and almoit a revolt in Paris: and this gave the Kin? a deal of uneafinefs, who faw, that what encmits he had remain- ing of the old league, did appear again on this cccafijn. Alexander de O F S U L LY. 277 necefTary fo make iticlf known : after which the whole trick ended in the general contempt of its authors and actreis. The death of a great many peribns of diftin&ion afforded matter for other difcourfe. The Chan- cellor de Chiverny, Schomberg, and D'Incarville, all three members of the council of finances, dying within a ihort time of each other, occafioned a great alteration of affairs : the feals were given to Bellievre ; the office of comptroller- general, which D'Incarville had poffeffed, was, at my folicitation, granted to De-Vicnne ; and that of fuperintendent of the finances was rettored in my favour. Henry having fent for me to the garden of the Tuilleries, where he was walking, told me, that he was refol- ved to entrufl the care of the finances to one man only ; and alTuming a very ferious manner, made me promife to give freely my opinion of that man, whom he ihould name to me. Having affured him. that I would, he fmiled, and, tapping my cheek, told me, that I had reafon to know him well, fincc it was myfelf . His Majefty beftowed upon me like- wife the pofl of furveyor of the highways, for which he fent me the patents, together with thofe of fuperintendent of the fortifications. And San- cy, refigning himfelf up to his ufual whims *, ha- ving thought proper to retire from the council, and to give up the office of overfeer of the works, the King added thefe employments likevvife to the other favours he loaded me with. The appoint- ments for the fuperintendency were fettkd at the ie la Roche ( 'oncaut, Lord of St. Martin, a' d Count de Randan, even undertook to revive this affair, by caufing Martha to be fent to Avig- non, and thence to Rome, where ftie gained ftill more partifans. But unluckily for h;r, Cardinal D'Offat was there, who employed him- f; If fo efrefiuilly in tins aTair, t'uat at length Martha and ail her fami- ly, faw themfelves utterly abandoned 5 and they lived and died defp.fei and quite mif.-rab r e. Confult alfo the other hiftorians. * Jofeph Scaligor fpeaks, as well 23 our author, of M. de Sancy as a fanatic, and as very fubjeft to er.thufialiic rcverici. v rate 278 MEMOIRS BookX. rate of twenty thousand livrcs ; thofc of furveyor of the high-ways, and of Paris in particular, were ten thoufand livres. His M: j .j"fty was fo well pleafed with this method of fixing the rate of falaries, that he was likewifc: defirous of regulating, in the fame manner, the gratuities he propofed to give me, as well, hefaid, to prevent me from expecting a gratuity for every coniiderable fervice I did him, as to fpare himfclf the trouble of canfing all the prefents he made rne to be regiftered, fince, without that, I would not receive any more from him, however little their value was : he therefore declared to me, that all thofe rewards and prefents Ihould, for the future, be comprifed in one fettled gratuity, which Should be paid me the beginning of every year, in the form of letters patent, regiftered by the parlia- ment ; and afked me beforehand if I was fatisfied with the furn, which was fixty thoufand livres : adding, that it was his defire that with this money I ihould purchafe eftates, which I ihould be at li- berty to difpofe of in favour of thofe of my chil- dren who made themfelves moft worthy of my af- ieclion, in order to keep them more firmly attach- ed to me. This goodnefs of the King's merited my moft grateful acknowledgements. However, this regulation which I have mentioned here, was not made till the year 1600, and did not begin to take place till the year 1601. Mademoiielle de Bourbon * died likewife this year; and Monfieur D'Efpinac f, archbiftiop of Lyons, who may be faid to have tafled of all kinds * She \va daughter to Henrv I. the prince of C->nde, by his fitft wife, the princ fs of Nevers, MarchjArtefs dc LT:le, &c. f- Peter D'Efpimc : he h-'.d been a gr-at partifin of the league : however, P. Matthieu aifures, 'hit he ha-i done co -.Tdcrable fervices to Henry IV. again't Spain, tom. 2. 1. ?.. p. 308, where he give* an elogiun of his virtues. M. de Thou, on th,- ccftr.^y, reprefer.ts him, in buchefs's deiign to get herfelf declared Queen, all the practices of her relations and dependents for that purpofe, the ftruggks the King had in his own mind, and the refolution he had at length O taicen to overcome himfelf, adding fome reflec- tions upon the calamities which a contrary conduct would bring upon the kingdom, 1 heard the bell of the firft gate of the caftle without the moat ring ; and none of my iVrvants anfwering, as it was yet fcarcely day, the bell was rung with more violence, and a voice feveral times repeated, I corns from the King, Immediately I wakened a footman, and while he went to open the gate, I flipped on a night-gown, and ran down ftairs, greatly alarmed at being fent to fo early in the morning. The courier faid that he had travelled all night to tell me that the King defired I would come in- itantly to Fontainebleau : his countenance had fo deep a concern on it, that I aflced him if the King was ill ? " No," replied he, " but he is in the " utmoft affliction : Madam the Duchefs is dead." The news appeared to me fo improbable, that I made him repeat it feveral times ; and when con- vinced that it was true, I felt my mind divided between my grief for the condition to which her death reduced the King, and my joy for the advan- tage all France would gain by it, which was increa- fed by my being fully pcrfuaded in my own mind, that the King, by this traiitory forrow, would pur- cJKife a releaie from a thoufand anxieties, and much more O F S U L L Y, more anguifh of heart than what he now actually .fuffered. 1 went up again to my wife's chamber full of theft: reflections, " You will neither go to " the Duchefs's coucher nor lever," faid I, " for " fiie is dead." I brought the courier up with me, that while I drefi, and he breakfafted, he might inform us of all the circumftances of this great event, which was {till better related in the letter La- Varenne had written from Paris to the King, and which his Majefty fent me by the courier, toge- ther with a lecond from La-Varenne, directed to myfelf. Zamet * had received his gueft with all the affi- duity of a courtier who is felicitous to pleafe, and neglected nothing which he thought might contri- bute to make her pafs the time agreeably. On Maundy-Thurfday Madam de Beaufort, after din- ner, where ilie had eaten of thi greateft delicacies, and all prepared to her tafle, had an inclination to hear the evening fervice at St. Anthony's the lefs : Ihe \vas there feized with fainting fits, which obliged her to be carried back immediately to Zamet's As foon as (he arrived, {he went into the garden, and was immediately attacked with an apoplectic fit, which it was expected would have inftantly {tiffed her. She recovered a little, through the affiftance they gave her ; and ftrongly poiTeffed with a notion that {he was poiloned f, commanded them to carry her * Sebaflian Zamet, a rich private gentleman,- was an Italian ard a native of Lucca ; but he got himfrif naturalized in 1581, together with his two brothers Horace and John Antony. HJ defired the notary who drew up his daughter's contrafl ,f m 'triage to ftyle him L.ord of Seventeen hundred ihoufand crowns. Jlenrv IV. had pitcii- ed on his lionfe for his meals and parties of pleature : this prime befnies loved him becr.ufc he was a facetious anj HKv.-rv man. f D'Aubigne gives us to underfh.m! this, \vlu-n he fays, that af- ter f.ie had refreihed herfelf with Z^met, by tAcine a large citron, or cording to others, a faltad, " ilie immcdiatciy felt !uch ?.r. inftam- " mation in her throat and fuch violent twitchings in her ftomacb, " that," &c. But neither De-Thou, Eaffomnietie, l.< S^pt-nnaire, nor 2 86 MEMOIRS Book X. her from that houfe to Madam de Sourdis her aunt, who lived in the cloiller Saint Germain. Scarce had they time to put her in bed when thick fucceeding convulilons, fo dreadful as amazed all that were preicnt, and in a word all the fymp- toms of approaching death, lefc Varenne, who had taken up the pen to write the King word of the accident that happened, nothing elfe to fay but that the phyficians all defpaired of his miftrefs's life, by the nature of her dillemper, which required the moft violent remedies, and the circumftance of her being far gone with child, which made all applica- tions mortal *. Scarce had he lent away the letter, when Madam de Beaufort drawing near her laft moments, was feized with new convulilons which turned her black, and disfigured her fo horribly that La Varenne, not doubting but the King, upon the receipt of his letter, would fet out immediately to fee his miftrefs, thought it better to fend him word in a fecond billet that fhe was dead, than to expofe him to a fpecfcacle at once fo dreadful and amicYmg as that of a woman whom he tenderly Joved expiring in agitations, flruggles, and ago- nies, that left hardly any thing of human in her figure. La- Varenne, in the letter he fent me by the fame courier, informed me that the Duchcfs was not dead, but by what he could judge had not an hour nor any other hi dorian, imputes her difordcr to pniQ>[y Le- Grain afcnbe? it to the crude and cold ioics of ;he citron. S..uval fays, .hat he knew fbme old men who remembered to have feen the Duchefs lie in ftdte in the nunnery of Siint Germain. * " The ph\fician La Rivt-re came in great hafte upon this occa- ' fion," fjys D Aubigne, " with o'hers of t> e Kir g'^ p .yfii.^ns, ai d " entering but three ttcp- into he- ch.'.mber. when he faw tne extraor- " dinary condition die was in, went avav fa vine to his brother phy- '* ficians, This is the hand of God." Torn. 3. ). v. c. 3. to 1599- O F S U L LY. 287 to live f ; in effect, fhe expired a few moments af- ter, in a general fubverfion of all the functions of nature capable of infpiring horror and difmay. The King, who upon the receipt of La-Varenne's firft letter, had not failed to mount his horfe im- mediately, received the fecond when he was got half way to Paris, and liftening to nothing but the ex- cefs of his paflion, was refolved, notwithftanding all that could be faid to him, to give himfelf the confolation of feeing his miftrefs * once more, dead as f- Saturday morning, the convulfions had writhed her month to the back of her neck. Her body was opened, in which a dead cni d \vas found, See concerning this death, M. de Thou, 1. 122. Matth.cu, ih;d. Le-Grain, 1. 7. Le Septennaire, arm. 1599. Mem. ce Baflum- pierre. De Thou, Matthieu, and BafT mpieirc, piace her dea;h a day fooner. * According to Baflbmpierre, who fpeaks of it as being an eye- wit- nefs, Henry did not b'. lu-ve that his miftrefs was yet dead. He fays that La-Varenne having come to acquaint the Marechal D'Ornano and him, who had accompanied the Duchef? to Paris, that me was juft dead, they both took hcrfe in order to bring the mdanccly r.;v. s to the King, and keep him from coming to Paris. " We lound." fays he, the King en the other fide of La Sav;fTaye, near Vilfjuif, ' coming on port horfes with all expedition. As foon as he faw th.2 ' Marecha', he fufpected that he came to bring him the news, which ' as foon as he heard, he made great lamentation for her. At ' bngth they prevailed with him to go into the abbey La SaufTiye, ' where they laid him upon a bed : when at bft a coach coming fiom ' Paris, tney put him into it, in order to return to Fomainebieau." Mem. de Baffompierre, t>.m. I. p. 69, & feq. Le Grain adds, that he fainted away in his coach between the arms of the grand ecuyeror maffer of the horfe. Withou attempting in ary refpeV. to jnfMfy the exceffive fondnefs Henry IV. had tor this woman, juftice however obliges u c to obferve here, that this attachment was no kfs founded on the good qnalitus of lier heart ard mind than the beauty of her perfon, and that only tl.e antipaihy which is commonly borne towards fuch as aie in the fame condition, makes people fay all the ill of her that we lee relattd in thefc memoirs, ana in the other hiftorians. I will conclude this ar- ticle with what D' Aubigne fa s, who is a writer th^t is naturally more inclined to bLme than to commend. " It is a wonder," fays he, ' how this woman, whofu great beauty had no hing of the loole turn " in it, cculd have lived rather like a queen than a n-.irtrefs f < r fi " many years, ano that wiih fo few enemies. The necefiities of ftate *f were ihe only enemies fhe had '.o ei. counter. " He had faid before thjt 288 MEMOIRS BookX. as lie believed her to be. The fame perfons that had carried him back the firft time to Fontaine- bleau, prevailed upon him by their arguments and intreaties to go back once more, and it was from this place that he difpatched the courier to me. I did not lofc a moment. I breakfafted at PoifTy, and dined at Paris. I made life of the Archbilhop of Glafgow's coach to carry me as far as Efibnnc, from whence I took poft, and at night got to Fon- tainebleau. I went immediately to the King, \mo was walking in a gallery funk in an excefs of grief, that made all company infupportable : he told me that, although he expected the fight of me would at firft increafe his affliction, as in effect it did, yet he was fenfible that in the condition to which the lofs he had fuffered had reduced him, he had fo much need of confolation, that he did not hefitate a moment to fend for me to receive the ailiftance I only could give him. With a Prince equally fenfible of what he owed to religious and political duties, I was not at a lofs for fources from whence to derive arguments to calm his forrow. I recalled to his remembrance fome of thofe paflages in the holy fcriptures, where- in God, as a father and mafter, requires that confi- dence and perfect refignation, the effect of which is, to infpire a Ckriitian with a contempt for all fub- that flieufed with great moderation her power over the King: and P. Matthieu adds, to the good quaiities which k; remark in tr.is ia.ij, that of having often given very good council to Henry IV. ibid. " fhe would not fufter any other perfon ne.rher," fays Le-Gr.iin alfo, 1. 8. " though tye Sieur d. Liancourt wa~ a man of great merit and " of a very honourable *~amiiy : infomnch that this marriage was cif - " folved before ir wai consummate,)." S->ine accounts of that time fpeak of Nicholas d'Amerval, Sieur c!e Liancourt, as a perfon of a truly d ftinguifhed birth and of a very plentiful fortune ; but \vhofe mind, fay they, was as badly formed as his body. Mademoifelle, d'Eftrees marr:ed him only to get rid of the tyrannical treatment (he received fiom her father, and becaufe the King promifed her that he would hinder the confummation of tbs marriage, and even d.fiblve it : which he aftiully did. 2 lunary O F S U L L Y. 289 lunary things ; to which I added fuch as might in- cite to the acknowledgements and adoration of Di- vine Providence, as well in deep misfortunes as un- expected fuccefs. I made no icruple to reprefent to Henry, that the accident which now gave him all this affliction, was among the number of thofe which he would one day look upon as the moft fortunate. I endeavoured to place him in imagina- tion in that painful, and. (if his miftrefs had lived) unavoidable iituation, when on one fide ftruggling with the force of a tender and violent paffion, and on the other with the filent convictions of what honour and duty required of him, he would be under an abfolute neceffity of coming to fome re- folution, with regard to an engagement which he could not break without torture, or preferve with- out infamy. Heaven, I told him, came to his af- iiftance, by a ftroke painful indeed,. but which could only open the way to a marriage, upon which de- pended the tranquillity of France, the happinefs of .his people, the fate of Europe, and his own good, to whom the bleffing of a lawful union would al- ways appear too dearly purchafed, by the defertion. of a woman, who, by a thoufand good qualities, was worthy of his affection. I cailly perceived that this laft argument, infor- ced in a manner advantageous to his miftrels, made : an impreffion upon Henry's heart, by the foothing pleafure it gave him to hear his choice had been approved of. He confefled to me, that it was fome relief to him to find me placing his attachment for the Duchefs of Beaufort among the number of thofe that are formed by a real fympathy of minds, and not on mere libertinilm ; and that he had been apprehenfive I would have no otherwife endea- voured to comfort him, than by rendering him a- ihamed of his paffion for her. This firfl conver- fation was very long. I do not remember every thing I faid to the King. All I know is that, after . y.QL.II. O o having MEMOIRS Book X. having firft applied thofe gentle Toothings that af- fliction demands, the continuance of which 1 op- pofed by arguments drawn from the neceflity all princes and perfons in any public character are un- der, of preferving, even in the moft reafonable for- rows, that freedom of mind requifite for affairs of ftate ; Henry had not the weaknefs * of resigning himfelf up to grief through obftinacy. or of feek- ing a cure in infenfibility. He liftened more to the dictates of his reafon than his paffion, and already appeared much lefs afflicted to thole perfons who entered his chamber. At length every one being careful not to renew his grief, which his daily em- ployments gradually diminifhed, he found himfelf in that ftate in which all wife men ought to be who have had great fubjects of affliction, that is, nei- ther condemning nor flattering the caufe, nor af- fecting either to recall or baniih the remembrance of it. Joyeufe likewife employed the public attention, having from a foldier and a courtier f become a capuchin, and afterwards from a capuchin become * Henry IV. tmde all the court go into mourning for the death of trie Duchefs of Beaufort. He himfelf was drefledin black for the firfl eight days, and afterwards in violet. Mem de C'liverny. f Henry de Joyeufe, Count de Bouchage, and younee;} brother to tb.L Ddke de Joyeufe, was (lain at Cou ras. " One day at four in the *' morning, as he was patting through the rtree s of Paris near the " convent of the capuchins, after he had fpent tie night in a debauch, " he imagined that he heard angels finging the matins in the convent : " at which he bein^ much affefted, he immediately turned capu- " ch-n, under the name of Frere-Anpe. Afterwards he quitted the frock and ^nd carryed arms against Henry IV. at which time the Duke de MeYennr made him eovernor of Languedock, a duke, p;r, and martcna! of France. At lift he made his peac- with ihs King : bu: ore day this prircfc being with t im on a balcony, under which was a .great number of people aflembled together, Cotfin, fays Kerry IV. to him, this multitude fecm to me to be very conte'nt- " cd ahJ ea y at feeing together an apoftate and a renegade. This fay- " ing of the King's made fuch an imprefiio'i on Joyeufe that he en- " 'ercd aga : n into his convent, where he died." The anecdote is ta- ken from the notes on the Hcoriade, again O F S U L L Y. 291 again a foldier and a courtier, he refumed his in- clination for the frock, which it was pretended the fope had only during the war granted him a dif- penfation for quitting; and this time he wore it till his death. The marriage of his daughter, the ble heirefs of the family of Joyeufe, with the Duke of Montpenfier, was the laft action of his public life. The Marchionefs de Bellifle f , after his ex- ample, took the habit of a nun of the order of St. Barnard, commonly called Feuillantines. BOOK XI. THE time fettled by the reference made to the Pope concerning the marquifate of Saluces had elapfed without any decifion by his Holinefs, becaufe the Duke of Savoy, who knew better than any other perfon that it could not be favourable for him, had, to * elude the fentence, made ufe of all thofe arts that were generally pracliied in this little court, whofe policy it was, when its fafety or ad- vantage was in queftion, to employ cunning, treachr ery, fubmiffion, and the appearance of the ftrong- f Antonietta d'Orleans de Longueville was the widow of Charles de G' ndy Marquis of Bellifie, and eldeft fonof ihe Marechal de Retz. Mezeray informs us, that the reafon of her retiring, was the morti- fication (he had received by not being able to revenge the death of her husband ; a foldier whom /he Lad employed for ihis purpofe having been taken and hanged : for ihe could not obtain his pardon of the King. The Marquis de Bellifle had been killed in 1596 at Mount Saint Michael, by a gentleman of Bretagne called Kei martin. L'E- toile fpeaks of her as a woman who was much admired by all the court on account of her beauty and underfianding, and as an eminent exam- ple of devotion and penitence in her convent. * This marquifate was a transferable fief of Dauphine, to which the houfe of Savoy had no right. O 2 Cft 20z MEMO'IRS BookXr. eft attachments. The firft thought that prefented itfelf to the Duke of Savoy's mind was to revoke a reference which had only been made to gain time, or with a hope that France would embroil itfeU with the holy fee. But as this proceeding feemed too dilingenuous, he had recourfe to another arti- fice to make the Pope voluntarily reiign the arbi- tration. He apprifed his ambafiador at Rome, that ke had certain intelligence from France and Italy that Clement V11I. had fuffered himfelf to be gained by the King, on a private condition, that his moft Chriftian Majefty fliould engage to yield afterwards to the Pope himfelf all his claims upon the marqui- late of Saluces. The ambaffador, who was firft impofed upon by his mafter, explained himfelf in fuch a manner upon this collufion,- that his Holi- nefs, who had only accepted of the arbitration for the advantage of both parties, refigned it with in- dignation. The Duke of Savoy, who had not doubted but that the Pope would act in this manner, gave the King, however to underftand, that he would rely entirely upon him, without having recourfe to any foreign arbitration upon the difpute. He thought, by piquing this prince upon his honour, to obtain that which was the iubjecl of their conteft, which he took care to have reprefented to him, as a thing of fuch fmall value, that it could not merit the at- tention of fo great a King. And it was with thefe iftftruclions that the Sieins de Jacob, de laRochette, de Lullins, de Bretons, and de Roncas, the Duke of Savoy's agents, came to Paris. With views of this nature the minifter and the confident of the prince is commonly the perfon whom they begin to engage in their Lntereft, or (to be plainer) whom they endeavour to corrupt ; and if he fliould not appear very virtuous, do not even conceal from him the defign with which they come, and in their difcourfe make no longer any ufe of that O F S U L L Y. 293 that caution which is obferved in a congrefs. Thefe gentlemen therefore told me, that their ma- fter did not pretend to hold the marquifate of Sa- luces of his Majefty any otherwife than as a mere gift of his munificence ; and at the fame time in- iinuated to me plainly enough, that this prefent would produce from the Duke of Savoy advanta- ges for me proportionable to the importance of the requeft, and my lolicitude to fecure its fuccefs. I would not feem to und^rftand thefe laft words and with regard to the tirft, I told the agents drylv that fince, as they well knew, no one could beflo'w upon another what was not immediately in his own pofTcflion, it was neceflary the Duke of Savoy fhould tirft begin by refigning all claim to the marquifate Of Saluces ; and that then his Majefty, who I afTu- red them had no lefs greatnefs of mind than his Highnefs, would ufe his power royally. And I very earneftly intreated them to addrefs themfelves directly to the King : which they did, difcouraged with the manner I fpoke to them. Henry treated them with great civility, but appeared fo refolute upon every thing that icgarded that ftate, that after feveral ufe- lefs attempts, they laid afide all thoughts of fuc- ceeding this way. Finding all France, and the court itfelf, filled with malecontents and mutinous perfons, they ima- gined that by puftung them on to fome violent re- folution, they might give Henry fufficient employ- ment within his kingdom, to make him lofe fight of all that patTed without. The Duke of Savoy's prefence appeared to them abfolutely neceflary to engage more cloiely thofe lords who liftened to their fuggeftions and they wrote to him, that his intereft required that he fhould take a journey to Paris. This project was perfectly fuited to the Duke's character * : he confented to it, and order- It is fiid, that tin's p-incc, da ing his refi lence at the court of France, one day let fall the oliowing words, " I am not come into " this kingdom to reap, but to fow." ed 294 MEMOIRS Book XL ed them to demand hisMajefty's leave for that pur- pofe; which the King would have denied, if he could have done it with any appearance of reafon. But the Duke of Savoy had deprived him of the leaft preterice, by protefting, that he undertook this journey, in order that he might himfelf treat with his Majefty ; or rather, that he came to fub- rnit entirely to the King's will. This declaration he accompanied with fo many complaints againft Spain, that he feemed to be upon the point of co.- ming to an open rupture with that crown ; and that henceforward he would place all his hopes of fecurity on an union with France. He had a fhort time before refufed an advantageous propofal made him by the King of Spain, to fend his fon and his eldeft daughter to the court of Madrid, to appear there as princes of the blood-royal of Spain. By this ftep of the Duke of Savoy, the Pope was fully determined to concern himfelf no fur- ther with the affair of Saluces : but nothing could make the King negledt two things, which from the very firft appeared to him absolutely neceffary; namely, to give up no part of that fatisfaclion which was due to him by the Duke, and to difcover all his tranfa&ions with the malecontents of his court. Among thefe the King always gave Marechal Biron the firft rank. His Majefty knew, that du- ring the ftay this Marechal made in Guienne, he had folicited the nobility of that province to engage in his interefts ; and that at his own table he had kad fuch converfation with them, as proved him to be an enemy to the royal authority. All this might have been attributed to the pride and infolence of his difpofition ; but what gave moft weight to this behaviour was, that his intrigues at the court of Savoy, although carried on w r ith all poffible cau- tion, came at the fame time to his Majefty's know- ledge. And the journey the King took this year to 1599- O F S U L L Y. 295; to Blois, had in reality no other motive than to difconcert the projects of Biron, and to retain the people in their duty ; but in public, the King talk- ed of it as a party of pleafure, to pafs the fummer in that agreeable climate, and to eat, he laid, fome of the excellent melons there. His removal from Paris likewife, in the ftate things then were, was a matter of indifference. I attended his Majefty, whofe ftay at Blois pro- duced nothing of confequence enough to be men- tioned ; he panned his time there in the employ- ment I have already mentioned, and in endeavour- ing to procure the fo earneftly delired dnTolutioh of his marriage with Margaret of Valois. As long as the Duchefs of Beaufort lived, no one was foli- citous to prefs Henry to a divorce, either becaufe they apprehended that their endeavours would turn to the advantage of his miftrefs, who was univer- fally hated, or that they did not care to expofe themfelves to the rage of this woman ; who was al- ways to be feared, even though her defigns fhould not fucceed ; but as foon as Hie was dead, there was a general combination of the parliament, all the o- ther bodies, and the people, to Iblicit him on this fubjecl:. The procurer-general came to his Maje- fty, and intreated him to give his fubjecls this fads- faction. The King, though he was not determined upon his choice, promifed, however, to yield to the delires of his people. I now relumed my correfpondence with Queen Margaret with more ardour than before : I had taken no pains to remove the obftacle which this Princefs made, on Madam de Beaufort's account, to the confent that was required of her ; for I look- ed upon it as a refource to which, probably, every one muft have applied ; and it was this only that could have reftrained the court of Rome, if the King had fuffered himfelf at laft to be gained by his miftrefs : betides, the compliance I obferved in MEMOIRS Book XI. in Margaret aflured me that fhe did not make it a pre- tence for an abfolute refufal. I was confirmed in this opinion by the anfwer (lie wrote me from Uf- fon, to a letter I had juft Tent her, in which I mentioned the facrifice that was expected from her, in very refpeclful but in very clear terms, as fuch negotiations require. Margaret, on her fide, to fhew that fhe perfectly underftood what was to be done, explained herfelf absolutely upon the bill of divorce, annexing to it fuch reasonable conditions as took away all difficulty for the future ; the only defired a decent penfion might be affigned her, and that her debts might be paid ; appointing a man to conclude this affair, either with the King, or with me, who, though firmly attached to her, could not .be fufpecled : this was Langlois, who had ferved Jhis Majefty fo faithfully in the reduction of the ci- ty of Paris, and had been rewarded for it with the poft of mafter of the requefts. It was not eafy to lind a man who was more capable of bufinefs : he ,bro\ight his Majefty an anfwer from Margaret * ; for the King thought he likewife was under a necef- fity of writing to her, which he did with equal goodnefs and complaiiance, but in terms far lefs explicit than I had done. With the letters, Lang- lois brought a ftate of this Princefs's demands, which were immediately granted. To render the thing more firm, Langlois undertook to make her write to the Pflppe in terms that gave his Holinefs to underftand," that fhe was far from being con- ftrained to this acl ; that fhe had the fame folici- tude for the conclufion of this affair as ail France had. D'Oilat, provided with a writing of the lame kind, found no more obftacles : he was feconded by Sillery, who endeavoured to efface the fcandal * See the fe two letters of Henry IV. to Margaret de Valois, and of Margaret's to Henry, in the new collision dts lettres du Henry le Grand. I Of ,599- O F SULLY. 297 of hisfirft commiffion. The holy father nfed no more delays in granting the favour that was demand- ed of him, than what decency and ceremony re- quired ; and did not fuffer himfelf to be influenced i>y fuggeftions of envious perfons, a deteftable fort of men who are to be found in every place. He appointed the Bifhop of Modena, his nephew and nuncio, to put the finifhing hand to this affair, \vhich could only be done in France ; afibciating with him two commiffioners of that nation, the Archbifhop of * Aries, and the Cardinal de Joy- eufe : the courfe they were to take was, to declare the parties free from all engagements, by the nul- lity of their marriage. While thefe affairs was haftening towards a con- clufion, Henry returned to Fountainebleau ; and giving great part of his time to diverfions, and the pleafures of the table, heard Mademoifelle D'Entraguesf often mentioned. The courtiers, eager to flatter his inclination for the fair, fpoke fo advantageoufly of the beauty, wit, and fprightli- ne(s of this young lady, that the King had a defire to fee her, and became immediately paflionately e- namoured of her. Who could have forefcen the tmeafinefs this new paffion was to give him ! but it * Thefe three commiflaries having met in the palace of Henry de Gondy, Bifhop of Paris, after maturely examining the reafons alledg- cd on both 'fides, declared the marriage void, by reafon of confan- guinity, different religion, fpi ritual affinity, compulfion, and for want of the confentof one of the parlies : for Henry IV. and Margaret da Valois were related in the third degree ; the mother of Jane d' Albert, who alfo wa^ called Margaret, being the fitter of Francis I. See the hiftory and pieces concerning this divorce in Mauhieu, torn. 2. b. z. De Tnou, liv. 133. La Chronologic Septennaire, ann. 1599. j- Ca'harine Henrietta, daughter to Francis de Balzac, Lord o/ Entrauues, MarcoufTy, and de Mdefiierbes, by Mary Touchet, mi- ftrefs to Ctiarles IX. whom he married for his fecond wife. The writings of thofe times reprcfent Tier as not fo beautiful, thoug.]i younger, than the fair Gabridle, and ftill more gay, ambitictis, and enterprifmg. This fketch, which correfponds with what the Cake de Sully fays here, will be very much conftnnsd in the fequel cf thefe memoirs. VOL. II. P p was 298 MEMOIRS Book XI. was Henry's fate, that the fame weaknefs which ob- fcured his glory, ihouid likewife deftroy the tran- quillity of his life. The lady was no novice : although fenfible of the pleafure of being beloved by a great King, yet ambition was her predominant paffion ; and Ihe flattered herfelf Ihe might make ib good ufe of her charms, as to oblige her lover to become her huf- band. She did not therefore feem in hafte to yi.ld to his defires : pride, chaltity, and intereft, were employed in their turns ; fhe demanded no lefs than one hundred thoufand crowns for the price of lier favours. And perceiving that fhe had only in- creafed Henry's paffion, by an obftacle, in my o- pinion, much more likely to cool it, fince his Ma- jefty was obliged to tear this fum from me by vio- lence, fhe no longer defpaired of any thing, and had recourfe to other artifices ; fhe alledged the re- ftraint her relations * kept her in, and the fear of their refentment The prince endeavoured to re- move all thele fcrupks ; but could not fatisfy the lady, who taking a favourable opportunity, at length declared, that fhe would never grant him a- thing, unlefs he would give her a promife, under his hand, to marry her in a year's time It was not upon her own account, {lie faid (accompanying this ftrange requeft with an air of luodefty, with which fhe well knew how to inflame the King) that fhe aflced for this promife, to her a verbal one had been fufficient, or indeed, fhe would have requi- red none of any kind, being feniibie that her birth * This fear was not entirely without fouadation. If we may he- lieve the Marecha! de BaHompierre, in his mern > .is, her moth- r was indeed very condescending in his affair ; and it \vas even {he that drew the King to MaiCiTierbes, a hou'e where fhe lived ; buthfrfa'her was not fo complying, any morj t;.aa the C>nnt d' Auverrns, half brother, by the mother, to the~lady. They wanted to pick a quarrel with the Count de Lude, whom fLrtry IV. employed upon this occafion ; and they c.itrieJ the laJy TO Maicouflls, where the Kir.g nevertheless went to fsc her. Tom. I. did 1599- O F S U L L Y. 299 dtd not allow her to pretend to that honour, but that ih^ would have occasion for fuch a writing, to ferve as an excufe for her fault to her relations ; and obierving that the King ftill hefitated, (he had the addrds to hinf, that in reality {he fhould look upon this promife as of very little confequence, knowing well the King was not to be fummorfed to a court of juftice like one of his common fubjefts. "What a itriking example of the tyranny of love ! Henry was not fo dull but that he plainly perceived this girl endeavoured to deceive him : not to men- tion likewife thole realons he had to believe her far from being a veftal, or thofe intrigues againft the ftate of which her father, mother, her bro'her, and even herfe f, had been convidted, and had drawn upon this family a-n order to leave Paris, which I had fo lately ligniiied to them from his Ma- jcfty : notwithstanding all this, the King was weak enough to comply with his miftrels's defires, and promifed to grant her requeft. One morning, when he was preparing to go to the chace, he called me into the gallery at Fon- tainebleau, and put this ihameful paper into my hands. It is a piece of juftice, which I am fo much, the more obliged to do Henry, as the reader muft perceive that 1 do not endeavour to palliate his faults, to acknowledge that, in the greateft exceffes to which he was hurried by his pafiions, he always fubmitted to a candid confeffion of them, and to coniuit with thole perfons whom he knew were moft likely to oppol'e his deligns. This is an in- ftance of rectitude and greatnds of foul, rarely to be found amongft princes. While I was r ading this paper, every word of which was like the ftab of a poignard, Henry fometimes turned aiide to conceal his confufion, and fometimes endeavoured to gain over his confident by condemning and excu- fing himfelf bv turns; but my thoughts were whol- ly employed upon the fatal writing. The claufe of Pp 2 marrying MEMOIRS Book XI. marrying a miftrefs, provided fhe bore him a foa in the fpace of a year ( for it was conceived in thefe terms ) appeared indeed ridiculous, and plainly of no effect ; but nothing could relieve my anxiety, on account of the fhame and contempt the King muft neceflarily incur, by a promife which, fooner or later, would infallibly make a dreadful confufion. I was alib afraid of the confequences of fuch a ftep in the prefent conjuncture whilft the divorce was depending ; and this thought rendered me iilent and motionlefs. Henry, feeing that I returned him the paper coldly, but with a viable agitation of mind, faid to me, " Come, come, fpeak freely, and do not af- " fume all this referve." I could not immediately find words to exprels my thoughts, nor need I here aflign reafons for my perplexity, which may be ea- fily imagined by thofe who know what it is to be the confident of a King, on occafions when there is a necefllty of combating his refolution, which is always abfolute and unalterable. The King again aflured me, that I might fay and do what I pleafed without offending him ; which was but a juft a- mends, h faid, for having forced from me three hundred thoufand livres. I obliged him to repeat this affurance feveral times, and even to feal it with a kind of oath ; and then no longer hefitating to difcover my opininion, I took the paper out of the King's hands, and tore it to pieces without faying a word. " How!" faid Henry, aftonilhed at the boldnefs of this action, " Morblieu ! what do you " mean- to do : I think you are mad." I am mad, I acknowledge, Sire, replied I, and would to God I was the only madman in France. My refolution was taken, and I was prepared to fuffer every thing rather than, by a pernicious deference and refpedt, to betray my duty and veracity ; therefore, notwith- ftanding the rage I faw that inftant impr.eiTed on the King's countenance, while he collected together out 1599- O F SULLY. .301 out of my hands the torn pieces of the writing, to ferve as a model for another, I took advantage of that interval to reprefent to him, in a forcible manner, all that the fubject may be imagined to fuggeffc to me. The King, angry as he was, liken- ed till I had done fpeaking, bur, overcome by his paffion, nothing was capable of altering his refolu- tion ; the only effort he made was, not to banifh from his pretence a confident too fincere. He went out of the gallery without faying a fingle word to me, and returned to his clofet, whither he ordered Lomenie to bring him a itandifh and pa- per ; he came out again in half a quarter of an hour, which he had employed in writing a new promife. I was at the foot of the ftaircafe when he defcended ; he paffed by without feeming to fee me, and went to Maleiherbes to hunt, where he {laid two days. I was of opinion that this incident ought to put no ftop to the affair of the divorce, nor hinder another wife from being fought for for the King, but rather that it flmuld haiienboth: his Maje- fty's agents at Rome made therefore the firft over- ture of a marriage between Henry and the Prin- ccfs Mary of Medicis *, daughter of the Grand Duke of Florence. The King fuffered us to pro- ceed in this bufinefs, and, by the force of repeat- ed importunities, even appointed the Conftable, the Chancellor, Villeroi, and me, to treat with the perfon whom the Grand Duke (hould fend to Pa- ris. We were refolved not to let the affair fleep. Joanini, the perfon deputed by the Grand Duke, * Ma-7 de Medici?, daughter to Francis Grand Duke of Tu r cany, by :he Archduchefs Jane or" Auftria, d^Uu;hter to the Emperor Ferdi- rand. She hgeovs otf'ors tr> be mace him by his i;mb,ifaaed my mtf- " fage, fays he. and may ,iow 20 whenever T a ill," Matihieu fur- \: voya?e de ce Prince en France, torn. II. liv. ii. Thefe 3l0 MEMOIRS BookXI. Thefe words gave our converfation immediately a very ferious turn. The Duke of Savoy taking occ^fion to mention the affairs which brought him into France, had already, in a polite manner, be- gun to make me fenfible, that he knew I was not in his intereft, when we were interrupted by the arrival of his ^aiefty : and afterwards nothing was thon{T?it of but pleafure. However, the fame night corn mlfii oners were named for examining the oc- cafion of thf conteft : the Conftabb, the Chancel- lor, Marechal Biron, Meifle, Vil'eroi, and myfelf, were appointed for the King; and for the Duke of tSavov, Belly his Chancellor, the Marquis de Lullin, the Sieurs de Jacob, the Count de Morette, the Ch-'vali^r de Bretons, and des Allymes. The Duke of Savoy had already brought over the greater part of our commiffioners to his inte- refts : he gained them completely at la ft, by the li- beral gifts which he beftowed both on them and the whole court * at the new year. But I was the perfon that gave him moft trouble; for every time >v?ien the queftion was debated amongft the com- rniffioners, I conftantly held firm to this determi- nation, either that a reftitution fhould be made to his Afajefty of the marquifate of Salutes, or that Brefle, and all the border of the Rhone from Ge- neva to Lyons, fliould be given him in exchange. * The Duke fent tbe Kinp two Isrps hafons ard two cryftal vafes, as a new vear's eift. " In nturn of which, the Kinij gave the Duke " a crotchet of diamonds, whtr?, amonq others, was one w;th his " M'j^fty's piOure : it w?; a very f ne r'-<"ff> 3"o *^ e Duke had a tl sreat vihi- for it : he Trade prefents ^'>ali who cime !n compliment " him." Chro"o1ngie Seotpn. arm. 1600. It was faid that he had rained ever the Duche's of B oi ufort to his interei 1 . 5i that if this fidv haH not -'ied. it is prob'.b'e the reflitution of Siincrs might havs l -?en difpenfed wi'h. The Du' d of agreement was concluded upon this plan between the commiiTari- s, which it was much fufp^fted the Duke of S-svpy would not obferve, b^caufe of the delays he defired : whereupon as Le-Grain relates it, a certain petfon propofed to Henrv, that the Duke of Sa- voy ftculd be feized, and by that means obliged to perform his part of the articles. Bur this propofal was rejected by the King. Seethe particulars of the negotiation, and of the Duke's residence at Paris in Al. de Thou, and Lc Stiptainnaire, ann. 1599; i6co. a i6oo. O F S U L L Y. a delay to the Duke of Savoy, aiked me how it was poffible to do otherwife ? "By granting the Duke of ** Savoy," faid I, "an honourable efcort of fifteen " thousand foot, two thoufand horfe, and twenty " cannon, to conduct him to Montmelian, or what " other place he ihall chufe to go to, and there ob- " lige him to explain himfelf upon the alternative " that has been propofed to him." The King did not approve of my advice ; his word was given to the contrary : I was truly grieved at it ; for I have been always firmly perfuaded, that, but for this compliance, his Majefty might have avoided a war, and have received complete fatisfaclion. All I could obtain was, that three months fhould be ta- ken from the fix that had been agreed upon. The Duke of Savoy, finding that his Majefty, who was weary of the continual felicitations he had on this fubject, would no longer anfwer otherwife than in thefe few words, / am refolved to have my marquifate, fet out a little time after for Chambery, where, till the expiration of the time prefcribed, which was in the month of June, he employed him- felf in preparations for his defence. He would have had no occafion for them, if the plot of a woman, named Nicole Mignon, had fucceeded. She had undertaken to poiibn the King *, and thought to have engaged the Count of SoifTons, who. on all occafions, made known his difcontent, in her defign ; but he conceived fo great an horror * Bv pr -curing her bufhand to be admitted into the number cf the K'n. s c- ok', bv th intcrcft of th. Coun f de Soiflbns, fteward of the hculo.d. She WH w~j] known to ah tue P inues of tjie blood, and to H :-'y himfelt. at St. D i , \vhtrf (lie Kept on-, of the principal inns ur.r-g the war. Th: Count ot S i/Tvs, to i om fhe had hinted th t 't would re his own fau . if'l.t w;>snotone of the gn n e!t princes in 'he w r.d, fufo-din : ; :;at this v.onijn hari fon c bad defign, cauf- ed Lomnie to concea himfe" in a clofet, whuh gavi him ^n oppor- tunity ot tlifct veri, g \\. ' m?.-ns (he intended to uie. She was accu- le,- or pri. :t;i '.,:._ o:ce.\ ;,UL \vj? oniy a p i.fl -at; woman, and fome- what diforaertd in her fcnfes. Chronologic Septen. ann. 1600. Pv r 2 at MEMOIRS Book XI, at it, that he difcovered her immediately : {he con- fefTed her crime, and was burnt. Nothing remarkable happened during thefe three months, except the difpute between iVteffieurs du Perron and du Pleffis. Towards the latter end of the lail year, appeared a book * of du Pleffis upon the * This book is intitled, Inflruciions de lafaltite eucharijlie, and attacks the mafs by pretended arguments drawn from the fathers. As foon as it appeared in public, many catholic divines exclaimed againtt the falfe- hood of a great number cf quotations it contained. This obliged Du- Pleffis to offer a kind of halleng?, \vhich thoie doctors prevailed up- on the Bifhop of Evreux to accept. After feveral letters and fteps ta- ken on both fides to fettle the me : hoj in which they were to proceed, and in which it appears that Du-Pleflis repented more than once of having gone fb far j the King determine*) thai there Ihould be a pub- lic difpute between the two afllagonifts, wherein fifty of thefe paf- lages were to be made good every d*y till all the five hundred r.nd fifty were gone through, which M. du P^ror, had excepted againft. They met in the council chamber at Fontainebleau, in the prefence of the Kjng and commiffaries appointed by him : chofe for the Catholics were the Prefident de Thon, th'e Advocate Pilhcu, and the Sieur Martin, reader and Phyfician to his Maiefty ; for the Calvinifts, Fref- ne-Canaye, and Cai'aubon. They met on Thu-rfday the 4th of A.' ay, it one o'clock in the afternoon. Of fixty one pa'Jages which Du- Perron fent to his antagonift, the latter was or.ly prepared on 19 of them, which he had felecTx-d from all the reft : as to thefe faid he to the King, I will lofe my reputation or life, if one of them be found falfe. However, he was convidVd of an unfair reprefentation in all thofe that were examined : and they conld only go through nine of them : the Chancellor then declared the opinions of all prefent, upon thefe nine articles leveraUy, that in the fir't, which was from Scotus, and the feco.id from Durar.dus, Du-Pkffis had taken the objection for the anfvrer; in the third and 1 fourth from St. Chryfoftom, and the fifth from Jerom, that he had omitted fome of the moft material words; in the fixth, that it was no where to be found in St. Cyril : on the feventh, which was taken from the Code, that it was indeed from Crinitus, but that Crinitus had falfified the text : as to the eight, which included two prc pcfitions from St. Bernard, that Du- Pleffis ought to have feparated them, or at lesft to have put an &<. between : with repaid 10 tn? ninth Theodoret, that it was mutilated and that the word idols was t-ikcn for images. This was the only conference that was held. Du-PIefTis Mornay, being feizcd with in indifpofi'ion next day, went to Saumur fome r.ays after, without tak- ing ieavi- of the King. Frtfrie Canaye, one of the commifiioners, and Saint Marie Du Mont, another eminent Proreftant, were foon after this difpute, in which Henry himfelf fometimes fpoke, converted to the Catholic faith. Du PJeflis pretended to prove, by the authority of 1600. O F S U L L Y. 317 the eucharift, which was looked upon by the Pro- teftant party to be a mailer-piece, and which I fent immediately to the Bifhop of Evreux, who was at his diocefe : the difference of religion had never been able to deftroy that friendfhip and gratitude which this prelate had always for me, nor that af- fe I will - efcnd, and I intreat you would fuffer ms toc)of>: don't you meddle with it, for you have not reared it. Matihku torn. II. In, ii. p. 340. the i6oo. OFSULLY. 319 the wit and learning of Moniieur d'Evreux. " What " do you think of your Pope ? " faid Henry to me, during the debate, (for Du-Pleflis was with the Proteiiants what the Pope is amongft the Catholics:) " I think, Sire," replied I, " that he is more a " Pope than your Majefty imagines, for, at this f< moment he gives the Cardinal's hat to Monfieur 4< d'r.vreux. If our religion has not a better *' foundation than his legs and arms crofled, I " would quit it this inftant." It was upon this occafion that his Majefty, in a letter to the Duke of Epernon, told him, that the diocefs of Evreux had vanquilhed that of Saumur; that this was one of the greateft advantages, which, for a long time, had been obtained for the church of God ; and that fuch a proceeding would draw more Proteftants to the true church, than a courfe ' of violence for fifty years. This letter, the turn of which was no lefs fingular than the choice Henry made of the Duke of Epernon to addrefs it to, made as much noife as the difpute itfelf, when it became public, which could not fail of happening when it was in fuch hands. Some faid that the King wrote it to deftroy the fufpicions of his not being a Sincere Catholic, which, notwithftanding his converlion, prevailed during his whole life, and gave room to the Jefuits to mention him difadvan- tageoufly in their letters to Rome : others imagin- ed, that this letter had a meaning which was not at firft perceived, and maintained, that the King had a view in it to perfuade either Spain or the Pro- teftants, that all efforts to induce the council of France to take violent and fanguinary methods with them would be ufelefs. The fix months that had been given to the Duke of Savoy were now expired, yet he had taken no care to fatisfy his engagement. His Majefty began to think he fhould obtain nothing but by force ; but, befidcs the perfuafions of his courtiers, who all 320 MEMOIRS Book XI. all feerncd to have fold their voices to the Duk- of Savoy, this Prince was then retarded by an pbfta- cle far more powerful, his fondnefs for his new miftrefs, to whom he had given the title of Mar- chionefs of Verneuil. He was no longer able to think of a reparation, and (it is with lome confu- fion that I mention it) after I had, by repeated im- portunities, prevailed upon him to take the rout to Lyons, he deliberated whether he fhouid not carry her with him, to which he was farther incited by the flatterers about him *. She was now with child ; and, having the promife of marriage in her pofleffion, the affair became of great consequence to Henry. Providence once more interpoied in his favour. Madam de Verneuil was fo frightened by the thunder during a ftorm, that (he was .delivered of a dead child. The King was informed of this accident at Moulins, whither he had advanced, and from whence he fent many a melancholy look to the place where he had left his miftrefs ; but, re- ftored to himfelf by his own reflections, he conti- nued his rout to Lyons, where his troops had or- ders to join him. I intended to follow, as foon as I had fettled all affairs relating to the government, and taken pro- per meafures to fecure the neceflary fupplies for the war, which I did not delay till the moment of exe- cution, I had written to the receivers-general, that, according to the King's order, they were no longer to pay any bills drawn upon them, except thofe which were for the fupport of the frontier garrifons, -md the payment of the troops ; becaufe all others would be immediately difcharged at the treafury, to which I ordered all their money to be * She came to meet him at St. Andre de !a Cofte. Baflbmpierre, who was with H?nry, fays, t-at the lovers quarrelled at their firft meeting, but we- e foon reconciled : atter wh'ch, 'h'.s Prince carried his miftrefs to G"-noble, where he coirinued with her 7 or 8 clays, and afterwards to Chambery, torn. i. p. 86. &c, i carried tfoo. O F S U L L Y. 371 carried directly. I likewife forbad thofe that paid rents to difcharge any bills without a new order, to keep them from paying, as they were accuftomed, fuch notes as had been revoked, or created without money. I raifed fome militia which I chofe rather to incorporate in the old corps, than to compofe new regiments of. I applied myfelf more particu- larly to the affairs of the ordnance. I fent orders to the lieutenants of the ordnance of Lyonnois and Dauphine, and to the commiffioners of that of Burgundy, Provence, and La>nguedoc, to collect all their beft pieces, and to make a great number of carnages for cannon and balls in , proportion, and fend them all, with the powder and other am- munition, to Lyons and Grenoble : and fearing, left my orders fhould not be punctually executed, I went myfelf to Lyons, and returned in three days. I gave the like orders in all the other provinces, and brought carriages to Paris, whom 1 obliged to enter into an engagement before a notary, to carry, in fifteen days, three millions three hundred thou- fand weight to Lyons, without explaining to them what kind of merchandife it was. They were greatly aftonifhed when they found their loading was twenty cannons, fix thoufand balls, and other things belonging to the ordnance not very portable. They alledg^d, that fuch heavy pieces could not be comprehended in goods of carriage ; but having threatened to feize their carts and horfes, and they not being willing to lofe the expences they had been already at, refolved to do what was required of them : and I had the fatisfadtion to fee all this lug- gage arrive fafely in fixteen days at Lyons; where- as, by the ordinary methods, it could not be done in lefs than two or three months, and at an infinite expence. It was always doubted whether the king would ferioufly renew the war, till his Majefty was feea VOL. II. S f to* 32* MEMOIRS Book XI. to take his route to the Alps The Chancellor Bel- lievre. who had perfifted in his endeavours to dif- fuade him from it, finding my advice prevailed, came to me with an intention to make me approve, if poffible, of the reafons he had againft it. I did not regard him as one of thofe perfons with whom to enter into an explanation would have been ufe- lefs. His fincerity appeared in the manner in which. he fpoke to me, and the reflections with which his mind feemed to me to be agitated : the condition France was in, for which a war of any kind what- ever could not but be fatal : the King's honour, which was engaged to maintain a work fo folid as that of the peace of Vervias : the reproach of the infraction of that peace to which he expofed him- felf : the fear of bringing all the Duke of Savoy's: allies upon him, to o.ppofe whom he had an army fufficiently provided with artillery indeed, but con- iifting only of fix or feven thoufand foot, and twelve or fifteen hundred horfe, and (for fo Bel- lievre imagined) deftitute of all neceiTary provi- iions. This was the fum of the Chancellor's ob- jections. I do not think that, in any paflage of thefe me- moirs, or in the conduct of my whole life, efpe- cially fince I have been called to the government of public affairs, there is any thing that can lay me un- der the neceffity of juftifying myfelf with regard to too great a propenfity for war. Should it appear to any one that, on this occafion, 1 acted in contradic- tion to my own maxims, I anfwer, that, ip reality, no maxim, however general it maybe r can fuit all cafes; and fuppofmg war to be (as I really believe it is.) an evil at all times, it is alfo certain that it is often a neceffary, and even an indifpenftble evil, when by that only thefe claims can be Supported, which it would be a bafenefs to renounce ; fince it muft be likewife confefTed, that generoJjty, and mildneis, two qualities neceiTary in fovereigns, yet when em- ployed O F S U L L Y. 323 ployed againft the common rules of prudence, de- generate into weaknefs, and are looked upon as in- ilances of bad conduct. To this general reply I added the particular rea- fons for the prefent war. I {hewed the Chancellor, that he fufrered himfeif to be unfeaibnably alarm- ed : the King of Spain was the only formidable ally, whom it might be apprehended would join the Duke of Savoy ; but it was to be confidtred, that the reigning King of Spain was a voting man, without experience or abilities for war, fufficiently employed in reducing his own fxibjects, and wholly guided by a minister as little inclined to war as him- ielf, by the natural turn of his difpoiition, and a defire of keeping in his own hands the money which muft be confumed by war ; and, laftly, that he bore no goodwill to the Duke of .^avoy, and was convinced, as well as all Europe, that the King demanded only a reftitution of what belonged to him : that this war would appear a mere difference between the King and the Duke of Savoy, or ra- ther an effect of the intoxication of the latter, oc- calioned by an ill-grounded preiumption, and the intrigues carried on in his favour in the council of France ; and this prefuppofed, the fuccefs of the vrar depended upon its being purfued with expedi- tion. I maintained to the Chancellor, that, with four thoufand men this year, the King would gain, greater advantages, than with thirty thoufand the next : but I did not neglect to prove to him, that his Majefty was not fo unprovided as he imagined, at leaft, that he fhould not want for two things, which, in the offices I held, it depended upon me to furr.iih him with, that is, money and artillery. Bellievre was fo far from being convinced by my arguments, that he left me with chagrin : th? event will (hew who had the beft reafons on his fide. The Duke of Savoy feeing that, contrary to his S f 2 expectation, 324 MEMOIRS Book XL expectation, a French * army was ready to fall upon him, had recourfe to his ufual artifices, to prevent, at leaft, any act of hoftility before the \vinter was begun. He fent deputy after deputy to his Majefiy at Lyons ; fometimes he appeared wil- ling to perform the agreements, fometimes he elu- ded them by fpecious reafons, and at other times, he propoied advantageous projects for his Majefty, and continued to impofe upon this prince fo com- pletely, that Henry, believing h ihould be under no necefiity to go farther than Lyons, ftaid there much longer than he ought to have done. While I continued with Henry in this city, I guarded him againil the fubtilties of the Duke of Savoy ; but, as foon as I left him to return to Paris, to haften, as I have faid, the preparations for war, the King was ib effectually deceived by the Duke's pretend- ed iincerity, that he wrote to me to fufpend my cares ; for every thing was iettled in an amicable manner. In effect, the Duke of Savoy had agreed to all that was demanded of him, but this was a mere verbal agreement, and propofed, that hoftages fhould be given on each fide ; a very proper ma- nagement to delay the performance of his word, by the time that was necelTarily taking up in na- ming thole hoftages, and fending them to each o- ther. I wrote to the King very freely my opinioir f this pretended accommodation, and did not fcruple to difobey his orders, by forwarding the ammunition f, and came ia pepfon to Montargia, * He was encouraged, it is faid, by certain idle pred : Hons of a- v rollers, who g*ve out that, in the month of Anguft, there would l>e n.> King in Fnnce : a thing that proved ve.y trus, fays Perefixe, fur at that tirte he \vas vicl: n-iou? in the h;.-artof Savoy. f- Maithicu, in the account which he gives of this expedition into Savoy, beftows, in fsveral place?, high encomiums on the Duke of S'-.llv. and in i great meaiure aftribes to him the honours of that campaign. Tarn. z. iiv. 2. p. 351. 361. 365. &c. from i6co. O F S U L L Y. 325 from whence I fent my baggage up the Loire, in- tending to ride poft myfelf. Here it was that I re~ ceived a letter from the King, which contained on- ly thefe few words, " You have guefled truly : the " Duke of Savoy has deceived us ; come to me as " foon as poflible, and neglecl nothing that may " be neceffary to make him fenfible of his perfi- " dy." I was informed more particularly of all that had pailed, by a letter from Villeroi. The King had lent for Roncas, from whom he had received fa little fatisfaction in the explanation he demanded of him, that, refolding to prefs him in luch a manner as to leave him no fubterfuge to have re- courfe to, the Savoyard deputy at length betrayed hiinfelf by his equivocations, which threw the King into fo great a rage, that he would hear no more, and inftantly took his rout towards Chamberry ; and it was from this place that the above mention- ed billet was dated. His Majefty imagined, that this city would furrender at his approach^ and that he fliould not be at the trouble of invefting it ; but in this he was miftaken. This interval was employed by the King in fell- citing his marriage with the Princefs Mary of Me- clicis; and this negotiation, which was highly plea- iing to the Pope, was of fervice to the King, in hindering his Holinefs from taking any part in the affairs of Savoy. D'Alincourt, whom his Maje- ity had lent to Piome on this occafion, obtained all that he demanded : the marriage was concluded on, and nothing now remained but to fend fome perfon to Florence, to folemnize it by proxy. Bel- legarde earnestly folicited for this honour; but all he could obtain was to be the bearer of the procu- ration, which was given to the Duke of Florence. While this ceremony was performing in Florence* * S:cthe whole account of it in La Chronologic Sjptenr.aire, ann. 1600. Henry 326 MEMOIRS BookXI. Henry thought it necefiary to appear Wholly taken up with balls, plays, and entertainments : how- ever, that did not hinder him from laying out no lefs affiduouily the whole plan of the campaign ; he ordered Lefdiguieres to take an exact view of, the cafUe of Montmelian ; and upon his report, that with twenty pieces of cannon, and twenty thoufand difcharges, it might be taken, he refol- ved to attack it. He likeivife caufed that of Bourg - cn-Brefie to be reconnoitred by Vienne and Ca- frenet, who were with me ; and it being their opi- nion that the place might be carried, it was refol- ved to endeavour the taking of thefe two cities by- petard, and in the fame night ; and in proper time befiege the two citadels in form. Marechal Biron, to whom his Majefty commited this enterprife, gave the expedition of Montmelian to Crequy, and re- ferved that of Bourg to himfelf. The King had, without knowing it, pitched up- on him, amongft all his general officers, who was the leaft likely to give fuccefs to the enterprife. Bi- ron was at that time deeply engaged with the Duke of Savoy. It is thought that his treaty might have been at leaft rough drawn or Iketched out by this time. He fent word to Bouvens, the governor of Bourg, to be upon his guard, and informed him of the night and the hour when it was deflgned to furprifehim. All this was afterwards proved. But what is liagwlar enough, this treachery did not hin- der the taking of Bourg, and on the fame night that it had been refolved to attack it. Bouvens communicated the advice he had recei* ved to the garrifon and inhabitants of Boure, ex- horted them to defend themfelves bravely, kindled great fires, doubled, nay, trebled the corps de guard, and, in a word, took all poffib'e precautions On the night that he expected to be attacked, even to the ftanding centinel himfelf. Every one impa- tiently expected the hour mentioned in the billet, which OF SULLY. which in reality was to be that of the attack. How- ever, it happened that Marechal Biron, who was himfelf at the head of his troops, either to give the governor more time, or to render the enter- prife impoflible to be executed, or perhaps by mere chance, took a road fo far about, that inftead of midnight, it was break of day when he appeared before Bourg. He would then have perfuaded his officers to defer till another time an attempt which at fuch an hour was very improper. But his opi- nion was fo ftrongly oppofed by Saint Angel, Chambaret, Louftrange, Vienne, and particularly by Callenet, who had undertaken to fix the petard in open day, even though the baftions fhould be filled, and likewife by BoefTe, to who.n his Majefty" had promifed the government of it ; that Biron. fearing leaft he fhould incur the imputation of cowardice, and believing that the defign would mif* carry, was obliged to confent to it. The affair turned out quite otherwife : the gar- rifon and the citizens having been upon die watch till two, three, and even four o'clock, were of o- pinion that the enterprife was blafted, or that it was merely imaginary and when day appeared, went to breakfalt, and to refrefh themfelves with fleep ; leaving the ca-e of guarding the walls to fome centinels, who being opprefied with fleep, acquitted themfelves very ill of the charge. Cafte- net, with three faithful men whom I had given him, advanced as far as the counterfcarp, with each a petard in his h.-:nd, followed by twelve men well armed, and of tried bravery : the ceminel cried, " Who goes there ?" Caftenet, whom I had inftru&ed, anfwered, That they were friends of the city, who were come to advertife the governor, that fome troops had appeared at the diftance of two thoufand paces, and were gone back : he ad- ded, That he had much more to fay to Mofieur Bouvens from the Duke of Savoy ; and defired the foldier 328 MEMOIRS Book XI. foldier tt> go and inform him of it, that the gate might be opened. r [ he centinel quitting his poft to go to the governor's houfe, Caftenet, without lofs of rime, advanced to the gate and fixed his petard, which carried off the draw-bridge, and made a breach, through which, the ditches not being very deep, twelve men, by the help of fhort ladders, en- tered immediately, and after them the whole army. All this was executed with fuch rapidity, that the city was filled in a moment with our men, and Bouvens had only time enough to retire precipi- tately wi-h his garrifon, into the citadel. The town of JMontmelian * was taken in the fame manner ; and Chamberry, by his Majefty's orders, was inverted : the citizens, full of terror, thought not of defending the town, but fortified themfelves in the caft'le, where at firft they made a fhew of refiftance ; however, they capitulated the next day, being intimidated by a battery of eight pieces ot canon, the fire of which they durft not ftand. By the order his Majefty caufed to be obferved, there was not the leaft violence commit- ted. The French ladies, who followed their huf- bands in this expedition, fettled at Chamberry ; and the next day, after the reduction of it, my wife gave a ball to the principal ladies of the town, where all appeared as gay as if it had not changed Its mafter. After this, the King fent me to Lyons, to give orders for the furnifhing and conveyance of the ordnance - and commanded me to vifit, in this journey, the citadels of Saint Catharine, Seiflcl, Pierre-Chatel, 1'Eclufe, and orher fortrefles of BrefTe, particularly the caftle of Bourg : he order- * Confult likewi'e, on all th:fe military expedition?, De Thou, Matthitu, and La Chronologic Sep'en. ann. 1600. in which Sully is rnemioned uith great honour. See likev.ife lorn. 1. ties .Mem. de Bafiompurre. 2 ed i6oo. O T S U L L Y. 319 cd me likewife to provide a quantity of gabions, three feet in heighth and nine in width ; upon which I anfwered him, that fuch gabions were Only proper to make an inclofure for fheep newly bought up in the country. The King, on his fide, in the mean time, went to poflefs himfelf of Con,- flans, Miolens, Montiers, Saint- Jacome, Saint- John de Morienne, and Saint-Michael : not one of thefe places held out againft the cannon. The taking of Miolens reftored liberty to a man who had been detained in the prifons there fifteen years ; Feugeres brought him to me on account o the fingularity of a prediction that had been made him, upon the duration of his captivity, and the perfon by whom he fhould be delivered ; which was found to be exactly filfilled. I left Lyons, to execute the commiffion his Ma- jefty had given me *. 1 reached Villars by dinner- time, and Bourg in the evening, where I was re- ceived and treated with great politenefs by Mare- chal Biron. When he found that I came to take a view of the citadel, he ufed his utmoft endeavours to difTuade me from it ; reprefenting to me, that I expofed myfelf to evident danger. He was cer- tainly right : the enterprife was full of hazard ; but it was becaufe this Marechal, having failed in his attempt to hinder me from executing my de- fign, had given the enemies (for I cannot think o- therwife) fuch exact informations, that where ever I prefented myfelf I found a battery againft me. Notwithftanding this, I continued there night and day, till I had finiihed all my obfervations. Biron, who probably had expe&ed that I fhould pay dear for my curiofity, finding that I had efca- ped, laid other fnares for me : on the day that I was to leave Bourg and return to Lyons, I recei- ved advice, that a party of the enemy, confiding In the Upper Brefle. VOL. II. T r. of 330 MEMOIRS BookXI. of two hundred men, had arrived at a caftle near the place where I was to lodge that night. I took notice of it to Biron, who then had none of that obliging folicitude for my fafety which he had dif- covered before, and treated the information as a jeft ; which railed my fufpicions. I alked him for an efcort of foldiers ; which he excufed himfelf from granting, telling me, that he would commit this care to hi own guards : but he privately or- dered them to return, and leive me at Villars, which they did notwithstanding my intreaties to the contrary, as foon as I alighted at V illars, and my mules were unladed. The defign of this proceed- ing appeared now but too plain. I ordered my mules to be loaded again, and travelled four leagues farther, nor ftopped till I came to Vimy, where I thought myfelf in fafety. My fufpicions that Bi- ron had undertaken to deliver me up to the Duke of Savoy were changed to a certainty, when I learned that three hours after I had left Villars, the two hundred men came and ftormed the houfe I had been at, and feemed very much concerned that they had milled their blow. A courier from his Majefty waited for me at Lyons ; his bufinefs was, to get a train of artillery to force Conflans, the only one of thofe little towns which the King had attacked that made any reilftance, and which furrendered immediately at the approach of the cannon. The King, whom I went to vifit at Saint-Pierre d" Albigny, told me, that he was afraid he {hould not accomplish fo ea- Jily his defigns upon Charbonnieres and the caftle of Montmelian ; and feemed to make fome diffi- culty about undertaking thofe fieges at the approach of winter. I allured his Majefty. that inftead of five months (for fo long he imagined the fiege of Montmelian would laft) it might be ended in io many weeks, provided that during that time the works were carried on with vigour. The King gave i6oo. O F S U L L Y. 331 gave no credit to what 1 faid on this head, and af- ter I had left him, faid to my brother and La-Va- renne, that my enemies would take advantage of my prefumptuous manner of talking, however, the attention with which I had examined the weak parts of this callle, which had apparently efcaped the cblervation of others, convinced me that 1 had, not advanced any thing lightly. The next day. the King taking a journey to Grenoble, left the command of the army in his ab- fence to me. During this time, I no longer em- ployed myfelf in obferving Montmelian, under the cannon of which we were, but in iorming the plan of the outworks, and of the difpofition of thofe batteries with which 1 expected to carry the fort. I wtnc afterwards to the King at Grenoble, who had pafled his time in deliberating with his council up- on this enterprize, which he had forbad me abio- lutely to begin in his abfence. I mfifted again upon the reafonablenefs of undertaking it; and again found the fame oppofition. I know not whether it was through enmity to me, or attachment to the Duke of Savoy, that the Count of SoifTons, the Duke d'Epernon, La-Guiche, and many others ap- peared founrealbnable : amongft all the counfellors, only Meffieurs cle Lefdiguieres and de Crequy were of my opinion. I laid the plan 1 had juft finilhed upon the ta"ble, and went out, faying, that while they deliberated whether Montmelian fhould be at- tacked, I would go and put myfelf in readinefs to take it ; and in the mean time would fall upon Charbonnieres, that the example of this fort, for the taking of which I demanded only eight days, might teach them what to expert from Montme- lian. Accordingly I laid fiegc to Charbonnieres, where I fullered incredible fatigues ; the firft difficulty was to bring the cannon to bear on the place; the only road that led to it was extremely T t 2 narrow. 33* MEMOIRS Book XI. narrow, bordered on one fide by the river Arc, of which the bank was all along perpendicularly fteep, and on the other by impracticable rocks : they could with difficulty travel a league a day, becaufe they were every moment obliged to un- harnefs the cannon, one of the wheels almoft al- ways running over the fide of the precipice. We were certain at leaft of favourable weather ; for in this climate it is generally fair during the autumn ; however, there now fell fuch violent rains that the road was all under water, and the eight days, which I had thought fufficient for the taking the place, had be^n almoft wholly confumed in bi ing- ing up the carriages. This was my excufe in the council, againft the malciious remark which the Count of Soiflbns and others did not fail to make upon the promife I had given The King, wha that moment looked at me attentively, perceiving that my face was very red, and all overfpread with pimples, ran to me, and unbuttoning my clothes, examined my neck and breaft, crying, *' Ah! my friend, yon are very ill." He fent im- mediately for Du-Laurens, who, after examining" thoie pimples, faid, that by bleeding, and taking a little care of myfelf, they would be removed. I had, indeed, overheated myfelf with labour; and, when in a violent fweat, had been wet quite through my clothes with the rain, without perceiving it. I was bled as foon as I got to my quarters, which were at Semoy : the King had his at Rochette, from whence he fent Thermes the next day to know how I was ; and was greatly furprifed to hear that his mcffenger had found me on horfeback, vifiting my batteries. Before I erected them, I was willing to take a more exac~l view of the place, beginning with Ai- guebelle, for that was the name of the little city a? the foot of the fort. It feemed to me that I was known every where, and that there was a general confpiracy 1600. O F S U L L Y. 333 eonfpiracy again ft me ; for, as often as I appeared in view, a volley was difchargtd upon me. The rock upon which Charbonnieres is Ikuated, appear- ing inacceffible on all fides, and not to be taken, by the cannon,. I was greatly affiiut no oa^ hit the rl^kt place. After a 2 hundred i6oo. O F S U L L Y. 337 hundred ineffectual difcharges, the King fent La- Guefle for me, to complain to me of the faults of my batteries. I replied, that I intreated his Ma- jecty would excufe me ; for, it being now funfet, it was no longer time to undertake any thing. His Majefty ordered the firing to ceafe, and every one withdrawing, I came and lay in the midft of my batteries, which I caufed to be completed during the remainder of the night, notwithftanding the rain that fell in great abundance. The befieged, on their fide, laboured as hard, and were not without ibme apprehenfions that they fhould find the place, to which they gave the moft attention, defective : I judged fo by the fires and candles which I law" lighted up in the fort, and contented my felf with interrupting their fecurity, by firing fome dif- charges from time to time. At the break of day, there arofe fo thick a fog, that, at fix o'clock, the fort could not be feen : this unlucky accident gave me great uneafinefs, be- caufe all my batteries were ready ; and I had boafted over-night, that I would take Charbon- nieres the next day. I fancied, however, that the agitation of the air, occalioned by the cannon, might pofiibly difperfe the fog, and I caufed fome vollies to be fired, hither by chance, or by a na- tural effect, that which 1 had jcftingly propofed, fucceeded almoft beyond my hopes. No fooner had the reft of the artillery anfwered the cannon from the top of the mountain, than the fog wholly diflipated. The befieged had been all night em- ployed in erecting a battery of four pieces of can- non over againft my fix, which the imprudence committed the day before had difcovered to them, and which at that inftant, they endeavoured to difmount. I found that there was no time to be given them, and caufed a piece to be pointed di rectly oppofite to their port-holes, which rendered two of their four cannons ufelefs, killed one gun- I. Uu ner, 33 S M, E. M OIKS Book XI. ncr, and wounded two others : but this did not happen till after their difcharge had killed, on our fide, fix gunnei-s and two pioneers, and at length made our pieces ufelefs, till they were diflodged from thence. The King ran thither, upon the noife, at nine o'clock, and ordered his dinner to be brought to a place which I had contrived in fuch a manner, that he might fee tvery thing that paiTed without tianger. This \vas an inclofure made with the larger! trees, laid at their length one upon another, in the form of a rampart. I fhewed his Majefty the bodies of thofe that had been juft killed, and made him fentible, that this was the confequence of the bad counfel that was followed the day before. I did not fay this without defign, perceiving that the fame perfons continued ftill to lind fault with my work, and to prejudice his Majefty againft me. I did not fuffer myfelf to be at all difcompofed with their observations, and told them haughtily, that, not having yet eat any thing, though I had la- boured hard all night, I would leave the place free to any of them that were deiirous of playing the grand mafter of the ordnance, but that, at my re- turn, if they did not permit me to order my bat- teries as I pleafed, I would abandon them entirely. My table, as grand mafter, confifttd of forty co- vers, and was placed under a kind o'f half arch, formed by nature in the rock, and hung with ivy. The King fent me a large trout pye, which was lent him from Geneva. My dinner was foon over, and I went again to intreat his iMajefty that he would fuffer me to perform the duties of my em- ployment alone, and renewed my promifes that I would make him mailer of Charbonnieres that day. The King replied, that he would be contented if it vras taken in three days : upon which La-Guefle f lie!, that if he was in the place, he fhould know how to hinder it from being taken in a month. Go there then, i6oo. OF S U L LY. 339 then, faid I to them all, fatigued with their imper- tinence, and if 1 do not hang you all to-day, let ine pafs for a boafter. The King then withdrew into his inclofure, and delivered me from the importunate prefence oi his courtiers for three hours, which he paiTed in wait- ing for his dinner, at table, and in furveying the park of artillery. At the end of this time, I faw him come back with the Count of Soilibns, to whom he faid loud enough for me to hear, " This " place will not be taken to- day." The Count anfwered, with great complaifance, That his Ma- jefty, who had more knowledge of war than any perfon whatfoever, ought to make ufe of his au- thority to force me to obey, initead of wafting time in battering a rock, which could not be hurt by the cannon. I had my revenge ihat inftant. The King came juft at the time that the enemy beat a parley, and the lieutenant of the place came out to treat with me. I intreated his Majefty to have no part in the capitulation ; and I told the lieute- nant that he might go back again, for I was refoi- ved that the garrifon fliould furrenderatdifcretion. The lieutenant returned with a perforated boldness, faying that there were ft ill two hundred men in the fort who were able to hold it out eight days longer. Henry withdrew, leaving Lefdiguieres and Vilic- roi with me, who perfuaded me to accept of the conditions offered by the befieged, Lefdiguieres e- ven carried me towards the fort, to fhew me that the enemies were not reduced to extremity. I flop- ped him when he came within two or three hundred paces of the curtain, telling him, that it \\ould be rafhnefs to expofe himfelf to the mouth of the cannon of the fort ; and I withdrew to a rock a hundred paces diftant, which ferved me as a ihelter, while thefe gentlemen very unfeafonably rallied me for my caution : but they foon changed their tone when a terrible nrc obliged them to follow me. U u 2 The 340 MEMOIRS BookXI. The lieutenant of the fort returned a fecond time, but with propofals little difterent from the former. I fent him back without hearing him - upon which Villeroi faid, That, if the city failed of being taken that day, he could not difpenfewith him! elf from acquainting the King that it was ow- ing wholly to me. I pretended not to hear him : and, fending the beficged my laft refolutions in w.umg, ordered the artillery again to play : the fecond difcharge fet fire to the powder of the be- fieged, and killed twenty or twenty- five of their men, and fix or feven women ; at the third, the little ravelin fell down entirely, and they could no longer bring any affiftance to the breach, becaufe the cannon, 1 weeping along a low path that led to it, at every fire deftroyed fome of their befr fol- diers. This made them refolve to beat a parley once more, which 1 pretended not to hear, although I law their drummer carried up in the air at die heighth of twelve feet, by a cannon-ball which en- tered the ground where he flood, but did him no other hurt. The befieged then held up a pike, with a flag faftened to the top, crying out that they furrendered, and implored us to ceafe firing. Yet the artillery continued to play, till the enemies, holding out their hands over the breach to our fol- diers, I was afraid fome French would be killed a- monft them. I then mounted my horfe and enter- ed the city on full gallop. It was lawful to treat it as one carried by aiTault : but that heart muft be wholly impenetrable to companion, that could not be foftened by a fight fo truly pitiable as now pre- iented itfdf : it was the women, the wounded, and ihofe that were fcorched by the fire, who came and Threw thcmfelves at my feet. I never in any other place beheld the fex fo lovely as in this city, nor fo linifhed a beauty as one woman in particular who came to implore my mercy r inftead of executing my threat, to hang all the inhabitants, I gave the' iame i6oo. O F S U L L Y. 341 fame conditions I had offered at firft, and caufed the garrifon to be conducted to a place of fecurity which I had appointed for them. Notwithftanding this fuccefs with Charbonnieres, I ft ill' found great oppofition in the council to my propofal of attacking the caftle of Montmelian. The debate ran very high : " Take care what you " do," faid his Maj.fty to me, prejudiced by the great number that difapproved of the attempt, " for if we are obliged to raife the liege, everyone " will exclaim againft you, and I poffibly fhall be " amongft the firft." They were not fenfible at that time what a ftrong train of artillery, well con- ducted, was able to do at allege : what had happened at Charbonnieres had fo confirmed me in my opi- nion on that head, that I did not fcruple to engage that 1 would carry Montmelian in live weeks, as I had already promifed in a former council : I ftipu- lated only for one condition, which his Majefty could not deny me, becaufe he had accepted it, without its being named, and this was, that he fhould not be prefent at the liege. I forefaw that it would be very bloody. I produced a plan of the fortrels, and of the attack ; and every one agreeing that I fhould make the attempt, I laid fiege to the caftle of Montmelian. This caftle is lituated on a rock almoft as hard as that of Charbonnieres, and fo high that ic com- mands the whole country about it ; fteep and in- acceflible on all lides except that next the city, where the afcent is lefs difficult, but on which, to make amends, there runs a ditch, cut in the rock itfelf, and which mufthave been done with infinite labour with the point of a lharp chifTel ; beiides which, there were three baftions, that could neither be Tapped nor undermined, their foundations being of rock itfelf, almoft impenetrable, and above a toife and a half deep. The country is ftrewed with feve- yal mountains, but fome are fo diftant, that they appeared 342 MEMOIRS Book XI. appeared to be absolutely out of th reach of can- non, a-ncl ihe rocks that are nearer! are fo fteep and pointed at the top, and fo rugged and bare, that far from being poilible to carry up and make ufe of cannon, it is difficult to believe that a man could climb up. The caftle was then provided with thir- ty pieces of cannon, with powder for eight thou- fand vollies at leaft, a proportionable garrifon, and ammunition in great abundance. The fir ft thought that occurred to my mind, and fuppovtcd it again ft obftacles in appearance unfur- moumable, v/as, that however folid and continued the rock feemed to be, upon which, or rather ia vhtch, the baftions were raifed, it was not poflible that it fhould be all of equal hardnefs ; and it one part of it on'y was ever fo little weaker th.m the reft, the artillery I had would fecure me the means of opening a pailage through it. In order to be convinced, I began to open the trenches before the baftipn called M.invoifin ; for otherv.-ife it would have been impofu'ole to have approached near e- nough to difcern whether this whole mafs was an entire rock, cut with a chiiTel ; but tiie rock which we found even with the ground hindered us from carrying on the trenches. 1 was obliged to have reconrfe to artince ; and ens very dark night caijfed a hut to be built with clay, and thatched over, very near this bauion, and fo low, that it could not be thrown down by the cannon : jt was fhot through and through with the fmall arms, as fcon as the day discovered it to the befieged ; but it was not overturned, and none of our men were in it. I luffered the enemy to difcharge their rage for forne days upon this hnr, till of themfelves they fhoujd ceai'e to fire ; which at length they did, fuppofing it had been built there to make them fpcnd their powder in vain When I found the befieged neglected it, I entered it in the nigh:, taklrjj ..o other arms with me but a buckler, \vitli i6oo. OF SULLY. 343 with which, upon occafion, I could entirely cover my body againft the fire. From this hut I careful- ly examined the whole baftion : I perceived triers a light at the bottom, from whence I concluded that it was hollow, and that it was nut an entire rock which could be cut into fo deep. Without doubt the befieged were then making fome repairs there, The day beginning to appear, I perceived likewiic that the flank was uncovered ; and this was proof that it was not a folid rock that formed either ; and that this flank prefented itfelf naked, and eafy to be pierced with the cannon. I was now iatis- fied, and had no other care but how to get out fafely, which in broad day could not be done with- out difficulty, the hut not being above a hundred paces cliftant from the parapet, which was lined wich foldiers, and I had above two hundred to go before I could fhelter myfelf. I feizcd that moment when the guards being relieved, the foldiers began to be carelefs, and leaving my buckler in the hut, I began to run as fait as I was able : four centinels perceiving me, cried out, and fired upon me at the lame time ; their mufquet-lhot whiftled about my ears, and covered me with gravel and flint-ftones, but did not wound me ; before the other foldiers were ready, I had gained the neareft lodgement. 1 had, at firft, refolved to place a battery of cannon on an eminence, on the fide of the Ifere, where they might be carried up more eafily by tire help of fteps cut by the hands of men ; but having obferved, on the oppofite fide of the water, ano- ther eminence which faced the citadel, and which had this advantage, that from thence might ' be feen the road that led to the wells of the caiUe r and to the magazine, the entrance of the tower, and the guard-houfe : 1 preferred this laft, and confi- dared upon the means to carry up fix pieces of can- non. This eminence was perpendicularly fteep on all licks but one, and even the fide of the afcent was 344 MEMOIRS Book XI. was a league about ; but this was not the greateft difficulty ; to plant them there we muft level rocks of fuch hardnefs, that moft of the officers thought the enterprife ridiculous. The enemies were not of the fame opinion : as foon as they found that we had undertaken to make a lodgement upon the edge of the rock, they point- ed fix pieces of cannon there likewife, and made a continual fire : the firft volley was fhot one day when I was giving directions about the works, with my ftaff of command in my hand, dreffed in a green coat laced with gold, and a plume of green and white feathers upon my head. I obferved that this fhot had patted a good deal above my head, and that which followed it as much below : perceiving that they were going to fire a third time, I faid to Lefine, Maignan, and Feugeres, that this would be between both, and that, without doubt, the befie- ged having perceived me would take an exact aim. I retired two or three fteps behind a fhelving part of the rock, from whence I held my pike in one hand fixed in the place where I had ftood myfelf ; one ball threw down the pike, the others killed three pioneers and two gunners, and broke feme glafTes and bottles that had been brought for a re- frefliment, and were placed in a hole of the rock. This accident was related to his Majefry, as an in- ftance of rafhnefs in me ; and he wrote to me im- mediately, that my perfon being flill more nceeflary to him for the bufinefs of the ftate than war, he defired that I would not act like a mere foldier of fortune, who had a reputation to raile ; and that he would recall me, if I difobeyed this command. Henry could not refift the defire he had to fee the dilpofition of this fiege, and wrote to me a le- cond time, defiring I would difpenfe with the pro- mife he hud given me to -the contrary, afiuring me that he would go to thofe places only that I fhouid appoint, ar.d with no other attendants than the 2 Count i6oo. O F S U L L Y. 345 Count of SoilTons, D'Epernon, Bellegarde, and me. I intreated him, at Icaft, to difguife himfelf in an ordinary cloak ; and, above all, to fhun, at the expence of going half a league about, a certain field, ftrewed over with flint-ftones, oppofite to which the befieged kept a party of thirty or forty foldiers continually, armed with muikets ; and ten or twelve pieces of cannon were pointed there, be- caufe they knew that our men palTed every moment through this field, to go to the new battery raifed upon the rock. I did not doubt but that he would have complied with this requeft ; but when he was upon the fpot, he could not refolve to ufe this pre- caution ; and my intreaties being ineffectual, we marched all five in a file. Some roufket-fliot that we were expofed to at firft, made two or three of the company look pale ; but it was much worfe when, we entered the field : there was, at once, fo ter- rible adifcharge of the heay cannon and fmall {hot, that we faw ourfelves in a moment all covered with earth, and our Ikin fcratched with a fliower of thofe little flint ftones. Henry making the iign of the crofs, " It is now," laid I, " that I acknow- " ledge you to be a good Catholic." " Let us go," faid he ; " this is a bad pkce." We doubled ou*r ^c, efteeming it a angular piece of good fortune that none of us were killed, or at le^lit lamed No one thought of returning the fame way, but took the road from the mountains, where I caufed hor- fcs to be brought for the company. The King was a little afhamed of his unneceflary rafhnefs, which was the cauf , that fome days after- wards, when I fen~ him notice that all nv batteries were finifhed, his Majefty, who was then returned to theTarantaife, having an inclination to fee them, ordered me to make a truce for ibme hours with the governor. The King's curioiity being latisfied, I was feized with an inclination to exert the prerogative of i grand mafter exercifing his office m the royal VOL. II. Xx pjefence; M E M O I R S Book XI. prefence ; but as this could not be done without a difcharge of the artillery, which would have been considered as an infraction of the truce, which was not yet expired, to induce the belleged to break it, J ordered ibme commilTaries to fend certain ammu- nitions to the battery upon the rock, which they had an occafion for there. The enemy, who had not loft any part of their fiercenefs, and probably re- pented of having granted the truce, cried out, that it was violated-,, and that they were going to fire. Accordingly, they fired twelve or fifteen cannon- fhot. I had given my men orders, in cafe this happened, to- hold themfelves in readinefs to an- fwer them immediately by a general difcharge. This was the firft, and afforded matter for ferious reflection to the befieged, when thy faw their tower battered by fifty cannon ; they were the fit ft to demand a continuation of the truce ; efpecially when a fecond difcharge fucceeded fo rapidly. From that moment they began to alter their opini- on, that the citadel was impregnable, and private- ly fought out ways to procure an honourably com- pofition. Two women were, by chance, die firft movers * of this accommodation. Madam de Brandis, wife to the governor of Montmelian, and then with him in- the caftle, amufed herfelf with making little glafs toys and pieces of chair-work. My wife being then in the town, fhe fent her a pair of ear- rings, and two chains of exquiiite workmanfhip. Madam de Rofny, in return, lent her wine and ve- nifon, and defired to know if it was not pofliblefor them to fee each other: they obtained permiflion for it, and palled three afternoons together with iuch familiarity, that, at length, they began to conlider how Mon-ta>elian might be furrendered * The hiftorian who has given as the IFe of the Duke d'Epsr- r.on, afcnbes to him the honour or taking Mommeliaw. with itfco. O F S U L L Y. 347 with honour. Each acquainted her hufband with the Subject of their converiations,and we were fo far from oppofing them, that they were authorised to go on, but concealed from one another that they had acted by permifiion. Madam de Brandis had an indifpofition that made the country-air neceffary for her. Her hufband thought he could procure this favour through the interposition of my wife ; and flie made fo reafonable a reprefentation to him of the condition to which he would be foon redu- ced, without being able to obtain honourable terms afterwards, that he confenteci to treat with me, and Tent me a deputation for that purpofe. 1 dif- patched notice of it to the King, who propofed it to his council ; and it was there refolved, that a month fhould be granted to the governor, after which) if he was not relieved, the place fhould be Surrendered. I was very fure that it could not hold out fo long, and that it was relying too much upon the doubtful llnccrity of an enemy to grant iuch conditions. I gave my opinion freely ; but it was to no purpofe to oppofe a refolution in which, envy had as great a Ihare as fear. The King did not begin to repent of having fol- lowed the councils of Ma-rechal Biron and d'Eper- non rather than mine, till a little while before the expiration of the time granted to the befieged, a report was fpread, that an army of twenty-five thoufand men was coming over the Alps to their affiftance. The King acquainted me with the per- plexity into which this news threw him : he was determined to meet the enemies and fight them ; but he was fcnfible of the danger he ran, in leav- ing behind him fuch a fortrefs as Montmelian. He alked me if by fome means or other there was not a pofiibility of putting him in poffeflion of it before that time. Difficult as it appeared, it was never- thelefs accomplished, and in this manner. Ever iince the fufpenfion of arms, the Count Xx 2 of 348 MEMOIRS Book XI. of Brandis fufFered all ftrangers to enter his caftle \vho brought provifions and neceflaries which the xvounded, and even Madam de Brandis herfelf, had occafion for. As there was only one gate to enter by, the crowd was often fo great, that fome blows pafled between them ; for which the governor could not chaftife them, becaufe there were a great many Frenchmen amongft them, and therefore in- treated me to apply a remedy to this inconvenience : and I now believed that I had found the opportu- nity I fought for. I placed a guard of fifty cho- fen men at the gate of the caftle, commanded by officers, who, being informed of my defign, accu- ftomed the guards of the caftle to fee them enter it at firft three or four only in number, afterwards more, till at length, the garrifon, not daring any longer either to hinder or fire upon them, they found themfelves almoft mafters of the caftle itfelf, xvithout giving them any affiftance ; but, on the contrary, inftead of lefienmg the diforder, thefe French did all they could to increafe it. - Brandis imputed all to the licentioufnefs of the fbldiers, and complained to me of it. I told him, that he might fall upon all thofe ftrangers, whom I iuppofed to be country-people. He replied, that he would have done fo, but for the great number of my foldiers that were amongft them ; and that rather than do them any violence, although with- out any intention to break the conditions, he chofe to confide to me the care of putting an end to the diforder. I feemed to yield to this expedient (which was what I moft ardently wiihed) only to reftore order and quiet, and told the governor, that I could eaftly accomplifli it, if 1 had a gu.ird within equal to that without : he confented to it, and I cauled fifty foldiers to enter ; but thefe were not all, thirty had got in before, and a much great- er number had ilipt in with them ; I came thither myfelf likewife, with all my train ; and from that * - time idoo. O F S U L L Y. 349 time our party was fo flrong, that the fort and part of the tower was at our diipofal. Brandis then found the fault he had committed, but could repair it no otherwife than by {hewing himfelf ftillmore generous. He came tome, and told me, that he conlented I fhould take pofieffion of the tower, and that he remitted it whc lly upon the fecurity of my word, I refolved not to abufe his confidence, and faithfully obferved all the articles. 1 fupped and lay in the tower that night ; and the next day after that in which I had received this commiffion from the King, I went to tell him, that without any fears from Montmelian, he might march to meet his enemies ; which he did in good order, and at the head of his army ; but the infor- mation he had received was found to be falfe. The garrifon of Montmelian marched out after the month was elapfed, and yielded the place to his Majefty, who commanded me to fettle Crequy there with his company. The garrifon was rein- forced, and provided with great plenty of ammu- nition of all kinds. I would have perfuaded the King to have difmantled this place, as it muft un- doubtedly be reftored to the Duke of Savoy in cafe of a peace : and to have done the fame by all the Other conquered fortrefles : but the advice of the courtiers, who all feemed to be in the pay of the Duke, faved Montmelian from a treament that good policy required. The myftery of this conduct with regard to Montmelian, as well as many other things, was ex- plained two years afterwards, by the difcovery of fbme letters of Marechal Biron in cyphers : he told the Duke of Savoy, to whom they were ad- drefled, that he had obtained a month for the gar- rifon of Montmelian, to give him time to raife the iiege : that he had nothing to expect from his friends, unlefs he made an effort to lave this place, which could hold out three months longer; and affured him, that the reduction of it would give him 35 MEMOIRS Book XI. him great concern. In the letter he wrote to this Prince after the caftle was taken, he tells him, that his negligence in fuccouring it had filenced the French Lords in his party, who would have decla- red again ft the King, if, by advancing to join them, he had put it in their power to do lo with fafety. Notwithftanding the caution he obferved in not writing their names, they were all fc well defcribed that it was not difficult to know them Thefilence I keep with regard to thefe names, is only in favour of Tome whom the public perhaps has not fufpected. Montmelian was not yet furrendered, when it was reported in the French army, that Cardinal Aldobrandin, the Pope's nephew and I gate, was on his way to come and treat with his Maiefty con- cerning a peace and his marriage. The King ha- ving appointed me to go and receive his Eminence, with all imaginable honours, I advanced to meet him with a body of 3000 foot and 500 troopers, all fpruce fellows. It was not difficult for him to perceive, that it was the grand mafter of the ord- nance who waited for him, by the manner in which he was received at his approach at Montmelian ; the truce affording me an opportunity to make ule of the artillery of the place, as if it had been my own. Upon this occafion I joined them together, to pay him the greater honour: the lignai was gi- ven by a white flag, raifed on the battery of the rock : mine began after a great fire of the fmall fhot, and was aniwered by that of the caftle, in. fuch a manner, that both having time to load again, this double difcharge of an hundred and leventy cannons, performed with the utmoft regularity, and multiplied by the echoes formed amidft the moun- tains, had the nobleft effect imaginable, though not in the legate's opinion, I believe, who was more frightened than foothed by an honour fo magnifi- cently dreadful, believing all the mountains about him were going to fall down, and had feveral times recourfe to the fign of the crcis. i(56o. O F S U L L Y. 351 I carried the Cardinal to dinner at Notre Dame de Miens, and forwarned him of two things relat- ing to the bufinefs he mentioned to me ; one was> that he ihould give no credit to any of thofe per- fons who would make a ooait to him of their inte- reil with his Majeft/ ; the other, that if they pro- mifed him to get all the places taken from the Duke of Savoy to be reftored without being demo- lifhed, he ihould believe them full lels ; for he might be allured this would never happen. After this caution, I refigned him freely to thofe fent by his Majefty to fetch him, and continued my hofti- lities, by befieging the citadels of Bourg and fort Saint Catherine. The latter was attacked before the other, at the Intreaty of the citizens of Geneva, whom the King was glad of an opportunity to oblige. Upon our arrival at this fort, which is fituated on a riung ground, in an open field, of which it leems to be the centre, Marechal Biron, who by chance was near me, alked me to go that ialtant, on horfe- back as we were, and reconnoitre the place with him. I told him that we were too gayly drelTed, and had too many plumes on, to examine it in open day : for the Marechal was mounted on a white horfe, and wore a large plume of feathers of the fame colour. " No, no," faid he, you need not " be under any apprehenfion : mo'bieu! they will " not dare to fire upon us." " Let us go, then," replied 1, " if you will, for if it rains upon me it " will fprinkle upon you." Accordingly we came within two hundred paces of the fort, and obler- ved it a long time, while they only fired twelve or fifteen voliies of fmall fhot, and I believe in the air, although we were about twenty horfe : which furprifcd me greatly. '* Certainly, Sir," faid I to the Marechal, " there is no one within, or they " are afleep, or afraid of us." The King could with difficulty believe this, becaufe being there him- felf 352 MEMOIRS Book XL felf the day before, with fix horfe only, they fired repeated voliies at his approach ; and when I re* turned the next morning at the break of day, on. foot, and with no other company than Erard and Feugeres, I was received with fo great a noife of the artillery, that the King fent Montefpan thither* believing it was a fally. " Whom are thefe fellows *' aiming at ? " faid Montefpan to me, finding no- body in fight. " At me, I believe," replied I, " but I have feen all that I wanted to fee." How- ever, I guefled foon after the reafon of that refpecfc which they Ihewed Marechal Biron. I perceived that the flank of the baftions of St Catherine were fo bad, that great part of them had fallen down, and that the ditch was in no better a condition. I affured his Majefty. that as foon as the trenches were carried to the extremity of the ditch, the place would furrender. In effect, the befieged, who were likewife in want of every thing, demanded to capitulate, if they were not fuccoured in fix days. After I had opened the trench, I defired leave from the King to make a tour to Geneva : I arrived there the next day, with an hundred horfe, and came very feafonably to relieve this city from the terrors which the prefence of a great number of Catholics within their walls occafioned. Meffieurs de Guife, d'Elbeuf, d'Epernon, de Biron, de la Guiche, and many others, were there, with their fever al attendants I affured them, that his Maje- fty had their intereft at heart, and that I would not leave them while thofe gentlemen continued a- mongft them : but the remembrance of the late perfecutions was yet too recent in the minds of the citizens ; they could not be fatisfied till I had re- moved the occalion of their fears ; which I did that evening by fpeaking to thofe gentlemen, who all left Geneva the next day. The city deputed twelve of their chief citizens, with Beza, their mi- nifter, at their head, to compliment his Majefty, i and iBoo. O F S U L L Y. 3^ and to endeavcmr to obtain a requeft that they kept very iecrtt ; this was, the demolition of fort Saint- Catherine, which they were molt ardently dc- firous of. Beza delivered himfelf like a man of lenle, and one who knew how to praife with delicacy; con- gratulating the Proteftants upon the happinefs which the reign of fo good a prince promifed them. Hen- ry thanked the deputies and the city, offering to beftow upon it any of his conquefts which fhould be moil convenient for it j and preventing their re- queft, told them in a low voice, that they fhould have the pleafure to be mailers of the fate of fort Saint-Catherine ; and that he gave them his word, in my prefence (for he held me by the hand at the fame time) that no intreaties whatfoever fhould hinder him from razing it. Upon which the de- puties withdrew, extremely well pleafed. His Majefty, at Cardinal Aldobrandin's requeft, confented that the conferences on the fubjecl: of a peace fhould be held at Lyons, and appointed the Cardinal du Perron, the Conftable, the Chancellor, Villeroi, and Jeannin, to treat with the legate : they had yet come to no agreement, when the future Queen * arrived in that city. As foon as the * This Princefs left Florence on the iyth of October, having em- barked at Leghorn, and, with an efcort of ftventeen galleys, landed at Touion, from whence fhe came by the way of Marfeilles and A- vignon to Lyons, where the- King arrived poft on the gth of Novem- ber. As foon as he alighted (I take the following account from the moil authentic memoirs of t^cfe t.mes) the Queen happened to be ac fupper ; and having a dtfire to fee her at table without being difcover- ed, he went as far as the drawing room, which was very much croud- ed; but he was known the moment he appeared by thofe neareft the door, who opened to make way for him: upon which, his Majefty went a,- ay directly, without going farther. The Queen, in the mearx time, wss well a\vare of all this, but fall gave no other figns than by putting the plates away as often as fhe was ferved with any thing, and eat fo litile, that (he feemed to have fat down rather for foim's fjke than to fup. After the tab c w<-efry as the hprpblefl of his fervants. Upon this the King undrefTed, and went direclly to the Queen's chamber, who by this time was in bed. Chron. Septennaire, an. 1600 where alfo mav be feen the panicuiars of the Qneen's journey, and her reception in the towns of France, &c. De Thou, liv. 125. Matthieu, torn. U. p. 378- on IT i6e>9. O F S U L L Y. 355 only bulwark the Duke of Savoy had againft the republic of Geneva. Henry made them fenfible, that their precipitation in fubfcribing to an article of this importance without confulting him, had gi- ven him fome fufpicion of them ; and added, that in a few days he would acquaint them with his in- tentions upon that head. Then fending for me, he told me, that the fhorteft way to prevent the felicitation which he expected from the legate, would be to blow up the rive baftions of the fort, and to fend word to the citizens of Geneva to come and complete the demolition of it. No order was ever more expeditioufly nor more effectually exe- cuted. The Genevois, in one night, laid this cita- del even with the ground, and carried away all the materials Ib carefully, that the next day it could with difficulty have been believed that there ever had been a fort in the place ; and at firft the re- port ran, that it was deftroyed by lightning. When the truth was known, the legate exprefied great re- fcntment at it, and did not fcruple to confefs, in the heat of his paflion, that I was the only perfon \vho had not deceived him with flattering hopes on this head, and that he had not fufficiently attended to my admonitions. But his having, upon the faith of the commiflioners, given very different expecta- tions to the Pope, was what he was chiefly con- cerned at. For three or four days the negotiation was entirely broke of ; and when it was afterwards refumed, it was with fo much animofity on his Eminence's part, that he rejected all the propofi- tions that were made him. Thefe proportions were, That the Duke of Savoy fhould yield to the King the conrfe of the river Rhone and its bor- ders : That he fhould not erect any fort within a league of it to favour the Spaniards paffage : That he Ihould leave to the republic of Geneva the en- joyment of certain villages fpecified likewife : That Beche-Dauphin * fliould be demolished, Chateau- * Frontier of Dauphine. Y y 2 Dauphin 3$6 MEMOIRS Book XL Dauphin reftored : and, laftly, That the Duke fhould pay a hundred and fifty thoufand crowns for the expences of the war. The King looking upon this affair as wholly im- pra&icable, through the obftinacy of the legate, refolved to carry on the war more vigoroufly than before, and communicated his delign to me, which was, to go in fearch of the Duke of Savoy at the head of his army ; while I, with the artillery, bat- tered the citadel of Bourg Each of us had particu- lar obftacles to this double project, befides the want of money, which was common to both I found the enterprife on Bourg very difficult to be execut- ed, the feafon being now fo far advanced : the dif- ference between this caftie and that of Montmelian, with which I think it may be compared, is this, that for thofe that have only ten or twelve pieces of can- non, Montmelian is equivalent to ten fuch places as Bourg, becaufe that the reduction of Montmelian depends upon having artillery fufficientto batter the out-works ; but for an army fixty cannon ftrong, the citadel of Montmelian is not more difficult to carry than that of Bourg; becaufe this laft being more regular than the other, it can only be attack- ed methodically and by flow degrees Had the coim* fel I gave, to attack this fort immediately after the furrender of Montmelian, been followed, it would have been now in the King's poffeffion. With regard to this prince, his perplexity was occasioned by his knowing in what manner the greateft part of his general officers confpired with Spain and the Duke of Savoy againft him : he had great reaibn to be apprehcnfive of engaging him- delf in the enemy's country, if they were with him : Lefcliguieres was the only one on whom he could depend ; he had lately given an inftance of his fi- delity, in fending notice by Calignon, that the Duke of Bouillon made uie of a man named Ondevous to carry on his correfnondence with the great lords $f the kingdom. It is certain, that if Calignon 1600. O F S U L L T. 357 had been more diligent to acquit himfelf of his commiflion, Ondevous would not have had time to efcape as he did, and h : s detention might have laid open all the fchemes of the feditious ; but there is no appearance that this happened through the fault of Lefdiguieres. I advifed the King to rely entire- ly upon him, and to bind him ftill clofer to his fer- vice, by making him a marechal of France, and governor of Piedmont. As for the reft, it was cafy to prevent the confequences of their ill inten- tions, by giving them employments at a diltance from the body of the army. But the affair that appeared moft prefiing to us both, being to procure a fupply of money, it was refolved that 1 fhould fet out for Paris in four days: and that 1 might be enabled to pafs fix entire weeks there, I employed thefe four days in making all the necefTary preparations for the attack of Bourg, in paying the foldiers out of what little money remain- ed, and in providing for the ordinary as well as ex- traordinary expences of the King's houlhold. The very next day I fent away my wife and my equipages before me, with directions to wait for me at Rou- anne, where I propofed, as foon as I arrived, to fend them down the Loire as far as Orleans : they waited there for me three or four days longer, be- caufe my meafures were broke by the alterations that happened in the affair of the peace. When I went to take leave of the King, he ad- vifed me to vifit the legate alib before 1 fet out, he having always expreffed great efteem forme. I went to vifit him booted, my poft-horfes waiting for me on the other fide of the river, oppcfite to his lod- gings. He allced me where I was going in that equipage? "'To taly," replied I ; " and I fhall " go wirh good company to kifs the Pope's foot." " How ! to Italy ?" laid he, in great amazement,: " no, that muft not be, Sir ; I beg you will aflift " me to renew this peace." I fecmed to coHfent, in 3$3 MEMOIRS Book XI. in refpeft only to his mediation, the King having laid afide all thoughts of it. I repeated, in a few words, all the principal articles that had been al- ready propofed, and afterwards aiked him, if he would give credit to what I was going to fay to him ? Having allured me he would, I told him, that he might be abfolutely certain, that of thefe articles his Majefty would abate none of his de- mands with regard to the borders of the Rhone, the villages in the neighbourhood of Geneva, Cha- teau-Dauphin, and Beche-Dauphin ; bccaufe I was well acquainted with the King's intentions in all thefe refpects. He defired to know my reafons, which I excufed myfclf from telling him, on ac- count of the fhort time I had to ftay. After walk- ing thoughtfully feveral times backwards and for- wards in his chamber, he aiked me, if, with the fame proteftations of fincerity, I would allure him, that, provided he agreed to all thefe points, there fhould be no mention made of the other. I told him, that I believed I might promife this. Upon which he intreated me to go and acquaint the King with what he had faid. Henry was glad to fee me come back : and I returned a moment afterwards to the legate with full powers from his Majefty. And we concluded that * iaftant a treaty which had languished fo long a time ; the conditions of which were as follows. The Duke of Savoy, in exchange for the mar- quifate of Saluces, which the King of France gave up, was to make a ceffion to his Majefty of the for- trefles of Cental, Moms, and Roquefparviere, all Brefle entirely, the borders and country of the Rhone on both fides, as far as Lyons, except the bridge of Grezin, and ibme pafTages neceffary for * M de Thou, MattHf u, and La Chron. 5qr t. agree with this a-count, ib. an. 1601. See a!;b the trtity in the Mem. dc Never*, torn. II. p. -j'^, &c. his i6oa. O F 3 U L L Y. 3^9 his Highnefs to enter Tranche- Compte; but he was not by this ceffion to acquire a right to raife any tribute from thefe places, or to build any fort there, or to ferry troops over, but by the King's perroif* ilon, and on condition, that for this privilege of paffing the bridge of Grezin, the Duke fhouid pay- France one hundred thoufand crowns : that he fhouid likewife refign to his M ijefty the citadel of Bourg, the bailiwic of Getz, Chateau-Dauphin and its dependencies, with all that could be com- prehended in the province of Dauphine, on this lide the Alps : that he fhouid likewife renounce the property of Aus, Choufy, Valley, Pont d'Arley, Seiflel, Ghana, and Pierre-Chatel, to the borders of Geneva : That the fortifications of Beche-Dau- phin fhouid be razed : that the King fhouid, on his fide, reftore all the other forts he had taken, which are not fpecified here, withdrawing the artillery and ammunition that were then placed there. The other articles related to criminals, and prifoners of war that had fled on either iide, church-benefices, exchange of eftates between private perfons, C5V. It was articled for the Duke of Nemours, part of whofe eftate lay in this country, that he fhouid not be difturbed in the pofTeifion of it, neither for the part which he held of the King, nor for that which, he held of his Highnefs. The other claufes com- mon to all treaties I fhall not mention. Notwithftanding this treaty was figned by me for the King, by the legate for the Pope, and the Duke of Savoy's agents, yet the Duke, influenced by the Count of Fuentes, put off fo long the entire con- clulion of it, by his complaints and delays, that the King thought it neceffary not to lay down his arms : he took poft to Paris *, where he waited for the Duke's determinations. In * " He departed, fay? Baflompierre, one night poft from Lyons, '' in order to return to Paris ; and embarking at Rouanne he land- " ei 360 MEMOIRS Book XI. In cafe there fhould be a neceifity for his return- ing into Savoy, he had certain mealures to take for the affairs within his kingdom, and in Paris efpe- cially, at a time when every place was filled with malecontents. He left the Conftable and Lefdi- guieres till his return, with fome good troops, up- on that frontier ; and Villeroi, and two or three other commiffioners at Lyons, to conclude the bu- iinefs of the peace. But his Majcfty found no occafion to return in- to thefe provinces. The Duke of Savoy, after ha- ving long amufed himfelf with expectations from the difaffecled French lords, gave place to more prudent thoughts ; and reflecting on what he had already loft by his obftinacy, he thought himfelf very happy to accept the treaty in the form already mentioned ; accordingly the laft formalities were added, and the peace was publifhed at Paris and Turin, with the ufual ceremonies : however, the articles were not executed without many difficulties being raifed by the Duke of Savoy, which detained Villeroi at Lyons part of the following year : it was not till then that every thing was entirely agreed to ; and Spain, who had taken great imereft in the affair, even advifed the Duke of Savoy to comply with the articles of the treaty. On all thefe occa- lions Henry paid great deference to the Pope. He granted all the delays which the Duke of Savoy, by Count Oclavio TaiTone, engaged the legate to demand ; which was contrary to Villeroi's advice : but his Majefty having in reality obtained ail that ed at Briare, from whence he came to lie at Fontainebleau, and next day dined at Viieneuve ; and crpfling the Seine below the Tuilleries, came in the evening to Verneuil (afterwards Seniis,) We continued three days at Verneuil, and then came to Pjrif. at length the Queen arrived at Nemonrs ; and the Kine, having roce poft with fixty frefh horfes, came and carried her to Fontaine- bic?.u, where aficr (laying five or fix days, (ks arrived at Paris, and vas accomodated with apartments at tiie huifs of Gondy." Mem. de Baifompierre, torn, I. p. 89. 90. I he O F S TJ L L Y. 361 he could demand ; which was contrary to Villeroi's advice : but his Majefty having in reality obtained all that he could demand, thought he ought not to obferve too rigoroufly the manner it was yielded to him, nor hazard, for fuch a trifle, a renewal of the war. This produced as many advantages to the King as any war ended in a fingle campaign could poffibly do. His Majefty declared, that BrefTe fhould not be comprehended in the diftrift of Ly- ons, but that it fhould be re-united to Burgundy, and be under the jurifdi&ion of the court of aides of Paris. The Queen did not fet out immediately after for Paris. She had brought with her her uncle Don John, a baflard of the family of Medicis, Virgilius Uriinus her coufin, who being brought up, while young, with her, had conceived hopes above his condition. Many more Italians of both fexes were in her train ; amongft others, a young man named Conchini, and a girl called Leonora Galigai, who afterwards played a great part in France. I went to Paris eight days before the Queen, to make pre- parations for the ceremony of her entry *, which was performed with great magnificence. The next day the King brought the Queen and the whole court to the arfenal to dine with me ; the Queen, was attended by all her Italian ladies, who being pleafed with the wine of Arbois, drank more of it than was neceflary. I had fdme excellent white 5 * It docs not appear that this princef was complimented with the ceremony of a pub ic en'ry irro Paris. The citizen?, fays the Chro- nologic Septenr>a>re, would have prepared a verv magnificent one for her, and addr. ffd the King for that purpole ; but his Majefty chofe rather that 'he txpcnce of the entry fliou'ld be laid out on other things that were more neieflarv. It arterwards adds : upon her arrival at tbd coftern gate of the fa^urb St. M reel, the Marquis de Rofny caufe4 all the cannon of tru: arf nal to be fired three times. S :e was carried in a litter along tue moats of the city, and that day lod.ed at the fu- burb St Germain, at Gonrfy's houfe, and tlie next at Zamet's, and after that at the Louvre. Ibid. Tot. II. Z z wine, 362 MEMOIRS Book XT. wine, that was as clear as rock water : I ordered fome decanters to be filled with it, and when the ladies aiked for water, to temper the Burgundy they were preferred with this liquor. The King fufpecled by their gaiety, that I had played them a trick. This winter was wholly taken tip with parties of pleafurc, on account of the King's mar- riage. In Flanders, this year, the war broke out with great violence ; Prince Maurice of Orange gained a battle in the month of May againft the Arch- duke Albert, in which the * Admiral of Caftile, the man on whom he chiefly depended, was taken prifoner. He afterwards laid liege to Nieuport, but was obliged to raife it. All I fhall fay of the war between the Emperor and the Grand bignior in Hungary, is, that the Duke of Mercceur was made lieutenant-general there by his Imperial Ma- jefty. I fupprefs a detail of the grandeur and mag- nificence of the fecular f jubilee at Piome, and fhall conclude the memoirs of this year with an incident that afforded matter for much ferious reflection upon duels : Breaute having ^ killed his adverfary in tingle combat, was afterwards afiafSnated him- felf. BOOK * This was the battle of Nieuport, that was fo-jght '.n the month of Ja:y, wherein the Spaniard- lo'.t 8000 men. The prince of Orange wa? neverthclefs obliged to raife the ficge of Nieuport and retire to Holland. The grea;eft part of thefe foreign tranfaclions ate neither fully nor exactly related in our memoirs 5 and I therefore think it un- iitccdary to give an account of them in the notes, but rather reter tl>e reader to the memoirs and hiftories of that time. In like manner confult the general and particular accounts of the military expeditions between the armies of the Emptier and the Grand Signior, which are mentioned here. } It was laid, that 300,000 French, men and women, went to Rome, to obtain the indulgence of the jubilee, conceining which, fee the ceremonies in La Septennaire, an. 1600, and other memoirs of that tim-e. Charles cV. Breaute, a French gentleman of Caux, captain of a troop of horfe in the ferviceoi' tiie ftates ; his antagoaitt was aFlemifn ' O F S U L L Y. 363 BOOK XII. . I Have now finifhed the laft military narration that will be found in thefe memoirs, at leaft, in which France was concerned. The life of Henry the Great, hitherto wholly paffed amidft the tumult of arms, will in the fequel exhibit on- ly the actions of a pacific King, and father of a fa- mily. The manner in which the campaign in Sa- voy had been conducted and terminated, leaving no room to fear that the peace would be again in- fringed by any of the ancient enemies of this mo- narchy, or that it would not fubfift as long as his Majefty pleafed, I refumed by his orders, and un- der his infpection, thofe fchemes with regard to the finances that the war had fufpended, and were now to meet with no more interruption. After the reprefentation I have already given of the ftate of affairs within the kingdom, it would be injurious to confider the life which the Prince and myfelf now embraced, as idle and inactive ; if it is lefs Boify and tumultuous, it is probably more labori- ous. I am now, then, again to be confidered as flaut up in my clofet, where I applied myfelf, with the utmoft attention, to the examination of all the a- f.v'dier, lieutenant of a company under the governor of Boifleduc, with whom he f ught in (ingle combat, 20 French againft the fame num- ber ot Flemifli. After having the advantage in a firft encounter, in which he killed his antagonil', he was made prifoner in a fecond, and put to death by order of the governor of Boifleduc. lie was one, fays the author of the Chron. Sep. that eagerly f light after occafions of duelling, for which reafon he had been obliged to quit the court of France. Z z 2 bufe$ 364 MEMOIRS BookXU. bufes that ftill remained to be remedied hi the chamber of accounts * ; the offices of the finances, the crown lands, the aids, the fubfidies, the equi- valents, the five large farms, the tenths, and all the reft I laboured at once for the prefent and the future, by taking fuch mesfures, that the method I eftabliflied in the direction of every part of the finances fhould not be afterwards fubject to any al- terations I considered of means to enrich the King, without impoverifhing his fubjects, to pay his debts, repair his palaces ; and ftrove, with ftill more affiduity, to complete the art of fortifying his cities, than that of attacking and defending them ; and to make provifion of arms and ammu- nition. I extended my cares to the repairing and renewing public works, luch as roads, bridges, keys of rivers, and orher buildings, which reflect no lefs honour upon the fovereign than the fplendor of his own palaces, and are of general utility : for which purpofe I began to look into the application that had been made of the money granted for thoie ufes to the cities and corporations, or rather into the frauds that had been ufed in the management of thefe funds. The fcheme of drawing up an account of every part of the finances, under the title of a general ftate, which fhould lay down their nature uni- formly and clearly feemed always fo happy a thought, and fo proper to bring them to the utmoft exact- nefs, that where-ever this method was practicable I made ufe of it. On the firft day of this year, when I prefented to the King the gold and iilver medals, as ufual, I gave him at the fame time five of thefe general ftates, each of Avhich related to one or other of my employments, bound up in one volume very neatly. In the firft, which was of the * As to thsfe reformations, confult likewifs Mattbieu, tom.z. Jiv. 3. p. 444. greateft -i6oi. O F S U L LY. 365 greateft importance, becaufe I there gave an ac- count of all that concerned myfelf as fuperinten- dent, was fet down on one fide, all the money that was raifed in France by the King from every tax whatever ; on the other, all that was to be deduct- ed for the charge of collection, and confequently all that was to be brought clear into his Majefty's coffers. I cannot perfuade myfelf that this me- thod was never thought of by any one fince the fi- nances were fubjedt to fome regulation ; but inter- cfl alone prevented the execution of it. However that may be, I fhall always infift upon it, that without this guide there is no proceeding without miftakes or roguery. The fecond of thefe ftates was drawn up mere- ly for the ufe of the keeper of the royal treafury ; here was fet down, whence and upon what account he received all the King's money that pafled thro* his hands during the year of his office, and hovr much he was at liberty to difburfe out of the whole fum, and for what purpofes. The third was com- piled for the ufe of the mafter of the ordnance, containing an exacl: account of money received and expended ; with a true inventory of all that relates to the artillery ; the number and forts of cannon, and of other arms, the quantity of inftruments of war, and provifions of victual laid up in different places, or ma- gazines ; the ftate of the arfenals and fortified places, and other obfervations of the fame fort. The fourth related to the chief furveyor of the roads, and gave an account of all the money difburfed or to be dilburfed for the repair of ever thing under his charge, whether it was to be done at the expence of the King or of the provinces. And to conclude, the fifth contained a catalogue of cities and caftles, particularly thofe on the frontiers, that required any money to be laid out upon them ; with a kind of rough draught of the works neceffary at each place, formed with due regard to their natural fituation and prefent ftate.- " The 3 66 MEMOIRS Book XII. The King, upon my reprefentation, reformed many abuks with refpect to money, which had cauied a decay of commerce, of which money is the chief initrument ; the firft was the practice which was then allowed, of putting money to in- tereft at eight, or even at ten fur cent. * a practice of equal mifchief to the nobility and the people ; to the nobility, becauie they, being forbidden to engage in trade, have no other riches but the pro- duce of their grounds, of which the price was brought down by high intereft ; to the people, becaufe, by putting out money to intereft, they made as great profit by fitting ftill as by labour, and therebv kept immenfe Aims of monely uieleis to the public, which, without that method of growing rich, they would have improved by fome means advantageous to the commonwealth. Ihe intereft of eight per cent was aboliihed, and iix fer cent, allowed in its ftead. The coin of different countries was till this time current in France, ami paiTed in commerce equally with that of our own ibvereign. A prohibition was ilTued, by which all money was put down but the coin of France f, that of Spain only excepted, * It is thus that a Prince, in cur times, remarkable for his abili- ties and fup-. rior /kill in politics, has judged : being firmly perftraded, that the ftatc would receive great advantages in every retpect from a regulation that would oblige morjed men to berr.ke thtivueives to commerce and agriculture, which arc infinitely preferable to the bars and dsad produce of rcnrr. f- It is true, that the fp^-cies of foreign gold and filver ceia ought not to pals currtnt and be confounded with that of the prince in ;r.- ferior cornm;:;cej and in payments m^de between individuals ; but is it not ev d.-nt, 'hat the m r; fuch coin abounds sniong our own mo- rev, the r.;.:i f. ariih:np will cur commeTce be ? The hiftoriiin Matthieu obierves, tons. 2. 1. ?. p. ^46. that this prohibition maos the commerce in France fail a!moft entirely ; and :';ie Duke of Sully hirn'.ei? agrees, a little lower, that he va- obiieed o i-ave r -courfe ;.j ether means to retrieve it. We will examine this qU-'ior. with him, when he comes o h ndk- ii in ;he f< llov.ir.;; book. A tothspr;hi- feition of ufi.'g gold -no fi'ver ir. .io'hcs zr.? h u^.oid fa r.iture, vc fball alfo have ocrafion, in the ftquel, t give our opinion on the prin- ciples he eilabl;:r.e: withregaic to luxury. which 1601. O F S U L L Y. 367 which would have been too much miffed in com- merce had it been at once forbidden. But ir was more neccffary to rid ourfelves of the merchandife of our neighbours than of their money, for the whole kingdom was filled with their manu lectures; tJ and it is incredible how much rniichief was done by foreign ftuffs, particularly thofe of gold and iilver. The importation of thefe, and of all others, was forbidden under fevere penalties : and becaufe France had no means of fupplying herfelf with them out of her own ftock, we had recourfe to the true remedy, which is, to do without them' the ufe of all fluffs wrought with gold and filver being forbid- den by an edict*. All thefe declarations tended to introduce one, by which it was forbidden to carry any fpecies of money out of the kingdom, under the penalty of a contifcation of all that fhould be intercepted in the carriage, and likewife of all the eftates of the offenders, as well thofe that favoured as thofe that were guilty of the infringement of this law. The King gave a public proof how much he had this affair at heart, by the oath he made, not to grant any pardon for this fort of mifdemeanours ; and even to hold all thofe fufpected that fhould dare to folicit him to the contrary : yet all this could only oblige thofe perfons that carried on fuch practices to conceal them more carefully. I was of opinion, that one example would be more efficacious in cor- recting this obftinate evil than all the threats that had been publifhed againft it. I was not ignorant that a great many very conflderable perfons, and even- amon-ft the courtiers themfclves, made a fund * He ftiewed, by his example, how to retrench the fuperfluity cf orcfs, for lie commonly went clad in a coat of grey ch-th, with -:nly a pur-oint of fattin or taftlvy, without any indented edgings, l.'.cs, or embroidery ; he commended fuch as drefed in that plain ration, and ridicul- d ethers, vho < -arr ; ed, fald he, their wlniimilis and liiei? *M woods on their backs. Peref. part 3. Oil* 368 MEMOIRS BookXIL out of th'is pernicious traffic, either by fuffering this money to pafs under their names, or by felling, at a high price, the authority which enabled them to correfpond with the foreigners, and fecured the privileges of paiTage. I thought it jmoft prudent to apply myfelf to thofe who were employed by them for thcfe correfpondences, and promifed them that, as a recompence for their difcovery, they ihould have the fourth part of thefe fums that were feized by their informations ; for the King having made over thefe confifcations to me, I had a right to dif- pofe of them. By thefe means I was well ferved. A month was fcarce elapfed, when I received notice from an inconflderable man, the authors not being willing to make themfclves known, that there were two hundred thoufand crowns in gold, collecting to fend abroad, which was to be fent at two different times, and that the firft carriage would be much lefs than the lecond. After having taken, all the necefiary precautions, this fum appearing, rather too conliderable for me, I thought myfelf obliged to mention it to the King, who made this qualification in the right he had given me, that if the fum did not exceed ten thoufand crowns, I might appropriate it to mfelf, but that the overplus fhould be his, " Which will come," faid he, <{ very " feafonably, having had fome lofe at play that I " durft not tell you of, nor make up with my own '* money." I was not mercenary enough to wait for the profits of the fecond carriage. I ordered the firft to be dogged, and with fuch vigilance, that it was flopped half a league beyond the territories of France. It could not be done in the kingdom, though but a quarter of a league from the frontier, without furnifhing the offenders with a pretext for getting it releafed. There was found in piftoles, double piftoles, and crowns of the fun, to the a- mount of eight and forty thoufand crowns, which had been concealed in fome bales of common goods 2 for OF S U L L Y. 3% for exportation. The King's refolution on this article was fo well known that the conductors named no perfon as proprietor of it ; and not- withftanding all the noife this feizure made at court, it was difavowed by every one ; and the fum was, by his Majefty, divided in this manner : feven- ty-t\vo thoufand livres he referved for himfelf, five and twenty thoufartd he ordered fhould be given to the informer, and the remaining forty feven thou- fand he left to me ; promifing me, that however large any future capture might be, he would take no part of it from me. But after this, no more money was attempted to be carried out of the king- dom ; this example had given a general diflike to Ib ruinous a traffic. Thofe that compofed the chamber of juftice *,' which was creeled againft the contractors, treafu- rers, receivers, and others who had been guilty of mifdemeanours in their offices, were likely ir* appearance, to exercife far greater feverities. It was my advice, that thefe offenders fhould riot on- ly be obliged to refund, but that thofe who were convicted of embezzling the public treafure fhould be corporally punifhed. Money, however, the pofleffion of which covers all crimes it is the caufe of, excepted this from the juit rigour of the law f. . * Otberwife called the royal chamber : it confjfted of a prefident of the parliament of P.iris, two couniellors, two mafKrs ot reqticft, a proficient and four counfellors ot the chamber of accounts, a prefi dent and three couniellors of the court of aids, and one of th? gene- ri! advocates of the parliament, Ac. Commtflionerb were fent into the provinces, to give them informations of luch as were guilty of any malverfat'ons. {- TheDukc of Sully feems tome to reafon juffly, when, in fup- poling the utility of the chambers of jnittce, he requires, that they should not confine their proceedings to pecuniary mulcts only, but : ,ointo thefe corporal punifiiments. And he feems to me to have ftiii greater reafoo, when, in the fequel, he advifes to iuppreis this me- thod as absolutely u;"j t fs ; and entirely abolifli, in Frnnc?, the ufage II. ? A * 370 M E M O I R S Book XII. Iwould, were it poffible, transfufe into the breafts of iny countrymen fome part of that indignation that rills mine, againft fo pernicious an abufe, and all that contempt which I feel for thofe that owe their elevation to it. If we confider as a flight matter, the defpicable light we appear in to our neighbours by this fhameful cuftom (for none ftrikes more directly at the honour of the na- tion) we cannot conceal from ourfelves the evils it has given rife to ; nothing has contributed more to- ward perverting our ideas of probity, candor, andr diiintereftednefs, or to turn thofe virtues into ridi- qule ; nothing has more ftrengthened that fatal propenfity to luxury, which is natural to all men, but is with us become a fecond nature, by that pe- culiarity of temper which makes us faften eagerly Upon every thing that can gratify our paflions; and nothing in particular has fo greatly degraded the French nobility, as the rapid and dazzling fortunes of contractors and other men of bufinefs, by that opinion which they have circulated every where, and which is indeed but too well grounded, that in, France this is almoft the only method of arriving at the higheft honours, and fir ft employments of the ftate, in the poifeffion of which all is forgot, and to the attainment all is pei'mitted. To go to the fource, military virtue is almoft the only quality by which true nobility can, in France, be obtained, preferved, or dignified : and in this practice there will be found no prejudice or empty opinion, if it be confidered, that prece- dence muft naturally be granted to that rank, by which all other dalles of the community are pre- ferved and fupported in that fecurity without which there can be no property : but this ftate of life is not the way to a great fortune ; this fimpli- of compofitions in farming the finances : and this is Hkewife the o- piaiwi of Cardinal Richelieu. Teftamcnt Polk, part I. eh. 4. 5. citr- O F S U L L Y. 371 city and feparation from lucrative purpofes fhew the antiquity and purity of the firft inftitution. By bravery nothing but honours could be got, be- caufe in thofe times honour was the only reward of glorious action : in later days, fince the notions of mankind are changed, and every thing is rated by the money which it brings, this generous body of .nobility is brought in companion with the mana- gers of the revenue, the officers of juftice, and the drudges of bufinefs. But this comparifon terminates In a univerfal ageement, to pay to thefe gatherers of money that refpecl which muft always be {hewn to thofe who are poiTefled of power, and are in fa&, our fuperiors, an advantage which the former have loft *. And, indeed, how Ihould it be otherwife, when we fee the nobility of die fame mind, with regard to this point, as the meaneft of the people, and making no fcruple to mingle the moft ilhmri- ftrious blood in a Ihameful alliance with a dirty pedlar, who knows nothing but the change, hifi fhop, his counter, and his knavery ? This abufe is neceflarily productive of two others, confufion of ranks, and degeneracy of families ; which laft is better proved by experience than argument. We need only take a view of that great number of mongril gentry with which the court and city is filled, and we fhali find them wholly deftitute of the plain and manly virtue of their anceftors : * The fame Cardinal Richelieu complains of this abufe, and pro- pofcs a remedy for it, according to the Duke of Sully's fcheme. " Gentlemen, (fays he,) cannot be promoted to places of truft and dignity, but at the expence of their ruin ; for at prefent all forts of people are admitted to them through the infamous traffic carried on by means of money. For the future, all perfons Ihould be ex- cluded from thofe ports, but thofe that have the good fortune to be of noble birth." This minifter concludes, in another p'ace, after M. de Sully. " That the means of continuing the nobility in that purity of manners which they derive from their ancef- tors (thcfeare his words) is to retrench that luxury and intole- rable expence which have been gradually introduced/' Part i. ch. 3. i. 3 A 2 no 372 MEMOIRS Book XII. no depth of thought, no folidity of judgement, .rafli, inconfiderate, a ftrong paffion for play, a natural propensity to dhTolutenefs, a folicitude for drels, and vitiated tafte in every kind of luxury; that one would imagine they thought to exceed even the women in the effeminacy of their manners : yet thefe people engage in the army, but with fuch difpoiitions, to which is often ad- ded a fecret contempt for the profefilon they em- brace, what can be expected from them ? This iubverfion of all order is indeed to be lamented, but is inevitable, while ihat profeffion, which has only glory for its object, is not exalted to the high- eft rank, and dignified with the chiefeft honours, which, for that purpofe, ought to be taken from the upftarts of fortune ; and lince the infamy which we fhould find thefe creatures of chance ftained with, if we took pains to examine them, Is not fufficient to draw our contempt, it is necef- fary they fliould be branded with public marks of difgrace, to fignify rhe rank they ought to hold. The King was convinced by the juilnefs of this reafoning. However, in this chamber of juftice, the fame thing happened that generally does : the little rogues paid for all the reft; the principal delinquents found their fecurity in that very metal for which they were profecuted ; they made ufe of 3. fmall part of it in preients, which faved the o- ther. This qualifying would not have prevailed with the King had it been employed directly; biit it found acceptance with the ladies of the court, and even with the Queen herfelf; they gained the Conftable, Bouillon, Bellegarde, Roquelaure, Souvre, Frontenac, and fome others, who though not of this high clafs, knew as well how to work upon the King's inclinations ; fuch were Zamet, La-Varenne, Gondy, Boneuil, Conchini, and ma- ny more of that fort. The complailance of this prince for all thofe whom he fuffered td> livj i6or. O F S UL LY. 373 live in fome degree of familiarity with him, and efpecially for ladies, deftroyed all his wife refolu- tions, fo that the ftorm fell only upon thofe that had reafon to reproach themfelves with not having yet ftolen enough to put their thefts in fecurity. The retrenching of part oF thofe officers of all ranks, with which the bar and the finances abounded, and which was done at th.s time, was looked upon as the work of the chamber of juftice. The great number of thole officers, as well as their extreme licentioufnefs, are indubitable testimonies of the calamities that are introduced into a ftate, and the forerunners of its ruin. In May the King and Queen had the devotion to celebrate the jubilee at Orleans. I attended their Majefties as far as half a league beyond Fon- tainebleau, from whence they proceeded that e- vening to Puifeaux. I took advantage of this little vacation, to vifit the lands of Baugy, which had been juft awarded to me by a decree, for the great fums which were due to me from thefe lands, and upon which 1 began to build immediately with the confifcated money I have lately mentioned. I was ftopped within two leagues from the place where I intended to lie, by a courier from his Ma- efty, who called out to me while I was yet a great way before him. He brought me a letter from the King which contained only thefe few words. *' I *' gave you fix days for your journey to Baugy, " but I have received letters of great confequenco " from Buzenval, which I want to fhew you ; you 11 will oblige me if you will come and lie to-night " here at Puifeaux, whither you need bring no *' necefTaries. I have given orders for your lodg- " ing, and fent thither my hunting bed, and have *' ordered Coquet to get your fupper ready, and " your breakfaft in the morning, for I will detain ts you no longer. Adieu, my beloved friend." MEMOIRS Book XII. I wilhed my wife, who accompanied me, a good night, and taking with me only two gentlemen, 3. page, and a valet de chambre, and one groom, I turned back to Puifeaux, where I found the King, who was amuiing himfclf with feeing the youth of his train wreftle and leap in the court- yard of the priory. As foon as he faw me, he called me Pafquier, who had been fent to him by Villeroi, with Buzenval's letters, which informed the King, that Prince Maurice had taken the field with his army, which he had increafed with garri- fons drawn out of their quarters, and efcorted by two thoufand waggons ; that, with this army, he in- tended (as Buzenval had learned from the Prince of Orange's officers, and from the Prince himfelf) to crofs Brabant, the country of Leige, Hainault, and Artois, to gain by it the rivers along the fron- tiers of France, from whence he expected affift- ance, and bring the war to the neighbourhood of Gravelincs, Berque-Saint Vinox, Dunkirk, and Nieuport; that the Archduke, greatly inferior to the Prince of Orange, not having yet received the troops which he expected from Italy and Germany, beheld thofe preparations with aftoniihment, and durft not oppofe his march, but that he contented himfelf with being near him, that he might oblige him to keep in a narrow compafs, and that while he obftructed him, he might be himfelf near the place where he perceived the ftorm would fall ; that, finding this ftep, which had been communi- cated to him, of great importance, he thought it was nec^fTary to inform the King of it. The knowledge I had of the Low-Countries made this defign of the Prince of Orange appear to me fo dangerous, that I thought it likeiy to draw upon him a total defeat. He would be obliged to march a great way within view of the enemy, and upon their frontiers, through countries fo full of woods, hedges, and hollov/ ways, particularly in Liegeois, i6di. O F S U L L Y. Liegeois, that I thought them impaflable for fuch 2 number of waggons; and the King was of the fame opinion. After we had conferred together a long time, he refolved to fend Prince Maurice his fentiments of it, and I refumed my rout to Baugy, in which I vifited the lands of -ully, that I had a deiign of purchafing, and did fo accordingly the following year. The King continued his pilgrim- age to Orleans, and laid there the firft ftone for the rebuilding the church of the holy crofs ; he af- terwards returned to Paris, to which place I had come three days before his Majefty. Henry's letcer changed the defign of Nailau ; he befieged Rhimberg, and took it on the tenth of June. The Archduke Albert, in revenge, in- vefted Oltend on * the fifth of July. Maurice, on his fide, laid fiege to Bolduc, either to force the Archduke to abandon his emerprife, or to in- demnify himfelf by the reduction of this place, which was looked upon to be the mo ft important fortrefs in Brabant. I was ftill of opinion, that he \7ould do neither ; and when the King fent for me, to hear my fentiments of it in the pretence of the courtiers who were by when the pacquet which, brought the news was opened, and who all fpoke differently of it ; I faid, that although I was very young when I had vilited Bolduc, I had neverthe- lefs preferred the remembrance of the place, and that, not to mention its fituation, which rendered the liege of it a work of immenfe labour, it feem- cd to me impoffible, confidering the extent of the place, and the great number of its citizens, to fur- round it in fuch a manner as to hinder any one from going in or out, at leaft without an army of * It \\ill be often mentioned ; this flege, in which many brave aftions were performed on both fides, having Lifted above three, years; but for a minu e detail of t::crn, coni'ult M, dc Thou, Lc Septennaire, and other hirtorianrs, twenty- 376 MEMOIRS BookXII. twenty-five thoufand men. In effect, the Prince of Orange failed in his attempt upon Bolduc : but all this did not happen till November. The war breaking out fo near our frontiers, made Henry refolve to go to Calais, as if he had no other defign but to vifit that country. Al- though he always fufpefled the Spaniards, he was not appreheniive, in the prefent ftate of the af- fairs of that crown, that they would be prevailed on to break the peace : but he was not difpleafed at having an opportunity to give them a little un- eafinefs, in revenge for the daily occafions of dif- content which he received from them. They adt- ed, indeed, in a manner fufficient to have obliged his Majeily to do fomething more, had not policy- prevailed over refentment. After many fruitleis attempts to break the alliance between the Swifs cantons and France, and to hinder the Pope from acting as arbitrator in the difpute about the marquifate of Saluces, becaufe his Holinefs could not difpenfe with himfelf from givingjudge- ment againft the Duke of Savoy, they had fent troops to that prince in the laft campaign, under the command of the Count de Fuentes. Their continued intrigues with Marechal Biron, Bouil- lon, D'Auvergne, the Prince of Joinville, were pub'icly known Biron himfelf had confeffed it to his Majcfty: and laftly, the King, at his re- turn from Orleans, received certain intelligence of their practices with the cities of Metz, Marfeil- les, and Bayonne. - At all this his Majefty difiembled his difpleafure ; but nothing provoked him againft that crown fo much, as the outrage * which La-Ilochepot, our am- * Antony de Silly, Cctint de la Rcchepot. Kis rephf'.v r Ing to ba he himfelf \\i:h 'ome French gentlemen, was iiifulTcd by foriie Sp,n'a ois who filing his cloat'-s, and ilufe of his conv into the river. Thefe revenged theifafelvts tor the afifrdbt ty k 5 li- ft i:'g if)0i. O F S U L LY. 377 ambaiTador at Madrid, his nephew, and h's whole train had received from that court. La-Rochcpot gave an account of it in his letters. " I fwear by " heaven, (laid Henry tranfported with rage,) " that, if 1 can but once fee my affairs in order, " and get a fufficient fupply of money, and what- " ever elfe is necdTiiry, I will make fo furious a " war upon them, that they (hall repent of having " obliged me to take up arms." However, he ftill (hut his eyes upon fo glaring a violation of the rights of nations, but it was not without doing great violence to his inclinations. " I fee plainly, " (faid ihis prince to me fometimes,) that, thiough. " emulation, jeaioufy, and intereft of ftate, *' France and bpain can never be on friendly " terms with each other, and that a proper fecu- *' rity againft that crown muft have fome other " foundation than words." He was fufficiently convinced of the error in Villeroi and Sillery's policv, who often, in his prefence, maintained a- gainft me, that a ftrit union with Spain was not only neither impoffible nor dangerous for France, but likewife the moft reasonable fyftem of politics that ought to be embraced To their arguments I oppoled that competition fo natural to thefe two crowns the oppofition of their interefts, and the remembrance of fo many recent injuries; and I concluded that, with a neighbour fo artful and unjuft, the neceffary tneafures to be taken were, to hold them always lufpected, and to be always pre- pared for defence. The laft news that came from Madrid gave me, for this time, the advantage over ing and wounding fome of the Spania-ds; thofe that fled foon afte reiur cd to tor e open the smbufTidor's honfc, and theme dragged his r?phew to prifon, with others of his ?.(Tociatcs ihat h -d .aken {helter there. This dirference was compr mii'ed by the Pope, who cauisd -the prifoners t > be fsnt to him to R<.mc, anddcliv-rtd them to the Crunt d." B.t une, bn-tner to M. de Sullv, a.Tibaflador of France aC that court. See the above-mentioned hiftorians for the year 1601. VOL. II, 3 B my MEMOIRS BookXH. m7 opponents, at leaft in the King's opinion, who hditated no longer about going to Oftend, after he had difmifled two celebrated embaffies, which he i-eeeived about this time. One of thefe embaffies was from the Grand Seignior, who knowing that the Sophy of Perlia, his enemy, had fent a folemn deputation to the Pope, th Emperor, and the King of Spain, with- out taking any notice of the King of France, a- gainft whom he feemedto make an overture of his affiftance, at the fame time that he alked for theirs, he was returning one aft for another. His- High- nefs, on this occaiion, made ufe of his phyfician, who * was a Chriftian, and inverted him with the dignity of his ambaiTador. The terms in which this haughty potentate exprefied himfelf, with re- gard to the French f, difcovered a diftinftion and refpecl, of which there are few examples ; he fet a higher value, he faid, upon the friendship and arms of the French, than of all the other Chri- ftian nations together ; and that, although they fhould all unite with Perlia againft him, he fhould think himfelf in a condition to defpife their at- tempts, as foon as he had iecured the alliance and affiftance of a King, whofe fuperiority over his neighbours, as weir as his great perfonal qualities, he appeared not to be ignorant of. The Turkifh ambanadbr prefented his Majefty with ieveral rich * Bartholomew Ceeur, a renegado of Marfeilles. He demanded of the Ring, t! at the Duke of Msrccrur iho!d be recalls.! fr< m Hun- jury, becaufe, among the prophefies which the Turks believe, then is one, tl-.ey fay, that the French fhall drive the Tu:ks cut of EG, icpe. -f- To the moft glorious, moft magnanimous, and moft illuftrious Prince of the faith of Jcfus the compofer of the differences that happen between Chnftisn potentates, prince of grandeur, maiefK ami opulence, and the glorious leader of the gieatcfl lubiec~*s, Hcary the IV. emperor ot Frame ; fuch vvere the titles wh-ch his Highneis gave the King. MSS. de la Biblioth. dcRoy, vol. 9592. pfefents, O F S U L L Y. 379 prefents, and gave me two fcymetars of ex^mfit^ workmanihip, which I keep with great care. The ether ambaflador was from the republic of Venice. This Hate had been a long time, by a particular alliance often renewed, and by their com- mon intereft, united with France againft the Spa- nifti power : it had been amongft the firft in com- plimenting his Moft Chriftian iVlajefty upon his marriage and the peace, by the Sieurs Gradenigo and Delfin, the laft of whom was likewife in this embafTy. Henry was defirous that thefe ambaffa- dors fhould be received with the utmoft distinction in Paris. He ordered them to be ferved with his own plate, and loaded them with prefents of equal value with thofe he gave the Jfirft. The letters he then wrote to me turned almott wholly upon this head, for he was then at Fontainebleau with the Queen, who was far advanced in her pregnancy, upon which account the King could not come immediate- ly to Paris, and ftill lefs the Queen, who had fo great a concern in this embafly. His Majefty ihew- ed fo much refpect for the Venetian ambaiTadors, as not to fuffer them to wait for his return to Pa- ris, but let them know that he would receive them at Fontainebleau, to which place his coaches and equipages attended them. The Archduke could not fail to fufpecl, that the King, by marching towards Calais, would en- deavour to obftrucl: their deilgns upon Oftend, by way of reprifal for the ill treatment La Rochepot had received. In order to difcover the purport of this journey, they deputed to him the Count of Solre in the quality of ambaflador, under a pre- tence of making him the fame compliments on the Queen's pregnancy which he received from all parts ; enjoining this ambafTador to infimiate ft complaint of his journey, by which Solre gave a fair opportunity to the King, who, inftead of fatis- fying him as to the occaiion of his complaints, 3 13 2 made, 3 8o M E M O i ri -rt BookXIJ made, in his turn, very heavy ones againft Spain, affuring him, however, but in a general manner, that he would not be the firft to come to a rupture, provided that the Spaniards did not force him to it by continuing their unfair proceedings. With this promife the ambaffador pretended to be fatis- fied. The Queen of England hearing the King was at Calais, thought it a favourable opportunity to fa- tisfy her impatience of feeing and embracing her beft friend. Henry was not lefs deiirous of this interview, that he might confer with the Queen up- on the affairs of Europe in general, as well as on their own in particular, efpecially thofe which had been juft hinted to him by the Englifh and Dutch ambaffadors when he was at Nantz. Elifabeth firft wrote him a letter equally polite and full of offers of fervice ; fhe afterwards made him the ufua! com- pliments, and repeated thofe affurances by the Lord Edmund, whom fhe difpatched to Calais, till fiie herfelf could arrive at Dover, from whence fhe fent the Lord Sidney with other letters. Henry refolving not to be outdone in complai- fance. anfwered theie advances in a manner that fhewed at once his refpect for the fex of Elifaberh, and his efteem and admiration of her character,. This intercourfe continued a long time to the great mortification of the Spaniards, whofe jealoufy was ftrongly excited by proximity and clofe correfpon- dence. Of all the letters wrote by thefe two fove- reigns on this occafion, I am poffeffed only ot that in which Elifabeth informs the King .of thofe ob- ftacles that prevented her conferring with him in perfon, lamenting the unhappinds of princes, who, contrary .to their inclinations, were flaves to forms, and fettered by circumipedlion. r lhis let- ter *, becaufe it was the occafion of the voyage I made * This letter, and this vihole relation of the Duke of Sully 2 * con- cerning i6Vi. O F S U L L Y. 381 made to this Princefs, I have kept in my hands : in it ihe tells her moft dear and well beloved bro- ther (for fo (he called the King of France) that her concern at not being able to fee him was To much the greater, as {he had fomething to commu- nicate to him, which {he durft not confide to any- other perfon, or commit to paper, and yet that {he was upon the point of returning to London. The King's curiofity was .ftiongly excited by thefe laft words ; in vain did he torture his imagi- nation to guefs their purport. Secretary Feret be- ing Tent by him to fetch me, " I have juft now re- f ceived letters," faid he to me, " from my good ^ fifter the Queen of England, whom you admire " fo greatly ; they are fuller of civilities than ever ; .". fee if you will have morefuccefs than I have had " in difcovering her meaning." I agreed with Henry that it muft be fomething of great confe- cerning Henry IV.'? journey to Calais, and Elifabeth's to Dover, ap- pear furficient, without any other reflections, :o {hew the error of all thcfe various judgements current at that time-, and which have been mentions: ! by diffcient hiltorians concerning thefe two potentates. It WAS faid Elifabeth propofed to Henry, either that he fnould come to Dover, or at lead confer \\ith her in a veffel half way between thefe two towns, and that this propofal concealed a fnare in which Elifabeth hoped to entrap Henry, by feizing upon his perfon in the interview, and keeping him priloner till he reftored Calais, and that Henry ex- <:ufed himfelf from complying with her requeft, only becallfe he fuf- pecled the defign; others fay, bscaufe his fears of the fea were fa great, that he durft not ven ure into a vcflcj. No one fufpedlcd th-s true motive for propofinpr this interview, which was the occafion of all thcfe letters that paffjd between them, and caufed the Duke of Sully to make the fecret voyage to Dover, of which he here gives an account. Siri, on this occafion, builis upon the refemment which he fuppofes Elifabeth always preferved, both of the peace ofVervins, and the lurrender of Calais, as well as her fear left Henry fiiould ag- gr.mdife himfelf too much, and on the jealoufy which the Englith entertained of the French. Mem. Recond. vol. I. p. 130. 150. &c. But this writer, fo well acquainted with foreign negotiations, e- fpecially thofe of Italv and Spain, is not right, neither in the facts nor the opinions which he produces co.ncerr.ins the interior of pur court and councils under the rtign of Henry IV. Ke Knew neither this prince nr the Dulte ol" Sully. quence 582 MEMOIRS Book XII. quence which induced her to exprefs herfelf in this manner ; it was reiblved, therefore, that I mould embark the next day for Dover, as if with no o- ther deiign than to take advantage of die Oiortnefs of the paffage to make a tour to London, which would give me an opportunity of feeing what ftep the Queen would take upon my arrival, neither the King nor I doubting but that {he would be immedi- ately informed of it. I acquainted no one with my intended paffage, but iuch of my domeftics as were to attend me, and of thefe I took but a very fmall number. I embarked early in the morning, and reached Dover about ten o'clock, where, among the crowd of thofe who embarked and difembarked, I was immediately tlifcovered by the Lord Sidney, who five or fix days before had feen me at Calais : with him were Cobham, Raleigh, and Griffin, and they were foon after joined by the Earls of De- vonfliire and Pembroke. Sidney embraced me, and aiked me, if I was come to fee the Queen 3 I told I was not, and even affured him, that the King knew nothing of my voyage : I likewife in- treated him not to mention it to the Queen, for not having had any intention of paying my re- fpe&s to her, 1 had no letter to prefent, my deiigu being only to make a fhort tour incognito to Lon- don. Thefe gentlemen replied fmiling, that I had taken a ufelefs precaution, for that probably the guardfhip had already given a iignal of my arrival, and that I might quickly expedt to fee a mefienger from the Queen, who would not fuffer me to pals in this manner, having but three days ago fpcke of me publicly, and in very obliging terms. I affecled to be extremely concerned at this unlucky accident, but to hope neverthelefs, that I might ftill pafs un- difcovereci, provided that thefe gentlemen would be fecret as to the place where I was to lodge ; from whence, I ailured. them, I would immediately depart icoi. OF SULLY. depart as foon as I had a little refreshment : faying this, I left them abruptly, and had but jult entered my apartment, and fpoke a few wards to my people, when I felt fomebody embrace me from, behind, who told me, that he arrefted me as a priibner to the Queen. This was the captain of her guards, whole embrace I returned, and replied imiling, that I fhould efteem fuch imprifonment a great honour. His orders were to conduit me directly to the Queen; I therefore followed him. "it is well, " M. de Rofny," faid this Princefs to me as foon as I appeared ; " and do you break our fences " thus, and pafs on without coming to fee me ? I *' am greatly furprifed at it, for I thought you " bore me more affection than any of my fervants, " and I am periuaded that 1 have given you no ** caufe to change thofe fentiments." I replied in, few words, but fuch as fo gracious a reception re- quired. After which I began, without any dif- guife, to entertain her with thofe fentiments the King my mafter had for her. " To give you i proof," replied fhe, " that I believe all you have told me, of the goodwill of the King my bro- ther, and of your own, I will difcourfe with you on the fubject of the laft letter I wrote to him - r though perhaps you have feen it, for Staf- ford (that is the name of the Lord Sidney) and Edmund tell me, that the King conceals few of his fecrets from you." She then drew me afide, that fhe might fpeak to me with the greateft freedom, on the prefent Hate of affairs in Europe; and this fhe did with fuch ftrength and clearnefs, beginning from the treaty of Vervins, that I was convinced this great Queen was truly worthy of that high reputation fhe had acquired in Europe. She entered into this detail, only to fhew me how necelTary it was that the King of France fhould, in- concert with her, begin to execute thofe great de- figns 384 MEMOIRS Book XII. iigns which they both meditated againft the houfe of Auftria. The neceffity of this flie founded upon the acceffions this houfe was daily feen to make : (lie repeated to me all that had pafied on this fubjecl in 1598, between the King and the Engliih and Dutch ambafiadors, and alked me if this Prince did not ftill continue to have the fame fentiments, and why he fo long delayed to begin the enter prize ? To thefe queftions of Queen Elifabeth, I anfwer- cd, That his Moft Chriftian Majefty ftill continued to think of that affair as he always had done : that the men and money he was railing, and the other warlike preparations he was making, were deftined to no other purpofe than the execution of the concerted plan; but that in France things were tar from being in fuch a ftate, as to enable him to undertake the deftruclion of a power fo folidly e- ftablifhed as that of the Auftrian princes. This I proved, by the extraordinary expences Henry- had been at fince the peace of Vervins, as well for the general neceflities of his kingdom, as to re- ftrain the attempts of the feditious, and to carry on the war which he had juft ended with Savoy. I did not duTemble with this princefs the opinion I had always entertained of this enterprize, which is 1 , that though England and the United Provinces fhould ufe their utmoft endeavours to reduce the houfe of Auftria, unlefs they were aflifted by all the forces of the French monarchy, and on whom, for many reafons, the chief weight of this war muft fall, the houfe of Auftria, by uniting the forces of its two branches, might, without any dif- ficulty, not only fupport itfelf againft them, but even render the balance equal ; it would therefore be ufelefs, and even an imprudent attempt, to en- deavour to fap the foundations of fo formidable emperors, and the nomination of a king of the Romans. The fecond, to render the United Provinces abfolutely independent of Spain ; and to form them into a republic, by an- nexing to them, if necelTary, fome provinces dif- membered from Germany. The third, to do the fame in regard to Switzerland, by incorporating with it fome of the adjacent provinces, particularly Alface and Tranche- Compte. The fourth, to di- vide all Chriftendom into a certain number of powers, as equal as may be. The fifth, to reduce all the various religions in it under thofe three which fhould appear to be moil numerous and con- liderable in Europe. Our conference was very long. I cannot beftow praifes upon the Queen of Kngland that would be equal to the merit which I difcovered in her in this fliort time, both as to the qualities of the heart, and the underftanding. I gave an exact relation of every thing that pafled between us to the King, who very highly approved all flie had faid to me. Their Majefties correfponded by letters, during the reft of the time they frayed at Dover and Calais* All preliminaries were agreed on ; meafures were taken even on the grand object of the defign, but with iuch fecrecy, that the whole of this affair re- mained to the death of the King, and even much longer, among the number of thofe on which only various and uncertain conjectures are formed. The King did not return to Paris till he had carefully examined all the fortrefles upon this fron- tier, and provided for their lecurity : in every other 3 C 2 refpeft 388 MEMOIRS Book XII. refpect he appeared an indifferent fpeclator of the quarrel between the Spaniards and the Flemiih ; and all he did in favour of Oftend, the liege of which was ftill continued, was not to hinder ibme Prench from engaging in the iervice of the Prince of Orange, in which ieveral of them loft their lives j amongft thefe, the death of young * Chatillon- Coligny, whofe head was {hot off by a cannon-ball before Oftend, deferved to be particularly lament- ed. The King, when he was told it, faid publicly, that France had loft a man of great merit : myfelf, i'n particular, was fenfibly afflicted at his death, Coligny, at an early age, had already united ahnoft all the qualities that form a foldier ; valour, mode- ration, prudence, judgement, and the art of ma- king himfelf equally beloved by the foldier and officer. But Coligny was a Proteftant ; and the jealoufy of the courtiers foon converted all thefe virtues in- to fo many crimes, in the opinion of the King ; they told his Majefty, that Coligny already afpired to the diftinclion of being head of the Proteftants, both within and without the kingdom, to which he was folicited by the Duke of Bouillon ; that he delired nothing with fo much ardour as to equal r cr even to furpafs, the actions of his father and grandfather ; and had been heard to declare, that he fhould not regret the lofs of life, if he had the fatisfadYion to lole it at the head of an army, fight- ing for the preservation of his friends. His affec- tion tor the foldiers was treated as an artful and dangerous artifice. They hinted to the King, that he had already railed a jealoufy in the Prince of * Henry de Coligny, Lord of Chatillon, >n to Francis, and erand fon to the Aiimiral de Coligny ; he carried to the afiifhnce of OfJerid a legiment of 800 French. According to Brantome, the houle of Cha - illon-Coligny came originally from Savoy, of a very noble and antient lineage, as ht- fjys, ai.d \vho were iormerly fovereign princes, sad very powerful, Toati. 3. p. 173. Orange ; i6oi. OF SULLY. Orange ;. and that his Majefty would one day have reafon to fear a fhoot from a ftock that had given fo much trouble to our kings. Henry was fo far influenced by ihefe inlinuations, that when 1 went to aik fome favours of him for the mother and brother of Coligny, he dwelt continually upon what he had heard, and had given but too much credit to, and appeared to me not only full of in- difference for the death of Coligny, but alfo fo- greatly prejudiced againft the whole family, that I defifted from a folicitaiion which could not but ber prejudicial to myfelf, my connections, and confor- mity of religion with the deceafed coniidered. The King, at his return to Fontainebleau, had the pleafure to find the Queen in as good a ftate o health as he left her. He was feldom from her during her pregnancy, and took all poffible care of her health *. In a letter he wrote to me fome days before the Queen lay in ; he fays, * Bring no peo- *' pie of bufinefs with you at this time : no men- " tion muft be made of it during the firft week of " my wife's lying in ; we fhall have fufficient em- ** ployment to hinder her from getting cold " At length the moment that was to fill the King, the Queen, and the whole kingdom with joy, ar- rived ; the Queen was, on the 171!! of September f, delivered of a fon, whole ftrong health, as well as the Queen's, filled the kingdom with the moft a- greeable hopes j. I believe I may venture to af- firm, * " We read," fays Bayle, in the Rep. de Lett, for January 1686, '* that Henry recommended to Louifi Bourgeois, a very ikiliul inid- *' wife who laid the Queen, to perform her cilice fo ca v efuliy, as that " there might be no occafion for employing a rmn-midwife. Since " this." added he, " would fnock female niuddiy." f On Thurfday night, about midnight. J Perefixe fays, " The King, imp'.oiing the b.cffing of heaven *' upon the infant, gave him alfo his own benediction, and put his " fword inio his hand, playing God, that he would be pkaf-d tj fl give him grace to mike ufc of it or.ly for his giorv, and the defence " of 3od MEMOIRS Book XII. firm, that this incident gave me more joy than any one elfe. I was attached to the King's peribn by the moft tender ties of affection, an affection which I felt in a higher degree than the moft faithful of his fubjects, and was thefore more interefted in his happinefs. He was fo well convinced of this truth, that he did me the honour to give me notice of the birth of his fon in a billet, which, at ten o'clock at night, he fent from Fontainebleau to Paris, where 1 then was ; it contained only thefe few words : 44 The Queen is juft delivered of a fon ; I fend you " the news that you may rejoice with me." Be- fides this billet, which he wrote as to a friend, he lent me another the next morning by La-Varenne, as grand mafter of the ordnance ; he there men- tioned the birth of the Dauphin as an occafion of inexpreffible delight to him, " Not fo much," faid he, " for the near concern I have in this incident, " as for the general good of my fubjects " He ordered me to fire the cannon of the arfenal ; which was performed in fuch a manner, that the report was heard even at Fontainebleau On this occah'on it was not necefTary to order public rejoi- cings : all his Majefty's fubjects, from the firft to the meaneft, concurred in giving demonftrations of it in which fear and policy had no part. The King's fatisfaction was only interrupted by a flight indifpofition, which he had drawn upon Himfelf. La-Riviere was hjs firft phyfician, a man, who had little more religion than thofe generally have that blend it with the profefiion of judicial aftrology : yet the world did him the honour to fuppofe, that he concealed the principles of a Pro- teftant under the appearance of a Catholic. Henry. f this embafly, may be fecn in Matthieu, tosi. 2. 1. 2. p. 426. anJ fcj. i6oi. O F S U L L Y. 405 had the heart of Biron been thoroughly founded, it might probably have been found tainted with all the three. No fooner was he returned from his fecond embafTy, than, as if he had endeavoured to make amends for the time he had loft, he laboured more affiduoufly than before, to bring all his chi- merical fchemes to perfection, either perfuaded thereto by the Duke of Bouillon, and the Count of Auvergne, who had likewife formed their par- ty, or having drawn them into his. To ftrengthen their mutual engagements, thefe three gentlemen figned a form of aflbciation, of which e:ich kept an original : in this uncommon piece, which was produced in the procefs againft Marechal Biron, they reciprocally promifed, upon, the faith and word of gentlemen, and men of ho- nour, to continue united for their common fafety, to and againft ail, without an] exception (thefe terms deferve a particular obfervation) to keep inviolably fecret whatever might be revealed to any one of them ; and to burn this writing, in cafe any acci- dent ihould happen to either of the aflbciates. There was no profpecl: of fucceeding in their de- iigns, but through the operation of Spain and Sa- voy ; they therefore renewed their correfpondence with thefe two powers, and on their fide, to fe- cond their endeavours, went about picking up all the difaffecled perfons they could find amongft the gentry and foldiers. To draw into rebellion many of the towns at the greateft diftance from Paris, particularly thofe in the provinces of Guienne and Poicliou, they took advantage of the feditioa occafioned by the eftabliftiment of the penny in the livre, which I had oppofed fo ardently in the af- fembly des notables, and which I had not afterwards the power to Jupprefs ; however, it could not pqf- fibly be railed according to the original plan : it had been changed into a fubfidy of eight hundred thou- iand MEMOIRS Book XII. fand franks, of which one h:\lf was funk in the taille, and the other in the cuftoms. Biron and his afTociates, to increafe the difcon- tent of thefe people, already ftrongly incited by that inrpoft, perfuaded them, fhat to complete thdr 'calamities, they would fhort'y be burdened with a duty upon fit; and many perfons were fcep- in rbXir pay in each of thefe provinces, to ter- rify the inhabitants with perpetual alarms. What government can expect to be free from thefe dif- turbers of public tranquillity, if that of Henry the Great, fo wife, mild, and popular, was not ? This evil, however, took its rile from the unhap- py influence the civil wa> s had on the manners of the people ; that was the poifon which produced thofe turbulent fpirrts to whom quiet was painful, and the happieft. condition, a languid inactivity : hence arifes that reftlefs ambition, which keeps their reafon enflaved, makes them murmur at hea- ven, and quarrel with mankind for torments they bring on themfelves ; and raifes their malice a> gainft princes, whofe whole power, fo obnoxious to them, is not fufficient to gratify their inordinate derires. Henry's eyes were at length opened with regard to the real character of Biron, which he had hi- therto 'flattered himfelf he knew fo well, and he beyan to fear he fhould be obliged to have recourfe to the moft violent remedy to flop the contagion : informations multiplied every day, and came from perfons that could not be fufpected ; all agreed in the chief point of the conspiracy ; fome mention- ed the act of affociation, and, having feen it, rela- ted the very terms in which it was conceived. Cal- viirrtc gave the King the moft circumftantial, and moft probable account that had been yet tranfmit- ted to him ; befides the public rumour, he inform- ed him, that Biron and. his colleagues had received feveral thoufand piftoles from perfons who came from i<5oi. OF SULLY. from Spain ; that they expected Turns ftill greater, and a fupply of forces ; th.it the council of Madrid had agreed to it, on condition th.;t die rebels fliould begin by feizing fome ftrong maritime places, on. the frontiers of Spain ; that, conformably 10 this plan, enterprizes were already formed upon Blaye, Bayenne, Narbonne, Maricillcs and Toulon ; and that the Count of Auvergne was to wait only till thefe were executed, to begin openly his attempt upon Saint-Flour. All thefe informations made it absolutely necef- fary to examine the matter thoroughly. The King came on purpofe to the arfenal, where he found me bufy in completing the labour I had begun, to communicate to me what he had learned, and gave me the detail, leaning upon the balcony over the great walk. He went afterwards to Fontainebleau, whither I followed him ; and it was in this place that we were to proceed to the laft extremities with Ma- rechal Biron. He had for a time made ufe of La Fin *, to carry on his foreign negotiations, a lively, cunning, intriguing fellow, whom Bouillon and he often called their kinfman. La Fin h.)d been fent feveral times to the King of Spain, the Duke of Savoy, and the Count of F^ntes ; bur afterwards, upon fome difguft Biron had given him, he retired to his houie, where he remained unemployed. It was not thought impoffihle to gain him ; and for * James d- ia Fin, a gn I ma -of Burgundy, of the houfe of Beauvan-Ia Nrcl,-. " tl e m. ft j n-- rnu' ma:;," fays Perefixe, " and '* the greiieft traitor in Fiance : the K r.g knew him well, and often " faiJ to the JV^a'-echal. Don': fuffer t ,: man to emu near you; he's " a rogue, he'll be th-_ dcatii of y .u. H- ei.de-.'v. u ed to ace >fe the " Marechal oe Biron, Irom a je.titufv he mrera nod that th> B .ron *' de Lux had fupphmred h.m in t MarecliaPi t;:voi.r; and in re- " verge to the Count dj Fucnte?, U;on t. e <;!' over\ o! his atltmpt- " ing ro be'.r.iy the latier, for that he had cau ed his fvcretary to be ' arrefted : \etthathe might the betttr deftroy ,h e Ma.echal dc " Biron, he pretended ftill to have the fame attachment ts him as w beiore." this 408 MEMOIRS Book XII. this purpofe his nephew, the Vidame of Chartres, was made ufe of, who endeavoured to prevail up- on his uncle to come to Fontainebleau In the mean time I returned to Paris, to make prepara- tions fora journey his Majefty thought it neceilkry to take immediately into all thole places through which Biron had parTed, namely, Poictou, Guienne, Limolin, and efpeciaily about Blois. La- Fin having at length refolved to come to Fontainebleau, revealed all that he knew concern- ing Biron's confpiracy. The King was defirous that he fliould be detained and lodged at Mi-Voie, that he might be feen by none but thofe who wer6 fent to confer with him. His Majefty judging by what he had at firft declared, that my preienci would be neceflary, wrote thefe few words to me j " My friend, come to me immediately . " on an af- *' fair that concerns my fervice, your honour, and " our mutual fatisfaclion .Adieu, my dear friend." I took poft immediately, and on my arrival at Fontainebleau, I met his Majefty in the midft of the large avenue to the caftle, ready to go to hunt. I threw myfelf at his feet : " My friend,'' laid this prince to me, preffing me in his arms, " all is dif- " covered ; the chief negotiator is come to afk " pardon, and to make a full confeffion : in his " accufation he includes a great number of perfons " of high rank, fome of whom have particular " reafons to love me * ; but he is a great liar, and " I am determined to believe nothing he fays with- " out good proofs : he accufes one man, amongft " the reft, whom you little think of ; come, guefs * We may, doubtlefs, rank among the number of tl.tfe, the charge which La. Fin brought aja nft Biroo, >f nis hav ; n^ atterr.pt .d the X.i;.z's iii";;, ind ihe Duipnin's, according to Ch- .P Septtnnaire, lince hi& friends made ufe of' the proofs they had of the co trar\, .o .ob'ain his pa'd >n : " Sire, we have at leait :his advantage, 1 ' Lid M. de la force to H-nry IV. throwing himle f at his feet, " that there " is nothing pr.-ved as to his having made any attempt on your Ma- " Jcfty's perfon. .tian and this man, who is faid to have bien a na- tive of Calabria; and it is no k-fs difficult to gueis, how he could come to the knowledge of the cirtnmflanc.'s of ihe King of Poriu- pal's lire, which were fo peculiar and fccret as to ailoniih all ths work). The Portuguefc, ftill more deceived thr-nch their natural atfeOian for the blood of iheir king's, as alfo thr. nih their ha'red for Spain ('.his lart moiiv.- micr.t likewife be applied 10 M. de Sully) than from any evidence they hid, peifi^ed i:i fupporting ihe claims otthi- impuftor. The Septenaalre is very favourable to him, ann. 1601. 3 F 2 p. 2 i?. 412 MEMOIRS BookXII. number of partifans. Some fecrets which he re- vealed, that it leemed could have been only known to the King of Portugal ; certain natural marks upon his body, which he {hewed, and fome other circumitances of the fame kind, confirmed his af- fertion. However, to confefs the truth, none of thefe proofs appeared unanfwerable ; neverthelefs, the King of Spain thought it the wifeft way to rid himfelf privately of this pretended prince : fo that the truth was never known, or, at leait, to a few pcrfons only, whofe intereft it was not to publiih it. A diet was convened at Ratifbon, with intention to make fome compofition between the Popiih and Proteftant religions ; but this came to nothing. Upon the firft queftion propofed, which was con- cerning the authority of the holy fcriptures *, iuch heat was raifed among the difputants, that an ac commodation became impracticable, 'i he Papifts maintained, that their authority was derived whol- ly from the confent of the church, that they might add the prerogative of infallibity to the other rights with which they have fo liberally, and with fo little reafon, inverted the Pope. The Proteftants treat- ed this doctrine with contempt and ridicule. The war in Tranfylvania ftill continued difadvan- tageous to the Vaivodes, Battory and Michael, who had revolted from the Emperor ; they were defeat- p. 217. See what has been (Ad a little higher. The Soaniards were fo thoiougHv coiirg, and of the electors of Saxony and Brandenbourg; the two firft of thefa princes aflifted at it in perlbn, and were obliged to put an and to this difpute, the advantage in which, each of 'he parties, as is a!wa\s the cafe, afterwauls afcribed '* liumfeive*. DC Thru, Chron. Scpten. for the year 1601. cd OF SULLY. 413 cd by George Bafte, and Claufembourg was taken. The Duke of Mercosur fignalized himfelf no lei's at the head of the Imperial troops againft the Turks * ; he took Albe Royale in Hungary, a fortrefs efteemed impregnable ; and afterwards drove away the Turks from it, who had returned to beiiege it. The Archduke f, lefs fortunate than Mercceur, was beaten before Canife ; and the Knights of Malta took and deftroyed the city of Pafiava in the Morea. Conftantinople and the palace of the Grand Sig- nkny was in no lefs commotion, through the dii- content of the Janizaries, who proceeded ibfar as to Strangle, in the prefence of Mahomet III. himfelf, feven of the favourites of his feraglio, and threat- ed to depofe him : he was a man, indeed, whofe vices rendered hhn unworthy of a throne ; he was cruel, treacherous, ilothful, avaritious, and funk in every kind of voluptuoufnels. The Duke of Merccrur, by his great exploits, acquired the re- putation of one of the firtt warriors of his :ime. See them, as aif ifK' o;ht:r tatf s tuat are here fpoken of, in the htftorians. r Ferdinand of Auitria. END of the SECOND VOLUME, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below.