r LIBRARY "I UNfvcRsrrv op I CAUPORNIA I . SAN DIEOO J v/. I XTbe Dlctorla Tbtetoti^ of tbe Counties of lEnolanb EDITED BY WILLIAM PAGE, F.S.A. A HISTORY OF LONDON VOLUME I The publisher regrets th&t a few pages of this scsaroe oopy are slightly soiled as it had to bo made up from old sheet stock. THE VICTORIA HISTORY OF THE COUNTIES OF ENGLAND LONDON LONDON CONSTABLE AND COMPANY LIMITED This History is issued to Subscribers only By Constable & Company Limited and printed by Eyre & Spottiswoode Limited H.AI. Printers of London INSCRIBED TO THE MEMORY OF HER LATE MAJESTY QUEEN VICTORIA WHO GRACIOUSLY GAVE THE TITLE TO AND ACCEPTED THE DEDICATION OF THIS HISTORY THE ADVISORY COUNCIL OF THE VICTORIA HISTORY His Grace The Lord Arch- bishop OF Canterbury His Grace The Duke of Bedford, K.G. President of the Zoological Society His Grace The Duke of Portland, K.G. His Grace The Duke of Argyll, K.T. The Rt. Hon. The Earl of rosebery, k.g., k.t. The Rt. Hon. The Earl of Coventry Late President of the Royal Agri- cultural Society The Rt. Hon. The Viscount Dillon Late President of the Society of Antiquaries The Rt. Hon. The Lord Lister Late President of the Royal Society The Rt. Hon. The Lord Alverstone, G.C.M.G. Lord Chief Justice The Hon. Walter Rothschild, M.P. Sir Frederick Pollock, Bart., LL.D., F.S.A., etc. Sir Edward Maunde Thomp- son, K.C.B., D.C.L., LL.D., F.S.A., etc. Late Director of the British Museum Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., F.S.A. Late President of the Royal Geo- graphical Society Sir Henry C. Maxwell-Lvte, K.C.B., M.A., F.S.A., etc. Keeper of the Public Records SirEdwin RayLankester,K.C.B., M.A., LL.D., F.R.S., etc. Late Director of the Natural History Museum^ South Kensington Sir Jos. Hooker, G.C.S.L, M.D., D.C.L., F.R.S., etc. Col. Sir Duncan A. Johnston, K.C.M.G., C.B., R.E. Late Director General of the Ordnance Survey Sir Archibald Geikie, LL.D., F.R.S., etc. Rev. J. Charles Cox, LL.D., F.S.A. , ETC. Lionel Cust, M.V.O., M.A., F.S.A., ETC Director of the National Portrait Gallery Charles H. Firth,M.A., LL.D., D.LiTT., F.S.A. Regius Professor of Modern History, Oxford Albert C. L. G. Gunther, M.A., M.D., F.R.S., Ph.D. Late President oj the Linnean Society F. Haverfield, M.A., LL.D., F.S.A. Camden Professor of Ancient History Reginald L. Poole, M.A., Ph.D. University Lecturer in DiplomatiCf Oxford J. Horace Round, M.A., LL.D. Walter Rye W. H. St. John Hope, M.A. Assistant Secretary of the Society of Antiquaries Among the original members of the Council were The late Duke of Devonshire The late Duke of Rutland The late Marquess of Salisbury The late Dr. Mandell Creighton, Bishop of London The late Dr. Stubbs, Bishop OF Oxford The late Lord Acton The late Sir William Flower The late Col. Sir J. Farqu- HARSON The late Sir John Evans and The late Professor F. York Powell Gtneral Editor — William Page, F.S.A. GENERAL ADVERTISEMENT The Victoria History of the Counties of England is a National Historic Survey which, under the direction of a large staff comprising the foremost students in science, history, and archaeology, is designed to record the history of every county of England in detail. This work was, by gracious permission, dedicated to Her late Majesty Queen Victoria, who gave it her own name. It is the endeavour of all who are associated with the undertaking to make it a worthy and permanent monument to her memory. Rich as every county of England is in materials for local history, there has hitherto been no attempt made to bring all these materials together into a coherent form. Although from the seventeenth century down to quite recent times numerous county histories have been issued, they are very unequal in merit ; the best of them are very rare and costly ; most of them are imperfect and many are now out of date. Moreover, they were the work of one or two isolated scholars, who, however scholarly, could not possibly deal adequately with all the varied subjects which go to the making of a county history. In the Victoria History each county is not the labour of one or two men, but of many, for the work is treated scientifically, and in order to embody in it all that modern scholarship can contribute, a system of co-operation between experts and local students is applied, whereby the history acquires a completeness and definite authority hitherto lacking m similar undertakings. The names of the distinguished men who have joined the Advisory Council are a guarantee that the work represents the results of the latest discoveries in every department of research, for the trend of modern thought insists upon the intelligent study of the past and of the 'social, institutional, and political developments of national life. As these histories are the first in which this object has been kept in view, and modern principles applied, it is hoped that they will form a work of reference no less indispensable to the student than welcome to the man of culture. THE SCOPE OF THE WORK The history of each county is complete in itself, and in each case its story is told from the earliest times commencing with the natural features and the flora and fauna. Thereafter follow the antiquities, pre-Roman, Roman, and post-Roman ; ancient earthworks ; a new translation and critical study of the Domesday Survey ; articles on political, ecclesiastical, social, and economic history ; architecture, arts, industries, sport, etc. ; and topography. The greater part of each history is devoted to a detailed description and history of each parish, containing an account of the land and its owners from the Conquest to the present day. These manorial histories are compiled from original documents in the national collections and from private papers. A special feature is the wealth of illustrations afforded, for not only are buildings of interest pictured, but the coats of arms of past and present landowners are given. HISTORICAL RESEARCH It has always been, and still is, a reproach that England, with a collection of public records greatly exceeding in extent and interest those of any other country in Europe, is yet far behind her neighbours in the study of the genesis and growth of her national and local institutions. Few Englishmen are probably aware that the national and local archives contain for a period of 800 years in an almost unbroken chain of evidence, not only the political, ecclesiastical, and constitutional history of the kingdom, but every detail of its financial and social progress and the history of the land and its successive owners from generation to generation. The neglect of our public and local records is no doubt largely due to the fact that their interest and value is known to but a small number of people, and this again is directly attributable to the absence in this country of any endowment for historical research. The government of this country has too often left to private enterprise work which our con- tinental neighbours entrust to a government department. It is not surprising, therefore, to find that although an immense amount of work has been done by individual effort, the entire absence of organization among the workers and the lack of intelligent direction has hitherto robbed the results of much of their value. In the Victoria History, for the first time, a serious attempt is made to utilize our national and local muniments to the best advantage by carefully organizing and supervising the researches required. Under the direction of the Records Committee a large staff of experts has been engaged at the Public Record Office in calendaring those classes of records which are fruitful in material for local history, and by a system of interchange of communication among workers under the direct supervision of the general editor and sub-editors a mass of information is sorted and assigned to its correct place, which would otherwise be impossible. THE RECORDS COMMITTEE Sir Edward Maunde Thompson, K.C.B. C. T. Martin, B.A., F.S.A. Sir Henry Maxwell-Lyte, K.C.B. J. Horace Round, M.A., LL.D. W. J. Hardy, Hon. M.A., F.S.A. S. R. Scargill-Bird, F.S.A. F. Madan, M.A. W. H. Stevenson, M.A. G. F. Warner, M.A., D.Litt., F.S.A. CARTOGRAPHY In addition to a general map in several sections, each History contains Geological, Oro- graphical, Botanical, Archaeological, and Domesday maps ; also maps illustrating the articles on Ecclesiastical and Political Histories, and the sections dealing with Topography. The Series contains many hundreds of maps in all. ARCHITECTURE A special feature in connexion with the Architecture is a series of ground plans, many of them coloured, showing the architectural history of castles, cathedrals, abbeys, and other monastic foundations. In order to secure the greatest possible accuracy, the descriptions of the Architecture, ecclesiastical, military, and domestic, are under the supervision of Mr. C. R. Peers, M.A., F.S.A., and a committee has been formed of the following students of architectural history who are referred to as may be required concerning this department of the work : — ARCHITECTURAL COMMITTEE J. BiLsoN, F.S.A., F.R.I.B.A. W. H. St. John Hope, M.A. R. Blomfield, M.A., F.S.A., A.R.A. W. H. Knowles, F.S.A., F.R.I.B.A. Harold Brakspear, F.S.A., A.R.I.B.A. Roland Paul, F.S.A. Prof. G. Baldwin Brown, M.A. J. Horace Round, M.A., LL.D. Arthur S. Flower, M.A. Percy G. Stone, F.S.A., F.R.I.B.A. J. A. GoTCH, F.S.A., F.R.I.B.A. H. Thackeray Turner, F.S.A. IX Flora Fauna The general plan of Contents and the names among others of those who are contributing articles and giving assistance are as follows : — Natural History Geology. Clement Reid, F.R.S., Horacb B. Woodward, F.R.S., G. A. Lbbour, M.A^ J. E, Mark, D.Sc, F.R.S., and others Palaeontolog)'. R. Lydekker, F.R.S., F.L.S., F.G.S. /Contributions by G. A. Boulenger, F.R.S., J. G. Baker, F.R.S., F.L.S., etc., G. C. Drucb, M.A., F.L.S., Walter Garstang, M.A., D.Sc, F.L.S., Rev. Canon A. M. Norman, D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S., Rev. Canon W. W. Fowler, M.A., D.Sc., F.L.S., F.E.S., Rev. O. Pickard-Cambridge, M.A., F.R.S., Rev. T. R. R. Stebbinc, M.A., F.R.S., etc., B. B. Woodward, F.G.S., F.R.M.S., etc. and other Specialists. Prehistoric Remains. W. Boyd Dawkins, D.Sc, LL.D., F.R.S., F.S.A., Geo. Clinch, F.S.A. Scot., F.G.S., John Garstang, M.A., B.Litt., F.S.A., and others Roman Remains. F. Haverfield, M.A., LL.D., F.S.A., and others Anglo-Saxon Remains. C. Hercules Read, LL.D., F.S.A., Reginald A. Smith, B.A., F.S.A., and others Domesday Book and other kindred Records. J. Horace Round, M.A., LL.D., and other Specialists Architecture. C. R. Peers, M.A., F.S.A., W. H. St. John Hope, M.A., Harold Brakspear, F.S.A., A.R.I.B.A., and others Ecclesiastical History. R. L. Poole, M.A., Rev. H. Gee, D.D., F.S.A., Riv. J. C. Cox, LL.D., F.S.A., A. G. Little, M.A., and others Political History. Prof. C. H. Firth, M.A., LL.D., D.Litt., F.S.A., W. H. Stevenson, M.A., J. Horacb Round, M.A., LL.D., Prof. T. F. Tout, M.A., Prof. James Tait, M.A., and A. F. Pollard, M.A., F.R.Hist.Soc. History of Schools. A. F. Leach, M. A., F.S.A. Maritime History of Coast Counties. Sir John K. Laughton, M.A., M. Oppenheim, and others Topographical Accounts of Parishes and Manors. By Various Authorities Agriculture. Sir Ernest Clarke, M.A., Late Sec. to the Royal Agricultural Society, and others Forestry. John Nisbet, D.CEc, and others Industries, Arts and Manufactures , Various Authorities \ By Varic Social and Economic History Ancient and Modern Sport. E. D. Cuming, the Rev. E. E. Dorling, M.A., and others Cricket. Sir Home Gordon, Bart. :| - THE VICTORIA HISTORY OF LONDON INCLUDING ,0NDON WITHIN THE BARS, WESTMINSTER & SOUTHWARK EDITED BY WILLIAM PAGE, F.S.A. VOLUME ONE LONDON CONSTABLE AND COMPANY LIMITED 1909 CONTENTS OF VOLUME ONE Dedication ...... The Advisory Council of the Victoria History General Advertisement Contents List of Illustrations and Maps Preface .... Table of Abbreviations Romano-British London : Introduction ; Burials and Roads By R. A. Smith, B.A., F.S.A, The Roman City Wall Note on Roman Pottery found in London List of Roman Emperors Topographical Index : City of London . „ „ Westminster Borough of Southwark (with Bermondsey, Lambeth, and Newington) References to Plan C. A Anglo-Saxon Remains Ecclesiastical History : Part I, to 1348 II, 1348-1521 III, 1521-1547 IV, 1 547-1 563 V, 1563-1666 VI, 1 666-1 907 Ecclesiastical Divisions Parochial Records Religious Houses : Introduction . . . Cathedral of St. Paul St. Peter's Abbey Westminster By F. W. Reader . By H. B. Walters, M.A., F.S.A. By R. a. Smith, B.A., F.S.A. By Miss Joyce Jeffries Davis, Oxford Honours School of Modern History By Miss Joyce Jeffries Davis, Miss E. Jeffries Davis B.A. Lond., and Miss M. E. Cornford . By Miss E. Jeffries Davis, B.A. Lond. By Miss M. E. Cornford By Miss H. L. E. Garbett , VII, Nonconformity in London By the Rev. T. G. Crippen By J. M. Ramsay, M.A. . By Miss E. Jeffries Davis, B.A. Lond. By Miss M. Reddan, Hist. Tripos . By Miss H. Douglas-Irvine, M.A. St. Andrews By Miss Phyllis Wragge, Oxford Honours School of Modern History ...... xiii PAGE V vii vii xiii xvii xxi XXV I 43 83 84 86 '3S 136 142 145 146 147 171 207 245 287 309 339 374 400 404 407 409 433 CONTENTS OF VOLUME ONE Religious Houses {continued) St. Helen's Bishopsgate Eastminster, New Abbey, or the Abbey of St. Mary de Graciis Priory of Holy Trinity Aldgate . Priory of St. Bartholomew Smith- field Priory of Southwark . . The Temple .... Hospital of St. Thomas of Aeon . „ „ St. Mary of Bethlehem The Black Friars „ Grey „ „ White „ „ Austin „ „ Friars of the Sack „ Crossed Friars . „ Pied Friars, or Friars de Pica „ Friars de Areno . „ Minoresses Without Aldgate Hospital of St. Bartholomew „ „ St. Katharine by the Tower „ „ St. Mary Without Bishopsgate „ „ St. Mary Within Cripplegate „ ,, St. Thomas South- wark . Leper Hospital of Southwark Hospital of St. James Westminster „ „ the Savoy Whittington's Hospital Milboume's Almshouses Hospital of St. Augustine Pappey Jesus Commons Domus Conversorum Collegiate Church of St. Martin le Grand .... The Royal Free Chapei of St. Ste- phen Westminster The Chapel of St. Peter ad Vin- cula in the Tower of London . The Chapel of St. Thomas on London Bridge The College of St. Laurence Pountney .... By Miss M. Reddan, Hist. Tripos By the Rev. J. C. Cox, LL.D., F.S. By Miss M. Reddan, Hist. Tripos lUCilCUl >) »> >» • >» »» 99 • » JJ l> • » n n • >J » yy • By the Rev. J. C. Cox, LL.D., F.S.A »> »> j» ji »j By Miss M. Reddan, Hist. Tripos »» pace 457 461 46s 47 S 480 48s 491 495 498 502 507 510 513 514 516 516 516 520 5*5 530 535 538 542 542 546 549 5+9 550 551 551 555 566 571 572 574 XIV CONTENTS OF VOLUME ONE Religious Houses (continued) The College in the Guildhall Chapel .... Walworth's College in St. Michael Crooked Lane The Fraternity of the Holy Trinity and of the Sixty Priests in Leaden hall Chapel Whittington's College The College in AUhallovvs Barking .... The Hospital of St. Anthony „ „ „ St. Mary Roun- civall „ „ „ St. Giles Without Cripplegate The Hermits and Anchorites of London .... )AN, Hist. Tripos . • 576 » » • • • 577 ») >» • • • • 578 >) s» • • • . 578 >) iy • • . 580 » 1) • • . . 581 » >» • • • 584 >» » • • . . 585 » »» • • . . 585 XV LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE Frontispiece the relative position of faU-f age plate. the Roman facing Camomile Street The Tower of London and River Thames about 1500 . Romano-British Remains : Mirror of White Bronze, Deverell Street Glass Cinerary Urn and Bottles .... Sarcophagus found at Westminster Abbey Lead Coffin-lid, Haydon Square, Minories . Stone Coffin „ „ „ . . Lead Coffin-lids, Battersea Fields and Old Ford Pottery Lamp found on site of St. Paul's Christian Lamp of Pottery .... Transverse section of roadway in Eastcheap showing Way Roman Coins struck in London .... General Elevation and Section of City Wall . Architectural Fragments from the Bastion, Tower Hill Plans of the Wall and Bastion at Aldgate Architectural Fragments from Bastion, Houndsditch Architectural and Monumental Fragments from Bastion, Fluted Pilaster with Moulded Cap, New Broad Street City Wall, West of Allhallows Church Elevation of Wall and Section disclosed by the Shaft in the Walbrook Bed Roman Newgate : Elevation and Plan from Remains discovered Diagram showing base of City Wall at various points Portion of Pilaster of White Italian Marble .... Capital and portion of Column of Purbeck Marble, Queen Street Carved Stone from Thames Street Wall .... Sections of City Wall ....... Plan of Roman Building, Lower Thames Street Plan showing Hypocaust under the Bucklersbury Pavement Roman Sewer, Little Knightrider Street .... Painted base of Column, Royal Exchange .... Architectural Fragments found built into Walls in London Sketch Plan showing Roman Remains discovered in Lombard Street and Birchin Lane Diagram of principal Roman Pottery forms ........ Fragment of Gaulish bowl from Lezoux found at Aldgate . "j Specimens of Gaulish Red Ware ] PH^g' pl"", facing Stamp for impressing in mould of Vase (Mars or a Warrior) from Basinghall Street ....... Stone Relief (Three Satyrs Drinking) from site of Holy Trinity Priory, Aldgate ....... Bronze Relief of Romulus and Remus .......... go Statue of a Youth in Phrygian Costume from Bevis Marks \ Architectural Fragment of Bastion from Camomile Street j' ' J^ P S > P J g 9 Tessellated Pavement discovered under the south-east area of Excise Office . . '9' 8 9 13 17 18 20 25 25 38 40 47 51 S3 55 57 58 59 61 65 67 70 72 75 76 n n 80 81 85 86 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE Romano-British Remains (continued) Statue of Warrior from Camomile Street < 9+ Pavement found at Bucklersbury full-page plate, facing 9+ Bronze Handle of Vase from Cannon Street 96 Bronze Lamp in form of Silenus from Fenchurch Street 10 1 Altar with Relief of Diana, Goldsmiths' Hall 103 Pavement from Leadenhall Street . . ^ /■ >r ^ ^t . e ■ \ . . . . full-page plate, facing 104 Group of the Deae Matres from Hart Street J Bronze Instrument and Statuettes from the Thames at London Bridge „ „ „ 108 Head of Hadrian found in the Thames at London Bridge . . . „ „ „ no Statuettes of Jupiter, Apollo, Mercury and Ganymede from the Thames at London Bridge . . . . • • • • • » » » n* Monument found on Ludgate Hill . . . . . . . . • .113 Roman Pen found in London Wall . Bronze Figure of an Archer from Queen Street • .... full-page plate, facing 120 Terminal Figure from St. Mary Axe . . ' Lamp from St. Mary Woolnoth . . . . . . . . . . .123 Roman Pottery Kilns, St. Paul's Churchyard . . . . . . . .124 Bronze Enamelled Plaque in form of Altar from the Thames . . . . . -127 Part of Statue of River God found in Walbrook\ Statue of Bonus Eventus found in Walbrook i- . . . . full-page plate, facing 132 Mithraic Relief found in Walbrook . . / Bronze Model of Prow of Galley . . . . . . . . . •13 + Roman Altar with Figure holding Forked Implement) • • T 1 r • • • full-page plate, facing 134 Roman Pottery found on various sites in London ) Lamp in form of Gladiator's Helmet . . . . . . . . . .135 Anglo-Saxon Remains : Bronze Buckle, West Smithfield . . . . . . . . . . . 14S Bronze Brooch, Tower Street . . . . . . . . . . .149 Iron Spearhead with Cross-Bar . . . . . . . . . . .151 „ „ „ Silver Rivets . . . . . . . . . .151 „ ,, inlaid with Silver and Copper, Thames . . . . . . .152 Iron Knife inlaid with Copper, Honey Lane Market . . . , . .152 Iron Sword-Knife inlaid with runes, Thames . . . . . . . -153 Iron Sword from the Thames . . . . . . . . . . -'SS Iron Sword from Thames near Westminster. \ Ornamented Handles of Swords . . .)-. . . . . . . .155 Iron Sword, probably from Thames at TempleJ Viking Sword from the Thames at Temple . . . . . . . . .156 Anglo-Saxon Remains found in London ..... coloured plate, facing 158 Coins of Edward the Confessor and William the Conqueror, St. Mary-at-Hill . . -159 Pottery Crucible, St. Mary-at-Hill 159 Back view of Brooch, St. Mary-at-HiU . . . . . . . . -159 Specimens of Pewter Jewellery found in Cheapside . . , . . . .160 Anglo-Saxon Silver Coins : Sceatta and Pennies . \ Viking Bridle-Bit, Noble Street, Cheapside . I. . . full-page plate, facing 160 Crosshead from Churchyard of St. John's-upon-Walbrookj Dump of Lead and Impression of Coin Dies, St. Paul's Churchyard 162 Engraver's Trial-piece of Bone, City of London . . . . . . .162 Bone Tag of Girdle ... ••-....... 164. xviii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Anglo-Saxon Remains {continued) Bronze Girdle-end, Walbrook . . . . , . , . . . .164 Engraved Bone Pin, Thames . . . . . . . . . .164. Bone Comb and Case, Threadneedle Street . . . . . . . . .165 „ „ „ Liverpool Street . • . . . . . .165 „ „ found in London . . . . . . . . . . .165 Three Bone Draughtsmen, City of London . . . . . . . . \6& Bronze Mount of Reliquary (?) with Runic inscription from Thames, Westminster . . 167 Danish Headstone from St. Paul's Churchyard . . 'I T. ■ r y-> o, 1 111,- n T^ „ ,-,. i iT • full-page platc, fachig 168 Portions of a Crrave-Slab, probably from St. Pauls Churchyard J Engraved Bone Cylinder, St. Martin's le Grand . . . . . . . .169 Portion of Carved Grave-Slab, Churchyard of St. Benet Fink . . . . . .170 Ecclesiastical History : Episcopal Seals .... .... full-page plate, facing igO' Religious Houses : Monastic Seals : Plate L ....... . „ „ ., 432 » „ „ II „ „ „ 480 »> j> jj 111. ■••••••■ „ j>)>5 ^^' LIST OF MAPS Roman Roads and Burials in London (Plan A) Environs of London showing main Roman roads (Plan B) Roman Buildings and other Discoveries in London (Plan C) Roman Discoveries in Southwark (plan D) Anglo-Saxon Remains Ecclesiastical Maps, No. I. 11. HI. IV. facing I 4J 136 1+7 179 245 287 339 XIX PREFACE THE importance of the History of London has led to a departure from the original plan of the Victoria County History by the addition of volumes treating London as a county apart from Middlesex, In these it is proposed to include the district within the Bars of London, the borough of Southwark, and the ancient parish of Westminster. Although the history of London has already received full attention from various w^riters, it is nevertheless thought that the great interest of the subject w^arrants a separate treatment in this series, especially when we consider the advance that has been made during the last few years in the study of archaeology and municipal history and the recent facilities afforded for consulting the stores of manuscript material bearing upon the subject, not hitherto accessible. The first to compile a topographical description of London was William Fitzstephen, the biographer of Becket, who died in 1190. His work, entitled ' Descriptio nobilissimae civitatis Londoniae,' gives a valuable and graphic account of London in the 12th century. The most important history of London, however, and that to which historians of London must for all time refer, is John Stow's Survey of Londo?t contayn- ing the original antiquity and increase^ modern estates and description of that citie. This work first appeared in 1598, and was re-issued with additions in 1603. Many later editions have been published, the best of which is that by Mr. C. L. Kingsford, M.A., published in 1908. Anthony Munday continued Stow's Survey down to 1633, and John Strype to 1720. Stow was a tailor by trade, and devoted the latter part of his liife to the study of history and antiquities, with considerable prejudice to his worldly prospects. He, however, cheerfully ' suffered the pinch of poverty' in the cause of history till his death in 1605, and will perhaps be remembered as the most careful and painstaking of English historians of the 1 6th century. Stow happily compiled his Survey at a time of great change in the political, ecclesiastical, and social history of Europe, which strongly influenced the topography of London, hence the extraordinary interest and value of his work. After Stow the number of writers who deal with the history of London is so great that it will be impossible to do more here than mention the more important. None has as yet equalled him, although some occasionally record contemporary details which are of considerable value. In chronological order the first of these is William Maitland, who published The History of London from its foundation by the Romans to XXI PREFACE the present time, in 1739. This volume includes the area comprised in the Bills of Mortality, so that it treats of parts of the districts now called the suburbs of London. A new edition was published in 1766 by John Entick, and a posthumous edition in 1776. A New History of London ific lading Westminster and Southwark was brought out by John Noorthouck in 1773. This was followed in 1790 by Thomas Pennant's popular History of London, which went through several editions. The 19th century produced work of more scholarly value, but much of it was still lacking in original research. William Herbert's History of the Twelve Great Livery Companies of London (1836-7), although not a history of London, deals so well with an important feature of that history that it deserves mention here. Thomas Allen's History and Antiquities of London, Westminster and Southwark (1827-8), Charles Knight's Tendon (i 841-4), and Peter Cunningham's Handbook of London (1849) g^^^ much information in a popular way. The Rev. W. J. Loftie, M.A., F.S.A., has brought together an immense amount of information in his History of London, published in 1883—4 ; and although his conclusions do not always meet with universal approval, students of the history of London owe him much for his effort to give an account of London drawn largely from original sources. London and the Kingdom, by Dr. R, R. Sharpe, published in 1894—5, deals principally with political history, but contains so many references to original documents that it is valuable to all those working on any branch of the history of London. Mr. Charles Welch, F.S.A., in his Modern History of London, published in 1896, has collected much interesting matter about London since 1760. A recent work on London is that of the late Sir Walter Besant, in which a popular account of London principally from the social point of view will be found. Although not strictly an historian of London, a list such as the fore- going cannot be closed without a reference to Henry Thomas Riley, M.A., whose editions of various London records have eased the labours of many historians. Particular mention must be made to his Munimenta Gildhallae Londoniensis, printed in the Rolls Series in i860, and his Memorials of London atjd London Life, published in 1868. Reference should also be made to Repertorium Ecclesiasticum Parochiale Londonense, by Richard Newcourt, published in 1708-10, and to the new edition of the same work by the Rev. George Henessey, B.A., pubHshed in 1898, which have done much to assist in elucidating obscure points in the history of London parishes. The publications of the London and Middlesex Archaeological Society and the London Topographical Society contain many valuable papers with regard to the history of London. For making available the records of the Corporation of London the gratitude of students is due to Mr. Reginald R. Sharpe, D.C.L., Records Clerk of the City of London, for his scholarly work on the docu- ments under his charge, particularly in regard to his Calendar of the Letter Books of the City of London ; and to Mr. E. J. L. Scott, M.A., D.Litt., for his arrangement of the muniments of the Dean and Chapter xxii PREFACE of Westminster. By the careful classification also of the records of the Bishop of London and of the Dean and Chapter of London these valuable collections are now laid open to students. The editor desires to express his thanks to all who have assisted him and his various contributors to this volume, particularly to Professor F. J. Haverfield, LL.D., F.S.A., Mr. Philip Norman, LL.D., F.S.A., and Mr. William Ransom, F.S.A., with regard to the article on 'Roman Remains ' ; to Mr. Reginald R. Sharpe, D.C.L., the Rev. Henry Gee, D.D., F.S.A., and Mr. J. H. Wylie, M.A., D.Litt., for reading the proofs of the article on ' Ecclesiastical History ' ; and to Mr. H. W. Lee, registrar of the Bishop of London, Mr. F. H. Lee, registrar of the Court of Arches, Rev. Canon Besley, M.A., librarian of the Dean and Chapter of London, Dr. R. R. Sharpe, Records Clerk of the City of London, Mr. Charles Welch, F.S.A., late librarian, Mr. Edward M. Borrajo, librarian, and the other officers of the Guildhall Library, Mr. Geo. H. Radcliffis, M.A., clerk to the Dean and Chapter of West- minster, Dr. E. L. J. Scott, archivist to the Dean and Chapter of Westminster, and to the incumbents and parish clerks of many of the London churches for facilities given to inspect the records under their charge ; to Mr. F. Sumner, M.Inst.C.E., the City Engineer, Sir John Wolfe-Barry, K.C.B., Mr. E. P. Seaton, M.Inst.C.E., Mr. R. H. Selbie, secretary of the Metropolitan Railway, and Mr. R. O. Graham, secretary of the Central London Railway, for details as to Roman and other remains found in London during the construction of railways, drains, or other works under their charge. The editor wishes also to thank the Society of Antiquaries, the London and Middlesex Archaeo- logical Society, the Library Committee of the Corporation of London, the Goldsmiths' Company, and Mr. W. Ransom, F.S.A., for illustrations and permission to take photographs and drawings for illustration. TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS O.) Abbrev. Plac. (Rec Com.) Acts of P.C, Add.. . . Add. Chart. Admir. . . Agarde . . Anct. Corresp. Anct. D. (P.R A 2420 Ann. Mon. . Antiq. . . App. . . Arch. . . Arch. Cant. Archd. Rec. Archit. . . Assize R. Aud. OfF. . Aug. Off. . Ayloffe Bed. . . . Beds . . . Berks Bdle. . . B.M. . . Bodl. Lib. . Boro. Brev. Reg. . Brit. . . . Buck. . . Bucks Cal. ... Camb. . Cambr. . . Campb. Chart. . Cant. Cap. . . Carl. . Cart. Antiq. R. C.C.C. Camb. . Certiorari Bdles. (Rolls Chap.) Chan. Enr. Decree R. Chan. Proc. Chant. Cert. Chap. Ho. . . . Charity Inq. Chart. R. 20 Hen. III. pt. i. No. 10 Abbreviatio Placitorum (Re- Chartul Chartulary cord Commission) Chas Charles Acts of Privy Council Ches Cheshire Additional Chest Chester Additional Charters Ch. Gds. (Exch. Church Goods (Exchequer Admiralty K.R.) King's Remembrancer) Agarde's Indices Chich Chichester Ancient Correspondence Chron Chronicle, Chronica, etc. Ancient Deeds(Public Record Close .... Close Roll Office) A 2420 Co County Annales Monastic! Colch Colchester Antiquarian or Antiquaries Coll Collections Appendix Com Commission Archaeologia orArchasological Com. Pleas . . . Common Pleas Archaeologia Cantiana Conf R. . . . Confirmation Rolls Archdeacons' Records Co. Plac. . . . County Placita Architectural Cornw Cornwall Assize Rolls Corp Corporation Audit Office Cott Cotton or Cottonian Augmentation Office Ct. R Court Rolls Ayloffe's Calendars Ct. of Wards . . Court of Wards Cumb Cumberland Bedford Cur. Reg. . . . Curia Regis Bedfordshire Berkshire D Deed or Deeds Bundle D. and C. . . . Dean and Chapter British Museum De Banc. R. . . De Banco Rolls Bodley's Library Dec. and Ord . . Decrees and Orders Borough Dep. Keeper's Rep. Deputy Keeper's Reports Brevia Regia Derb Derbyshire or Derby Britain,British, Britannia, etc. Devon .... Devonshire Buckingham Dioc Diocese Buckinghamshire Doc Documents Dods. MSS. . . Dodsworth MSS Calendar Dom. Bk. . . . Domesday Book Cambridgeshire or Cambridge ^°" Dorsetshire Cambria, Cambrian, Cam- Duchy of Lane. . Duchy of Lancaster brensis, etc. Dur Durham Campbell Charters Canterbury Chapter Carlisle Carta Antiquae Rolls Corpus Christi College, Cam- bridge Certiorari Bundles (Rolls Chapel) Chancery Enrolled Decree Rolls Chancery Proceedings Chantry Certificates (or Cer- tificates of Colleges and Chantries) Chapter House Charity Inquisitions Charter Roll, 20 Henry III. part i. Number 10 East. . . . Easter Term Eccl. . . . Ecclesiastical Eccl. Com. Ecclesiastical Commission Edw. . . . Edward Eliz. . . . Elizabeth Engl. . . . England or English Engl. Hist. Rev. English Historical Review Enr. . . . Enrolled or Enrolment Epis. Reg. . . Esch. Enr. Accts. Episcopal Registers Escheators Enrolled Accounts ExcerptaeRot. Fin (Rec. Com.) Excerpta e Rotulis Finium (Record Commission) Exch. Dep. Exch. K.B. . Exch. K.R. . Exchequer Depositions Exchequer King's Bench Exchequer King's Remem- brancer Exch. L.T.R. . Exchequer Lord Treasurer's Remembrancer XXV TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS Exch. of Pleas, Plea R. Exch. of Receipt . Exch. Spec. Com. . Feet of F. . . . Feed. Accts. (Ct. of Wards) Feod. Surv. (Ct. of Wards) Feud. Aids . . . fol Foreign R. . . . Forest Proc. . . Exchequer of Pleas, Plea Roll Exchequer of Receipt Exchequer Special Commis- Feet of Fines Feodaries Accounts (Court of Wards) Feod.iries Surveys (Court of Wards) Feudal Aids Folio Foreign Rolls Forest Proceedings Gaz Gazette or Gazetteer Gen Gene.ilogical, Genealogica, etc. Geo George Glouc Gloucestershire or Gloucester Guild Certif (Chan.) Guild Certificates (Chancer}') Ric. II. Richard II. Memo. R. Mich. . Midd. . Mins. Accts , , Misc. Bics. (Exch K.R., Exch T.R. oi Aug Off.) Mon. Monm. . , Mun. Mus. . N. and Q. . Norf. . . Northampt. Northants . Northumb. . Norw. . Nott. . . N.S. Memoranda Rolls Michaelmas Term Middlesex Ministers' Accounts Miscellaneous Books (Ex- chequer King's Remem- brancer, Exchequer Trea- sury of Receipt or Aug- mentation Office) Monastery, Monasticon Monmouth Muniments or Muniraenta Museum Notes and Queries Norfolk Northampton Northamptonshire Northumberland Norwich Nottinghamshire or Notting- ham New Style Hants Harl. Hen. Heref Hertf. Herts Hil. . Hist. Hist. MSS. Com. Hosp. Hund. R. . . Hunt. . . . Hunts . Inq. a.q.d. Inq. p.m. Inst. . . Invent. . Ips. . Itin. . . J as. . Journ. Lamb. Lib. Lane. L. and P, VIII. Lansd. Ld. Rev. Rec. Leic. . . Le Neve's Ind. Lib. . . . Lich. . . Line. Lond. He m. Mem. Hampshire Harley or Harleian Henry Herefordshire or Hereford Hertford Hertfordshire Hilary Term History, Historical,Histori,in, Historia, etc. Historical MSS. Commission Hospit.al Hundred Rolls Huntingdon Huntingdonshire Inquisitionsad quod damnum Inquisitions post mortem Institute or Institution Inventory or Inventories Ipswich Itinerary James Journal Lambeth Library Lancashire or Lancaster Letters and Papers, Hen. VIJI. Lansdowne Land Revenue Records Leicestershire or Leicester Le Neve's Indices Library Lichfield Lincolnshire or Lincoln London Membrane Memorials Off. Orig. O.S. Oxf. , Palmer's Ind. . Pal. of Chest. . Pal. of Dur. . Pal. of Lane. . Par Pari Pari. R. . . . Pari. Surv. . Partic. for Gts. Pat P.C.C. . . . Pet Peterb Phil Pipe R Plea R Pop. Ret. . . . Pope Nich. Tax. (Rec. Com.) P.R.O Proc. . . . Proc. Soc. Antiq. pt. Pub. R Rec. . . . Recov. R. . . Rentals and Surv. Rep Rev Ric Office Originalia Rolls Ordnance Survey Oxfordshire or Oxford Page Palmer's Indices Palatinate of Chester Palatinate of Durham Palatinate of Lancaster Parish, parochial, etc. Parliament or Parliamentary- Parliament Rolls Parliamentary Surveys Particulars for Grants Patent Roll or Letters Patent Prerogative Court of Canter- bury Petition Peterborough Philip Pipe Roll Plea RoUs Population Returns Pope Nicholas' Taxation (Re- cord Commission) Public Record Office Proceedings Proceedings of the Society o£ Antiquaries Part Publications Roll Records Recovery Rolls Rentals and Surveys- Report Review Richard XXVI TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS RofF. .... Rochester diocese Rot. Cur. Reg. . Rotuli Curia Regis Rut Rutland Sarum .... Salisbury diocese Ser Series Sess. R Sessions Rolls Shrews Shrewsbury Shrops .... Shropshire Soc Society Soc. Antiq. . . . Society of Antiquaries Somers Somerset Somers. Ho. . . Somerset House S.P. Dom. . . . State Papers Domestic Staff. .... Staffordshire Star Chamb. Proc. Star Chamber Proceedings Stat Statute Steph Stephen Subs. R. ... Subsidy Rolls Suff. Suffolk Surr Surrey Suss Sussex Surv. of Ch. Liv- Surveys of Church Livings ings (Lamb.) or (Lambeth) or (Chancery) (Chan.) Topog Topography or Topographi- cal Trans Transactions Transl Translation Treas Treasury or Treasurer Trin Trinity Term Univ University Valor Eccl. (Rec. Valor Ecclesiasticus (Record Com.) Commission) Vet. Mon. . . . Vetusta Monumenta V.C.H Victoria County History Vic Victoria vol Volume Warw. ... Warwickshire or Warwick Westm Westminster Westmld. . . . Westmorland Will William Wilts .... Wiltshire Winton. . . . Winchester diocese Wore Worcestershire or Worcester Yorks Yorkshire xxvii A HISTORY OF LONDON i ^ ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON Introduction : Burials and Roads THE rule has been, in other volumes of this series, to take the history of the county back far beyond the date when it received its present name, and to describe the condition and characteristics of the soil and population in prehistoric times. An exception is made in the present instance, partly on account of the circumscribed area under discussion. While most of our county names are about a thousand years old, that of London is clearly derived from Celtic sources,^" and is little short of twice that age ; so that the present chapter will trace the very beginnings of the City, with only a bare reference to the state of things existing before this isolated settlement of Britons was dignified with a name. There is, of course, nothing in the name itself to prove that it was not known centuries before the time of Caesar, but there are few indications of occupation before the influence of Rome was felt in this part of Europe.^*" The physical features and geological history of primitive London, regarded as part of the Thames bank between the Lea and Brent valleys, is reserved for discussion under Middlesex ; and of actual prehistoric finds in the City, Southwark, and Westminster there are indeed few to record. The river-bed itself abounds in antiquities of all periods, but the only rising ground fronting this part of its course does not seem to have attracted settlers in any numbers before the genius of Rome made it one of the chief junctions of a monumental road-system. Palaeolithic implements found in the terrace-gravels or relics of the later Stone Age need not here detain us, but the discovery of Bronze-Age antiquities might be thought to carry back the history of a British commu- nity on the site some centuries before the Christian era. A celt of primitive type dating from the early Bronze Age was found near the Tower in 1834 and is now in the national collection with a palstave from the Minories. A number of bronze spear-heads in the same collection, partly fused together, were found in Thames Street in 1868, and are interesting on account of one specimen of a rare type^ apparently confined to Britain. The above ' The first settlement of London, the importance of London in the early part of the Roman occupation, and the date of the Roman Wall are matters upon which divergent opinions are held. Two of the contributors to the following article on Romano-British London are not in complete agreement on these points, but as the evidence is conflicting it has been thought well to place the conclusions of both before the reader. — Editor F.C.H. '* Dr. Henry Bradley's views are given in Athenaeum, 7 Mar. 1908, p. 289. ^'° Arch. Journ. Ix, 181. 'As Evans, Bron7,e Implements, fig. 422. A HISTORY OF LONDON discoveries throw but little light on the occupation of London in the Bronze Age, which may be considered to extend from 1800 to 500 b.c. ; and the succeeding Early Iron Age or late Celtic period is barely represented, except in the Thames, which then constituted the chief highway into the interior. On the north bank, in Brick Hill Lane, Upper Thames Street, a bronze spoon of curious type was found in 1852 (or 1822), and with it in the national collection is another found in the Thames.'' Fourteen specimens are known, all from the British Isles, and their design proves them of early British origin, but their use remains a mystery. A bronze helmet found in Moorgate Street in 1843 may belong to the pre-Roman period, but was inadequately described without illustration and is not known to exist at the present time. It was of hemispherical form tapering above to hold a crest, and measured 8| in. in height.* An embossed bronze fragment found in Tower Street * is a graceful example of late Celtic art, and may have been affixed to the front of a shield, but is too small to carry conviction as to its use. Evidence in support of a British settlement here before the Romans is mainly negative. Sir John Evans mentions only one coin of the period from London — a gold piece struck for Cunobelin at Colchester, with an ear of corn and camv on the obverse, and a horse with cvn on the reverse. Cunobelin reigned from about B.C. 5 to a.d. 40 or 43, his coinage showing strong Roman influence ; and as no extant specimens can be referred to a mint at London, the conclusion is inevitable that the City was at that time much less important than Verulamium, Camulodunum, or even Silchester.^ Julius Caesar's second attempt on Britain brought him into the neighbourhood of the Lower Thames, and there are indications that he crossed the river at Brentford ; ^ hence the fact that he omitted to mention London is somewhat significant. The high gravel banks, now covered with houses and partly obliterated, may have been utilized from time to time as a camping ground by the Cassii, the Trinobantes, or even the Cantii, to whom Ptolemy assigns the settlement at London ; but the site was at that time so completely surrounded by rivers, swamps, and forests, that the Britons seem to have preferred other localities for permanent habitation. In spite of the failure of Julius, Rome exercised considerable influence in Britain during the next hundred years, and Strabo remarks that the invasion of B.C. 54 made almost the whole island familiar to the Romans. It was indeed on the pretext of settling the dissensions of certain British chiefs, one of whom had appealed to him, that the Emperor Claudius in the year 43 sent over an army under the command of Aulus Plautius. When the success of the campaign was assured he himself crossed the Channel to reap the fruits of victory ; and after a stay of sixteen days assumed the vain- glorious title of Britannicus. An inscription ^ from his triumphal arch still survives at Rome, and his coinage marks the subjection of Britain. ** Arch. Journ. xxvi, 54 (both figured), also pp. 35-51 ; Roach Smith, Cat. Lond. Antlq. 82, no. 368 ; Guide to Antiq. of Early Iron Age (B.M.), p. 137, fig. 125 ; Arch. Cambremis (3rd ser.), viii, 210 ; cf. (4th ser.), ii, 1—20. ' Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), iii, 518. • Brit. Mus. from Mayhew Collection, figured Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxix, 9 1 , fig. 4. ' Evans, Coins of the Ancient Britons, 215; Supplement, 559. "Montagu Sharpe, Arch. Journ. Ixiii, 31. Caesar found the Thames fordable only at one point (where he crosied), and that with difficulty ; De Bello Gallico, v, 18. ' Ephem. Epigr. i, 1 20. ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON The reduction of the south of Britain proved an easy matter. In A.D. 44 Vespasian, the future emperor, encountered the Celtic tribesmen south of the Thames, possibly in the neighbourhood of London ; ^ and pushing on to the south-west made great conquests, including the Isle of Wight ; while Plautius was able to carve a province out of Britain. From that date the extension of the conquered territory was gradual but inevitable ; and from 47 onwards we have the narrative of Tacitus, which is wanting for the earlier campaigns. The Midlands as well as the south and east were conquered by the following year, but it required 30 years' more fighting to reduce the hill-tribes of Wales. Legions were posted at Caerleon (2nd), Wroxeter (14th), Chester (20th), and Lincoln (9th), to guard the frontier, and practically all the Roman forces in Britain were drawn to the front. This gave an opening for revolt in 61, when the Iceni of the eastern counties marched under their queen to wreak vengeance on the nearest towns that had become Romanized. By the year 62 London had attained to importance and was inhabited by allies of Rome. The revolt of Boudicca (Boadicea) reduced it to ruins, but called forth some interesting remarks on the part of the historian Tacitus that may here be quoted at length. Suetonius, the Roman com- mander, was in Anglesey when the trouble began, and on hearing the news marched with wonderful resolution amidst a hostile population to Londinium, which, though not distinguished by the name of Colony, was much frequented by a number of merchants and trading vessels. Uncertain whether he should choose it as a seat of war, as he looked round on his scanty force of soldiers, he resolved to save the province at the cost of a single town. Nor did the tears and weeping of the people, as they implored his aid, deter him from giving the signal of departure and receiving into his army all who would go with him. Those who were chained to the spot by the weakness of their sex, or the infirmity of age, or the attractions of the place, were cut off by the enemy. Similar ruin fell upon the town of Verulamium, for the barbarians, who delighted in plunder and were indifferent to all else, passed the fortresses with military garrisons, and attacked whatever offered most wealth to the spoiler, and was unsafe for defence. About 70,000 citizens and allies, it appeared, fell in the places which I have mentioned (Colchester, Verulam, and London).' It is a fair deduction not only that London was as yet without walls, but also that its inhabitants did not sympathize with the revolted Britons ; and the fact that the epitomist of Dio Cassius speaks of ' two Roman towns ' in this connexion " helps to explain the havoc wrought in this settlement on the Thames, that had evidently sprung up under Roman patronage. Some have professed to see, in the wood-ashes excavated from a low level at various points in the City, tangible evidence of a conflagration following on the revolting cruelties perpetrated on the inhabitants ; " but the effects of this outbreak were transitory and did not retard the advance northwards. The Emperor Hadrian, who himself came to Britain, had the frontier defended in 1 24 by a stupendous wall studded with forts, and still to be seen extending for more than 70 miles between Wallsend and Bowness on Solway Firth, Some twenty years later, under the Emperor Antoninus Pius, the further growth of 'The passage of Dio Cassius is discussed below (p. 31). ' Annals, xiv, 3 3 (Church and Brodribb's translation). Saetonius mentions Camulodunum and Londinium (duo praecipua oppida). '" Xiphilinus, Hist. Rom. Ixii, 7. " Knight, London, i, 151 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, x, 195 ; xxxvii, 84 ; Arch, xxiv, 192, 194 ; viii, I 32* ; Gough, Add. to Camden, ii, 92 ; Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, i, 195. 3 A HISTORY OF LONDON the provinces was marked by a second wall, between the Firths of Forth and Clyde ; and no permanent conquest was ever effected beyond it by the Roman arms. It is convenient to divide the Roman province of Britain into two parts — the outer ring of hilly country, held throughout by three or four legions, and the lowlands of the south and east that could be left to the civil arm. Verulam seems to be the only town that held the rank of municipium, and there were the ' colonies ' of Colchester, Lincoln, York, and Gloucester. The provision of a road-system was one of the first cares of the Romans in Britain ; and it is to its convenient situation on the Thames that London owes its early importance as the principal centre of that system. The course of the main (military) roads in and near London is one of the problems to be solved here, but it will not be necessary to discuss at length the validity of their names. For our present purpose it will be enough to note that Watling Street started from the Kentish ports and passed through Canterbury and Rochester, crossed the Thames, and struck north-west to Wroxeter and the military district of Chester. Another road ran from the eastern counties past London and across the Thames at Staines, thence to Silchester and the west ; but there is no traditional name for this road as a whole. A third came from the south coast by Chichester to London, and northwards to Lincoln and York. In Sussex this goes by the name of Stane Street, but north of Dorking it is called Ermine Street, a name that will also serve to distinguish its northerly course. These three roads had various branches and connexions, and in addition may be mentioned the Fosse Way, that did not approach London but ran from the south-west of England across the Midlands to Lincoln. The Romans may have utilized and improved pre-existing British roads ; but for their own purposes covered the country with a network of excellent highways that are at the present day represented in more than one respect by the principal railway lines. Over the civil area were scattered a number of small country towns, of which the type is seen in Silchester. Away from the towns the country was broken up into large estates belonging to Romanized British (rather than foreign) landowners, who employed slave-labour, and let such land as they could not farm themselves to ' coloni,' who were little better than serfs. From the time of Pytheas, who saw the crops in the fourth century B.C., Britain was a wheat-producing country. There was also trade in slaves, wool, and hides ; and lead-mines were promptly taken over by the conquerors, though the tin of Cornwall was practically ignored. On the whole, the province could not be considered wealthy, and the remains are much inferior to those of southern Gaul and Italy. Continental luxuries were, however, imported in considerable quantity, and the table red-ware that to-day serves to hall-mark a Roman site, and came mostlv from central and southern Gaul, shows a certain degree of refinement in hfe as well as commercial intercourse. The country houses of the large landowners belonged to two main types which need not be described here, as London cannot boast of such, and was apparently composed of a group of houses not systematically arranged, but mostly provided with gardens and orchards, and not crowded together into streets. As usual on Roman sites, baths have been discovered 4 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON in London, and one is still to be seen in working order. Tessellated pavements, another Roman feature, are plentiful in the City, but archi- tectural fragments of any artistic value are singularly rare. Foundations and a few fragments show that important buildings were erected, but these have evidently been quarried in succeeding centuries, and many inscribed stones of public and private import must have met a similar fate. Public indifference and unscientific excavation have rendered most of the spoil from the City worthless for archaeological purposes ; but on the other hand references to Roman London by the early historians are compara- tively numerous, and enable us to present its history in outline. The two centuries that followed the rising of Boudicca seem to have brought peace and prosperity to London, but towards the close of the third century new foes appeared, and in 297 the City was in the grasp of a band of Franks who had been in the service of the usurper Allectus. The opportune arrival of a portion of the fleet of Constantius in the Thames saved the City from the worst," but seventy years later another assault was made by the Franks in company with Picts and Scots, who had already given trouble in the north, and with Saxons, who had by this time appeared on the opposite coast of Gaul. Once more aid from the Roman arm was prompt and efficient, and Theodosius, then in command of the forces of Valentinian I, not only saved the City from destruction, but seems to have set about its fortification.^' It is recorded that he restored towns and military posts, nor is it likely that he neglected the defences of a town that he had succoured with such alacrity and which had now become a tempting prize for piratical bands at large in the Channel. The events of 367 would in themselves have afforded the strongest inducement to surround the town with a wall, if such a means of defence had not been previously adopted ; but though the historical evidence is in favour of its fortification by Theodosius, London had clearly been in need of permanent defences since the close of the third century. Some such turning point in the history of the City was evidently marked by the bestowal of the title Augusta,^* which apparently dates from the Constan- tine period. Before any conclusions are drawn from the distribution of the various kinds of burials over the area of Roman London, it will be necessary to classify them according to their character and with regard to associated objects. To judge from the number of ' cinerary urns ' recorded, the inhabitants of London buried their dead anywhere and everywhere, heedless of the Roman law against burials in the town ; but the term cinerary has been very loosely used without reference to contents of the vessels, and cases in which there is no evidence of cremation will be disregarded in this summary. An attempt will now be made to separate the burnt and unburnt interments into two distinct periods ; and as evidence for such a distinction has not yet been collected to any great extent, it will be best to begin the survey with an enumeration of burials after cremation of the dead, and of this number, those associated with coins will naturally be of the greatest " Eumenius, Hist. Mart. Brit. p. Ixviii. " Ammianus Marcellinus, Hist, xxviii, 3 = Hist. Men. Brit. p. Ixxiv. " Ammianus Marcellinus, Hist, xxvii, 9 : 'ad Lundinium vetus oppidum, quod Augustam posteritas appellavit ' (368). 5 A HISTORY OF LONDON importance, though the date is only limited in one direction by the presence of Charon's fee. Of the find in Warwick Square (Plan A, i), to be noticed as a whole later, a cinerary urn of serpentine contained a coin of Claudius (41-54), and the same emperor is represented together with Nero (54-68) in the burials discovered in Borough High Street, near St. George's Church (Plan A, 2), early , in 1898. A fine Celtic (early British) bronze coin is also mentioned, but not further described, and seems to have come from the same burial, as only one cinerary urn is mentioned, with lamps, vases, unguent bottle, and other relics.^'' The extensive Roman burial-ground discovered about 1576 on the east side of St. Mary's, Spitalfields (Plan A, 3), yielded many urns 'full of ashes and burnt bones of men,' each having in it among the ashes one piece of copper money. Some were of Claudius, others of Nero, Vespasian (69—79), Trajan (98-117), Antoninus Pius (138-161), and other emperors not named. The site is noticed below for other reasons, but there can be little doubt that it was an important cemetery from the earliest days of the Roman occupation and that cremation was largely practised there between a.d. 50 and 150 if not later. The record of finds in Well Street, Jewin Street, is not so satis- factory, and of the urns discovered close to the old London Wall (Plan A, 4), in 1847 '^'^^y °"^ ^^ definitely stated to have contained burnt bones. ^° Sixty- eight coins, ranging from Galba (a.d. 68-9) to Faustina the elder (wife of Antoninus Pius), were found in the same street, but their association with the burials was not demonstrated. When St. Michael's Church was removed in 183 i for the construction of the approach to London Bridge, a black ' thumb-pot ' and two shallow pottery pans containing ashes and two coins of Vespasian were taken from the native loam below the southern boundary of the churchyard in Crooked Lane ^^ (Plan A, 5). Finds of coins at Shadwell and Camomile Street are mentioned in another connexion, as their association with burials after cremation is not explicitly stated. Burials no doubt contemporary with these but without numismatic evidence of date have been met with in various parts of London. In the Guildhall Museum is a cinerary urn with a maximum diameter of 1 1 in. that was found in 1879 during excavations on the south side of Cheapside (Plan A, 6), below the pavement and building line, about 100 yards from the west end, and at a depth of 18 ft. The inclosed bones were apparently those of a female, and two were partly inclosed in green glass, evidently the remains of a bottle fused after the body had been reduced to ashes. Hard by, in St. Paul's Churchyard and especially at its north-east corner (Plan A, 7), Wren •* men- tions a number of cinerary urns found 18 ft. deep or more, below inhumations apparently of the later Roman period. The collection of the late Rev. S. M. Mayhew contained a cinerary urn with cover from Newgate Market ^' (now Paternoster Square, Plan A, 8), and another covered urn that appears to have been used as a cinerary, but was found in Bucklersbury (Plan A, 9), not a likely spot for a burial. This and another in Leadenhall Street (to be mentioned under another heading) would if authentic belong to the inner circle of burials round the nucleus of London ; but both may be regarded '' "Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, (new ser.), iv, 94. " 'Joum. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ii, 272, 274. " Arch, xxiv, 191, pi. xliv, fig. 8. " Parentalia (1750), 266. " Guildhall Museum. 6 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON as doubtful. In Holborn, on the site of the Birkbeck Bank (Plan A, lo), almost opposite Gray's Inn Road, a cinerary urn and bowl of black pottery have been found ; *° and a burial in an urn 8 J in. high has been found some- where in Broad Street,^^ but whether within or without the Wall is quite uncertain. Sepulchral remains including urns with bones, coins, etc. were found on or near the line of the Wall in excavations for the hall of Christ's Hospital (Plan A, ii) in 1826 ; -^ and at the entrance to Cloth Fair, West Smithfield (Plan A, 12), the cremated remains of a child or youth have been found in an urn of dark grey ware ; while excavations for the adjoining Dead- meat and Poultry Market (Plan A, 13) in 1865 resulted in the discovery of many sepulchral relics that were unfortunately never described in detail, but evidently included a number of cremations.^^ Here must also be mentioned other cinerary urns preserved at the Guildhall,^'^ and marked on the map with rings, as the exact site of each discovery is not recorded : they come from St. Martin's-le-Grand, Broad Street (two), Coleman Street (two), and Mark Lane (Plan A, 14-17) ; and others in the same collection, now empty, may once have contained ashes. With the exception of Mark Lane and possibly St. Martin's-le-Grand, these sites are not in close proximity to any of the main Roman roads. The discovery of a sepulchral inscription on the site renders it probable that some of the urns 'found at Finsbury along the line of the London Wall ' ^* (Plan A, 18) were used as cineraries ; while those found during 1841 in Eldon Street may have belonged to the Blomfield Street cemetery''^ (Plan A, 19), to be noticed in the next group. Information about cremations at Old Ford is scanty, but two cineraries are illustrated ^'^ from the site. They seem to have been found near a stone coffin of Roman date, in the neighbourhood of Saxon and Coborn Roads and 60 yds. south of the Roman highway (known as Roman Road), but the account is much confused. Urns evidently cinerary were found in Widegate Street and Artillery Lane,'''^ near Bishopsgate Street Without (Plan A, 20), while further south, just outside the Wall, two urns filled with bones and ashes, together with glass vessels not further described, are recorded from the south and east sides of Haydon Square, Minories (Plan A, 21)," and the district is one that has yielded such remains in con- siderable quantity. At the west end of London few such finds are recorded, but an urn with human bones, found in 1820 on the site of Mr. Rixon's house in Cockspur Street (No. i),"' must here be mentioned (Plan A, 22). The burials hitherto noticed have been those of the simplest kind, without any special protection for the cinerary vessels, with no elaborate '" Lonii. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, (new ser.), i, (1900), 258. They lay about 160 ft. from the Holborn kerbstone, just north-east of the circular counter, and were recently presented to the British Museum. " Joufn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxviii, 171 (1872). " Allen, Hist, of Lond. i, 32. " Lond. and Midd. Arch. Stc. Trans, iii, 102, 195 ; lUus. London News, 24 Feb. 1866. '^ Catalogue, p. 93, 329 ; p. 95, 381 ; p. 85, 120 ; p. 89, 236 ; p. 91, 284, and Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxiv, 289 ; Gent. Mag. 1825, ii, 245. " Arch, xxix, 146, 1 47 ; site marked as No. 7 (south of the Wall) on map in Arch. Journ. Ix, 204. " The sites are marked as distinct on the map in Arch. Journ. Ix, 204, but the accounts are not explicit {see index). "^ Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, pi. vii, figs. 7, 9. "" Gent. Mag 1843, il, 638. " Allen, Hist, of Lond. i, 29. Glass phials, apparently found with cinerary urns, are recorded from Union Street, Southwark, but the exact site is not given (Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxi, 320). '"■ Soc. Antiq. MS. Minutes, xxxv, 348. 7 A HISTORY OF LONDON erave-furnlture (with the exception of the Warwick Square vase) or inscribed monument to mark the site. As such, they are typical of the great majority of burnt burials in the Roman empire, and the coins associated in some instances are therefore of the utmost importance, confined as they are in the instances quoted to the first and second centuries. Next may be mentioned in groups other burials after cremation that present certain peculiarities, but are not on that account necessarily of a later date. Early British burials of this kind, such as those at Aylesford, Kent, have not been found in London, a fact that has an important bearing on the date of the City's foundation. A favourite method of protecting the cinerary urn in the grave was to inclose it in a large amphora, of globular or tapering form, the neck being sometimes broken off to admit the urn. Large vessels of this kind were no doubt used for domestic purposes, such as storing wine, 'oil, or grain ; and are generally of coarse thick ware devoid of ornament. In the burial- ground of the chapel in Deverell Street, New Kent Road (Plan A, 23), a good example^' was found in 1835, the outer vessel being 5 ft. in cir- cumference. Many other cinerary urns have been recovered from the site, where they lay about 6 ft. from the surface along with glass phials and mirrors (Fig. i) of white bronze that had apparently been intentionally broken before deposit. In the Guild- hall is preserved a large amphora of globular form that was found in 1904 containing an urn of burnt bones 10 ft. below the surface in the garden of No. 22 Great Alie Street (Plan A, 24). The larger vessel was 2 ft. in dia- meter, and the other was of half that diameter and covered with a dish of pottery. Another similar globular vessel was found at the same time, but went to pieces : both were sealed with earthenware lids." The mention of iron nails in association with these burials recalls cases in which a wooden covering for the urn has perished ; but there seem to have been traces of fire in the present instance. On Holborn Hill, opposite St, Andrew's Church (Plan A, 25), an oaken cist 2 ft. 9 in. square was found at a depth of 1 8 ft. inclosing several damaged urns, one of which contained cremated remains.'" During excavations for '' Arch, xxvi, 470 (fig.) ; now in British Museum, with mirror. Some measuring 2 ft. in diameter were found in 1 8 19 at the Borough end of King Street (Newcomen Street), during sewer construction (W. Taylor, Annals of St. Mary Overy [1833], to). " Antiquary, xl, 323 ; Daily Graphic, 7 Oct. 1904. ^ Gent. Mag. 1833, i, 549 ; Arch. Ix, 70. The site was at No. 95, east of Union Court, which has since disappeared. Fig. I. — Mirror of White Bronze, Deverell Street, 1835 (British Museum) (^) ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON the Liverpool Street Station (Plan A, 26) a large number of cineraries was found, one specimen at least being protected by a wooden cist or box,^' but neither here nor at West Smithfield, where a similar find had previously been made, were there any traces of nails or any other metal fastening.'^ From indications on this and other sites in London it seems that the burnt bones when collected from the pyre were wrapped in linen or some vegetable substance before being deposited in the urn. The presence of a statuette of white ware (p. 1 6) indicates the first century as the date of the cemetery, but no coins are recorded. A similar but richer discovery was made close by in Blomfield Street (Plan A, 19) '^ and has been fully illustrated.^* In 1869 a framework of oak 1 8 in. square was found surmounted by an inverted globular amphora the neck and handles of which had apparently been removed before- hand.'^ Inside were found a large glass jug containing some burnt bones covered with a pottery bowl, and two pottery urns between 8 in. and 9 in. high, one being inserted in a small wooden keg of which some staves remained. Near this cist-burial stood an amphora 22 in. high of the kind often found in interments, but doubtless made for domestic purposes. What must have been a similar interment was found during 1873 ^" Bishopsgate Street Without (Plan A, 27).'^^ A decayed cist (evidently of wood) had protected a cinerary urn of glass 8i in. high containing bones, a tall cylindrical jug, square jug and alabastron (unguent bottle), all of glass, and a red-ware cup (form 27) stamped M BACci, of the I St or early 2nd century. EwzR Street, Southwark Newgate Street Great Dover Street Fig. 2. — Glass Cinerary Urn and Bottles from London (British Museum) (i) " This seems to be the cist from the cemetery in Sun Street, Bishopsgate, removed for the station, but close to the Roman road (Guildhall Cat. p. 86, l6i). " Proc. Soc. Antiq. vi, 1 72. " Formerly Broker Row; find was on site of Bethlem Priory east of Moorfields {Arch. Journ. Ix, 170, 181), E. bank of Walbrook, but according to Price {Bucklersbury Pavement, 48, site no. 20 on map) on site of Eye Hospital. '* Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 495, pi. viii ; possibly some urns found towards Eldon Street belong to a cemetery here, but the sites as marked on map {Arch. Journ. Ix, 204) are divided by the Walbrook. Arch, xxix, 153. " In a burial at Colchester, where the upper part of the amphora had been broken off" and replaced, was found a coin of Faustina the younger (d. 175). Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, i, 239. "' Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxx, 205, plates ix-xi ; May hew Cat. I 2 A HISTORY OF LONDON Many glass jugs of the massive kind found in Blomfield Street may be seen in museums, and were apparently the commonest form of cinerary urn in this material ; but other forms have also been found in London. A specimen with one handle, found in Spitalfields, and presented by Wren to the Royal Society/^ was probably of jug form, but other glass vessels from that site mentioned by Stow were apparently of smaller dimensions and not used as cineraries (p. 15)." A square glass bottle used as a cinerary was found in Milk Street (Plan A, 28), and a glass amphora at Allhallows Barking"* (Plan A, 29), while a vase of green glass (fig. 2) 4 in. high now in the national collection still contains burnt bones and was found in Newgate Street (Plan A, 30) during 1851 near the remarkable series next to be considered. The discoveries made in 1881 during excavations on the site of premises till recently occupied by Messrs. J. Tylor & Sons in Warwick Square (Plan A, i) are among the most important in London and were admirably reported by Mr. Alfred Tylor, a member of the firm, to the Society of Antiquaries.^* A tinted diagram shows the section exposed to a depth of 24J ft., and the Roman level is clearly distinguishable 18 ft. to 19 ft. from the surface, separated from the debris of the fire of 1666 by 6 ft. of made earth. Another plan gives details of the site with reference to the prison, the Roman Wall, and Warwick Square, and shows the exact position of the various finds now to be noticed. They extended over an area about 40 by 32 ft. just to the north of the opening into Warwick Square from the premises in question, and due east of Messrs. Tylor's foundry. The most striking object recovered was a magnificent two-handled vase" cut from a solid block of serpentine and doubtless imported ready-made from Italy. This was closed by a conical cover of the same material, and measured 2 ft. 3 in. in height; it was evidently turned on a lathe. It was full of calcined bones and also contained a coin of Claudius (41—54), which suggests a date for the burial. Near this urn were four ossuaries of canister form, made of lead cast flat and bent into cylinders, the edges being joined without solder by means of the blow-pipe. One is ornamented by a band and crosses executed in the reel-pattern that occurs on Roman leaden coffins both here and in France. Between the moulded reel-pattern crosses are three applied panels represent- ing the Sun-god in a four-horse chariot," and inside the canister was a two-handled glass urn containing burnt bones. Another canister had pairs of concentric circles in relief at intervals round the body, this design occurring more often in Normandy ; and a third bears inside on the base an eight- rayed star*°^ cast in relief, that is no doubt justly considered a Mithraic emblem. Among the cinerary urns two were furnished with covers, and two pottery jugs were found with them. Coins ranging from 40-330 a.d. were also ^Parentarta,z6-J. " Unguent bottles (sometimes called lacrimatories) were also found in Camomile Street and Borough High Street associated with cinerary urns. '■ Guildhall C-?-r?-yy-y-a--jr -rr-irrrx SJ rxrx- j i'z .g : - jLXijt.i':T-x-xn-z~n.i'£ZX r Fig. 6. — Lbao Coffin-lid, Battersea Fields Fig. 7. — Lead Coffin-lid, Old Ford (Length, 60 in.) here in Roman or perhaps in later times, as the churchyard of St. Sepulchre seems once to have extended some distance north of the church." Another example of this ornament was found in Battersea Fields (now partly repre- sented by Battersea Park) in 1794 at a depth of 2 ft.; only one coffin (Fig. 6) was found, containing a skeleton, but three other bodies had been buried in the vicinity." The scallop pattern again occurs on three lead coffins (Figs. 7, 8) in the national collection, found in 1864 about 900 yds. west of East Ham Church.'" The Old Kent Road example has certain features not hitherto noticed in London, but is analogous to one found at Bexhill, near Sittingbourne, Kent." The former was discovered in 1 8 1 1 , when the ground was opened for laying wooden water-pipes near the Asylum for the Deaf and Dumb (Plan A, 46), just north-west of Bricklayers' Arms station, and a few feet from the bank that had formerly carried a quickset hedge along the side of the road.'* The lid was divided into five panels by the usual bead-and-reel moulding, the upper compartment Fig. 8. — Lead Coffin-lid, Old Ford (Length, 28 in.) " This is frequently noticed ; see above, p. 1 2. " Soc. Ant. MS. Minutes, vi, 2. " Jourtt. Brit. Arck. Assoc, ii, 300 ; Coll. Antiq. iii, 54, pi. xiv, fig. 2 (not 4). ^ Coll. Antiq. vii, pi. xix, figs. I-5 ; Arch. Joum. xxi, 93. " Coll. Antiq. vii, 183, 185 ; British Museum. ^ Arch, xvii, 333 ; Coll. Antij. iii, 54. 20 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON containing two figures of Minerva and the lower a pair of scallop- shells. Most of the bones were found within, but no traces of the skull or any grave furniture. The Bexhill coffin-lid is divided into several compartments, some of which have a saltire like the three central panels on that just described ; but this Kentish example is more richly ornamented with four heads of Medusa, and five pairs of confronted lions, separated in each case by a vase containing a pair of torches, while the lion and Medusa's head are freely used on the ends. Mythological subjects are not likely to have been employed to decorate the coffin of a Christian, at least apart from any recognized symbol of the faith, nor is there any evidence at present for regarding the scallop-shell as such a symbol. It occurs again in Kent on coffins from Crayford and Chatham, and more than once at Colchester,^' while further west, in the district controlled by London, an example was found in 1902 at Enfield^* in association with cinerary canisters of lead resembling those from Fenchurch Street and Endell Street. Part of a leaden coffin from Syria in the Cinquantenaire Museum at Brussels has dividing lines of bead-and-reel moulding, and in the spaces an eight-rayed star (as on the Warwick Square canister, p. 10) and several small scallop-shells *° with dolphins and other emblems. But the pattern seems to be of rare occurrence beyond the borders of London, Essex, and Kent, and indicates a common origin for these coffins, or, at least, community of sentiment in this respect. In the middle ages the scallop-shell had a great vogue as the symbol of St. James of Compostella, but its use in Roman times was probably due to the fact that a shell of that kind was suitable for impressing the sand mould in which the lids were cast, producing, as it did, a symmetrical pattern in low relief, that could be repeated at will. It has been observed that in some cases the moulds have evidently been prepared in this way ; but, if the sketches which alone survive can be trusted, the natural shell was not always used, and a conventional form was produced by hand. A symbol of another kind appears on a leaden coffin found in 1844 at Bow,** the surface being quite plain except for an incised swastika or fylfot near the centre of the lid. The device was common and widely spread in the ancient world, and is held to represent the sun. It may have been added as an ornament in the present case, without any religious signification, but it is interesting to note that it occurs at the upper angles of a stone altar dedicated by a Spanish cohort**' at Bremenium (High Rochester, Northum- berland). Mithraism was especially the religion of the Roman army, and had a long struggle with Christianity. Traces of it in London are neither numerous nor certain, but a typical Mithraic sculpture set up by a soldier of the 2nd Legion on obtaining his discharge, is said to have been found on the bank of the Walbrook ; **" and a symbol found on the base of a leaden ossuary in Warwick Square may also belong to that religion. *' CoH. Antiq. iii, pi. xiv, figs. 3, 4. " Proc. Soe. Antiq. xix, 206, 208. " These can hardly be recognized in the photograph given in Clermont-Ganneau's Album d'Antiquitis orientaks, pi. L. The date suggested on the label is 3rd century. Five actual shells of this kind were found inside a leaden coffin at Angers (Maine et Loire) in 1848 ; their French name is pikrines de Saint-Jacques : Cochet, Memoire sur les cercueih de plomb, 31. *' Arch, xxxi, 308 ; Joum. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ii, 300. *'" Roach Smith, Coll. Antiq. iii, 165 (fig. 60). "'' Arch. Ix, 46, pi. X, where the date is given as about 150 a.d. 21 A HISTORY OF LONDON Other leaden coffins in the vicinity of London offisr few points of interest. One was found in an east-and-west sarcophagus below the Medical School of St. Bartholomew's Hospital in 1877, containing the skeleton of a woman but without a lid, the sides being ornamented with cable moulding arranged in a diamond pattern. The bead-and-reel moulding is seen in saltire on the ends of another coffin that had evidently been buried in a wooden casing at Bethnal Green." Verv little can be said of a coffin with iron bands *' found ' in a bank, outside the course of Houndsditch opposite New Broad Street ' (ap- parently between Broad Street and Liverpool Street stations, Plan A, 47), but the bead-and-reel pattern again occurs on a child's coffin found during 1843 in Mansell Street, Whitechapel (Plan A, 48).*' In close proximity were found cinerary urns and leaden ossuaries of the kind already referred to, the latter being represented by a circular lid in the British Museum (Plan A, 63). The above suffice to show that lead was fairly plentiful at the time, and the absence of Christian emblems points to the period 250-350 as the date of manufacture. Cases have already been quoted of cinerary urns being protected with earth by cists or box-like constructions of wood or roofing tile ; and, apart from wooden coffins, which were frequently used for the purpose, there are instances in London of unburnt remains being protected in a similar manner. In 1839 during excavations for a sewer in Bow Lane (Plan A, 49), near the corner of Little St. Thomas Apostle (merged in Cannon Street), a human skeleton was found 15 ft. from the surface, lying north-and-south, and sur- rounded by large drain (roofing ?) tiles placed on edge. Between the teeth was a second-brass coin, much corroded, but subsequently identified as a Domitian (81 — 96).'° This is a typical instance of the classical custom of placing a coin in the mouth of a corpse wherewith to pay the ferryman in Hades. In 1726 Dr. Stukeley saw, on the site of Bishopsgate Church (Plan A, 50), a Roman grave made of great tiles or bricks (each) 21 in. long, which kept the earth from the body ; " and other tiled tombs containing unburnt remains have been met with in Paternoster Row (Plan A, 51) near the corner of Canon Alley (at a somewhat lower level than an adjoining Roman pavement), '^ and St. Dunstan's Hill, Great Tower Street (Plan A, 52), where (to the north- east of ground containing Roman rubbish and under the churchyard wall) was found a mass of concrete, a cavity in which had apparently contained at one time a wooden coffin covered with flanged roofing-tiles. These were evidently Roman, and that the concrete was of the same date is indicated by the presence of pounded brick in the mass, and its extreme hardness. As in Paternoster Row and Bow Lane, an interment discovered in 1852 not far west of Walbrook, in what was then called New Cannon Street (Plan A, 53), was in the immediate neighbourhood of a Roman " Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Proc. 1860-3, P- 7^ ; found containing slaked lime in 1862 at Camden Gardens (replaced by Corfield Street) behind the police station ; now in British Museum. " Coll. Antiq. vii, 180 (fig.) ; two were found at Winchester, one with a coin of Constantine ; F.C.H. Hants, i, 290. " Joum. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ii, 299 ; Proc. Soc. Antij. (Ser. i), i, 57 ; Lond. and Midd. Eten. Proc. i860, p. 80. " Joum. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxix, 435 ; but see Arch, xxix, 146. '' Gough, Add. to Camden, ii, i 7. *' Roach Smith considered the burial much older than the pavement : lllus. Rom. Lond. 58 ; Gent. Mag. 1843, ii, 81. So Price : Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iil, 500. 22 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON building of some kind, an unlikely place for burials if the buildings were standing and inhabited at the time. The Roman level was reached at 12 ft., and at the bottom of a deep trench a human skeleton was found lying east-and-west, accompanied by nails 2-7 in. long with flat heads and four-sided spikes (or shafts). These were with reason considered to have belonged to a wooden coffin, as at Strood, Kent. °^ Another east-and-west burial, with signs of boarding, was discovered in the north-west border of West Smithtield, near West Street (Plan A, 54)." The body had been placed on a number of branches cut into equal lengths and placed transversely ; and the Roman character of the interment was proved by the associated pottery. A small black urn of Upchurch ware had been placed at the crown, and a patera (dish), ampulla (bottle), mortarhim (mortar), &c., were near the left-hand side of the cist, but whether inside or outside is not stated. These vessels were said to be of the rudest quality and of extremely late date, an attri- bution supported to some extent by the recovery of a small coin of Gratian (375—83), which bore the labarum and Christian monogram ; but the association is not fully authenticated. The coffin found in Cock Lane (Plan A, 55) 12 ft. deep, containing a skeleton with bronze armlets on the wrists, was probably also of wood, but further details are wanting.'*' Adjoining the stone sarcophagus at Netting Hill (p. 16) were found the remains of three wooden coffins '^ also lying north-and-south, containing bones that crumbled on exposure to the air. As several pins of bone or ivory were also discovered (as in St. Paul's Churchyard) they may well be classed as Roman, with similar finds in the neighbourhood of stone coffins at Spital- fields (p. 15). In the same field as many undoubted Roman urn-burials were also ' human skulls and bones that seemed to have been interred in wooden coffins of which nothing remained but the large iron nails which had fastened them together.' '° Some indication of the date of such burials is affiDrded by a discovery made during 1873 in Moorlields, the exact spot not being recorded. The oak coffin of a child was found containing three small bracelets of jet, a finger ring of gold wire, and a coin of Salonina, wife of Gallienus (253—68).°°^ These relics passed into the hands of the Rev. S. M. Mayhew, and are now in the British Museum. Several other interments in the area under notice are recorded without any reference to a coffin, cist, or other protection, and though some might, with more careful excavation, have been classed among the foregoing, they may be considered here together as completing the series of Roman burials in London. The most useful discovery was made in 1864 during the excava- tion of a trench at the corner of Grove Street, Southwark. " Between two skeletons lay the remains of an earthenware jar (called an o/Az), containing small bronze coins of which Mr. Gunston secured no less than 554, and described them as ' rude imitations of the imperial money of the second half '' Coll. Atitiq. i, 18, 20 ; cremations also on this site. " Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 37. West Street was near the Ram and Rose inns, leading to Chick Lane. "' Arci. Rev. i, 276 ; Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 37. '° Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 209. "' Strype, Stow's Survey, ii, 99 ; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. i), ii, 121, the theory of a crucifixion discussed. "' Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxi, 209. " Journ.' Brit. Arch. Assoc, xx, 339 : probably The Grove is meant, which is now part of Ewer Street (Plan A, 56). 23 A HISTORY OF LONDON of the third century,' some bearing the busts and names of Victorinus (265-7), Tetricus I and II (267-73), and Claudius Gothicus (268-70). Another vessel containing coins, not specified but of the lower Empire, was found with a skeleton on the site of Messrs. Barclay & Perkins' brewery (Plan A, 64).'* A skeleton and vase, together with sepulchral remains, were found in 1825-6 during excavations for the foundations of Trinity Church, Newington (Plan A, 57) ; " though further details are wanting, this burial may be considered similar to those just described. A Roman cemetery was found in 18 18 extending from a point opposite the Red Cross Inn (200, Borough High Street) about 750 ft. along King Street (now Newcomen Street, Plan A, 58), and containing human bones (apparently unburnt), utensils, urns, dishes and coins ; and in the middle of the street, 80 ft. from the Borough entrance (Plan A, 65), lay a skeleton surrounded by sepulchral urns, glass lamps, sandals and remains of the dress. In Union Street (Plan A, 59) a body had been laid on oak planks with ledges all round, at a depth of 7-8 ft. below the carriage-way, with glass vessels of the usual forms.''^ The few middle-brasses of Domitian thrown up with fragments of Roman bricks, in the vicinity of St. Mary-at-Hill, Monument, cannot be held to date the burials found in the same ground. In 1774 the bones of several children and of five or six adults were discovered on the site, "° east of Love Lane, but ' as there were no circumstances of curiosity attending any of these particulars,' their Roman origin must remain in question. Beyond the Wall on the west, the ' vast quantities of human remains ' found at two points in Newcastle Street (Plan A, 60), on the east bank of the Fleet,^"^ may be regarded as Roman, as the site is close to Seacoal Lane where a stone coffin was found, and close to the Roman road westward from Newgate. One group was discovered at a depth of 5 ft. at the west end of the street, just east of a brick wall that had evidently been built to support the bank ; and the other 20 ft.— 30 ft. up the street at a depth of 6 ft. or 7 ft. ; but no further details are recorded and we can only infer that the remains were unburnt and the coffins (if any) were of wood and had perished before the discovery was made in 1844. Near the western border of the City and in a line marked by burials of various descriptions, some interesting finds were made by Wren during excavations for St. Paul's. Roman cinerary urns found on the north side of the Churchyard are noticed above, and on this site the superposition of unburnt Roman burials seems to be established, though Wren assigned the latter to the British period. With them he says, were found in abundance ivory and wooden pins,'"' of a hard wood resembling box about 6 in. long. It seems that the bodies were only wrapped up and pinned in woollen shrouds, which being consumed, the pins remained entire.'"' Another discovery not precisely located but close to the Cathedral (Plan A, 61) was made in 1869."* During excavations for a foundation a female '« Gent. Mag. 1825, ii, 633. »' Allen, Hist. ofLond. i, 36. ''^ Figured by W. Taylor, Annals of St. Mary Overy (1833), pi. ii, figs. 1-4; for the burials see pp. II, 12. "" Arc A. iv, 362. "" Arci. Journ. i, 162. Pottery, a stylus and two coins of Constantine were also found. ™Such were also found at Netting Hill {supra, p. 23). ^'^Parentalia (1750), 266. ^'^ Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxviii, 193. 24 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON skeleton was found nearly perfect, with bronze armlets and a finger-ring which had a square bezel surmounted by a crescent ; while Wren records a pottery lamp, bearing two palm-branches, that may well be of Christian origin. Such relics are particularly rare in this country, but a lamp of this kind is in the Royal Museum at Canterbury and was found in the neighbour- hood ; and another, perhaps from London,"*^ is here illustrated (Fig. lo) with the Christian monogram. The other recorded by Wren^"*'' from St. Paul's, is here reproduced from an old drawing (Fig. 9), and represents two men fishing in a harbour. The figure on the bank is really handling a net, and is not a soul waiting to be ferried over the Styx by Charon. The discovery below the portico of St. Martin's-in-the-Fields is recalled by that of two skeletons in a vault 1 4 ft. deep formed of equilateral Roman bricks on the site of St. Botolph's Bishopsgate (Plan A, 50) during the rebuilding of the church about 1725.^°^ A Roman cist burial found on this site in 1726 has already been no- ticed, and a small urn containing a little thigh bone found under the street adjoining was no doubt Roman, though whether the body had been cre- mated or not is un- certain. Somedoubt, however, is thrown on the contempo- rary character of the finds here by the mention of ' a wooden cross plated with tin and false stones, supposed to have been nailed on a coffin,' and an enamelled glass cross, both of which may be mediaeval or later. A silver coin of Antoninus Pius (138—61) and a red-ware fragment stamped Macrinus (Rutenian potter, late first century) are further evidence that the ground was opened in Roman times. Following the line of the Wall eastward we may notice an inhumation, of which the skull and some bones remained, found during 1707 in Camomile Street (Plan A, 62) adjoining Bishopsgate, and situated between the Wall and a tessellated pavement below which several cinerary urns were discovered."* In 1843 Mansell Street (Plan A, 63) yielded, among other burials already discussed, a number of skeletons on the same level Fig. 9. — Pottery Lamp found on Site of St. Paul's (^) Fig. 10. — Christian Lamp of Pottery (Guildhall Museum) (§) '"= Guildhall Museum, with another sitnilar. One from Colchester is mentioned in Joiirn. Brit. Arch. Assoc. X, 91 ; and another at Newcastle is noticed by Hubner, Inscr. Brit. Christ. 8l, No. 228. ""*■ Parentalia, 267, 303 ; Sam. Knight, Life of Erasmus, 301 ; Knight, London, i, 34. '"'Cough's Add. to Camden, ii, 17. '"'Leland, I tin. (Hearne), viii, 14. I 25 4 A HISTORY OF LONDON as cinerary urns, and it was no doubt to the former that certain bronze and jet bracelets belonged."^ These excavations began at the west end of Great AUe Street and extended right and left along Mansell Street, thus skirting the north-west angle of Goodman's Fields. In the immediate neighbourhood much has been found of the same character but the records are defective. Thus during excavations for the Inner Circle Railway various sepulchral relics were found near Church Street, west of Haydon Square. Adjoining John Street (on the opposite side of the Minories) a large quantity of remains were found with two black urns, while Roman human remains were met with on the city side of London Wall.'"* Nor can any deductions be drawn from the discovery near Tower Hill of a large adult skeleton, lying in the gravel beneath a stratum of black earth in which numerous fragments of Roman tiles and pottery were noticed.'"' Some fresh light is thrown on burials in this vicinity by several inscribed stones that have been recorded but not always preserved. Unfor- tunately no London specimen has been found in connexion with human remains, though at Colchester the grave-slab of a centurion, bearing his effigy, lay within a foot of a cinerary urn that doubtless held his ashes ; and at Uriconium a memorial slab was found among cremated burials beside the Roman highway. A few may reasonably be held to have been discovered in situ, and of these two come from Goodman's Fields, an area outside the eastern wall of the City that was used by the Romans as a burial-ground, probably long before the Wall was built. The first was a slab erected by Albia Faustina to her incomparable husband, Flavius Agricola of the sixth legion, aged 42 years and 10 days."" This inscription is interesting as affording a limiting date for the interment, as the sixth legion arrived in Britain about a.d. 120. The other from this cemetery was erected to Julius Valius of the twentieth legion, aged 40, by his heir Flavius Attius."' This legion had its head quarters at Chester and came over with Claudius, a.d. 43. In the Tower itself a block of stone with an inscription by Ascanius to the memory of Terentius Licinius was found under the Ordnance Office in 1777 ; "^ but, like the following, this may have been brought from the adjoining cemetery and used as material for the Wall. In 1852 a group of sepulchral fragments, described as a veritable quarry, was found in close proximity to the Wall on the east side of Trinity Square, in Postern Row (now removed).'" They are said to have been found on the outer or eastern side of the Wall,"* and were the spoil of a cemetery that had contained monuments of exceptional size and grandeur. The best preserved inscription is on a tall slab with floral ornaments, set up by the heir to Aulus Alfidius Olussa (?), who hved seventy years and (according to Mommsen's conjecture) was born at Athens.''' It is attributed to the second century, and the double cognomen on the next of the group points to the time of Domitian or Trajan."^' The stone is "" Journ. Brit. Arch. Asm. ii, 299. ^'^Joum. Brit. Arch. Asstc. xxxviii, 448. '"' Jourv. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xiii, 239. "° Tenter Ground, 1787 : Corf. Inscr. Latin, vii. No. 25 ; Coll. Antiq. i, 141. '"Church Lane (east of Goodman's Fields), 1776 : Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii. No. 27 ; Coll. Antiq. \, pi. xlvi, fig. 2. p. 135 ; Gent. Mag. 1784, ii, 672. "■ Corf. Inscr. Latin, vii. No. 32. ; Arch, v, 304 ; Coll. Antiq. i, 140. '"Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, viii, 241 (with view) : British Museum. "* Arch. Journ. x, 3. "^Corf. Inscr. Latin, vii. No. 29. "'• Corf. Inscr. Latin, vii, No 30. 26 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON inscribed to Fabius Alpinus Classicianus and was one of four or more composing a massive monument to which the scroll-terminal preserved with it may have belonged.'"'' The building of the Wall, or rather its repair at a subsequent date, necessitated the use of all available material, and the bastion examined and described by Mr. J. E. Price contained many funeral monuments in a more or less damaged condition (see Topog. Index). The finds in Camomile Street, with the Castle Street coffin that may have been undisturbed, point to a cemetery here that probably supphed the building material. A monument "° raised by Solinus to his wife Grata, daughter of Dagobitus, who died at the age of 40, is interesting as recording a Celtic name. It was found in the line of the Wall near Finsbury Circus between 1840 and 1848, and cremated burials are again recorded in the immediate neighbourhood."'^ Finds in the Old Bailey and its neighbourhood suggest the source from which the stone pedestal found in Ludgate Hill was derived. It seems to have been found in or near the outer face of the Wall behind the London Coffee House (No. 42) in 1806, and is inscribed by Anencletus Provincialis (probably a slave) to his most loving wife Claudia Martina, aged 19 years. A few yards to the east, but inside the Wall, Wren found, in excavating for St. Martin's Church in 1669, the monument (Fig. 54) erected by Januaria Martina to her husband Vivius Marcianus of the second legion ; and it should be observed that the same word PiENTissiMA is again applied to the wife. This legion crossed to Britain in 43 and was stationed at Caerleon : the lettering points to the time of Hadrian or Antoninus Pius."^ The fragment found in Playhouse Yard, Blackfriars,"' is known to have been built into the Wall in its present state, and at this point the Wall dates from the thirteenth century. The original monument was erected to Valerius Celsus, a scout of the second legion, by three heirs who were apparently his colleagues ; and it bore some resemblance to the centurion's monument at Colchester,'"" the figure in relief being nearly life-size, like that from St. Martin's. Within the Wall has been found a fragment of Purbeck marble bearing a sepulchral inscription."^' Whether it was found near its original position is uncertain, but there were several burials along the road from which Cloak Lane is only a few yards distant. It may be taken for granted that the monuments here enumerated were originally intended to mark the spot where cremated remains were buried in urns or other receptacles, and there is a fair amount of evidence to show that such were restricted to about two centuries in the early history of London. As stated above, there is little trace of occupation before the Claudian conquest, and most of the above monuments are those of military men '"^ not """ A restoration has been suggested by Prof. Lethaby {London before the Conquest, fig. 38, p. zio). "° Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, No. 31 ; Coll. Antiq. i, pi. xlvi, fig. I, p. 134. ^^'' Arch, xxix, 146, 147. '" Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, No. 23 ; Coll. Antiq. i, 129. "' Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, No. 24 ; Coll. Antiq. i, I 25 : British Museum. ^ Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxvi, 240, pi. 15: Colchester Museum. '^^ Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii. No. 34 ; Coll. Antiq. i, pi. xlviii A, fig. 2, p. I 59. '" Similarly at Bath there are several monuments of soldiers belonging to various legions who had evi- dently gone there as invalids to take the waters. F.C.H. Somers. i, 222. 27 A HISTORY OF LONDON stationed in London, but deceased while passing to or from the head quarters of their legions, London being on the direct route homeward. Such interments would not be earlier than a.d. 43, and it was long ago observed in Normandy by the Abbe Cochet^^' that inhumation, or burial of the body unburnt, begins as early as the second half of the third century, and skeletons are found mingled with urn-burials ; but no unburnt Roman burial occurs from Philippus (d. 249) back to Augustus, a period during which the rite of burning was alone practised. Evidence on this point in Britain is not so precise or plentiful, but in London and elsewhere the rule seems to hold good and may be accepted as a working hypothesis. The reason for the change of rite is not apparent, and if it had been due to the spread of Christianity before the edict of Constantine (a.d. 313), one would expect to find emblems of that faith on coffins of stone and lead, such as those described above ; but Christian antiquities of the Roman period in this country are decidedly rare, and some of these are by no means certain. It might be thought that undue importance has been attributed to the burials enumerated and classified above, but apart from their variety and the chronological evidence they afford, their distribution will be found of the utmost value in determining the course of the Roman roads through Greater London and the City. On this question, above all, have most of the local historians exercised their ingenuity, without coming to any general agreement or supporting their arguments by archaeological evidence. The result is that the origin of London is wrapped in obscurity, and the myths of later centuries have been called in to supply the defects of observation. The scheme to be propounded here has been anticipated in one or two respects by previous writers, and does not claim to be final or accurate in anything but outline ; but it is hoped that a consideration of the road-system in the light of archaeology will point the way to future discoveries and throw fresh light on the foundation of London. Some apology is needed for the use of a priori arguments in such an inquiry, but their reasonableness will be admitted by most, and the conclusions found to be in strict accordance with the available data. The long stretches of Roman road that may still be traced with certainty in various parts of this country and abroad show clearly enough that a straight course was the ideal of their makers, and that any deviations made were absolutely necessary. Next it is a commonplace that the Romans were in the habit of burying their dead along the sides of such main roads in the outskirts of their towns,''* their laws forbidding interment within the walls of any but a few privileged persons. With these two principles and a ruler we may proceed some way towards a solution of the problem. As it was incumbent on the invading army to keep open its lines of communication with the Continent, it may be presumed that the Watling Street from the Kentish ports into the interior was among the first Roman undertakings in this country, and its line can be traced as far west as Shooters Hill. West of Greenwich its course is conjectural, but the same line ^"NormanJie Souterraine (1855), (=d. 2), 29, 165 ; Proc. Soc. Jntlj. xix, 209. " All the lead coffins found at Rouen were so buried : Cochet, Mimoire sur les cercueils de plomb, 22. The chief burials were so situated at Bath : V.C.H. Somen, i, 264. Classical texts are cited by Forbes and Burmester, Our Roman Highways, 192. 28 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON continued will be found to reach the south end of Park Lane,^" and a glance at the map will show that it there made an angle and passed north-west along what is now the Edgware Road. At the mouth of the Ravensbourne opposite the Isle of Dogs, this line passes close to the river, but it may be pointed out that rivers tend to erode the concave shore, and in Roman times the Thames was no doubt some distance north of the road ; hence the loss of this line is apparently due in part to the subsequent shifting of the river- bed, and possibly also to the fact that when the roads were made on the north bank there would have been less demand for wharves at this point for the transfer of goods from the river to the military road. Roman remains and apparently burials have been found at Deptford, though the site is not exactly recorded. '^^^ Roman engineers would find no obstruction between Deptford and Westminster, and the line suggested passes midway between the burial at the Deaf and Dumb Asylum and the Deverell Street ceme- tery. Cinerary urns have also been found, with remains of Roman buildings, in St. George's Fields ^^* (Plan A, 67), through which the line passed ; and further confirmation is found in the name Stanegate (Lambeth) which suggests a paved approach to the ferry or bridge across to Thorney, and is also applied to the Roman road within the great North Wall. Allusion has already been made to the passage in Dio Cassius describing the opera- tions of Aulus Plautius and Vespasian against the tribesmen of this district in A. D. 43 ; and the bridge there mentioned ^" may be located at this point with some degree of certainty. The importance of Westminster as a Roman site is not generally recognized, but Mr. Spurrell, in dealing with the early embanking of the Thames, writes as follows : — In the Roman time the Thorneye on which Westminster Abbey-church now stands, consisted of sand surrounded, or nearly so, with peat or marshland. The land part of this little island where there was no peat, was apparently covered with Roman buildings, removed later perhaps to prepare the site of the Abbey. *^* He was informed by the abbey mason that the rubble and blocks of concrete from these Roman buildings were largely used in the footing of the Gothic work of the church, and some may be detected in the older walls. Beneath the floor of the church, concrete with brick flags was found in situ}^^" Further the clerk of the works reported the remains of a Roman building with bones and pots, on the site of the two red-brick houses on the south side of the abbey garden ; and similar remains were found below what was formerly the organist's house in the dark cloister. In 1841, during ex- cavations for the House of Lords (Plan A, 68), opposite St. Stephen's chapel '" So Loftie, Arch. Journ. xxxiv, 165. "** Leland, It'in. viii, Account of Remains at Bishopsgate (1769), pp. 6, 7 ; Brayley, Dacr. of Lond. and Midd. i, 77. "* Gale, Jntomni Iter, 65. '" It was a little higher up than the ford, which may well have been where the Ermine Street subsequently reached the river (see Plan A). ^'^ Arch. Journ. xlii (1885), 274. Thames high water is I2| ft. above Ordnance datum, and the Roman surface of Thorney 4 ft. (college garden) to 5 ft. (dark cloister) above Ordnance datum. On the latter site Roman remains were found in upper part of peat-bed of i J ft. resting on gravel, which is 4 ft. Ordnance datum ; so that the Roman level was beneath that at which alluvium is now being deposited, the island being deprived of that deposit (ibid. 272). usa "pijese were apparently mediaeval, but a lump of ' opus signinum ' is preserved. Loftie [Hist. Lond. i, 30) mentions a Roman building with hypocaust under the nave, found shortly before 1883 ; and a Roman mosaic pavement found in the nave near the west door in 1 886 {Historic Towns : London, 7). 29 A HISTORY OF LONDON an earthen vessel, containing fragments of bones and an ' antique figure,' was found.'-"' This was probably a Roman burial beside the Watling Street. Though the Westminster stone coffin was not in situ, it was discovered close to the line indicated, and the course of the Watling Street has been proved at the south end of Edgware Road, though the intervening portion is conjectural. In 1902 trenches for telephone wires revealed the Roman highway almost exactly in the middle of the road opposite Seymour Street and for some distance north and south.'"' It was 24 ft. wide with containing walls of concrete 2 ft. high on either side, and a surface layer of large flints set in lime grouting and resting on rammed gravel : below that was the undisturbed dark clay containing round flint pebbles. The observations of Stukeley are much to the point and support the view here taken. From Tyburn I judge the Watling-street goes over part of Hyde Park and by May-fair, through St. James's park to the street by Old Palace-yard called the Wool- staple to the Thames. Here has been found an old gate, but not Roman. On the opposite side of the river is Stanegate ferry, whence it passed across St. George's fields,''" so south of the Lock hospital ''' to Deptford and Blackheath : a small portion of the ancient way pointing to Westminster abbey is now the common road on this side the nearest turnpike ; but the continuation of it is quite lost since the bridge was made, and all roads meet at that centre as so many radii. When London became considerable, the ferry over-against it, from being better attended, rendered that at Stanegate almost useless ; so passengers went through the City by Canon Street, Watling Street and Holborn ; hence so little appears of it between Tyburn and the Lock hospital ; and probably its materials were long since wholly dug away to mend the highways. Upon this road in Southwark many Roman antiquities have been found, particularly a Janus of Stone "-.... From Shooters hill the direction of the road is very plain both ways .... and from the top you see it butts upon Westminster abbey, where it passes the Thames ; and this demonstrates its original direction, and that it was begun from the east.''' It is a fair deduction from the map that the Watling Street did not originally pass through the City and that the passage of the river at West- minster '^* was preferred for most purposes ; but there are evident traces of an alternative route, not so direct but giving access to London from the south before the middle of the third century. Traditions with regard to Dover Street in the Borough are not supported by the burials, but the Ermine Street is fairly certain. As there is no mention of this road south of Godman- chester in the Antonine Itineraries, it has received but little attention, but its general course is clear. After passing through the Weald from Chichester, it is deflected by Box Hill at Dorking, but is clearly traceable on the Leatherhead Downs. Ermine Street north of the Thames can easily be '•*■' Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxxviii, 149. Another urn from this site, found in 1847, may also be a Roman cinerary (figured in Jount. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ii, 102). '" Carefully described by Mr. J. G. Wood, F.S.A., in Home Counties Mag. iv, 238, 259 ; of. Joum. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxvii, 427. "° Strype's Stow, ii, App. v, 24, points out that the roads here were mended with pottery and rubbish brought in large quantities from Lombard Street ; but Gale obtained one cinerary entire and mentions others. '" This was in Kent Street about 100 yards north of our road as indicated on the map and the same distance east of the Deveril Street cemetery. '^' Near St. Thomas' Watering, 1690 : figured in Allen's Hist of Land, i, 36. '" Iter Curiosum (1776), 1 18-19. "* Higden, a monk of Chester who wrote in the 14th centur}-, was evidently familiar with Watling Street and states that it crossed the Thames to Westminster and beyond westward to a point at which it turned towards St. Albans (exactly as shown on map). This is a fair reading of the text : transiens per medium Cantiae ultra Thamisiam juxta Londoniam ad occidentem Westmonasterii, indeque procedit juxta sanctum Albanum [Polychronicon (Rolls Ser.) ii, 46]. 30 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON traced in several lengths of straight road between Ware and Kingsland, and the line so given meets the Thames opposite Stoney Lane,^'^ which is approximately in the same line as the existing portion of Ermine Street on Leatherhead Downs. The course of these two portions of the road is alone sufficient evidence that there was a passage over the river at this point, and the locality answers well enough to the vague description by Dio Cassius : the Britons retreated to the river Thames where it empties itself into the ocean *^° and becomes an estuary at high tide ; and easily passed it as they were well acquainted with those parts that were firm and fordable."' Before it was embanked the Thames at this point may easily have been mistaken for an estuary ; and though the salt water is many miles below London at the present day,''' the ' bridge a little higher up ' ^'^ shows that the British ford cannot have been much below the site suggested, where the Ermine Street reached either bank. Further, it has been pointed out by Sir G. B. Airy '^'^ that a ford at this point would have been quite practicable at low water : Of the depth of the Thames proper opposite London we have good evidence in the depth of the foundations of the piers of old London Bridge. A cross-section of the river at that point is given in Archaeologia, xxiii, Ii8. It appears from this that the lowest part of the rubble, on which were laid the wooden sleepers supporting the masonry, was only from two to three feet below low water. It is certain that this could not be higher than the general bed of the river, and it probably would be lower. . . . Some channels natur- ally would be deeper than the general bed ; and these, when the tide had risen a little, would make the operation of fording very dangerous. Burials both north and south of the river support this view of the Ermine Street. The extensive Roman cemetery near the chapel in Deverell Street is seen to occupy the angle made with the Watling Street, and the interments discovered in Mark Lane, Goring Street (Castle Street), Camomile Street, Liver- pool Street Station and Bishopsgate fall naturally into position on either side of this line. Further, the leaden cinerary from Fenchurch Street may be satisfactorily located on this hypothesis, and the marble cover of a tomb '*" found in association with a coin of Constantine II (317—40) near the west door of St. Helen's, Bishopsgate, may after all have been approximately in situ. The same method enables us to reconstruct the line of the Roman highway running west from Essex. Its course is fairly obvious from the map, and if the line from Romford through Queen Street (north-east of Barking) and past Little Ilford and Old Ford stations be produced, it will be found to reach the Fleet at Holborn Bridge. The point at which it crosses the Lea is, moreover, the exact site of an interesting discovery made a few years ago during dredging operations for the Lea Conservancy. Below Old Ford lock, opposite the "' Corresponding to Stanegate at Lambeth, a paved approach to the river. Between Dorking and Chichester the road itself is called Stane Street. "° Caesar describes Kent as surrounded by the sea {omiiis maritima), and knew of no bridge over the lower Thames {De Bello GalUco,v, 18); and Ptolemy gives London as a city of the Cantii. See on the whole question Knight, London, i, 147 (Craik) ; Jnh. xxix, 160 (Roach Smith). "' Hill. Ix, 20. "' The limit of the Lord Mayor's jurisdiction as conservator of the Thames is 41 miles below London Bridge, and that line may be roughly regarded as the head of the estuary, just west of the mouth of the Midway. ''' The distance would be z J miles. "^ Essays on Invasion of Britain, &c. 56 ; Athenaeum, 28 Jan. 1 860. "" Land, and Midd. Jrch. Soc. Trans, v, 413. This type is common in Italy. 31 A HISTORY OF LONDON chemical works of Messrs. Forbes, Abbott and Leonard (just above the passage of the main sewer), large lumps of herring-bone masonry were brought up from the bed of the river/*"^ Other specimens are noted below (p. 34), and everything points to a paved ford here during the Roman period. Once more burials along the course indicated may be cited by way of confirmation : cinerary urns found in Old Ford Road ^*^ and the stone coffins found at Old Ford station and in Corfield Street (Bethnal Green) are all flanking this line, while the urn from Cloth Fair and numerous burials in Smithfield sufficiently indicate its continuation westward. Crossing the Fleet River, it passed in a series of straight lines to the Thames at Staines (Pontes), but though Oxford Street indicates its general direction, its exact course has not hitherto been traced through London. The interments opposite St. Andrew's (Holborn), at the Birkbeck Bank, in Endell Street and Victoria Park (Notting Hill), indicate that the straight line passing between these points from Holborn Bridge to Notting Hill was the course of the Roman road.^*^ At the presumed point of intersection with the Watling Street south of the Marble Arch once existed a Roman geometric stone."* Though not adequately described this seems to have been set up originally as a landmark by a Roman surveyor ; but in modern times was turned to another use, soldiers being placed against it to be shot. It was to be seen before 1822 a few yards south of Cumberland Gate ; "* but during alterations of level in that year for a new gate, it was covered up as it was too deeply imbedded for convenient removal."^ It is significant that the massive foundations of London Stone discovered by Wren after the Great Fire led him to consider it as part of some public building of the Roman period ; "' but as Roman roads seem to have passed both these landmarks, their use and history can now be determined with some degree of confidence. The distance from the ' geometric ' stone to London Stone would be about 3 J Roman miles, and 3 to Newgate, the Romans generally reckoning from the city gate. Yet another road suggested by the distribution of burials must be noticed. Mention has been made of the coffin found in Howard Street, Strand ; of the glass cinerary found below the portico of St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, and of the urn containing burnt bones from Cockspur Street. It will be observed that a line passing between these three sites would reach the Fleet practically opposite Ludgate, and westward would join the Watling Street precisely where it turns towards Westminster, at the bottom of Park Lane. Its course is along the edge of the northern bank of the Thames, and was evidently planned to give a continuous view of the river from the nearest high ground. '**■ Kindly communicated by Mr. Montagu Sharpe, who quotes a letter (1906) from the late clerk of the Board in his work, TAe Antiquities of MUd. 80 (Appendix). '*' Opposite the end of Wick Lane (White Hart Inn) : Jnh. xxxi, 310. '" The ' Here Street ' crossed the Tyburn and passed the Stock of St. Andrew's Church, Holborn, forming in 971 the boundary of Westminster : Napier and Stevenson, Cratvford Charters, 46 ; Cartul. Saxon, iii, 261 ; Arch, xxvi, 224. A document of 1222 gives among the boundaries of St. Margaret's, Westminster, the water of Tyburn running to the Thames, and the Strata re^a, extending to London past the gardens of St. Giles' [in the Fields] {Arch, xxvi, 225 ; Lethahy, London before the Conquest, 61). This supports the view that the southern portion of High Street, Bloomsbury, is on the line of the Roman military road. '" Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iv, 62. It was known as Ossulstone and seems to have given its name to the hundred. At a later date, perhaps when the Marble Arch was erected, it was dug up and has since disappeared. '" It is so located in John Rocque's map (1741). "^ Thos. Smith, Historical Recollections of Hyde Park, pp. 60, 49. "' Parentalia, 265. 32 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON The chariots of the ancient Britons imply roads, and one of their first cares would be to patrol the river ; hence it is not rash to infer that the road in question went straight to Brentford, practically in a straight line from Lud- gate. Its directness is probably due to Roman engineers working on an older native highway ; while the other road from London to Brentford, passing over Notting Hill, seems more purely Roman. It is interesting to notice also that the Thames-bank road, after passing the site of the later Roman gate on Ludgate Hill, would pursue its course ^"^ along what is now Cannon Street, and coincide with the made road discovered in Great Eastcheap (p. 38). The latter is said^***" to have run north-east of Little Eastcheap, and probably continued in that direction into Essex ; and an early date is suggested by two coins of Claudius taken from the structure. There remains another road to be considered in investigating the con- dition of Roman London. It has been reserved till now as the through-routes had first to be determined, but none is so well marked out by the burials. Its existence has been assumed by most writers on the subject, and tradition is supported by the name that still survives ; but its course through the City has always been a problem, and no agreement has ever been reached even as to its points of entrance and exit. Wren's observations at the east end of St. Paul's are of special interest here. Upon demolishing the ruins after the last Fire and searching the foundations of this Quire, the Surveyor discovered nine wells in a row ; which, no doubt, had anciently belonged to a street of houses, that lay aslope from the High Street (then Watling Street), to the Roman Causeway (now Cheapside); and this Street, which was taken away to make room for the new Quire came so near the old Presbyterium that the Church could not extend farther that way at first. "^' The houses for which these wells were sunk probably fringed the road we are considering, but both burnt and unburnt burials have been found in the immediate neighbourhood, and it seems natural to conclude that the site was not used for habitation till the Wall had been built ; and burials not being permitted inside, the increase of population had caused a former burying- ground to be built over during or after the fourth century. On the same side of this supposed highway was the house discovered at the junction of Canon Alley and Paternoster Row, with a tessellated floor above an unburnt burial in a cist (see p. 22); and the house found at the junction of St. Paul's Churchyard and Cheapside would have been on the north side of this road. It is significant that the coins found in its ruins were of the fourth century. ^^^'^ The burials discovered on the south side of the City are shewn by the map (Plan A) to lie on either side of a line joining the two main roads at Holborn Bridge and at the river bank between the Tower and Custom House. The finds at St. Dunstan's-in-the-East, Crooked Lane (London Bridge Approach), Martin's Lane,*"^ Cannon Street (Tower Royal), Bow Lane, "'" Past the supposed site of Paul's Stump, a somewhat mysterious landmark of the middle ages and possibly a Roman milestone'. For the site see W. S. Simpson, St. PauPs Cathedral and Old City Life, 287. "»" By A. J. Kempe, in a review of Herbert's Hist, of Si. Michael's {Gent. Mag. 1833, ii, 421). For the coins, see Arch, xxiv, 193. "^'^ Parentalia, 272. For similar wells bordering the Roman road in Great Eastcheap, see Gent. Mag. 1833,1, 69. H6d Jj.^/j_ ^Jx^ 2^2_ "'^ When Arthur Street West sewer was built in 1833, a Roman vase was found under the foundation wall of a house on the west side of Martin's Lane, in a perfect state [Arch. Ix, 236). This was, no doubt, a cinerary urn, but is not included as such. I 33 5 A HISTORY OF LONDON Basing Lane/*^f Cheapside, St. Paul's Churchyard, Paternoster Row and Square, Warwick Square, Old Bailey, Seacoal Lane (Holborn Viaduct station) and Newcastle Street amply confirm the course here suggested for what is usually called the Watling Street. The present street of that name has been pierced throughout for sewers, but no trace of the old metalling discovered : "^ it will be seen to lie off the line drawn on the map, but its eastern extremity and continuation (Budge Row) represent the old road. It was apparently here that a discovery was made about 1833 ; in excavations for a sewer 'in the line of that part of the City which retains the name of Watling Street,' what was considered the old Watling Street way was found at a depth of 20 ft. with a substratum of chalk and a pavement of flint.^*'* Excavations for Queen Victoria Street in 1869 also revealed an ancient roadway exactly on this line, between the churches of St. Mary Aldermary and St. Antholin (Budge Row). It was nearly in a line with Watling Street, and was found at a depth of loft. 3in. from the sur- face. The road or causeway was hard and well made, slightly elevated in the centre and formed of rough stones and gravel, among the upper portion of which were found quantities of broken Roman pottery which, with other local circumstances, would lead us to the con- clusion that it marked the course of a road or highway of some antiquity.'** If the measurements can be trusted to represent its original condition, the road was I oft. narrower than the main Watling Street discovered in Edgware Road and this in itself would shew it to be a branch road from Holborn Bridge. It no doubt crossed the Walbrook by a bridge near Cannon Street Station. Piles and a massive oak beam have been discovered here,"' and a Roman wall of rubble with layers of tile and concrete was seen on this site in 1853."° A lump of herring-bone pavement ^°°^ {spicata testacea of Vitruvius) from this part of Cannon Street is in the British Museum, the red tiles being set on edge in pink mortar mixed with pounded brick, and measuring 4 to 4J in. in length, 2j to 3 in. in depth, and about i in. in thickness. Two other speci- mens are in the Guildhall, the tiles being of the same average dimensions ; and a label {Cat. p. 72, no. 26) states that the larger piece (at least) formed part of a causeway or landing-place on Walbrook near Dowgate Hill, and was found 21 ft. below the surface under St. John's Churchyard. Near this spot was a quantity of stout oak piling and the sill of a bridge which crossed the brook from east to west. It will also be observed that the route suggested passes between the courtyard of Cannon Street Station and St. Swithin's church, in the south wall of which is preserved the famous London Stone. This relic consists of a rough lump of oolite now protected by an iron grating, and has been known possibly since the tenth century, but "" Now absorbed in Cannon Street between Bread Street and Bow Lane ; the alleged site of its discovery is in favour of the sepulchral slab of Onesimus, aged thirteen years, erected by his father Domitius Elainus (see Topog. Index, under Cannon Street). '" Tite, Antiq. Royal Exch. rv'i. '"' Gent. Mag. 1833, ii, 422, continues : 'The same appearance of a paved way at the same depth presented itself also in Upper Thames Street. . . In Bishopsgate Street, a short time since, 20ft. below the surface, a gravel way was found from which were thrown up fragments of amphorae,' &c (p. 423). "* J. E. Price, Descr. Rom. Tessel. Pavement In Bucklersbury, 77. '" Gough, Camden (1806), ii, 92. '*> Joui-n Brit. Arch. Assoc, k, 84. ISO* -pjjjj pattern has also been found in Lad Lane and Cateaton Street, London ; at Silchester {Arch, lix, 344), at Uriconium (Wright, Urictmium, 207), and Chester {Joum. Archit. Arch, and Hist. Soc. of ChtsUr, viii, (1902), 87). 3+ ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON it has not always been in its present position. In 1742 it was transferred from the middle of the street, 35ft. to the south-west, to the kerb on the north side, and in 1798 placed in the church wall, where it was protected by a grill in 1869.^^^ It has always been regarded as of monumental interest, and may well be the remains of a Roman mile-stone or other landmark con- nected with the road that seems to have passed this spot."^ The massive wall observed by Roach Smith crossing Laurence Pountney Lane near the churchyard ^" may have been built to sustain the highway or the slope ; and precisely on this line, south of the Monument and behind some warehouses in Pudding Lane, have been discovered old walls built on a hard concrete foundation.^^* An ' aqueduct ' of Roman tiles passed below to the river, and the remains were supposed to belong to 'some baths of importance,' but their position suggests a supporting wall for the Roman road, like those found during excavations for the northern approach to the present London Bridge. "^ The line suggested is further confirmed by discoveries made when an area south of Thames Street was cleared in 18 13 for the erection of the Custom House. Besides three distinct lines of wooden embankments, there was found a wall of chalk-rubble faced with Purbeck stone running east-and- west at a distance of 50 ft. from the outer edge of the wharf wall ; but there was not a trace of any important structure met with in the whole area.''* The road to the Roman wharves that probably existed here would pass along the south front of the house discovered (and in part still preserved) on the site of the Coal Exchange. Recent excavations at Newgate have shown that there was a Roman gateway across the west end of Newgate Street, and it was evidently through this that our road passed to join the main road from Essex, both crossing the Fleet by the same bridge.'" The mistake has all along been in supposing that London of the first century was important enough to divert a Roman main road ; '^^ and the onus of proof is surely on those who would impair the splendid directness of the Roman system. Many unsuccessful attempts have been made to trace the main lines of Roman London in the modern tangle of streets in the City, but what is on the surface seems quite independent of what is about 12 ft. below it. Thus, for example, there may well have been a secondary road from Deptford to London Bridge in Roman times, but that such a road did not coincide with Borough High Street has been shown by excavation, a tessel- lated pavement having been found in place of a highway."' Cornhill, again, '" J. E. Price, Descr. Rom. Tessel. Pavement in Buckkrsbury, 63. '" When excavations were in progress for the South-Eastern Railway station, Roach Smith noticed a wall that seemed to run under the footway from the top end of Bush Lane {Arch. xxix. 157), but in the same paper states that the usual indications of Roman buildings were absent in Cannon Street (p. 1 54). Can this wall have been a containing wall of the road, as noticed in Edgware Road and Eastcheap i '" Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ii, 345. "* Gent. Mag. 1834, i, 95 ; similar discovery on adjoining site in 1880 {Anticjuary, ii, 222). ^'^ Arch, xxxiii, 103, and xxv, 602 ; Wm. Herbert, History of St. Michael's, 21 ; Gent. Mag. 1833, ii, 422. "° Tite, Cat. Roy. Exchange, xxlii, quoting David Laing, Description o/Netv Custom House, 5, 6. '" Watling Street (so-called) was found in Holborn, pointing directly to Newgate, in digging for the foundations of Holborn I3ridge {Gent. Mag. 1750, 592). ''' Sir Wm. Tite {Arch, xxxvi, 208) and Arthur Taylor {Arch, xxxiii, 102) agreed, however, that the importance of Roman London had been exaggerated. "' Arch, xxiv, 198 (Kempe) ; cf. Gent. Mag. 1842, i, 269 ; Arch.Ti\\Ti, 149. 35 A HISTORY OF LONDON which might be supposed to continue the line of the causeway found on the site of Bow Church, ran transversely over a number of unusually thick walls; and Wren's statement that it passed from one end of the town to the other has still to be verified.^"' On this subject J. R. Green has a note as follows : — That this early (Anglo-Saxon) London grew upon ground from which the Roman city- had practically disappeared may be inferred from the change in the main line of communica- tion which passed through the heart of each. This was the road that led from Newgate to the Bridge. . . . Between Budge Row and the precincts of St. Paul's all trace of it is lost. The lines of the street that ran through the area which it must have traversed, are not only not in accordance with it, but thrown diagonally across it. It is the same wherever we dig over the site of the ancient city, the remains of Roman London which we discover have little or no relation to the lines of modern times.'*''' An instructive parallel is afforded by Silchester, the Roman town that has now been almost completely excavated on scientific lines. Here as in London there are but the faintest traces of pre-Roman occupation by the Britons, and both sites became important junctions in the Roman period. That Silchester finally attained to little more than one-fourth the size of Roman London was no doubt due to the maritime trade of the latter, but in the early days of the Roman occupation there was probably little to choose between them ; and it is significant that, apart from children's burials, only one interment has been found within the walls of Silchester."*'^ More- over, their fate after the withdrawal of the Roman officials about 410 seems to have been the same : on neither site are there remains of the pagan Saxons, and both towns were probably deserted for a considerable period when once the barbarians had paralyzed trade and rendered a central government impossible. With the aid of the Antonine Itineraries some attempt will next be made to determine the order in which these roads were constructed. The larger question of their stages and ramifications cannot here be discussed, but an exam- ination of the London sections may throw some light on the progress of the City in the opening centuries of our era. Military reasons must be held to give the priority to the Watling Street ; and for travellers arriving at the Kentish ports the only passage inland was along the chalk belt north of the Weald. In order to pass to the front it was necessary to cross the Thames, which was already bridged in a.d. 43. The road passed to Chester, the central point of the military zone, by way of Verulam, a town that under the Romans attained the highest rank of any in the country, and was a municipium as early as A.D. 63. The military occupation of Colchester also enabled troops to be dispatched into the interior from the Gaulish ports, roads from this centre being no doubt constructed in the first century ; and it was doubtless by Old Ford and Holborn Bridge that troops passed on their way into South Wales. Besides Caerleon and Chester, Lincoln was a military centre, and the Itineraries shew that the journey north was made via Colchester. Hence there was no immediate necessity for the Ermine Street, and as the only route between Chichester and London given in the Itineraries is by way of Winchester, it is clear that neither portion of the Ermine Street existed at the time of their compilation. The date is somewhat problematic, but their name is strong '"* Black threw doubts on this theory ; Arch, xl, 57. ""• Conj. of Engl, ii (1899), I 73. ^^ A cinerary urn in Insula 19 {Arch. Ivi, 237), probably earlier than the walls. 36 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON evidence of some connexion with an Antonine emperor, and prima facie the most likely date is the first decade of the third century,^^" though we may now have only a later edition of the text/°^ The finds at Newgate and elsewhere along the line of the branch road between Holborn Bridge and the Custom House shew that the river trade had necessitated its construction at a comparatively early date though it cannot be identified in the Antonine road-book. It was followed by the Ermine Street at some period after the opening years of the third century ; but if the evidence of the burials has been correctly interpreted, this short cut to Lincoln from the Thames was in existence about the middle of that century, and the London portion may date from the first century. The cinerary urns found beside its course in Mark Lane, Fenchurch Street, and possibly those in Camomile Street and at Liverpool Street station, can be explained on this hypothesis ; and the coffins found in Goring Street (Castle Street) and in Bishopsgate between Wide- gate Street and Artillery Row, both suggest that its course was not altered before the change of funeral rites about a.d. 250. If Bishopsgate was a Roman entrance into the City, the London portion of the Ermine Street must have been shifted a little to the west when the City was fortified,"^ and the date of the Wall is thus given within certain limits. As coffins both of lead and stone are only found beyond the fortifications, and on numismatic and epigraphic grounds are referable as a class to the fourth century, the Wall would seem to have been erected in the Constantine period. The uncertainty as to the proper attribution of the coin ^^' from the cist-burial in Bow Lane affects to some extent the other unburnt burials at Paternoster Row and Tower Royal. All three may be exceptions to the rule both as regards the mode and place of burial, and may belong to the second or early third century ; but if they are to be judged by the ordinary standard, their date would be subsequent to the year 250, and yet prior to the erection of the Wall. It is to this conclusion also that comparison with walled towns on the Continent and an examination of the structure itself inevitably lead,^^* and there can be no better reason assigned for the bestowal of the name of Augusta than this transformation of a trading town into a fortress. Besides the main roads already mentioned, there were evidently others of less importance on both sides of the river ; but we must be content to leave their extent uncertain as the evidence is very imperfect. Perhaps the most interesting discovery of this kind occurred when the northern approach was made to the present London Bridge. An explanation of its course has already been suggested (p. 33), and it will suffice to mention here that a gravel road 16 ft. wide supported by two walls 7J ft. high was found below Great Eastcheap (now the eastern end of Cannon Street), pointing to London Stone on the west and apparently to Aldgate on the east, but it has not been traced east of Gracechurch Street, and its chief interest lies in the '*" Canon Raven, Antiquary, xxxvi (1900), p. 17. Kubitschek also holds that the name was derived from Caracalla, an Antonine emperor (198 — 217) : Jahreshefte des ostcrreich. archaol. Institutes, v (1902), 90. '«'F. Haverfield, ^rf/5. 'Journ. xlvi, 67. "'This view is taken on other grounds by Tite {Arch, xxxvi, 207), Loftie {Hist, of Lond. i, 43) and Green {Conq. of England. (1899), ii, Map on p. 169). Excavations for sewers in Bishopsgate Street revealed no trace of the Roman road or wall-foundations there, but the tunnelling was too deep to decide the question. '°Mt has been assigned to Domitian (81-96), but Roach Smith states that it was so much corroded as to be quite illegible and defaced : Arch, xxix, 146 ; Ix, 237. '" J. E. Price, Bastion of Rom. Wall, 8, 9 ; J. A. Blanchet, Let Enceintes romaines de la Gaule. 37 A HISTORY OF LONDON fruTiiSver/ie yi •ll. 'ecucn oj Id KOADMiiartn EASTCHEAP. sAewina the relaHvf position, of method of construction (Fig. 1 1). It was 8 ft. narrower than Watling Street as discovered in Edgware Road, and lacked the layer of flints that distin- guished the military roads ; and it is this that also negatives the idea of Old Street being the original Roman road into Essex. Excavations for sewers near Goswell Road revealed six road-levels,"'' the lowest being nearly 1 1 ft. down and containing Roman coins just below its hardened surface : this, like the road above it, which also contained Roman coins, seems therefore to have been a gravel road like those found at Caerwent,"^ and may be accounted for in the following way. As we have seen, the main road from Essex crossed the ^ Lea at Old Ford and pointed straight to Hol- born Bridge. This line passed Finsbury Square and the Artillery ground, for- merly part of Bunhill Fields, and there is reason to suppose that the ground here was firm when the highway was constructed. When the obstruction of the Walbrook by the Wall led to the formation of a marsh (Moorfields), the road would be diverted and the remains in Old Street probably represent the de- tour made to the north in order to avoid the marsh. The question might have been decided one way or the other if the coins dis- covered had been fully described, or if several burials found in Moorfields had been more precisely located."' According to Wren, Omvtl 20 /i£t detp itni/tr uAieA 6lue e^^ » s a It mi: Lciyttudtrud Seelian cf ifu f^hii C A, B, Frontage line of modem houses ; C, Roman wall supporting road ; D, D, Layers of Roman tile ; E, E, Kentish ragstone Fig. II a causeway found on the site of Bow Church, Cheap- side, ran the whole length of the town, and is said to have been traced in Birchin Lane,"' but it seems more probable that its course was from Newgate across the Walbrook by the bridge discovered at Bucklersbury. Its destination will perhaps remain a mystery, but it is unlikely to have been an original Roman highway through London, and was perhaps built after the upper Walbrook had become marshy. ^^Lond. and Midd. Anh. Soc. Trans, iii, 563. "^JrcA. Iviii, 146 ; lix, 123. "'For instance, the cist-burial of a child, with jewellery and a gold coin of Salonina, wife of Gallienus ( 253-68 ) : British Museum. The interment would have been made before Moorfields became a swamp, and consequently before the building of the Wall. Cinerary urn in Guildhall Museum (Cat. 85, 113). '" Gent. Mag. i 842, i, 269, but see Arch, xl, 57. 38 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON Another road for which there is a certain amount of evidence ran close to that already described as the original Watling Street south of the Thames : this may be another case of divergence on account of marshy ground on the direct route originally chosen. The latter seems to pass close to the river across the mouth of the Ravensbourne (Deptford Creek) ; and though convenient for the transport of goods brought by boat to Greenwich, may have proved difficult to maintain across the low ground of Deptford. It is therefore possible that Watling Street, after surmounting Shooters Hill, bore to the south-west to Blackheath (where numerous Roman remains have been found), and thence made straight for the river-passage at Westminster. Remains of a road have been found north of Newington Church. ^^' Various finds near St. Thomas' Watering,^™ in the grounds of the Fish- mongers' Almshouses,^^^ and opposite Bethlehem Hospital,^" all occur on this line, but there is no actual mention of burials such as mark the more direct route a little to the north. Defective observation is no doubt responsible for this, and future discoveries may fix the route with more precision. The dearth of archaeological data for Southwark renders the task of defining the inhabited area peculiarly difficult, but the few burials recorded with precision may be used to supplement the evidence of buildings. Mention has already been made of interments near the Bricklayers' Arms, Deveril Street, and in St. George's Fields, on the presumed course of the road from Deptford to Westminster ; but others near St. George's Church and Trinity Church, at Barclay and Perkins' brewery, in Union Street and The Grove, combined with mixed burials in King Street (now Newcomen Street) near Snow's Fields,'"^ and in the High Street (Plan A, 66) between York Street (Bedale Street) and the old Town Hall (at the south end of Counter Street) ,""'' all seem to lie on widening circles outside the small Roman settle- ment on the Surrey bank, near the supposed ford and later bridge. It should be noticed that the unburnt burial at Trinity Church is the furthest of this group from the centre, and other interments of this kind may yet be found border- ing the Ermine Street which was constructed about the time of the change in burial customs. It is stated that most of the burials were along Snow's Fields and Union Street, a line running east-and-west about a quarter of a mile from the river; and it may be added that the area thus indicated for the Roman settlement practically coincides with one of the manors of South- wark.^"' One obvious conclusion from the finds in and around London is that in Roman times lead was abundant, and it is clear from the inscriptions on pigs of that metal that the mines were under imperial control within five or six '°' Allen, Hist, of Land, i, 36 : finds of 1824 included a coin. '" Later, St. Thomas' Bridge, where the Canterbury pilgrims watered their horses. The tradition is preserved in the present St. Thomas' Street, north of Albany Road. See for this site Thos. Codrington, Roman Roads in Britain (ed. 2), 388, where the evidence for this route is also detailed. '" Formerly near the ' Elephant and Castle ' : handled cup of first century in British Museum. '" Allen, Hist, of Lond. i, 36 : finds of 18 10. ^"^ Joum. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxi, 320 ; xxxix, 91 (found in 1819) ; these sites are noticed above, p. 24. """ Gent. Mag. 1833, i, 401, pi. ii ; R. Lindsay {Etymology of Southwark (1839), 5-6) adds burials in Blackman Street (Borough High Street, south of St. George's Church) discovered during sewer works 1818-19. "^^ Arch. XXV, 621 ; Gent. Mag. 1825, ii, 633. 39 A HISTORY OF LONDON years of the conquest."^ The output of the Mendip mines was continuous till about 170 when a decline seems to have set in, and it was not till a century later that the industry revived, in the days of Carausius and the Constantines. Though no pigs of lead have been found in the City it is quite possible that London was one of the ports from which the metal was distributed abroad; and that such were exported is shown by a specimen dating from the reign of Nero (54-68), which was found at the mouth of the Somme."* On this point the elder Pliny, writing before a.d. 79, has the following remark : We use lead (called plumbum nigrum in contrast to plumbum album = tin) for pipes and sheet-metal. It is extracted from the ground with considerable labour in Spain and through- out Gaul, but in Britain it occurs near the surface so abundantly that a law has been enacted to prevent its production beyond a certain quantity. ''' Its use for cineraries and coffins was evidently extensive, and lengths of lead piping have been found in London, Silchester, Chester and elsewhere, while it was no doubt also used for roofing houses. Its position on a tidal river at the intersection of several Roman highways soon put London ahead of its early rival Colchester. Before the Claudian conquest Camulodunum had a mint and issued gold and silver coins of Cunobelin (Cymbeline) : later it was selected with London for the mintage of coins by Carausius (287—93) (Fig. 12), but after his death the privilege was restricted to London, where the provincial coinage bearing the mint- mark PLN or PLON, was produced under Diocletian (d. 305), Maximian, Constantius and Constantine (306—37). About the year 326 the mint was closed, but was restored by Magnus Maximus (383-8). It is possible that coins marked avgob also belong to London,"^ which bore the name Augusta in the fourth century ; and a hint as to the locality of the mint is afforded by the discovery at the Tower of a silver ingot ' from the workshop of Honorinus ' ^" in association with unworn coins of Honorius (395-423), the emperor who cut Britain adrift from the Empire. It is an interesting coincidence that the Mint is to this day in the same quarter of the City ; and it was probably here that the Treasury official of Augusta named in the Notitia Digriitatum "^^ had his head quarters in the fourth century. The position held by Londinium is indicated in other ways. In the Notitia mention is made of three praesiJes (presidents), that of Britannia prima (south of the Thames) being resident at London, while the head quarters of Britannia secunda (Wales) and Flavia Caesariensis (the Midlands and Eastern counties) were at Caerleon (Isca Silurum) and at Colchester or Lincoln respectively. Among the many inscriptions found on these sites perhaps the most important politically is the fragment from St. Nicholas Lane recording a dedication to a deified emperor and the province of Britain. Further the bronze head of Hadrian found in the Thames justifies the assumption that under that emperor (117-38) London held a foremost position in the civil ^"F.C.H. Somen, i, 334. "« F.C.H. Hants, i, 324. '"' Nat. Hist, xxxiv, 1 7, s. 49. "* The London mint is discussed in Numis. Chron. (Ser. 2), vii, (1867), 57, 321, pis. iii, Iv; (Ser. 3), xx, 147, pis. iv, V ; Jrch. Jourrt. xxiv, 159. The letters oB of the mint-mark denote the quality of the metal ; and the letter p is probably for prima {pfficina). Other mint-marks attributable to London are given in tiumis. Chron. (Ser. 4), vii, 60-3. "' This is the probable reading of the stamp : see Topog. Index. '■'^ Booking's ed. p. 48 : praepositus thesaurorum Augustensium in Britannis. 40 Carausius a/ (286-93) CONSTANTINE THE GreAT JE. (307—337) Diocletian ^ (28+— 305) Allectus a/" (293—96) Magnus Maximus M. (383-3S8) Fic. 12. — Roman Coins Struck in London (i) ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON area. Public works carried out under high official auspices, as shown by tiles stamped pp. br. lon. (London publicani or contractors of the province)'"'' no doubt added to the dignity of the town, and in 368 both the Duke of Britain and the Count of the Saxon Shore seem to have been in the neighbourhood, though the former had duties in the north and the latter had control of a chain efforts in which London was not explicitly included. As the principal road-centre of the south-east, London would however have played an important part in the defence of the so-called Saxon shore that stretched from Brancaster in Norfolk to Portsmouth, the Thames estuary being about half-way between the extreme forts, which could best be kept in touch through London. It is quite in keeping with its commercial and official pre-eminence to find that here alone in Britain are there any considerable remains of artistic merit, though in this respect a leading town of Roman Britain cannot be compared with many second-rate Roman sites in Gaul. Building stone had all to be brought from a distance, and Roman structures have long since been quarried; but though London cannot now boast of a Roman amphitheatre*"" or triumphal arch, there exist a few fragments that attest comparative affluence and good taste, and more may yet be found. It remains to summarize the results obtained from the archaeological evidence available, which is almost overwhelming in quantity but till recent years curiously and provokingly deficient in details and method. The com- paratively steep banks of the northern shore would arrest attention from the river, and the clean gravel that then formed the surface"* made the place pleasant to live in, as Tacitus bears witness. The Lea marshes and the swamps of what is now Pimlico, together with the Middlesex forest to the north, isolated and protected the site ; but good roads were necessary for its development as a commercial centre, and Rome alone could furnish the skill and energy required. To Roman influence before the conquest was no doubt due the bridge that may be located at Westminster, and the course of the first main road was thus determined without reference to London. On the north bank the corresponding road from Colchester served to link London with Watling Street, and before long a branch road was provided to the ferry and wharves that seem to have existed near the Custom House. A passage of the river at this point may have necessitated roads inland before the Romans arrived, and even if the highway to New- gate be considered purely Roman, the Britons may have anticipated part of Ermine Street by a road to the interior striking north from the river. The triangle thus formed inclosed the first Romano-British settlement, which can only be justly estimated in relation to the area subsequently inclosed by walls. Little more than half the triangle seems to have been inhabited at all densely, and its whole area will be seen to be approximately the same as that of London within the Walls or of Hyde Park. When it is remembered that the walls inclosed virtually the whole of London till the time of Elizabeth, the Romano-British settlement will not be found too restricted in area, but ""> Examples figured in lllus. Rom.Lond. pi. viii, from Jrch. xxix, 158, pi. xvii, figs. 3-6. The interpre- tation is not certain : Corpus, vii, 1235. Tiles connected with the British fleet have been found at Lympne, one of the Saxon shore forts. '"' Roach Smith thought there was an amphitheatre on the site bounded by Old Bailey, Fleet Lane, Seacoal Lane and Snow Hill {Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, i, 32, 195). "' Jrci.lx, 12. I 41 6 A HISTORY OF LONDON the map seems also to prove that the town was not laid out in military- fashion. Roman fortified stations such as Colchester or Dorchester (Dorset) retain their main features and can be easily recognized as camps on the Roman model, but London is stated by Tacitus to have been the resort of merchants travelling/^' and had no need of a large garrison to guard the river-passage. Though it is a hopeless task to trace the insulae or blocks of buildings as has been done at Silchester, it is worthy of remark that there is in the heart of London a rectangular space that does not seem to have yielded a single burial. On the west it follows the bank of the Walbrook north-by-east from about London Stone ; and Gresham House is about the centre of the north side. The east side would be in a line with East India Avenue, and the south would approximately coincide with the actual Roman road found in Great Eastcheap. The area inclosed is about that of a legionary camp (50—60 acres), and the vast wall-foundations discovered near the churches of St. Michael and St. Peter on Cornhill correspond well enough to the position of the praetorium or head quarters of a Roman camp. This may be a mere coincidence, but the foundations are described as deeply set, and evidently intended to carry a building of considerable altitude and importance ; and the massive masonry in the centre of Richborough camp may be quoted in illustration. It may be that at the time of the Claudian conquest a legion was posted here to guard the river-passage, but soon passed on to the front, leaving the camp to form the nucleus of London. The low-lying land of Southwark was evidently protected from the tide, for buildings are found close to the river ; but the dimensions of these dykes may have been exaggerated by writers whose remarks with regard to Southwark might perhaps apply to the condition of things in palaeolithic times, but do not explain the facts of the Roman period. According to Mr. Spurrell, who has made a special study of the subject, there is no need to wonder at the early embankments of the Thames. If such works were needed in Roman early times, they were of minor importance in the upper part of the estuary and near London. The height to which we see them rise now is due to the gradual increase from slighter banks, and this increase needs little exertion though regular attention. The vast lake opposite London, spoken of by several writers, ' resolves itself into the supposition of a few inches of water rising over saltings for a few minutes on a few days of the month.' He doubts the existence during the Roman period of tidal marshes or saltings near London or above Erith, and thinks the estuary did not reach as far west as at the present day. Since the Roman occupation the present channel of the river through its alluvium has remained in almost exact relative position with respect to the earthland foot or hard banks from Lambeth to East Tilbury, and certainly so with regard to the more important hards and landing-places on the main stream now existing.^*" Excavations in Southwark have shown that the Roman level was at, or just above. Ordnance datum, and considerably below what is now the high- water mark. At Guy's Hospital Mr. Spurrell records that Roman refuse was "' Annals, xiv, 3 3 . "" Arch. Journ. xlii (1885), 274, 301 ; xlvi, 76 ; xlvii, 43, 170 ; Proc. Geol. Assoc, xi (1891), 224 ; for sections in Bermondsey see Wm. Herbert, Hist, of St. Michael's, 16 (note). 42 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON found in peaty soil which had never received a covering of tidal mud, and in the Deverell Street cemetery the ancient level was 2 J ft. Ordnance datum. The military road would have passed mainly over gravel between Deptford and Stanegate, but even the alluvium bordering the river was inhabited, the houses generally resting on piles. Isolated houses existed along the main roads outside London but the population was mainly concentrated on the north bank in that part of the triangle formed by the roads which was not given up to burials ; while on the opposite side of the river even the flats now below high- water mark were occupied by houses built on piles, and the main roads flanked by dwellings here and there. That the two banks were joined by a bridge to carry the Ermine Street is more than probable when it is remembered that the Tyne was spanned by a Roman bridge of stone, and that Julius Caesar bridged the Rhine in ten days, at a point where the stream is considerably wider than the Thames at London Bridge. Further, mention is made of London Bridge in the reign of Edgar, and the Roman army is much more likely even than King Alfred to have accomplished the work in the first instance. At the end of the third century a prosperous community on a tidal river accessible from the Channel could hardly hope for permanent immunity from the pirates who then made their appearance, and a wall along the river front seems a necessary feature of the scheme of defence eventually adopted. This in itself argued a weakening of the imperial power, and a general deterioration seems to have set in before long. The City wall reduced to a minimum the flow of the Walbrook, and created a swamp outside that remained undrained and uninhabited for centuries. Nothing definite is known of London's fate at the hands of Teutonic invaders when the protection of Rome was withdrawn about 410 ; but as will be seen in the sequel, there is no reason to suppose that the City was occupied, even if it was captured, by the Anglo-Saxons of the pagan period. In the general insecurity of the fifth and six centuries trade must have languished and population dwindled ; but there is little hope of lifting the veil that now descends on Londinium. The Roman City Wall of London^ The most definite survival of Roman London is the wall with which the City was ultimately surrounded. Its line along the land side is clearly to be traced from the Tower northwards to Aldgate, thence to Bishopsgate, following the street called London Wall to Cripplegate, where it turns to the south until just east of Aldersgate, and again taking a westerly course it passes through the site of Christ's Hospital to Newgate, and southwards to Ludgate. Its further course to the Thames is less certain, and along the south side or river front it is altogether doubtful. With slight modifications the Roman boundary continued to be that of the inclosed portion of London throughout the subsequent periods during ' The references in red on Plan C showing the site of the Roman wall are indicated in the text by italic numbers. 43 A HISTORY OF LONDON which the wall formed its defence, and the line still marks the boundaries of the inner wards of the City, although the present area has been increased by the addition of the outlying liberties. Owing to the continuous occupation of London the base of the wall in the course of time became buried by the accumulated soil of the City, while the upper portion, through weathering and other causes, was in need of constant repair, and in later times its height was increased as the level of the surface was raised, but the old line was always preserved, subsequent rebuildings being carried upwards on the original structure (Fig. 13). The only alterations that have been made in the Roman boundary are first on the east, where a portion of the wall was removed at the building of the Tower, a further length (about 300 ft.) being pulled down by Bishop Longchamp in the reign of Richard I, in order to construct the Tower Ditch.'' Edward I granted leave in 1276 to Robert Kilwardby, Archbishop of Canterbury, to take down a portion of the wall on the west to provide space for the building of the Blackfriars monastery, on condition that a new wall should be built so as to include the monastery,' but the work was still unfinished in i 3 i o, when its completion was ordered by Edward 11." The new wall ran to a point a little south of Ludgate, and then due west as far as the Fleet, by the side of which it was continued south to the Thames. During later periods we have numerous records of repairs having taken place. After the depredations of the Danes, Alfred thoroughly restored the City defences,* and portions were also rebuilt by the Normans, some traces of whose work are still preserved, while in 1477, during the mayoralty of Ralph Joceline, an important restoration of the line from Aldgate to Aldersgate took place when the battlements were rebuilt of brick. '^ The Roman wall was, however, in a greater measure refaced than destroyed by all these subsequent repairs. The top had no doubt suffered by decay and damage, but the solid core of the substantial Roman masonry still stood in many parts to a considerable height above the ground, though hidden beneath the disguise of later coverings, and its venerable head crowned with alien battlements, placed there by ruder hands. Thus it continued and grimly guarded London until as late as the year 1766, when the Commis- sioners of Sewers applied to Parliament for leave to break down the ancient defence, on the plea that it was detrimental to the health of the City by obstructing the passage of air. Several large portions, however, for a time escaped the general destruction, and although most of these have since been destroyed, we are fortunate in having some excellent records of their appear- ance in the drawings of J. T. Smith,^ F. W. Fairholt,' and J. W. Archer.' Little now remains to be seen above ground, but there are still some por- tions incorporated with other buildings, and a few fragments which have '• Stow, Surt'. (ed. Thorns), 5 ; Ges/a Hen. II \3 Ric. I (Rolls Ser.), ii, 106. ' Ca/. Pat. 1272-81, p. 25S. ' Stow, op. cit. 5. Stow's authority has not been found ; but on 15 Sept. 1312 a tower was ordered to be built beside the monasteiy on the bank of the Thames {Ca/. Pat. 1307-13, p. 495). * ' Civitate restaurata, moeniisque decenter reparatis,' Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), i, 421. There is, however, no specific mention of the walls in the early authorities. 'The same year King Alfred restored London (gesette Lunden burg),' Atigl.-Sax. Chron. sub anno 886 ; ' Londoniam civitatem honorifice restauravit,' Asser, 'Life of Alfred' in Mon. Hist. Brit. 489. ' Stow, loc. cit. ' Topog. Antiq. ' Roach Smith, llks. of Rom. Land. ' Vestiges of Old Lond. 44 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON been publicly preserved. The solid base of the wall remained until quite recently, almost without change, and indeed a large proportion of this still reposes beneath the houses and streets. Pierced at many points for mains, torn up in places for basements, the old wall yields slowly and sullenly. The earliest description of the wall is that by Dr. John Woodward in 1707,' which is remarkable for its detailed accuracy, and on account of the clear recognition of its being the handiwork of the Romans. Some more recent writers on the subject have ventured to deny this, and to attribute it to a subsequent period, but fuller investigation has firmly estabUshed the view taken by Dr. Woodward. The structure of the wall is that usually followed by the Romans in the south of Britain and in Gaul, bands of stone being bonded at intervals of about 3 ft. with a double or treble row of tiles, the whole plentifully set in mortar and forming a mass of extreme hardness. With a few trifling varia- tions in detail the entire line of the wall from the Tower to Ludgate may be described as uniform. The stone of which it is built is of the same kind throughout, a hard limestone being used for the body of the wall and a ferruginous sandstone for the plinth, both of which would seem to have been brought from the quarries of Kent. The tiles are of the usual Roman character, being large flat bricks of fine close texture, and measuring about iji'm. long, rather less than 12 in. wide, and from iHn, to 2 in. in thick- ness, and are mostly red in colour, but occasionally yellow. All the material was specially prepared and brought for the purpose, the stone is all freshly quarried, there being no re-used material from earlier buildings, and no roofing tiles being employed in the bonds. There is no mixture of other stones than those before mentioned, nor has chalk or septarium been used. The consistent method and uniform character of the wall on the land side points conclusively to its erection under a well-organized plan carried out deliberately at one time. At the time of its construction the surface of the ground was that formed naturally by the gravels and brick-earths of the old Thames. This natural surface is now over'iaid with a great thickness of made soil, the accumulation of subsequent ages, which varies from 8 ft. to upwards of 20 ft. on the line of the wall, while an even greater increase is found further within the boundaries. On the original surface, which was covered only by a few inches of humus, the builders of the wall proceeded to dig a trench about 1 2 ft. wide and from 3 ft. to 4 ft. deep, which was then puddled in with clay and flints tightly rammed down ; occasionally, but not often, ragstone fragments were used in place of flint. A layer of this kind has not been noticed elsewhere in the City, and its object is not very clear, unless intended as a damp course, since in the opinion of modern builders the natural gravel is equally good, perhaps even better, to build on. A thick bed of mortar with small fragments of ragstone, and sometimes flints embedded in it was then laid over the clay puddling ; and above this bed is usually found a thickness of rough ragstone of irregular shape, and often of large size, well grouted in mortar, and forming a footing about 9 ft. 6 in. in width, and in most parts from i ft. to 2 ft. high, but sometimes considerably more ; this layer is, however, at one spot altogether missing (Fig. 22, No. 5). Upon this base rests the wall itself, which above this level is faced with ' Letter to Wren ; Leiand, ///». (Hearne), viii (1711-12). 45 A HISTORY OF LONDON dressed stone. On the outside is laid a chamfered plinth formed of blocks of red sandstone, about i ft, to 2 ft. 6 in. long, 9 in. high, and i ft. to i ft. 6 in. thick, above which, but set back about 4 in., which is the width of the chamfer, are usually four, but in some parts five courses of carefully squared ragstones, making together a height of from 2 ft. to 2 ft. 6 in. ; the lowest stones are slightly larger than the rest, the succeeding courses diminishing in size, and on the average measuring about 6 in. in depth, while the width varies considerably. The corresponding face on the inside has a similar arrange- ment, but instead of the sandstone plinth there are three rows of tiles placed one above another, but not carried through the thickness of the wall so as to form a bond. With a set-ofF of about 3 in. the dressed stones of the inner face are carried up in the same way as on the outer face. Between these two faces the core of the wall is composed of pieces of ragstone of irregular size and shape, arranged roughly in herring-bone fashion. Mortar is plentifully spread over the successive layers ; it does not, however, run thoroughly between the stones, but leaves many cavities. The thickness of the wall at this point is usually 8 ft. to 8 J ft. Above this first stone band a bond of tiles is carried through the wall. There are usually three courses of tiles shown on the face in the first bond, and in some parts in the second bond ; but all the higher bonds have two tiles, and in exceptional cases the lower bonds have also been found to be of two tiles only. While the edges of these tiles are quite regular on the face, the arrangement within the core is often very irregular, but so deeply are they embedded in mortar that the whole forms a bond of great strength and solidity. Further interspaces of five or six courses of roughly squared ragstone, alternated with bonding courses, follow regularly, and are of similar construction, though the upper interspaces are deeper than the first, measuring about 3 ft., and the stones are smaller and less regular. On the inner face the stone is set back about 3 in. above each bonding course, while the outer face is carried up vertically from the top of the plinth. In several of the published diagrams, the outer face is shown with set-offs like the inside, but this would appear to be due to a misapprehension arising from the fact that the bonding courses have been less affected by weathering than the more loosely-built stone, for in parts where the outer face has been covered up at an early period it has been found to be quite perpendicular (Fig. 20). The inner face, however, is usually in far better preservation than the outer, because of the earlier rise in the surface within the City, or possibly because the wall was originally protected on the inside by an earthen bank. Those portions of the outside of the wall which have from any cause been covered in remote times show that the outer face was constructed with equal regularity and care, but from its greater liability to damage from attack and from the action of the weather, it has suffered to a greater extent than the inner face by refacing in later times, when it was also generally dressed back. The core throughout the height of the wall is much the same as that already described, the only stone employed in the original fabric being ragstone with rarely an occasional flint. The greatest height at which the Roman masonry has actually been found is about 16 ft. above the Roman ground level. The top has nowhere been preserved and there is no 46 ■ i -c^ 't^nr-'.'r-.i ■ '0^^ -''' 1^ 47 A HISTORY OF LONDON record of how it was finished or what was its original height. If we may judge, however from examples elsewhere and from Roman representations of walls, it was probably at least 20 ft. to 25 ft. high and was battlemented. The line of the plinth may be taken in a general way to represent the surface of the ground when the wall was built, but from the varying height of the substructure it would appear that the builders endeavoured, as far as possible, to keep the plinth on a level, the inequalities of the surface being made up by increasing the amount of ragstone beneath (Fig. 22). Their object might have been attained by stepping the plinth, but no evidence has been found to show that this device was resorted to ; possibly, however, at such points as the gates, where the ground was uneven, a new line of plinth was started at a different level. The mortar used is almost entirely white lime mortar without the admixture of pounded tile. Pink mortar occurs in certain exceptional parts or rather subsidiary structures, such as the culverts and drains carried under the base of the wall, the bastions, and the one gate of which definite Roman remains have been found. In the wall proper it has been found only where a bastion has been removed, or is the result of later patching in Roman times. Bastions. Additional strength was given to the wall by the erection of a number of projecting buttress towers or bastions, such as are commonly found in late Roman mural defences. These occur at varying distances, the interval being frequently 150 ft. to 200 ft., but sometimes more than twice as much ; possibly a few have been destroyed without record or still remain undiscovered. It is noteworthy that none have been recorded on the line of the supposed south wall. They were mostly of horse-shoe shape in plan, being 20 ft. wide and projecting from the wall about 15 ft. The base, which was solid, was carried a few feet below the wall foundation. One at least appears to have been rectangular, but the only record of this is a sketch made by Gough in the 18th century, an engraving from a copy of which appears in Roach Smith's Illustrations of Rofnan London.^' No remains of it seem to have been met with in more recent times.^" Judging by the sketch it differed from the others in structure as well as in shape ; but this will be dealt with more fully later, when the wall is described in detail. Maitland states that fifteen bastions were standing in his time, and the positions of several are indicated on the plan of Braun and Hogenberg (1572) and on that ascribed to Agas (1591), while the more precise map of Ogilby and Morgan (1677) shows twelve, the positions of which have mostly been identified, while others have been brought to light by the excavations of recent years. In the method of construction and in the material employed the bastions differ greatly from the City wall, against which they are built without being bonded or tied into it in any way. Several of them have been examined with some thoroughness during recent excavations, and it is quite clear that they were built at a subsequent period to that of the wall. They are con- structed of a variety of stones, oolites predominating, and a large proportion of the material has evidently been taken from former buildings or monu- ments — sculptural figures, capitals, columns, portions of entablatures, cornices, *" Op. cit. 16. '" These forms of bastions are found together elsewhere, for instance at Richborough, where round towers are placed on the corners, and those on the side walls are square. 48 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON and inscribed stones having been found built into the bases. Fragments of Roman tile often occur, but there are no bonds of tiles such as form the dis- tinctive feature of the City wall. From the vast amount of stone evidently taken from large and important Roman buildings, some archaeologists have been inclined to regard the bastions as built from the ruins of Londinium long subsequent to its abandon- ment by the Romans. Like the City w^all, they underwent much reparation at different times, when later material may have been inserted ; yet in only one of those that have been examined has evidence of anything later than the Roman period been found in the base, and in one case undoubted proofs of Roman origin have been discovered. It is therefore probable that, while some may have been added and others rebuilt in later times, most of the bastions were originally erected by the Romans, but at a period subsequent to the building of the wall. The Gates. — Of the gates known to us by the names which yet cling to their sites, all except Moorgate are of ancient origin. Most of them were several times rebuilt during the latter period of their existence, but there is little evidence regarding their earlier history. Speculation on this question has been abundant, but as the aim of this article is only to draw conclusions based on evidence, it is unnecessary to do more than point out that by a curious irony Newgate, which the theorists generally agreed in regarding as of late origin, is the sole instance where actual remains have been found of a gate built in Roman times. There are less decisive indications pointing to the same period for the origin of some of the other gates, which will be more particularly mentioned in a later part of this article. The Roman Ditch. — Doubtless the evidence of the Roman Ditch was in great part removed by the extensive work of the thirteenth century,^^ but since attention was first directed to the matter, traces of it have been found at several points. Though in some parts inconsiderable, Mr. Fox records that near Aldersgate it was 75 ft. wide."^ The wall was set back about 10 ft. from the edge of the ditch, the intervening platform, or berme, serving to prevent the wall from slipping into the ditch, through the pressure of its weight. An earthen bank was perhaps placed against the inside face of the wall. The mediaeval ditch was cut with its inner slope commencing from the face of the wall, but owing to the soil having risen several feet before this was done, portions of the earlier ditch have been covered up and preserved. Probably more information on this subject will yet be obtained, though unfortunately much of the filling of the later City ditch has been removed witliout obser- vation or record. Descriptions of portions of the Wall recorded. — Starting at the riverside on the east of the City and turning north, the first evidence of the wall is met with adjoining the south-east angle of the White Tower. It is a small fragment, but it is important as being the only example of the outer face showing the chamfered plinth at present visible. It was discovered in 1879 '" during the removal of some storehouses which stood at right angles to the Armoury ; on clearing the ground this piece of wall was found under the foundation of the storehouses and connected with the remains of the " Stow, Sa;w_y, 8. "=" Arch, lii, 609-16. '- Jout-n. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxvii, 2S0; xxxviii, 127-32. I " 49 7 A HISTORY OF LONDON Wardrobe Tower. The level of the surface was at this time lowered, leaving the base of the Roman wall with the plinth and what little remains above it exposed to view. The general character of this fragment of the wall agrees with the construction usually adopted, differing only in being about one foot less in thickness. As so great a stretch of the wall north of this point has been removed, this piece is of value in fixing the position of the boundary in this direction. It will be found to lie in a straight line with the more definite remains beyond the Tower Ditch. An attempt was made in 1904,^' under the direction of the Society of Antiquaries, to discover further traces of the wall near this spot, and in par- ticular to fix the return angle formed by the supposed south wall ; but, except for some remains of the flint and clay puddling adjoining the fragment already mentioned, no further signs of the wall could be found. The ground has apparently been disturbed at various periods below the level of the original surface. At the opening up of the Wardrobe Tower, Loftus Brock observed that the masonry beneath this semicircular structure differed from the undoubtedly mediaeval work above, and he thus describes it : " We have here a rough mass of rubble masonry 5 ft. high, put together with mortar of iron-like solidity, and of browner colour than that of the first Roman wall. Mingled with this are patches of masonry and broken Roman brick, having the bright red mortar produced by pounded brick, and in too large masses, I think, to justify our belief that they were brought from elsewhere. (Since writing the above the southern face has been bared, and this reveals the fact that much of this walling is built with this same red mortar, but in patches, as if it were a matter of no concern to the builder which mortar was used.) He goes on to suggest that these indications point to the Wardrobe Tower having been built on the base of a Roman bastion. Its position, projecting as it does from the outer face of the City wall, makes this suggestion extremely probable (Plan C, 2). From this point no further trace of the wall is found until passing the Tower precincts, where at Postern Row is the site of the gateway known as Tower Postern (Plan C, S), Judging from the line of Ratcliff Highway, now called St. George's Street, it seems probable that there was formerly a gate situated more to the south, and that the Postern gate was opened after the con- struction of the Tower, when the road was deflected to the north. This gate appears to have been standing before 1 190, when a part of the City wall was broken down and the Tower Ditch formed, by which the foundations of the gate were weakened. The south side of it eventually fell down in 1440, and Stow tells us ' was never re-edified againe of stone, but an homely cottage with a narrow passage made of timber, lath and loame, has been in place thereof set up and so remaineth.' " Adjoining Postern Row to the north much of the wall is still bricked up into a bonded warehouse, and it passes out at Trinity Place, where a con- siderable piece is to be seen (Plan C, 4). The portion here visible above ground appears to have been rebuilt during the Middle Ages, when it was carefully faced with alternate layers of thick stones and Roman tiles and thin stones, which in places have been much patched. The older masonry no doubt lies buried. " jinA. Ix, 239. " Joum. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxviii, 130. " Stow, Sarf. (ed. i), 25 ; (ed. Thorns), 12. 50 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON The Commissioners of Woods and Forests have recently, under the advice of the Society of Antiquaries, had the wall renovated and protected by a covering at the top. This fragment belongs to the stretch of wall engraved in Wilkinson's Londina Illustrata, 1818, from a view taken after the ground had been cleared by a fire, and again by J. W. Archer," who states that the wall was here upwards of 25 ft. high ; the Roman masonry was seen to a height of about 8 ft., its squared facing stones with two rows of bonding tiles showing clearly at the base, and mingling above with the irregular work of later times. In 1852 some excavations on the eastern or outer side disclosed what has variously been called ' a quarry of 125 stones' and 'a mediaeval buttress' resting against the wall, which on being removed revealed the facing of the Roman wall in a remarkably good condition'^ (Plan C, 5). A drawing of it, made by Fairholt and engraved in Roach Smith's Illustrations of Roman London, shows that three bonding courses with the intervening courses of stone and the chamfered plinth remained, most of which was below the street level. Although the depth is not stated, it must have been about 12 or 14 ft. The perfect condition of the Roman work here was undoubt- edly due to one of the bastions having been placed against it. Roach Smith calls this mediaeval, but that it was ' in measure composed of stones which had be- longed to Roman build- ings of importance, and to sepulchral monu- ments' (Fig. 14). Pink mortar is stated to have been found on the face buttress admits a great 14. -Architectural Fragments from the Bastion, Tower Hill of of of the wall, but it seems probable that this was applied by the builder the bastion. When the Inner Circle Railway was formed in 1882, this stretch wall was cut through ; a portion, 73 ft. in length, was destroyed, and the remains of the bastion were removed (Plan C, 6). Adjoining it were discovered the foundations of several Roman buildings, a large tessellated pavement, and quantities of Samian and other Roman pottery." Beyond the railway a con- siderable piece of wall still stands behind the houses of the Crescent and in the bonded vaults of Messrs. Barber & Co., forming the dividing wall of their buildings to a height of about 30 ft. (Plan C, 7) In the basement portions of Roman work with bonding tiles are seen, and no doubt its base lies below the level of the basement floor, while on the upper floors the additions of later ages are found, with some Norman windows, and at the top floor the ledge of the battlements. The present structures inclosing this remarkable fragment were " Vestiges of Rom. Lond. 1 851. '* Journ. Brij. Arch. Assoc, xxxviii, 447-8 " lllus. Rom. Lond. 15. 51 A HISTORY OF LONDON built in 1864, when on clearing away the old houses which had occupied the site a length of 1 10 ft, was exposed. Sir William Tite, who then described it," says it was 25 ft. in height from the old surface, but the drawing which accompanies his account shows it as nearly 40 ft., while if the details given are correct it would appear that the base had not been reached. Adjoining this spot the line of the wall is crossed by the London and Blackwall Railway, at the formation of which in 1841 a portion of the wall was removed^" (Plan C, 8). Again in 1880, when the railway was widened, several houses were removed on the west side of America Square, revealing pieces of the Roman masonry. This has been carefully described by Mr. A. A. Langley,^' who found the base resting at a depth of 1 8 ft. below the present surface, and consisting of the usual structure with the red sandstone plinth, beneath which was about i ft. of ragstone substructure, the whole resting on the normal bed of flint and clay. Running under the wall, just beneath the level of the plinth, was a small drain built entirely of red tiles, the opening of which was about i ft. high and 9 in. wide. This, taken in conjunction with the great depth at which the base is found, and other indications in the neighbourhood, shows that the ground at this point was low and that drainage was necessary. There seems to have been a bastion at this spot, although no details of its discovery are given (Plan C, 9). Crossing John Street, on the north side of which was another bastion*'' (Plan C, 10), the wall proceeds in the direction of Jewry Street. At the junction of Crutched Friars a fine piece of the wall was exposed in 1905 -' (Plan C, 11). It here forms a boundary between warehouses, and on the removal of the buildings on the west side 40 ft. of the inner face was uncovered. By the public-spirited intervention of the Skinners' Company, who are the ground landlords, a good fragment of the wall, 20 ft. long and 8i ft. high, has been preserved and built into the basement of the new offices, which are named Roman Wall House. This forms an excellent example of the inner face of the wall, its condition being as perfect as when first built. Continuing along Jewry Street, the wall underlies the fronts of the houses on the east side, and has caused the greater elevation of the pavement observable on that side of the street. During the recent rebuilding of the Cass School the wall was uncovered'* (Plan C, 12), and on this site there was probably a bastion, but little notice was taken of any remains which were found ** (Plan C, 13) . Nearer to Aldgate a portion of the wall was removed in 1 86 1, which has been described by Loftus Brock ^° as of Roman construc- tion throughout, and as resting at a depth of 1 1 ft. to i 2 ft. on massive piles driven in to form a foundation on account of the badness of the soil (Plan C, 14). At Aldgate, early in 1907, a sewage tunnel was driven under the site of the old gate, and on the south side of the High Street adjoining Jewry Street it passed through 16 ft. of solid masonry, the base of which was 16 ft. 6 in. below the present street level. It consisted of work of two distinct periods, one built against the other, that under the houses being of " Jrci. xl, 295. " Knight, LortJ. i, 163. " Antiquary, iii, 62-5. » Ibid. 1885, xi, 33. " Jrch. Ix, 191. " Ibid. Ix, 193. " Joutii. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxrv-i, 163. 52 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON later date and containing pieces of mediaeval tile, chalk, flint, and other material, held together by soft yellow mortar, while the portion furthest under the roadway was of ragstone, very solidly built with hard white mortar, and containing pieces of Roman tile but no perfect tiles arranged in bonding courses. As far as could be seen in the restricted space of the tunnel, it appeared to be similar to the style of building employed in the base of the bastions. At lo ft. from the house-fronts a built face was found running diagonally in a north-easterly direction, but this was not followed further than 2 or 3 ft. This was in all likelihood the foundation of the flanking towers of the Roman gate which might have projected outwards from the wall, the distance of the tunnel being about 1 5 ft. in advance of the City wall. A plan of this gate as it existed in the late i6th century, with flanking towers of similar shape to the bastions, is given on the interesting survey of the Holy Trinity precincts made about 1592 and preserved at Hatfield (Fig. 15 (I)). As Mr. Lethaby suggests,'^ the gate possibly still contained Roman work. The thick base recently discovered, which appeared to turn diagonally, may very well have been the starting of the curved front of such a structure as is shown on the survey. From Aldgate the wall takes a more westerly turn along the line of Duke Street, and formed until twenty years ago the base on which the houses on the north side were built ; much of it no doubt now lies buried under the roadway in consequence of the widening of the street in 1887. Loftus Brock describes the wall then exposed as consisting of the chamfered plinth of dark brown sandstone with layers of squared facing of Kentish rag- stone and bands of bright red Roman tiles'^ (Plan C, 16). Ogilby and Morgan's map shows two bastions on the line of wall in Duke Street, and they are also given with more detail on the survey of Holy Trinity of 1592 (Fig. 15 (I and II)). There is little doubt that these are the towers "^^ Fig. 15. — Plans of the Wall and Bastion at Aldgate I. Holy Trinity Priory Sun-ey, 1593 II. Ogilby and Morgan, 1677 ' Lond. before, the Conq. 82. '' Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xliii, 203-4. 53 A HISTORY OF LONDON mentioned by Maitland in IJSS'^^ °^^ °^ which he describes as being ' almost- opposite the end of Gravel Lane to the west of Houndsditch ' ; it was then ' inhabited by a baker, and the door thereof within the wall ' was ' in Shoe- maker's Row, fronting the passage into Duke's Place.' Since Maitland wrote, there has been some alteration in the arrangement and much un- intelligent renaming of the streets; but Gravel Lane has fortunately not been effaced, and there is little difficulty in recognizing the position (Plan C, 18). Maitland says that this is the tower discovered by Dr. Woodward, who writes'': ' 'Tis compos'd of stone, with layers of brick interpos'd, after the Roman manner, and is the most considerable remain of Roman workmanship yet extant in any part of England that I know of, being 26 foot in height.' In searching for this tower [Maitland says] about eighty paces south-east towards Aldgate,, I discovered another of the same manner of construction of the height of one and twenty feet, perfectly sound and much more beautiful than the former, the bricks being as sound as if but newly laid, while the stones in most parts are become a sacrifice to devouring Time. The sketch by Gough, before alluded to, shows a tower of rectangular form and built apparently like the City wall of stone and bonds of tile, which agrees with the accounts both of Woodward and Maitland. Roach Smith says*" that Gough's sketch was simply described as representing a tower at Houndsditch, but J. E. Price says" that it represents the one standing near the end of Gravel Lane. Curiously, on all the old maps the bastions are shown as semicircular. Whether both of these bastions have been dis- covered in recent times is not clear. Loftus Brock, in describing the wall in Duke Street in 1887,*' records the occurrence of a rounded bastion built of large blocks of oolite, and says that it may be the second one mentioned by Maitland, and that it resembles those found elsewhere, but gives its position as 20 ft. south from the end of the Jewish Synagogue in Bevis Marks. As the corner of Heneage Lane in which the Bevis Marks Syna- gogue is situated is about 100 ft. north of the end of Duke Street, and the site of the first or more northerly bastion of Maitland is another 30 or 40 ft. to the south, it would seem that Brock must have meant the synagogue in Duke Street, in which case this bastion would clearly be the second of those mentioned by Maitland (Plan C, 1^). In any case Gough's sketch, if it represents either of them, shows that the rectangular structure was built on a semicircular base, and was of a later and different character from that of the City wall. It may therefore be presumed that these towers which Wood- ward and Maitland took to be Roman were really late and probably Norman, built of Roman materials and simulating the Roman method, as was done sa extensively at Colchester. This view is supported by the great height to which the supposed Roman work was standing above ground, and by the number of tiles used in the bonds, if the sketch as redrawn by Fairholt may be relied on. During the rebuilding of No. 31 Houndsditch in 1880, a portion of the wall 70 ft. long with a height of ii| ft. was removed, which is de- scribed by Brock ^^ as having the usual Roman characteristics in perfect " Hist. ofLond. i, 31. " Letter to Hearne. ™ lUus. Rom. Lond. 16. " Bastion in Camomile Street, 17. " Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xliii, 203-4. " Ibid, xxxvii, 86 ; xxx\iii, I 32-5. 54 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON Fig. It 1 6. — Architectural Fragments from Bastion, HoUNDSDITCH IS be SO and unfortunate it as seems that the description of that the bastion had meagre, that the Roman ditch was here met with •condition. At this point the wall formed the boundary between the houses in Bevis Marks and the yards of those in Houndsditch (Plan C, 19). The base of a bastion was found at ' the north-east of these excavations,' and it is described as ' of later date and rougher, but still probably of Roman work.' It projected i 8 ft. 6 in. from the outer face of the City wall. The width is said to have been as much as 40 ft., but there seems to be some doubt as to this measurement, some other masonry having been built on to it. Its face was ' a flat segment of a circle,' unlike the bold projection of others that have been found. Built up into it were some fragments of Roman architectural work including a circular base of a column, a portion of a column shaft with ■diagonal bands and lo- zenges, and an inscribed «tone (Fig. 16). A massive channel of solid stone, i ft. 6 in. broad and I ft. 3 in. deep, led from the centre of the bastion to the ditch, and ■' traces of a raised earthen bank like an external val- lum to the ditch ' were found these discoveries should some unusual characters. (Plan C, 20). Further along Bevis Marks, the little street now known as Goring Street, which has been cut through the wall into Houndsditch, marks the position of a bastion (Plan C, 21.) It was formerly called Castle Street, and it is sugges- tive that two streets associated with the wall bore this name, and at both of them bastions have been found. One cannot but regret therefore that a name which probably recalls a fact of such interest should disappear. The base of this bastion was uncovered in 1884,^* and its discovery was the occasion of a great outburst of enthusiasm, funds being raised for its explora- tion and an influential committee formed to protect and record London antiquities ; but little further has been heard either of the bastion or of the committee. In a slight notice which appeared at the time, however, it is , said to have been composed of important fragments of Roman sculpture taken from buildings ; a large stone coffin was also discovered. From Bevis Marks the wall passes behind the houses of Camomile Street, forming the boundary of the little graveyard of St. Martin Outwich, and until 1905 some of the old stones were to be seen under the buildings which abutted on the graveyard'^ (Plan C, 22). The houses in Houndsditch to which these belonged were then pulled down, disclosing a good piece of the wall, the base with the chamfered plinth being very perfect. At one part was the most considerable height of the Roman work that has been recorded, there being in the core remains of four bonding courses, the upper one of which was I4jft. above the original ground level. The stonework '* Antiquary, x, 134. " Arch. Ix, 179. 55 A HISTORY OF LONDON above this point to a height of upwards of 1 6 ft. appeared also to be of Roman construction. But it was mostly destroyed, and at the rebuilding all traces of the old work were hidden from view. A little further to the north-west an important bastion was discovered in 1876, which has been elaborately described by J. E. Price ^^ (Plan C, 23). It was of the usual rounded form, about 20 ft. in diameter and projecting 15 ft. from the wall, below the plinth of which its base was carried about 4 ft. A length of about 60 ft. of the wall was disclosed at the time, the base of which was from 10 to 12 ft. below the present roadway, with the usual clay and flint bed resting on the London clay. The base of the bastion had been laid on a surface prepared by compressing masses of chalk into the clay for a thickness of about 3 in. The lower part was composed of large pieces of oolite and green sandstone, chiefly taken from older buildings. These were filled in and faced with Kentish rag, and this was the material mainly employed in the upper part, a solid mass rising to a height of about 10 ft. A large number of the architectural fragments were carved and moulded, and they were all of the Roman period. There were also many pieces of monuments, some of a remarkably good style of art, though others were crude and defaced (Figs. 17 and 41). Tiles were found, but mostly in the shape of fragments worked in at random with the stones, together with masses of opus sigm'num, brought from elsewhere and thrown in as building material.*^ Price's account is marred by a strong desire to show that the bastion was constructed in the Middle Ages, and probably not before the i 3th cen- tury; but he was unable to produce any object later than the Roman period in support of his view. He refers indeed to a piece of green glazed pottery as coming from under the base, but admits that the evidence is indecisive. As has been already stated, more recent investigations have placed it beyond doubt that some at least of the bastions, although later than the wall, were yet built during the Roman period.'^ Price identifies this bastion with the one shown on Agas's map adjoining the Papey, but in this he is evidently in error, as that is clearly the one at Goring Street (Castle Street). Neither the bastion at Camomile Street nor that at No. 31 Houndsditch appears on the old maps. From about this point the wall deflects somewhat to the west and con- tinues thus till it reaches Bishopsgate. There has been considerable question as to when a gate was first built here, and although no very definite remains have been found, some indications observed during the recent operations for telephone mains are of interest. At the junction of Wormwood Street and Bishopsgate Street, from 15 ft. to 20 ft. from the inside of the wall, a mass of rubble masonry was found resting at about a depth of 10 ft. on a bed of puddled clay and flint, and the latter was found extending over the whole space opened by the manhole. '^ As the bed of clay and flint is only found in association with the City wall, it seems highly probable that the remains were those of a Roman gate which occupied the site (Plan C, 24). From Bishopsgate the wall turns almost due west, passing under the houses on the north side of Wormwood Street (Plan C, 25). It has been cut through ^ Bastion of London IV all, 1880. " Many of these interesting and valuable remains were until recently to be seen in the Guildhall Museum, but unfortunately most of them are now stored out of sight. '« See above, p. 48. ''^ Arck. Ix, 1 86. 56 Fig. 17. — Architectural and Monumental Fragments from Bastion, Camomile Street 57 A HISTORY OF LONDON by New Broad Street (Plan C, 56), beyond which it makes for Allhallows Church, the north side of which is built on it (Plan C, 57). The houses on the south side of New Broad Street (west) were pulled down in 1906,*" revealing the Roman masonry of the wall. From the shape and dimensions of the semicir- cular vestry on the north side of the church, it was suspected that it had been built upon the base of a bastion, although none of the early maps show one on this spot. The opportunity was taken by the Society of Antiquaries to investigate this, and not only were the remains of a bastion discovered, but it was found to have been partly formed over a Roman ditch. None of the masonry was disturbed, but it could clearly be seen that it was constructed largely of architectural remains, among which were a fluted pilaster with moulded cap (Fig. 18), portions of cornices, and several large stones with lewis holes. The base was built mostly of large blocks of oolite, 2 ft. high, and varying from 2 ft. to 4 ft. wide, liberally cemented with pink mortar, which was spread in a thick covering over the joints and angles, showing unmistakably that it had been employed by the builder of the bas- tion. Its base rested 14 ft. below the present surface and 2 ft. 8 in. below the plinth of the City wall ; it projected 1 6 ft. in front of the wall and was about 20 ft. wide. The centre of the ditch was about 20 ft. from the wall, and the bastion extended for some five or six feet over its edge, the width of the ditch being 1 5 ft. and its depth 5 ft. The ditch in front of the bastion had first been filled up with a mass of chalk, flint, and other stones, among which was a portion of the cap of the pilaster mentioned above, which had been knocked off to level the stone on one side. There were also many pieces of roofing and other tiles, lumps of opus sigmnum. Sec. Against this obstruction there had accumulated in the ditch on the east side a quantity of black mud, containing many remains of reeds and rushes, shells of water snails, and fragments of Samian and Romano-British pottery. In no part of the soil filling the hollow of the ditch and above it to a height of 6 ft. was anything found of a later period than the Roman. The ditch was traced throughout the length of the street, running parallel with the City wall ; in all other parts it was filled with light sandy loam, and everywhere it contained Roman relics. The churchyard wall to the west of the church is built on the wall (Plan C, 2S), the Roman portion of which extends almost to the level of the present surface (Fig. 19). The portion adjoining the church was broken away apparently when the church was built, but from this point it was fairly well preserved, and was exposed to a length of nearly 40 ft., showing three rows of bonding tiles with the intervening courses of ragstone, and finally the plinth, which consisted of large blocks of red sandstone, varying *" JrcL Ix. 197. 58 Fig. 18 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON from I ft. to 3 ft. in length, and resting at a depth of about 1 2 ft. They were laid at the level of the original surface on the usual bed of clay, but without any interposition of ragstone, visible on the face, and this was also the case where the bastion rested, but a little to the east of the church the plinth had a few inches of ragstone beneath it. The line of the plinth was not, however, exactly level, as it fell about a foot from the bastion to the western end of the excavation, where the wall crossed a small stream over which the plinth was carried in a straight line. The hollow channel of the stream gradually fell to a depth of 3 ft. 6 in. below the original surface, and this was filled up with undressed ragstone, in the centre of which was a small drain with an opening 15 in. high and 9 in. wide, running diagonally through the wall. It was built of Roman tiles cemented with red mortar, and the tiles had originally projected in front of the wall, but the upper part of the drain had been destroyed for about 2 ft. into the wall before the stream silted up (Fig. 19). In the filling at the mouth of the drain were found the remains of a human skeleton, together with Romano-British pottery. The top had eventually been filled up and levelled with a quantity of building rubbish in which were many pieces of roofing tile {tegula and imbrex) and other Roman relics. Beyond this point the wall was met with when the buildings adjoining Blomfield Street were erected, but only slight mention of it is made. In the street called London Wall, near the entrance to Blomfield Street, two culverts were found passing beneath the City wall. They were in general HOftTM W».\X OF AU.HU.LOWS CHuRCh t-EVEL . -> -s,^ 17ir_T_JL-l Fig. 19. — City Wall, West of Allhallows Church 59 A HISTORY OF LONDON character very similar, being arched passages with flat bottoms, built of Roman tiles with red mortar and embedded in amass of rubble masonry. The foundation of the wall where these culverts occur is found to fall rapidly to a much lower level than that near Allhallows Church. The reason of this is that it crosses a stream which was of considerable dimensions when the wall was built, and in the fiUed-up bed of which flowed the smaller stream, known in the Middle Ages as the Walbrook. Although not recognized at the time of their discovery, it is now clear that these culverts were inserted under the wall to form a passage for the stream. The more easterly of them was described by Richard Kelsey, the City Surveyor, in 1837''^ (Plan C, 29). The depth from the surface to the bottom of the culvert was 18 ft. 4 in., but the dimensions of the opening are not recorded. To the north were dis- covered one upright and two sloping iron bars, while the south entrance was found at a distance of 14 ft. from the wall, where it discharged into a ditch. West of this was the other culvert, which is described and figured by Roach Smith*- (Plan C, 30). It was found to begin at a point 20 ft. north of the wall, having an opening 3 ft. 6 in. high and 3 ft. 3 in. wide, and from there it ran in a southerly direction for 60 yds. The crown of the arch was 19 ft. below the surface, so that its base would be at a depth of 22 ft. 6 in. (Fig. 24). During operations for laying telephone mains in 1905 an excavation was undertaken by the Society of Antiquaries in order to obtain information as to how the wall had been constructed across the stream.*^ The nearest point available was just opposite Throgmorton Avenue, under the pavement on the north side of London Wall (street) (Plan C,3l). A shaft was carried down the outer face of the wall, the latter being met with about 5 ft. below the surface, to which level it had been broken down for the structure that stood on it until the rebuilding and widening of the street. The work was of the usual Roman character, with the face exceptionally well preserved, showing two bonding courses, each of three tiles, while the chamfered red sandstone plinth rested at a depth of i 3 ft. 3 in. This depth is about the same as that at Allhallows Churchyard, and as the present level from the church to this point falls between 2 and 3 ft. it follows that the plinth was laid to that extent out of the horizontal in a distance of about 3';oft. Below the plinth came a solid mass 5 ft. 8 in. deep, of irregularly shaped ragstones projecting 2 ft. in front of the face of the wall, and resting on the usual flint and clay puddling (Fig. 20). The total depth to the bottom of the stream at this point was thus 19 ft., while that of the centre of the stream, as represented by the lower culvert, is 22 ft. 6 in. It would seem then that the shaft was sunk about as far to the west of the centre as the higher culvert was to the east of it, their depth below the surface being about the same. The sub- structure of the wall may be presumed to have been carried across the hollow bed of the stream, the culverts being formed in it to carry the water, much as in the case of the smaller stream noticed near Allhallows Church. It is probable from the width and position of the stream deposit that more than two culverts were employed and others may yet be brought to light by future operations. From this point the wall passes from under the pavement until it reaches Moorgate Street, where it is nearly in the centre of the roadway. Part of *' j4rci. Ix, 237 ; Cat. Antiq. Roy. Exch. xxxi. " jirch. xxix, 152. " Ibid. Ix, 169. 60 LEVEL OF STREET ■ G3C3C3C3E3QaQK3QQ f 3c3OQaaiC3000c3a0QC ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON this length of wall served a last purpose in forming a screen at the back of Bethlehem Hospital and the boundary of the northern extent of the street but after the demolition of Bethlehem in 1 8 17 the portion above ground was broken down and the street was formed over it. At the subsequent widening of the street it was left safely buried under the roadway, though pressed on both sides and in places cut through by sewers and mains of various descrip- tions, until at last no room was to be found except in the space occupied by the old wall, and the telephone mains had to be laid from Moorgate for a considerable distance eastwards actually within its core, in which a trench 2 ft. 6 in. wide was carried to a depth of 8 ft. 6 in. Where the wall crosses Moorgate Street is the site of Moorgate, but the gate was not made until 141 5, when Thomas Falconer, mayor, ' caused the wall of the city to be broken near unto Coleman streete, and there built a postern now called Moregate, upon the moor side where was never gate before.' " On the west side of Moorgate Street, the con- tinuation of London Wall (street) is considerably nar- rower, the base of the wall still serving as a foundation to the fronts of the houses on the north side. Loftus Brock,*^ who made an ex- amination of the wall here records that it corresponds almost exactly with other parts of the line (Plan C, 82). Its thickness was 9 ft. 2 in., ' but this included about 2 ft. of mediaeval work intended to thicken it. Its average height was 4 ft. above ground, but there were also 8 ft. below. There was no pounded brick except in one part, where a mass of the concrete formed of pounded red brick, and evidently taken from some other building, was built up into the wall. Some scored flue tiles and thick roofing tiles had also been used in it.' From this description it would seem as though a bastion had formerly stood here, the fore part of which had at some time been removed (Plan C, 83). Further to the west portions of the wall are still incorporated in the buildings, although " Stow, Surv. 13. " Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxviii, 424-6. 61 Fig. 20. — Elevation of Wall and Section disclosed bV the Shaft in the Walbrook Bed dug by the Society of Antiquaries in 1905 A HISTORY OF LONDON much of it has been used to make the road with, as can be seen any time the road is opened. At Aldermanbury was a postern which is said to have been formed in 1655, but it seems likely that something of the kind stood here in Roman times. Roach Smith *^ records that ' In the spring of last year (1857) excava- tions for the foundation of houses on the north-eastern side of Aldermanbury Postern laid open a portion of the wall of peculiar construction, being com- posed of a series of blind arches (Plan C, 84). At first it was supposed there had been openings in the wall, but as the work advanced it was ascer- tained that the arches were merely constructional, as they formed throughout part of the solid masonry.' This structure is quite exceptional, and it would appear to have been formed to support some addition to the ordinary defences of the City. Beyond the postern is the little graveyard of St. Alphage, closed by Act of Parliament in 1853, on the back wall of which is a tablet stating that it is 'the old Roman wall' (Plan C, 36). Undoubtedly this hes buried beneath the surface, but there is no Roman work that can be recognized above ground. That which is visible is however, of interest, as preserving the remains of the brick battlements with stone copings, which were finally added to the wall by Joceline in the reign of Edward IV. At the north end of Wood Street on the site now occupied by Cripple- gate Buildings stood Cripplegate. No remains have been discovered, so far as is known, to show the existence of a gate on this spot in Roman times, but there is mention of a gate here as early as 10 10,*^ which may quite possibly have had a Roman origin (Plan C, 36). Still continuing in a straight line the wall passes behind the houses of Hart Street, and forms the southern boundary of the main portion of St. Giles's Churchyard. The Hne of the wall at this point turns sharply almost due south, and although all trace of the wall itself has disappeared, a con- siderable portion of the bastion situated at the angle still remains above ground, but this has been so often patched and repaired at ditferent times that it is probably wholly encased in a comparatively modern covering (Plan C, 37). It was damaged in the extensive fire at Jewin Crescent a few years ago, and afterwards repaired by order of the Corporation under the super- vision of Mr. J. Terry.** The opportunity was then taken to examine the foundations, and excavation showed that its base extended to a depth of 18 ft. below the present level of the churchyard, which with the 1 3 ft. above ground gives a total height of 3 i ft. Mr. Terry says : — The foundations (which are on the ballast) and, indeed, the lower portions of the wall to the height of about 4 feet, are in a good state of preservation, and judging by the appear- ance of the materials used, particularly the mortar, this portion is probably Roman work. Above this height the work was of a different character, several kinds of stone had been used, intermixed with pieces of Roman tiles and flints, and in some instances the stones had been wedged up with several layers of oyster shells, the mortar being of an inferior quality to that found at a lower level, and there is not the slightest indication of this portion of the bastion being the work of the Romans, although full of their materials. *^ lllus. of Rom. Lond. 17. *• The body of St. Edmund was in loio brought into London 'a via quae Anglice dicitur Ealsegate ; Mem. St. Edmund's Jbbey (Rolls Ser.), i, 43. " Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans (new ser.), i, 356-9. 62 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON The southward course of the wall is marked by the buildings abutting on a narrow strip of the churchyard which lies between the houses of Well Street and Monkwell Street. This portion terminates at a projecting rounded warehouse built on part of the old Barber Surgeons' Hall (Plan C, 38), the size and form of which at once suggest an underlying bastion, and this inference is confirmed by the following entry in the records of the Barber Surgeons' Company : — ' 5th February 1607. This day it is ordered that a Courthouse be erected upon the Bulwarke behind the Hall of this Company for the Mrs. or Governors to kepe the Courte at the charge of this Company.' This bastion is marked on Ogilby and Morgan's map, which also shows, built against the inside of the wall about midway between it and the one last mentioned, a structure of similar shape, but somewhat larger, of which no later record has been found (Plan C, 89) ; it may have been a tower for a ballista or other engine of war, such as that of which remains are still to be seen at Colchester. About 1 20 ft. south of the Barber Surgeons' Hall another bastion, which had been built up between the houses of Castle Street and Monkwell Street, was uncovered in 1865 during some repairs to No. 7, Castle Street*' (Plan C, 40). It was found to be about 40 ft. in height, being built of rough flints and ragstone. In the upper part was a row of tiles or bricks, but there is no reason to suppose that this was a bond ; more probably it was due to later patching, a very similar thing having been found in the undoubtedly mediaeval portion of the bastion under Allhallows Church. The site of this discovery is marked by the building called ' Bastion House,' 2A, Windsor Court, Monkwell Street, where the lower portion of the bastion is said to have been built into the basement. The wall next crosses Falcon Square and runs behind the west side of Noble Street until at a point about 200 ft. south of the Square it takes a sharp turn to the west in the direction of Aldersgate. At this re-entrant angle Ogilby and Morgan's map shows a bastion, which probably still exists under ground with some portions of the wall, in the cellars between Noble Street and Aldersgate Street (Plan C, 14). No actual remains of the Roman Aldersgate have been recorded, but there is satisfactory evidence that there was a gate here at that period, as will be shown later (Plan C, 42). Westward of Aldersgate Street the wall forms the southern boundary of the graveyard of the adjacent church of St. Botolph (Plan C,43), which with the burial ground of Christ Church is now a public recreation ground. A piece of the wall adjoining the gate is recorded by W. D. SauU as having been found in 1841^" during excavations for the French Protestant Church in Bull and Mouth Street. Both the church and the street were absorbed by the Post Office buildings in 1887, when a stretch of 131 ft. of the wall was exposed. The interest taken in this discovery induced the authorities to take steps for its preservation ; it was carefully underpinned and built in, so that its inner face formed the side of the basement area, and although somewhat smoke- begrimed it is still to be seen. Its general character is much the same as that already described, only differing in minor detail. The height varied according as it had been made up by mediaeval repairs or cut into by the basements of modern houses. From a very careful account in T&e Builder " " Illus. Lond. News, a,7 (19 Aug. 1865), 157. '" Jrch. xxx, 522-4. " 5 May 1888. 63 A HISTORY OF LONDON it appears that a total height of 14 ft. 4 in. of Roman work was seen, there being five rows of tiles, the lower four of which were in places perfect. Accompanying this account is a sectional diagram, on which the lowest course of tiles is shown as a bond going through the wall, but this is evidently an error, as Mr. Fox,^^ who at first states this to be the case, says later that transverse sections were subsequently found, one of which, 27 yds. west of Aldersgate, showed that the lowest band of tiles did not run through the thickness of the structure and was composed at that point of two not three layers. Near King Edward Street were discovered foundations of a ' tower ' of a semicircular plan which Mr. Fox regards as mediaeval, as it contained carved stones of the Norman and Early English periods. In other respects this struc- ture resembles the bastions, and these stones may have been inserted in repairs. It may have been, however, a post-Roman bastion (Plan C, 44). A point of great interest in connexion with the finds at Aldersgate was the discovery of the Roman ditch. Between the wall and the edge of the ditch was a flat space of ground about 10 ft. wide, forming a ' berme ' similar to that at New Broad Street. The ditch at Aldersgate, however, was very much larger, being 74 ft. in width at the top and 14 ft. deep ; the bottom and sides were puddled with clay. In the section close to Aldersgate Street a slightly raised mound was found in the bottom which may possibly have served as the support of a wooden trestle bridge, similar to that found at Silchester.''^ Crossing King Edward Street the wall continues its westerly course in a direct line through the site of Christ's Hospital until within about 100 ft. of Giltspur Street, where it turns to the south, having a bastion on the angle, and two others on the line between the angle and King Edward Street. The vicissitudes of the old religious house of the Grey Friars have necessitated many changes in important buildings requiring deep foundations, and these have done much to destroy the portion of the wall within the conventual precincts, though its record has been preserved in the old plans. At the present time much of the site is being dug out to a great depth for the foundations of further buildings for the Post Office, and at various points detached portions of the old wall have been brought to light. The base has been found to rest at a depth of 1 2 ft. to i 3 ft. below the present level, with the usual clay and flint bed cut in the brick earth which mostly covers the gravel on this site. Near King Edward Street a nice section of the wall was exposed (Plan C, 45). There was about 10 ft. of Roman work, reaching almost to the present surface, and showing three bonding courses, the lowest of three tiles, the upper two of two tiles each. A little to the west a portion of the base of a bastion was found built into foundations which consisted of a compact mass of irregular ragstones and hard white mortar (Plan C, 46). Of the middle bastion, which had been cut into in 1827 by the foundations of the great hall of the school, a hollow footing about 23 ft. in diameter and 5 ft. in thickness remained for a height of 4 ft. 5 in. (Plan C, 47). This rested at a depth of 22 ft. 6 in., or nearly 10 ft. below the base of the City wall, which in this part must have been entirely cleared away when the great hall was built. This exceptional depth would seem " Jrci. Hi, 609-16. "' Jrri. Iv, 427. 64 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON to be due to the builders finding the filled-up bed of an ancient stream and carrying the base down for greater security in the soft soil. At the normal height above, the bastion was probably made solid like the others. As the operations are still proceeding, further discoveries may here be brought to light. ^'^'' About ICO ft. south of the angle bastion (Plan C, 4S) the wall reaches the site of Newgate, beneath the foundations of which very satisfactory evidences of a Roman gate have been found. When the old buildings on the north side were pulled down in 1875 to widen the street, Loftus Brock noted some Roman masonry among the later walls of Newgate, and the projection of these from the City wall led him to conclude that they were connected with an early gate " (Plan C, 49). Evidence of a clearer nature, however, was revealed on the south side of Newgate when the old prison was destroyed to give place to the new Sessions House in 1903—4. A very full description of these important discoveries was given by Mr. Philip Norman to the Society of Anti- quaries." Under the north frontage of the new Sessions House some Roman tScaCe of Tetl ,30 to JO 60 90 90 A Old Thames gravel and brick earth D Red sandstone plinth H Surface level when Roman gate was B Flint and clay puddling of Roman E Clay and ragstone puddling under built City wall Roman gate, 4 ft. loin. I Natural surface on which the City C Substructure of City wall F Mortar and Ragstone, 2 ft. wall rests G Plinth of Oolite J Present surface level Fig. 21. — Roman Newgate. Elevation and Plan from Remains Discovered (upper portion conjectural) "*■ The Roman ditch of the City wall has lately been found at several points on this site, and also at America Square. At both these localities it was of a precisely similar character to that noticed at New Broad Street (see above, p. 58). Occurring at these widely-separated points, it may safely be concluded that this feature followed the entire course of the wall (Fig. i 3). " Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxi, 76, 80, 210 ; xxxii, 385-7 ; Arch. Journ. xxxii, 327, 328, 477. " Arch. lix. I 65 9 A HISTORY OF LONDON masonry was found incorporated in the foundations of the later City gate, the south-eastern corner of which just covered it. The Roman work consisted of large blocks of oolite about 13 in. high, closely resembling Barnack rag- stone, which had formed part of a plinth running from the line of the road- way for a length of 17 ft. to the south, and then turning at right angles towards the line of the City wall, from the inner face of which it projected about 7 ft. These blocks were bedded in pink mortar and fastened at the joints with iron clamps fixed in lead, and a broad chamfer ran along the east face and turned on the angle stone, where it ceased. They lay at a depth of 6 ft. 6 in. below the pavement level of Newgate Street, resting on a bed of mortar and ragstone about 2 ft. thick, below which came a layer of puddled clay and ragstone fragments no less than 4 ft. 10 in. in thickness, resting on the gravel (Fig. 21). Mr. Norman shows that these remains, in conjunction with those noted on the north side of the street, furnish clear evidence of a gate on this site dating from the Roman period, whose total width, as represented by the frag- ments discovered, would be about 98 ft. On either side there was a square guard chamber, about 30 ft. wide, between which there may have been two passages, and the remains above described would form the south-east angle of the southern guard-chamber. An arrangement on this plan is to be found in one of the gates of Amboglana," but at Newgate the gate projected beyond the face of the wall, while at Amboglana it was Hush with it, a difference pointing to a later age for the London gate (see p. 79). Much of the wall which had escaped destruction when Newgate Prison was reconstructed in 1857 was removed at this time, and the further portions brought to light have been admirably described by Mr. Norman in the paper already quoted (Plan C, 50), For a distance of about 100 ft. to the south of the gate the wall had been previously removed, but beyond this it remained for a length of some 75 ft., and excavation revealed a great mass of masonry about I oft. thick at the base, and 8 ft. 6 in. at the level of the plinth, and 13 ft. in height, of which 8|ft. above the plinth was undoubtedly Roman work. The whole formed an imposing sight which created considerable interest at the time, and provided an excellent opportunity of studying the construction of the wall, a perfect section being obtained as well as both faces. The usual puddling of clay was found beneath it, at a depth of about 16 ft. below the level of Newgate Street ; at the south end fragments of ragstone had been used in place of fiints, as has already been noted elsewhere. Upon this came a somewhat greater amount of ragstone substructure than is usually found. Just to the north of Newgate, on the site of Christ's Hospital, there was only about i ft. of substructure, while at the north end of the piece of wall under notice it was 2 ft. 10 in., and at the south end 3 ft. 4 in. This is due to the slope of the ground, which at the present time falls some I oft. from Newgate to Ludgate, after which it drops rapidly to the Thames (Fig. 22, Nos. 8, 10, 11). Above this the wall was raised, much in the regular manner, having the red sandstone plinth on the outer face and the corresponding three tiles on the inner, with facing stones and bonding courses, of which two rows survived, the upper row in one part being of a " Soc. yintij. NcKcastk-on-Tyne, 6 Nov. 1850. 66 6; A HISTORY OF LONDON single tile. This same piece of wall was cut into in 1885, nearer to St. Martin's Church, and a sketch then made shows the same peculiarity/^ two single courses being represented in the lower part, with double courses above. Indications of a Roman ditch were observed 20 ft. south-west of the gate, from which it appears to have been of a curved section and 25 ft. wide at the top. It was traced at various points on a line about 45 ft. from the Roman wall and parallel with it, having an average depth of about 30 ft. below the present surface, or 1 9 ft. below the Roman ground level. From Newgate Prison the wall passes behind the houses on the west side of Warwick Square, in the cellars of which some portions of it are said to be still preserved (Plan C, 51), and emerges at the back of the old Central Criminal Court. Its line is not, as commonly supposed, marked by the old ragstone wall which bounds the west side of the garden of Amen Court, but is some 7 ft. more to the west. A piece of the wall unearthed behind No. 8 Old Bailey has been described by Mr. Terry " (Plan C, 53). Here was the tower which has been drawn and described by Archer, who supposed it to be a bastion, and remarks that it was ' the only vestige of a tower belonging to the wall in its entire height and with its original roof existing.'^* There was considerable doubt as to the character of this structure, particularly as on the plan accompanying Archer's account he shows the tower projectirg on the inside of the wall. At the same time he says that the tower was at thi back of premises in the Old Bailey, and had been con- sidered only a portion of the solid wall closing the end of the yard, until its presence was detected through a dog having crawled into it. Quite recently, however, in clearing the site of the old Central Criminal Court, a large portion of this tower was discovered (Plan C, 54). It had become built up into accessory buildings, obscured and forgotten. It had suffered by portions having been removed ; but what remained was in good condition, and consisted of one side of the vaulted roof, a portion of the circular-headed window, and a trace of the jamb of the doorway, all of which could clearly be identified with the drawing by Archer. The ribs of the roof had also survived ; they proved, however, not to be of stone, but merely stucco mouldings laid on the brick vault. It was rectangular in shape, and was found to have been built over the base of the Roman wall, with its front formed from the upper later masonry of the City wall set back a little from the original outer face, while on the inside the thickness of the wall had been reduced and pierced for a doorway and two windows. A return side built of brick and rubble ran as far as the wall which bounds Amen Court, forming a chamber about 12 ft. wide and 10 ft. deep. It appeared, however, to have originally extended further in the direction of Amen Court. The vaulted roof was of brick, and was about 1 6 ft. above the street level of the Old Bailey, while below this level the foundations of the Roman wall rested 9 ft. in depth. This structure was clearly of late origin and had no connexion with the bastions. There is reason to suppose that two bastions stood in the Old Bailey, as shown on the plan of Francis Wishaw, one near to Newgate (Plan C, 55), which may have supplied the stones which were found under the prison, the '* Antiquary, xii, 96. " Land, and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, (new ser.), i, 351. ** Vestiges of Old London, viii. 68 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON other near the Stationers' Hall (Plan C, 65), being a little south of the tower which has been recently discovered and destroyed. The storehouses on the west of the courtyard of Stationers' Hall are built partly on the wall, beyond which also on the same line is the west side of St. Martin's Church (Plan C, 56), At this point the wall was intercepted by Ludgate (Plan C, 57). It was here that Sir Christopher Wren/' while digging for the foundations of St. Martin's Church, found a Roman inscribed monumental stone, and other Roman stones were found in i8o6 behind the London Coffee House ; these may have come from a later Roman gate or from the adjoining bastion. The course of the wall from Ludgate to the Thames is not very clear. It was probably quarried for the building of Blackfriars Monastery and for the extension of the wall in 1276, a portion of this later wall having been discovered in 1892 with Roman tiles incorporated in it here and there.*" But the only evidence of the wall having continued south from Ludgate consists of some fragments of Roman masonry built up between the walls of the Blackfriars Monastery, discovered in 1843 by W. Chaffers, junr., in Play- house Yard (Plan C, 58), and described by him as a wall 10 ft. thick, composed of large unhewn stones imbedded in red mortar ; an inscribed stone belonging to a monument was also found. Close to this some Roman masonry was found under the Times Office in Printing House Square " which was considered by Roach Smith to have been part of the City wall, but he does not describe its character (Plan C, 59). It seems clear from the records granting the Black Friars permission to demolish the City wall in this part, that its line was at that time in the direction indicated by the last-mentioned discoveries ; but this is not certain. The discovery in Playhouse Yard has none of the character- istics of the early Roman structure, but exactly corresponds to the style of building of the bastions and the south wall ; and although no details are given of the find in Printing House Square, it appears to have been a continuation of that in Playhouse Yard, and was presumably of the same character. Another Roman wall (Plan C, 60) was found a tew years ago during the rebuilding of No. 56 Carter Lane, which is said by the builder to have been 8 ft. thick, and to have been constructed of ragstone with layers of tiles, exactly corresponding with that he saw recently at New Broad Street ; it ran diagonally across the site from north-west to south-east. In view of the slight evidence for the generally-accepted south course, it may be well to consider the possibility of the original wall having been de- flected from Ludgate in the direction indicated by the discovery at Carter Lane, as observation may more probably be directed to any further discoveries that may come to light. Further probability is given to this view by the parish boundary, which at this point coincides with the suggested course of the wall. If this line is extended further to the south-east it meets a wall discovered on the north side of Knightrider Street (the west portion formerly known as Great Knightrider Street), and extending beyond it north of the Heralds' College, running east and west '^ (Plan C, 61). It was constructed of " Parentalia, 266 ; Roach Smith, Illus. Rom. Lond. 22. " Antiquary, xxv, 51. *' Joum. Brit. Arch Assoc, v, 155. " This line of wall is described by W. H. Black, who supposes it to have formed the south wall of his conjectural Primitive Roman London ; Arch, xl, 48. 69 A HISTORY OF LONDON stone and layers of tiles, but its thickness at the base was only 3 ft. 8 in., and as several other large Roman walls of various descriptions have been found intersecting this district, it is very doubtful whether this may be considered to have formed a part of the City wall. From just south of this point, however, remains have been found which can with more likelihood be regarded as evidence of the southern defences, consisting of a wall running along the line of Upper Thames Street (Plan C^ 62), which, as Roach Smith tells us," continued with occasional breaks, where at some remote time it had been broken down,, from Lambeth Hill to Queenhithe. The upper part of this wall was generally met with at the depth of about 9 ft. from the level of the present street, and 6 ft. from that which marks the period of the great fire of London. In thickness it measured from 8 ft. to 10 ft> It was built upon oaken piles, over which was laid a stratum of chalk and stone ; and upon this a course of hewn sand-stones, each measuring from 3 ft. to 4 ft. by 2 ft. and 2^ ft.,, cemented with the well-known compound of quick lime, sand, and pounded tile. Upon this solid substructure was laid the body of the wall formed of ragstone, flint, and lime,, bonded at intervals with courses of plain and curved-edged tiles. Many of the large stones which formed the lower part were sculptured and ornamented with mouldings, denoting their use in the friezes or entablatures of edifices, at some period antecedent to the construction of the wall. Fragments of sculptured marble, which had also decorated buildings, and part of the foliage and trellis work of an altar or tomb, of good workmanship,, had also been used as building materials.*^ Another portion found opposite Queen Street further to the east is described by Roach Smith as being of a precisely similar character (Plan C, 63). This was also noticed by J. T. Smith, who says : — " In June 1839 the labourers engaged in deepening a sewer in Thames Street, opposite Vintners' Hall, in the middle of the street, at a depth of 10 ft. from the surface, discovered the perfect remains of an old Roman wall, running parallel with the line of the river. The wall was formed of alternate layers of flint, chalk, and flat tiles. Roach Smith says that this south wall formed an angle at Lambeth Hill and Thames Street, from which it may be supposed either to have continued up Lambeth Hill, which would bring it within a short distance I. Portion of pilaster of white Italian marble ; 2 Capital and portion of column of Purbeck marble. Queen Street ; 3. Carved stone from Thames Street wall Fig. 23 " II/us. Rom. Lond. 18. ^ Roach Smith says that large quantities of similar fragments of marble were found during excavations in the City at his time (see Coll. Ant. i, 125). " Streets of Lond. 380. 70 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON of the wall at the Heralds' College, or to have deflected towards Ludgate. During recent years this wall has occasionally been met with in building operations, and in one part, according to the workmen's account, it lies under the south side of the street, but no further record seems to have been made. Still more to the east, the line of this wall is somewhat doubtful, but what appears to have been another portion was disclosed at the south- east corner of Suffolk Lane (Plan C, 64).^^ At Monument Yard (Plan C, 65), what was described as ' a portion of the Roman wall' was discovered in 1880." Although this is somewhat to the north of the line generally accepted, there is no great improbability in the wall having followed this course. Monument Yard is about due east from the south-east corner of Suffolk Lane, and the wall may have followed in this direction as far as the approach of the old bridge. Fish Street Hill, from the east side of which it may have taken a south-easterly line to the Tower. This view is strongly supported by the discovery of a thick wall in Lower Thames Street (Plan C, 66) bounding the Roman building found on the site of the Coal Exchange. This is described as a ragstone wall, and is represented on the plan as being about 7 ft. thick. Its position is directly on the line suggested above (Fig. 25). During excavations for the Custom House,'' three successive lines of piling were noticed at distances of 53, 86, and 103 ft. from the existing range of the wharf, and there was also a thick piece of wall, described as of chalk rubble faced with Purbeck stone. The exact position is not clear, but it may have been a continuation of that at the Coal Exchange (Plan C, 67). Whatever may be thought of the probability of the various pieces of wall above enumerated having formed a continuous southern defence, it is clear from all descriptions that it was of a very different character from that of the wall surrounding the City on its land sides, and it seems extremely improbable that the original wall could have been carried along the river front. Had such a wall ever existed it is quite inconceivable that all trace of it should have been destroyed ; yet no wall of this description has been revealed by excavations. Fitz Stephen,"^ in the i 2th century, refers to the tradition that London once had a wall on the south side, but that it had been washed away by the river. That the tides should have had this action is extremely improbable, because the river bank adjoining the City shows everywhere accumulation, and there is ample evidence of its having been repeatedly embanked and encroached upon in Roman times. It has further been argued that there must have originally been a south wall as it would have been ridiculous to protect the land side and leave the river-front open to attack. This argument might possess some weight if the popular notion that the City wall was not erected until late Roman times were correct. In the earlier days of the Roman occupation their power at sea was supreme, and without fear from attack in this quarter the land side defence may have sufficed, just as we know it to have done in the Middle Ages. During the later Roman period, harassed by the constant incursions of the Saxons, a river defence was doubtless more necessary, and at this time the wall which has been noticed along Thames " JrcA xl, 45. ^'^ Jntigutiry, ii, 220. " Cat. Ant'iq. Roy. Exch. xxiii. *'^ ' Descriptio nobilissimae civitatis Londoniae.' 71 M OS £ ^ i o I ►^ o n o u I" I ^ Is V ^ "a .- 72 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON Street may have been erected. In this way could be explained the great difference of its structure from that of the wall surrounding London on its east, north, and west sides. Plan and Buildings of Roman London The circuit that has now been traversed measures 3 miles 251 yds., inclosing an area of 323I acres, or including the ground between the southern wall and the river, 380I acres, which considerably exceeds the area of any other Roman town in Britain."'' This leads to the question of the date of so important a work; but before venturing upon any conclusions regarding this much-disputed point, it is necessary to consider some of the discoveries that have been made within the City, and particularly the soil and the natural conditions formerly prevailing. The original surface is that represented by the top of the gravel and brick-earth which overlies the London clay. Owing to continual occupation a vast mass of soil has gradually been accumulated, and where this deposit has been left undisturbed, its successive layers, with the objects of human handiwork preserved in them, can be read like the leaves of a vast book. Modern requirements have for many years necessitated excavations passing through the whole of the accumulated soil and going below the original surface, by means of which many discoveries have been made. The original surface lies at an average depth of about i o f t. to 15 ft. below the present level of the ground, but where natural hollows formerly existed in the surface owing to streams and other causes, the process of levelling-up has been proportionately greater, and the accumulation has been found to exceed 20 and even 30 ft. The rise in the surface has been estimated to have taken place at the rate of a foot a century,^' but for the general average perhaps 9 in. in a century would suffice. It must not be assumed, however, that the rate of increase has at all times and in all places been the same, as this would depend largely on local conditions. Special reasons no doubt occurred in remote periods for artificially raising certain areas, as we know to have been done in later years. Over the whole space contained within the walls, Roman remains have been plentifully found in the lower part of the accumulated soil, of which a large proportion was the result of the Roman occupation. This portion of the deposit is known as the ' Roman level ' ; it varies considerably in thickness, in some places being not more than a foot or two, while in others as much as 6, 8, or even 10 ft. of soil has been found to contain no relics of a later period than the Roman. It has reasonably been argued that in its earlier stages the extent of Londinium must have been much more restricted than the boundary we have already traced, and attempts have been made to define the limits of the earlier City; but such conclusions as have been arrived at are purely con- jectural, and are no less diverse than they are numerous. Examination of the soil has shown that in the time of the early Roman City the surface was far more undulating than at present, and that the higher '"' Figures kindly supplied by Mr. Sydney Perks, F.S.A., City Surveyor. ^* Roach Smith, lllus. Rom. Loud. 58 I 73 10 A HISTORY OF LONDON patches of gravel of which it was formed were overgrown with trees and shrubs and intersected by numerous small streams. Most of these streams rose in the higher ground to the north and crossed the district of Finsbury, where they joined to form the stream known in later times as the Walbrook, which flowed southward, passing through the site now occupied by the Bank of England and onward to the Thames. Other streams from the east and west joined the main stream nearer its outfall, and these have been traced through the ground now occupied by Finsbury Circus, Austin Friars, and Throgmorton Avenue, and also beneath the Guildhall and Coleman Street. The advantage of this elevated ground, possessing as it did a supply of fresh water and so effectual a means of drainage, was recognized by the Roman settlers, and they appear from the first to have occupied both banks of the main stream and even to have built on piles in its bed. Considerable remains of these structures have been found throughout the stream within the City and extending on the north beyond the wall. The earlier City has not been proved by discoveries to have had any defined boundary or mural defence, although there may have been an earthen bank and ditch. Many massive walls have been found, but these appear to have inclosed detached areas containing groups of buildings which from the level of the pavements and other indications appear to have been erected at an early period. Buildings have been found resting on the original surface at such distant points as Warwick Square and Leadenhall Market, the remains of later structures being found at a higher level with many feet of accumulated soil interposed. The confines of the stream were evidently restricted at an early period and houses built on its embanked sides, but the records of discoveries are mostly inadequate and are too disconnected to afford any definite idea of the arrangement of the early City or the changes that took place in the times of its later development. The most complete plan of an important building is one referred to by Loftus Brock of the remains found at Leadenhall Market,*' which he describes as ' of considerable extent, with the foundation of an apse 33 feet wide' ; he also says that it appeared to have had the form of a basilica in some respects, with eastern apse, western nave, and two chambers like transepts on the south side, and a further note says that there was an apse at each end. Unfortunately, however, there is no detailed account of this discovery, and the plan is unpublished. Many of these walls still remain buried under the market, and some of them were recently opened up during drainage operations. Several tessellated pavements have been found here, and extending eastwards under the site of the East India House, while thick walls have been found con- tinuing across Gracechurch Street and Cornhill.™ Numerous remains of buildings have also been found over the whole district of Eastcheap and spreading, though not so plentifully, to the east as far as the Tower. On the site of the Coal Exchange, at a depth of 14 ft., were found in 1848 some considerable remains of a Roman house, a portion of which has been preserved and may be seen in the basement of the present build- ing (B and portion of E, Fig. 25). A further portion to the east was found in 1859 under the adjoining building, the whole forming a plan as shown. " Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, joxvii, 84, 90. " Jrch. Ix, 224. 74 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON w Beneath the two central semicircular-ended rooms A and B were hypocausts, while most of the floors had tessellated pavements. The walls were mostly built of tiles covered with stucco, and in the soil were found fragments of a stone cornice, a capital of oolite, a quantity of window-glass, many roofing tiles, pottery, &c., together with coins of Nero, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius. At Bush Lane and extending to Cannon Street on the north, and south- wards to Thames Street, was another series of walls, pavements, and other remains of buildings lying at a depth of 20 ft. Some of these walls were of extraordinary thickness, and Roach Smith thought that they indicated a south-eastern boundary with a flanking tower." That this point was defended with special care is very probable, for the position was on the east of the Walbrook near where it joined the Thames. The stream here attained a considerable size, and its mouth formed an important harbour, while it was probably the principal entrance to the City in early times. At Cloak Lane a section across the bed of the stream showed its width at that point to have been 248 ft." During the construction of Cannon Street Railway Station," which is formed over the eastern side of the stream, numerous piles and transverse beams were found, forming a complete network of timber^ some of the beams measuring 18 in. square, the whole having apparently formed the sides of wharves. . . . , i», , . . 1° Taet. tic. 25. — Plan of Roman Building, Lower Thames Street: Site of Coal Exchange a Site plan b Portion of hypocaust, showing pillars of tiles and floor of roofing tiles and mortar A, B Rooms with hypocausts and tes- sellated floorings C, D, E Rooms with tessellated floor- ings built on piles F Flue leading from furnace G Block of masonry H, I, I Flues connecting hypocausts A and B J Scat in wall K Channel of timber L, L Outer walls of tiles M Thick wall of ragstone, probably portion of riverside City wall " Illus. Rom. Lond. 14, 116 ; Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, lii, 213. " Cat. Antij. Roy.Exch. xxvii. " Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 68. 75 A HISTORY OF LONDON On the west side of the stream also many pavements and other indica- tions of buildings have been found. At Bucklersbury a small pavement was discovered entire/* which is now in the Guildhall Museum (Fig. 40). Beneath it were the flues for heating the apartment (Fig. 26), and portions of the house to which it belonged were also found stretching away on the bank to the west, with the remains of a veranda on the front overlooking the stream. A large wall of ragstone, 9 ft. high and 4 ft. thick, built between half- poles and planks, and resting on the gravel at a depth of 21 ft., has recently been opened up in Knightrider Street ^^ and found to extend across Friday Street ; apparently it served as a containing wall for some of the buildings mentioned as occurring here so plentifully, which were drained by sewers built of tiles, which have been found under Knightrider Street and running southward to the Thames (Fig. 27)." At Warwick Square" remains of buildings were discovered resting at a depth of about 19 ft. Quite recently a i:^ -rem msktOij OenUoa of pier tag/Jnt axf^cfffut Oks L£vt/ of Pafe/neflt I/km (H first couple (/HuttMo afl£r reBrntlofpentn^ait StctkuoaentAB SeetiDnOflHIle^ Fig. 26.— Plan showing Hypocaust under the Bucklersbury PavemInt " Price, Roman Pavement at Bucklersbury, 1870. " Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, i, 45. 76 " Arch. Ix, 221. " Arch, xlviii, 221. ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON Fig. 27. — Roman Sewer, Little Knightrider Street. Channel about 3 ft. by 2 ft. bath was unearthed in Cannon Street,™ built of yellow tiles and coated with opus signinum ; this was at a depth of 17 ft., and was clearly seen to rest on the undisturbed brick-earth. Many of the remains that have been enumerated show by their position on the original surface, and by the coins and objects associated with them, that London had extended over a large area at a very early period. In this way the City had spread itself out, probably as an open town, its streets not disposed in any regular plan, and its buildings interspersed among trees and streams. Pleasantly situated in surroundings of many natural advantages, the in- habitants were reluctant to forsake it, even when threatened with destruction during the insurrec- tion under Boudicca, as is related by Tacitus.'^' After a period during which the above- described condition prevailed, it was found neces- sary to provide the rapidly growing town with more adequate defences, and the wall was then built. Its irregular course indicates its adaptation to a state of things already existing, but it was evidently carried well beyond the more densely inhabited parts, as everywhere it has been found to rest on the natural surface. The streams were still flowing normally in their beds, and provision was made, as we have seen, for conducting them beneath the wall. In each case that has been observed, the culverts and the wall have been found on the base of the streams, showing that they had not then silted up. At the time of the building of the wall, and probably for a considerable period afterwards, the City appears to have prospered. Houses came to be more closely built and continued to spread over the unoccupied portions, as is shown by the large disused gravel-pit found under the Royal Exchange, which had been first filled with rubbish and finally built over*" (Plan C, 90). Things seem to have continued in this state until after the time when the bastions were added to the wall, which is indicated by the discoveries at AUhallows Church. There was then, as has already been said, an open ditch, cut in the gravel, which was at that point partly filled up in order to build the bastion. The ditch subsequently became filled up through- out its course, but with a light gravelly soil such as would come from the natural surface, the only black mud being where water was obstructed by the bastion. A great change, however, came about after- wards. Precautions for keeping the cul- verts clear were neglected, and the iron bars placed in the openings became choked up with weeds ; the crown of one of them was broken in and the base of a column of some ruined building had fallen in the breach, while human bodies were either Fig. 28. —Painted Base of Column, Royal Exchange " y^rch. Ix, 2 1 6. •^ Cat. Antiq. Roy. Exck. " Annals, xiv, 33. His account implies that the City was then unwalled. 77 A HISTORY OF LONDON thrown in or had got washed there.*' On the north of the City the water continued to flow unchecked until it reached the wall, where the stream first tilled up its bed with fine sandy silt, choking the channels between the pile structures, which were quickly buried, and then spread in a vast sheet over the hollow ground, converting it into a quagmire,'^ in which a growth of peat was set up, forming a deep deposit of dark mud over what before was dry land and had been used extensively by the Romans for burial. The inhabitants seem to have been powerless to remedy this altered state of things, and the effect within the City must have been disastrous. The water gradually soaked beneath the wall,*' swamping the greater part of the City on the north, and the refuse from the pile structures in the stream and the houses on its banks was no longer carried away, but helped to fill up the bed of the stream and to increase the area of the swamp, which eventually spread from about Cripple- , gate on the west to Broad Street on the east, and to the south as far as Cheapside and Throgmorton Street, until beyond the Bank of England it passed into the more restricted space of the original stream valley, continuing under the Poultry and the Mansion House to Dowgate. The pile dwellings continued to be occupied for a time, as is proved by the heaps of shells and refuse which have been found in the successive growth of peat;'* but at last the whole district covered by the morass seems to have been abandoned as unsuitable for occupation, and only gradually was its extent reduced and the admission of water from the north regulated by sluices. The streams continued to flow, but in an attenuated condition and at a higher level, until in later times they were covered as sewers, and partly in this manner and partly by finding their own course through the gravel, they still work their way to the Thames. Wherever excavations are made in their course the water is met with. For instance, during the building of the Council Chamber at the Guildhall (Plan C, 165), Mr. J. Terry says that a strong stream of water was found which made it necessary to lay down a large table of concrete as a foundation, while at Barge Yard the water was noticed to rise and fall with the tide, showing a difference of 2 ft. between high and low water. Throughout the line of the main stream the accumu- lation of soil has been greater than in any other part of London, this being 20 ft. in depth at the north near the wall and exceeding 30 ft. near the Bank, while throughout this line Roman objects have been most abundant. Further striking evidence of the great rise in the soil after the building of the City wall, but in Roman times, is afforded by the gate at Newgate (Fig. 21 and Fig. 22, No. 9). The base of the wall adjoining the gate rests at a depth of 12 ft. or 13 ft., but that of the gate itself was found to be only 6 ft." It is clear that the surface must have risen at this point to this extent or a bed of clay and stone several feet deep would not have been used as a foundation. Such a footing, if beneath the surface and carried to the gravel, would be sufficiently good, but above ground it could never have served any purpose, more especially to support such a massive structure as a gate. The clay and flint puddling under the wall, it should be " Cat. Antiq. Roy. Exch. xxxi. *' Arch. Journ. Ix, 137, &c. ^ Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 492, 527 ; Arch. Ix, 169-250. " Anthropological Rev. v (1867), p. Ixxi. " See above, p. 66. 78 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON observed, was everywhere carried into the gravel and not laid on it (diagram. Figs. 13, 22). The projection of the gate from the wall also betokens its late age, as does the employment of oolite for the plinth. The materials used in the wall throughout its line on the east, north, and west sides are ragstone and sandstone from the south-east of England. In the later structures, such as the bastions, this gate and probably that at Ludgate, and the south wall, the materials employed and the method of building are quite different. Most probably an earlier gate stood on the same site, and the remains discovered are those of a rebuilding in later times, rendered necessary by the great rise in the surface. All these considerations lead to the conclusion that the City wall was built at a far earlier period than has generally been conjectured, and an approximation to its date may perhaps be furnished by the coins found in the bed of the Walbrook. Many of these have been found, which all fall into one group ending with Marcus Aurelius and the Faustinae, and may fairly be taken to indicate the period when its bed and vicinity ceased to be occupied after the choking up of the stream. From this it would appear that the wall was built at the latest by the middle of the 2nd century. Streets and Buildings of the later City Of the later phases of Londinium there are numerous scraps of evidence, but nothing of a connected nature. Pavements have been found at varying heights according as the surface became raised, the later remains being super- imposed over those of the earlier City. Thus at Leadenhall, under the East India House,^° a pavement was found at a depth of 10 ft., while at 20 ft. were the remains of an earlier building, consisting of portions of a tessellated floor and of stuccoed walls with fresco painting. In Lombard Street," pavements, &c., have been found as low as 17 ft. and 18 ft., associated with coins of the Fabia family, Nero and Antoninus Pius, while other pavements belonging to the later City have been met with at depths varying from 8 ft. to 1 2 f t. A very fine ornamental pavement of the later period was found at Paternoster Row,** 1 2 ft. from the surface, and about 40 ft. in length, and beneath it a tiled tomb. It has been contended, on the ground of the scarcity of sculptured stone, that Londinium could have possessed no buildings of importance, but this scarcity may to a great extent be attributed to continual quarrying in later times. The large quantity of architectural fragments observed in the bastions and the south wall show very clearly that, at least in the earlier City, there were many buildings of large size and considerable architectural pretensions (Fig. 29). Most of these stones, however, have been removed or destroyed without being properly observed and recorded. Roman material was extensively used in the buildings of the Norman and other periods, and it was stone that was sought for, the walls of houses having often been wholly removed while the pavements were left intact. 89 "^ Arch, xxix, 491 ; Roach Smith, lllus. Rom. Lond. 57. " Arch, viii, 116 ; Roach Smith, op. cit. 57. " Roach Smith, op. cit. 57. " Roach Smith, lll^s. Rom. Lond. 56. 79 A HISTORY OF LONDON Of the original arrangement of streets there is Httle evidence, but few of the existing streets correspond to those of the Roman City. More discoveries of buildings have indeed been recorded in the roadways than in other parts (see Plan C and Fig. 30), since those interested in such matters have been able to some extent to observe what has been discovered in the streets, while on the building sites dark, deeds of destruction have gone on without hindrance from the prying antiquary. Numerous remains have been revealed by sewerage operations at various times, but little has been done to record what was found. The whole of the district south-east of St. Paul's and the line of East- cheap is described as having been thickly intersected with remains of Roman buildings, and similar re- mains have been met with in widening streets or in forming new thoroughfares, such as Cannon Street, Queen Street, King William Street, and Queen Victoria Street. In Lombard Street and Birchin Lane the discoveries are said to have indicated a row of houses, and a sketch plan made in 1785 gives roughly an idea of the extent to which remains have been found over a great part of the City (Fig. 30). Walls and pavements are said to have occurred also in the adjoining lanes and allevs. A pavement, an aqueduct, &c., were found under St. Mary Woolnoth Church, while more recently similar finds have been made on the site of the old General Post Office, but were not pre- cisely recorded. The present streets leading from the gates into the City are mostlv free from buildings at their commencement, but their further course through the City denotes alterations. The line of Bishopsgate Street if continued to the south reaches very near the mouth of the Walbrook, which is a probable route for the original street to the north. Its line, however, was changed in later times, and its present continuation, Gracechurch Street, passes over ground which is crossed by walls and occupied by buildings.^'* A pavement of later date also was found at a depth of 7 ft. in Bishopsgate Street, opposite Crosby Hall," which extended under the roadway. Other pavements adjoining this to the north have been found at a depth of 14 ft. and 1 5 ft. A raised causeway was discovered in Cheapside by Wren," and what appears to have been an easterly extension of this was found in line with Bucklersbury leading to a bridge across the Walbrook.'' This causeway was probably constructed to keep back the water from the soak, a channel of Fig. 29. — Architectural Fragments found Built INTO Walls in London '" Arch, be, 215 ; Cat. Antij. Roy. Exch. xii. ^ Parcntalia (1750), 250. 80 " lllui. Lord. News, 2 Aug. 1873. " Nat. Safe Deposit, 49. ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON water having followed its course on the north to the stream.'* A bank and roadway probably ran inside the City Wall, this space being kept clear to allow free military movement, and the present streets, therefore, which follow this course are most likely of early origin. Dr. Woodward records the discovery of a tessellated pavement at Camomile Street, near Bishopsgate,'^ in 1707 ; he states that its depth was 'about four foot underground,' and ' the extent of the pavement in length was uncertain ; it running from Bishops- Gate for sixty foot, quite under the foundation of some houses not yet pull'd down. Its breadth was about ten foot ; terminating on that side, at the distance of three foot and a half from the City wall.' At 4 ft. below this were several Roman urns containing ashes and burnt bones. The position of this pavement so near the City Wall and the slight depth at which it occurred is most unusual and would denote its late age. It is noteworthy that a pavement has been found in a similar position adjoining Newgate. '° Some indications of the early method of planning out the City are pro- vided by what is supposed to have been a boundary mark used by the Roman surveyors." This was discovered in the bed of the Walbrook, at a depth of Fig. 30. — Sketch Plan showing Roman Remains discovered in Lombard Street AND BiRCHiN Lane 1 A pavement of rough stones at 9 ft. and at 12 ft. pavement of red, black, and white tesserae 2 Wall extending west to east about 20 ft. of Roman tiles and two flues 3 Large fragments of different kinds of pavements, &c. 4 Wall of tiles and stone at 14 ft. 5 Two stone walls crossing street 6 Pavement of tiles 7 Arch of rough stone 8 Walls of chalk and remains of tes- sellated pavement 9 Walls 10 Pavement, No. 25, Lombard Street 11-14 Walls of tiles and stone 15 Pavement, Plough Court 16, 18, 19 Walls of tiles and stone, Birchin Lane 17 Pavement of conrse tesserae 20 Pavement of small ornamental tesserae 21 Pavement of chalk 22, 23 Walls " Maitland, Hist, of Land, ii, 826. '^ Lond. and^Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans. \, 195. 81 " Letter to Wren. '" Nat. Safe Deposit, 32. II A HISTORY OF LONDON about 30 ft. from the surface level, and consisted of a number of small fragments of Romano-British pottery contained in a solid framework of timber, 3 ft. square, and puddled over with clay (Plan C, 122). London Stone (Plan C, 133) also, a portion of which exists to-day, but not in its original position, which was on the opposite side of Cannon Street, a little to the south-west, has long been held to have been used by the Romans as a central miliarium. Whatever truth there may be in this conjecture, a line drawn from its original position due north passes through the spot marked by the discovery in the Walbrook, and as nearly as possible divides the City through the centre, while further north on the same line near Coleman Street '* was found a pit containing pottery, &c., also considered to have been a similar boundary mark (Plan C, 105). The alteration in the direction of Bishopsgate Street down Gracechurch Street will be seen to trend towards the position of Old London Bridge. Satisfactory evidence of the existence of a bridge in Roman times was furnished during the operations undertaken for the new bridge in 1824, by the discovery of vast numbers of coins extending from Augustus to Honorius, in the bed of the river along the line and under the piers of the old bridge.'' It is indeed difficult to suppose that the Romans would long delay building a bridge after the route to the north had become established and the importance of Londinium was assured as a trading centre from which radiated so many important roads. On the opposite side of the river a considerable settlement also sprang up, and many indications of its occupation have been found at Southwark. Remains of houses have been plentifully found along the line of the High Street, as far south as St. George's Church, and from the foot of the bridge westward to about opposite Dowgate. The turn in the direction of the High Street suggests that it was deflected to the east when the bridge was built, and that originally it took a more westerly course to the ferry. Many of the pavements have been found resting on piles driven into the marshy ground by the river side, and some pile structures similar to those in the Walbrook have also been discovered. Although Roman remains have been found extending over a wide area, the settlement does not seem to have exceeded the boundaries above indicated. To the south and east of this, however, many sepulchral remains have been discovered, and this district appears to have formed an extensive cemetery. The Thames was also crossed by a ferry at Westminster, and remains have been found showing that a small settlement had grown up there in Roman times. On the west London was naturally protected by the deep valley of the Fleet River, but beyond this there were isolated villas in the districts of the Strand and Holborn, and in Strand Lane what is supposed to be a Roman bath still exists, and until recentlv had continued to be used. These buildings standing in the open country show clearly that long periods of peace and security must have been enjoyed. Imperfect and fragmentary as are most of the remains and records of Roman London, there is still sufficient to show that a vast City with a teeming population had grown and flourished at an early period, that it passed '* Roach Smith, lUus. Rom. Lond. 142. ** Arch, xxv, 600. 82 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON through periods of varying fortune and experienced a time of far reachino- change, suffering from the effects of fire and flood. As to the causes by which the altered conditions were brought about, history is silent, and it remains for the present unexplained. At a later time prosperity again came to the inhabitants ; portions of it that had lain waste and swampy were reclaimed, and over the black mud which buried the ruins of the earlier City buildings were raised showing signs of taste and luxury. Further proof of the refinement and wealth possessed by the inhabitants of the Romanized City is to be found in the numberless objects of art and industry which have for centuries been dug up, some of which survive in museums and others in private hands, though many have been scattered and lost. Few of these objects have much archaeological value owing to the condition of their discovery not having been recorded, but they at least serve to show what opportunities have been missed of gaining knowledge of the ancient and mysterious cities beneath our feet, through the apathy and indifference with which such matters have mostly been regarded. Future observation and research may remove much of the obscurity that now enshrouds such discoveries as have been recorded, but most of the Roman level has unfortunately been destroyed, while that which survives is rapidly giving way before the ceaseless activity of ' modern improvements.' Note on Roman Pottery found in London In order to avoid unnecessary explanations in the course of the following pages, it may be advantageous to add here a few words on the character of the Roman pottery, of which such great quantities have been found in London. Of these finds a large proportion is now in the National collection, including the extensive and representative series of specimens amassed by Charles Roach Smith (1^35-56), and a smaller but yet valuable collection made by E. B. Price previous to 1853. There is also a good series in the Guildhall, which is still being added to from time to time. The scientific study of Roman pottery, for many years neglected, has at last been receiving serious attention on the Continent, and yet more recently in England. A catalogue of the British Museum collection is now in course of compilation, and is expected to appear in 1908 ; in view of this it has not been thought necessary to enter into much detail in the present case, or to attempt to give more than a summary of the potters' stamps. These will be fully dealt with in the forthcoming work ; most of those in the Guildhall are given in the published catalogue of that collection, and isolated finds have not been published in sufficient detail to admit of the compilation of an exhaustive list of potters' stamps found in London. I therefore content myself with a brief summary of what recent research has done for the classification and chronology of Roman pottery, more particularly the red-glazed wares formerly known as ' Samian,' but now generally recognized as having been manufactured in Central Gaul, whence they were exported in enormous quantities to Britain. The manufacture of this kind of pottery extends over more than two centuries : from the reign of Tiberius (about a.d. 30-40) down to that of Gallienus (about a.d. 250-60), but the ornamented red ware apparently ceased to be made (at least in Gaul) about the time of Marcus Aurelius (a.d. 161-80). From the point of view of technique it falls into three classes: (i) ornamented vases with patterns or figures, made in the mould ; (2) plain vases with or without potters' stamps ; (3) vases with decoration in thick slip or barbotine. The principal centres of fabric were {a) Conda- tomagus in the Rutenian territory, now La Graufesenque (Dept. of Aveyron) ; (b) Ledosus in the Arvernian territory, now Lezoux (Dept. of Puy-de-D6me) ; (c) Tabernae Rhenanae on the Rhine, now Rheinzabern (near Speyer). The periods of activity of these three centres were, so far as can be ascertained : [a] about a.d. 40-100 ; {h) a.d. 70-250 ; (f) a.d. 100-250. An important consideration in dealing with the pottery is that of the forms employed, certain shapes being used for each class at different periods. These shapes were collected and classified in a rough chronological order by Dr. DragendorfF in an important article in the Bonner yahrbucher for 1895, and the numbers then assigned to them have been adopted for convenience by all succeeding writers. His labours have been effectively supplemented by M. Dichelette in his invaluable Vases 83 A HISTORY OF LONDON ornh de la Gaule romaine (1904). To state these results concisely, it has been observed that forms 29, 30, and 37 (see Fig. 31), are used almost exclusively for the ornamented vases; of these form 29 occurs chiefly at La Graufesenque (a.d. 40-70), form 30 both at La Graufesenque and Lezoux (a.d. 50-90), and form 37 in the latter years of the former pottery (a.d. 70-ico), and at Lezoux, from a.d. 70, down to a.d. 180. The plain wares with potters' stamps are nearly all of forms 18, 27, 31 and 33 (see Fig. 31). Of these, forms 18 and 27 mostly bear the stamps of potters whose moulds have been found at La Graufesenque ; forms 31 and 33 those of potters associated with Lezoux; while forms 31 and 33 are the favourite shapes with the Rheinzabern potters. Of the red ware with slip decoration there are two main varieties : (i) large jars (Dcchelette's form 72) with figures and ornamentation, of which Fig. 33, no. 72, from Cornhill is a fine example ; (2), shallow bowls with leaf-patterns on the rim ; these are rarely found before the second century. Of the methods of decoration employed on the ornamented vases it is impossible to speak in detail here, except to note that at La Graufesenque there is a preference for narrow scrolls of foliage and small panels of ornament, in two friezes; at Lezoux, for large panels with figures, or for hunting and other scenes in what is known as the ' free ' style. Examples of these methods may be seen on the vases shown in Fig. 33 from various London sites. List of Roman Emperors to Honorius It is hoped that the subjoined list of Roman Emperors will not only be found useful, but will obviate the necessity of inserting dates throughout the following topographical account : — 265-8. Victorinus B.C. 31 A.D. 14. Augustus A.D. 14-37. Tiberius 37-41- Caligula 41-54. Claudius 54-67. Nero 68. Galba 69. Otho Vitellius 69-79. Vespasian 79-81. Titus 81-96. Domitian 96-8. Nerva 98-117. Trajan 117-38. Hadrian 138-61. Antoninus Pius. /i^//^, Faus- tina I 161-80. M. Aurelius. W'tfe^ Faustina II 180-93. Commodus 193- Pertinax Didius Julianus 193-4- Pescennius Niger 193-211. Septimius Severus. Wife^ Julia Domna 196-7. Albinus 211-12. Geta 212-17. Caracalla 217-18. Macrinus 218-22. Elagabalus 222-35. Alexander Severus 235-8. Maximinus 238. Gordian I and II Pupienus and Balbinus 238-44. Gordian III 244-9. Philippus Arabs 249-51. Decius 251-3- Gallus and Volusianus 253-60. Aemilianus and Valerianus 253-68. Gallienus. IViff, Salonina 268-70. Claudius Gothicus 268-73. Tetricus 270-5. Aurelianus 275-6. Tacitus 276. Florianus 276-81. Probus 282-3. Carus 283-4. Carinus and Numerianus 284-305. Diocletian 286-93. Carausius 286-308. Maximianus 293- Allectus 305-6. Constantius I (Chlorus) 305-11. Galerius 306-37. Constantine the Great 306-12. Maxentius 306-7. Severus II 307-24- Licinius 307-13- Maximinus II 337-40. Constantinus II 337-61- Constantius II 337-50. Constans I 350-3- Magnentius 351-4- Constantius Gallus 360-3- Julian 363-4- Jovian 364-75- Valentinianus I 364-78- Valens 375-83- Gratian 375-92- Valentinianus II 379-95- Theodosius 383-8. Magnus Maximus 383-408. Arcadius 392-4- Eugenius 395-423- Honorius 407-11. Constantinus III 421. Constantius III 84 I Ornamented Forms c m V '■•^..^^ ■ — ■ -_^^ ^''''mmmmMS^^ y \Sr IH f ._ jja Plain Forms with Potters' Stamp Fig. 31. — Diagram of Principal Roman Pottery Forms 8s A HISTORY OF LONDON INDEX ' CITY OF LONDON Note — The references in the text are to the numbers on Plan C. The itah'c figures refer to the red numbers on Plan C, which indicate the site of the City VVall, Indexes to the numbers on the plans will be found oa pp. 142 fF. Abchurch Lane. — Fragments of Gaulish pottery, now in British Museum, excavated in 1838, and also acquired from Roach Smith [//n/^. JR.ev. i, 274]. They include the following potters' stamps : C. An. Patr., Masclus, Passenus, Severus, Firmo (all from La Graufesenque), Aemilius, Attiso, (?) Celticus, Chroiro, Lorius, Priscus. Lamp in Guildhall Museum, with a mask and stamp domtivs f [^Cat. 20]. Addle Street (Wood Street). — A bronze key found in 1845 \Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc. xW^ 121]. Fragments of Gaulish pottery in British Museum (acquired from E. B. Price and Roach Smith ; one has the stamp pvrinx). Aldermanbury (Plan C, 34). — A large amphora, 33 in. high, said to be in the Museum of Practical Geology in 1 86 1, now probably at Bethnal Green [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xvii, 325]. Three fragments of Gaulish pottery from Lezoux in British Museum (Roach Smith and E. B. Price), one with stamp of Lezoux potter, Cobnertus, and a vase of black ware in Mr. Hilton Price's possession. Lamp in Guildhall Museum with figure of dog \Cat. 58]. A portion of the Roman Wall laid open in 1857 on the north-east side of Aldermanbury Postern, composed of a series of blind arches [lUus. Rom. Lond. 17 ; Arch. Rro. i, 274 ; see above, p. 62]. Aldersgate Street (Plan C, 45). — Fragments of Gaulish pottery, amphora-handles, and glass bottles, found in excavating the wall in 1841 (see below). Fragment of Gaulish pottery in British Museum (Roach Smith), with stamp of Albucius (of Lezoux). Pottery (plain) in Guildhall Museum \Cat. 124, 163, 185, 187], also a key \Cat. 52]. A vase of red ware, which when found contained denarii, is in Mr. Hilton Price's possession. Foundation of Roman wall excavated at east end of Bull and Mouth Street in 1 841, and another portion disclosed at the other end of the same street about 1876. Another wall found in 1887 on the north side of St. Botolph's churchyard, the substructure of which was thought to be Roman \^Arch. xxx, 522 ; Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxxviii, 206 ; Price, Bastion of London JVall, 19 (quoting Woodward's letter to Wren on wall here) ; Arch, yourn. Ix, 144 ; Antiq. xvi, 22 1 ; see p. 63]. See also Castle St., Falcon Sq., St. Martin-le-Grand. Aldgate (Plan C, IS). — The old gate, ' being in decay, was pulled down in 1 606, and many Roman coins found' \Gent. Mag. (1750), 591 ; Hartridge, Old London^ ii, No. 280]. In digging foundations for the rebuilding of the gate in 1 610 ' two heads done after antique models' were found [Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. viii, 25(7]. A find of iron objects reported in 1877, of which two were identified as Roman spear-heads^* \yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxiii, 124] ; part of a jet amulet, said to be Roman, in 1882 [Ibid, xxxviii, 332] ; and in 1885 a piece of bone used for making beads or buttons, vases of black ware, and fragments of Gaulish pottery [Ibid, xli, 86]. The last-named included the following potters' stamps : cosmini . o, eitor, felicio(«/j), macriani, maximi, TIBER! . M, viRONi . OF ; of these the third is from La Graufesenque, the last probably from Lezoux. In the British Museum is a fine fragment of a second-century Gaulish bowl from Lezoux (form 37 ; decoration in 'free' style ; see fig. 32).* In the Guildhall Museum a vase of Upchurch ware. Excavations in progress in January 1908 for the extensions of Sir John Cass' School, on the site of Holy Trinity Priory (Plan C, 9), have yielded a stone relief with three Satyrs drinking (Fig. 35), and part of a Gaulish bowl (form 33) with stamp pvdni M. [Information from Mr. A. E. Henderson, Architect to the County Council]. For remains of the Wall here, see Duke St., Jewry St., and p. 52. Amen Court. — An arch observed in 1886, hidden away behind Stationers' Hall, and built of narrow Roman bricks, was subsequently stated not to be Roman, still less, as was at first sup- posed, 'a part of the old London Wall ' [Antiq. xiii, 230]. ' The writer desires to acknowledge the assistance given by Miss C. M. Calthrop in the compilation of this index. '■■ One is described as a veru, a narrow elongated type of spear-head like a spit [cf. Virg. Aett. vii, 665]. ' Being distorted in the baking, it would seem to be a 'waster' made on the spot, and could hardly h.ive been imported. But we have at present little evidence that ornamented ' terra sigillata ' was made in Britain, and some of the types are assigned by M. Dechelette to the Gaulish potteries of Nouatre. 86 FiG. 32. — Fragment of Gaulish Bowl from Lezoux found at Aldca 37 37 Fig. 33. — Specimens of Gaulish Red Ware ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON America Square, Minories (Plan C, 8-9). — A portion of the Roman wall discovered in December, 1880, in extending Fenchurch Street station; it was composed of limestone and tiles, resembling the portions in Camomile Street and Tower Hill ; since destroyed \_Antlq. iii, 62, with two plates ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxvi, 463 ; Arch. Journ. xxxvii, 452 ; Arch. Iii, 613 ; see above, p. 52]. See also Vine Street. Angel Street and Butcher Hall Lane (Plan C, 201). — Fragments of cinerary urns mentioned in 1843 [Gent. Mag. (1843), '> 2i], but no definite record of burnt bones. Also a portion of a wall (?the wall of the City) found 12 or 14 ft. deep at the north end of Butcher Hall Lane. See also King Edward Street. Artillery Lane, Bishopsgate. — Vase of grey ware with hatched patterns in Guildhall [Cat. 304 (a cinerary urn ?)]. See also p. 7, and under Bishopsgate. Austin Friars (Plan C, 100). — In 1889 Romano-British pottery (Castor and Upchurch ware) and two glass bottles, one hexagonal, the other an unguentarium, were found [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc. xlvi, 159] ; in or about 1890, a stylus, a double-eyed needle, and a triple-lobed unguentarium were exhibited at the Society of Antiquaries [Prac. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), xiii, 162]. Further finds in 1890 were: a ^m/^kj with annulated surface, 5jin. high, a bronze steelyard beam [? Guildhall Mus. Cat. 6], an iron gouge, bronze coins of Antoninus Pius and Faustina the Elder, also a knife, chisel, and harrow-tooth [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xlvii, 88]. 'Flower' vase with 'frilled' ornamentation in British Museum (Roach Smith) and one of Upchurch ware in Mr. Hilton Price's collection ; in the Guildhall, numerous objects, some of which may be identical with those mentioned above ; they include hairpins, needles, styli, and other implements in bronze, iron, and bone, several lamps [Cat. 6, 13, 24, 28, &c.], a bronze bust [Cat. 11], and some specimens of plain pottery [Cat. 314, 331, 365]. In the collection of Mr. W. M. Newton of Dartford, a bronze fibula of 2nd-century type with enamelling. Bank of England (Plan C, 115). — A pavement, now in the British Museum, was found in 1805 ' under the S. W. angle ' of the building, 20 ft. W. of the W. gate opening into Lothbury and 12 ft. below the street.' It measured in all 1 1 ft. square, the central portion being 4 ft. square and having a pattern of four acanthus leaves in a circle in red, black, and grey, on a white field. The edges of the pavement were said to have shown traces of fire [Arch, xxxix, 491, fF; Gent. Mag. (1807), i, 415 ; Rom.-Brit. Rem. i, 187 ; I//us. Rom. Lond. 56, pi. 11 ; Morgan, Rom.-Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 1 81 ; Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxxi, 63]. Other pavements are recorded by Kelsey, covering the area between Princes Street, Lothbury, and Bartholomew Lane (Plan C, 113) [Kelsey, Descr. of Sewers, 258; Arch. Ix, 237]. A supposed Roman bust found in digging foundations of Bank (1733) [Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. ii, 14]. In the British Museum a fragment of Graufesenque pottery with stamp of Germanus, and two bronze pins [Franks, 1891]. For site of Bank Station (City and South London Railway) see St. Mary Woolnoth. See also Royal Exchange, Threadneedle Street. Bank Buildings (Plan C, 88). — Part of a coarse pavement of red tesserae, pottery, &c., found under Mr. E. Freshfield's offices in 1895, at a depth of 17 ft. [Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), xvi, 36]. Barbican. — Bronze fibula of ' bow-shaped cruciform ' type in Guildhall Museum [Cat. 8]. Barge Yard (Mansion House) (Plan C, 96). — Finds of small objects have been made here from time to time, and many of these are in the Guildhall Museum. They include Gaulish pottery, glass, ' bone pins, iron tools, and small bronze objects such as keys and a pair of compasses (1891). The Gaulish potters' marks from this site are given in Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxvi (1880), 237 [see also ibid, xlvii, 88 ; Arch. Rev. i, 274]. Among the objects in the Guildhall are a gem with intaglio of a woman with cornucopia [Cat. 401], some thin gold plates, perhaps from a scabbard, a Gaulish bowl with design of dolphins and masks, and a jar of black ware with scored patterns (first century). In the British Museum are fragments of a ' free style ' bowl and of late stamped ware from north-east Gaul, a jet pin, a bronze spatula (Hilton Price, 1883), and a pair of bronze pendants. Bartholomew Close, Smithfield. — Bronze handle of chest from Roach Smith collection in British Museum [Arch. Rev. i, 275]. Bartholomew Lane (Plan C, 97). — A portion of a tessellated pavement was found in 1841 (probably when tlie church of St. Bartholomew was being destroyed, see p. 121), of which 'a large piece was preserved by the city authorities, but it is not known where' [Arch, xxxix, 155]. Another account says : ' A piece of tessellated pavement, consisting of a scroll of ivy leaves in black upon ' For S.W. we should apparently read here N.W. 87 A HISTORY OF LONDON a white ground, was found in a deserted cellar in Bartholomew Lane, but evidently not in situ ' [Tite, Cat. Antiq. Roy. Exch. 31]. In the Guildhall Museum, a vase of Upchurch ware [Cat. 397]. See also Bank of England, St. BARTHOLOMEw-By-THE-ExcHANGE. Basing Lane. — 5^^ Cannon Street. Basinghall Street. — Finds few and of no great importance. They include a glass bottle, 5 in. long, found in 1890 [Journ. Brit. J nh. J ssoc. xivii, 88], a bronze bell, a terracotta cock, and other objects in the Guildhall, and Gaulish pottery in the British Museum (from E. B. Price) and in Mr. Hilton Price's collection. Of the fragments in British Museum one has the stamp of the Graufesenque potter Modestus (c. a.d. 40), another that of Primanus ; in the Guildhall are a stamp for vase with reliefs, representing Mars or a warrior {Cat. p. 87, No. 166, pi. 12, No. 3 ; Fig. 34), also a first-century bowl of form 37, with designs in panels, a cup with potter's stamp, a bowl with leaf decoration en harhotine, mortaria. Castor ware, and other plain pottery [see also Arch. Rev. i, 274]. Bath Street (Newgate Street) (Plan C, 200). — At the rear of the G.P.O., in 1877, fragments of Gaulish pottery were found 15 ft. below the surface, some described as 'of great beauty and of an early period, the patterns being well defined and the glaze excellent.' Besides red wares, ' lustred and silvered ware,' Upchurch ware, and mortaria are recorded \yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxiii, 265]. Baynard Castle (Plan C, 129). — During the destruction of the last remaining portion of the castle in 1890 some oaken piles were found, said to be Roman, and to have formed part of the fort (Arx Palatina) which terminated the southern wall at this point. Among the isolated finds were a wooden comb, a nail, the chain of a caldron, a pair of shears, two spear-heads, and part of a bronze balance with graduated steelyard (at a depth of 19 ft.). Two corbels carved in low relief, one with a ram, the other with a pair of wrestlers, are apparently Roman, though this is not absolutely clear from the illustration ["Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xlvi, 173-81 ; Proc. Soc. Antiq. xiii, Iio]. Bell Alley. — See Copthall Avenue, Telegraph Street. Benet's Hill. — Fragment of Lezoux pottery in British Museum (Roach Smith). Bevis Marks (Plan C, 48). — In 1793 the discovery was reported of four figures, supposed to be 'a species of Penates' [Gent. Mag. (1793), i, 416]. A statue of oolitic stone (Fig. 36), about 2 ft. high, was found in 1849, and is now in the British Museum. It represents a youth in Phrygian costume, with bow in left hand, and though probably of provincial workmanship, is of more than average merit [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, v, 90 ; Roach Smith, Retrospections, ii, 206 ; Illus. Rom. Land. 47, pi. 5 ; Cat. Land. Antiq. I, and plate]. See also Houndsditch, and for the wall here, p. 54, and Plan C, 19. Billingsgate (Plan C, 26). — Large numbers of piles discovered about 1843, which seem to be evidence of a bridge at this point (towards Botolph Wharf), east of the present London Bridge ; here also was the harbour or landing-place, as the existence of a gate implies [See J. E. Price, Rom. Antiq. Nat. Safe Deposit Go's Premises, 18]. A fragment of Lezoux pottery in British Museum (E. B. Price) ; in the Guildhall an iron knife [Cat. 82] ; two lamps [Cat. 76, 77] ; and a ' lamp-filler ' [Cat. 162]. In Mr. VV. Ransom's collection at Hitchin, a rhyton or drinking-horn of bufF clay, unglazed, in the form of a sheep's head, apparently of Italian manufacture, and possibly of the second century B.C. Pottery also in Mr. Hilton Price's possession. Billiter Street and Billiter Square. — In Billiter Street the Roman level is estimated at 12 to 16 ft. down. Here have been found a mortar, a lamp-stand, tiles, and pottery, now in the Guildhall Museum [Arch, xxix, 153 ; Arch. Rev. i (1888), 274]. In the British Museum are also fragments of Gaulish ware, with potters' stamps, excavated in 1838 ; they include those of Aquitanus and Patricus of La Graufesenque, and Santianus. In the Guildhall Museum, a key [Cat. 36] ; a Gaulish bowl of form 37, with stags and lions [Cat. 428] ; and also fibulae from Billiter Square [see Arch. Rev. i, 274]. BiRCHiN Lane. — In 1786 an anonymous letter to Mr. Gough mentions the discovery of walls like those on the north side of Lombard Street (p. 109) ; also a chalk-stone pavement at the depth of 14 ft., and fragments of tessellated pavements of different colours. At the north- west corner of the lane was seen a corner of a pavement with border of black, white, red, and green tesserae (Plan C, 65). The buildings ran on as far as Finch Lane (Plan C, 63) [Arch, viii, 119; Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxi, 72, 79, 92; see plan, p. 81, Fig. 30]. Fragments of wall-decoration in painted stucco were also recorded. E. B. Price says: 'It is probable that some analogous fragments found in this locality within the last few years are portions of the same floor. They comprise portions of borderings with fanciful and complex 88 Fig. 34.— Si-amp for Impressing in Mould of Vase (Mars or a Warrior). FROM EaSINGHALL StREET Fig. 35. — Stone Relief (Three Satyrs Drinking) from Site of Holv 1'rimtv Triorv, Ald GATE ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON patterns, and are in the Guildhall Museum [Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Proc. E.M. 1 86 1 33]. In 1857 part of another pavement (Plan C, 64) representing a sea-horse was uncovered \_Arch. Rev. i, 274], and in 1846 walls of houses and a head sculptured in freestone were brought to light [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ii, 205]. Fragments of Gaulish pottery in British Museum (stamp of Juvenalis) and Guildhall [Cat. 584, stamp iodivi]. BisHOPSGATE Street Within. — A tessellated pavement (Plan C, 55) was found about 1840 beneath the cellar of No. 1 01, and was covered over with bricks to preserve it ; the portion uncovered was of black and white tesserae in squares and diamonds. It probably formed part of the same building as that found on the site of the Excise Olfice (p. 92). An arch of tiles was also seen [Arch, xxix, 155, pi. 17, figs. I, 2 ; Illus. Rom. Land. pi. 8, fig. i, p. 55 ; Morgan, Rom. Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 182]. In 1862, on the site of the National Provincial Bank (No. 112 = Plan C, 58), were found fragments of Roman pottery, one with stamp RVFiANi (?) M, and coins extending from Nero to Faustina II ; also one of Carausius (a.d. 223), with PAX AVG. [Arch. Journ. xxx, 183]. In 1873 a pavement (Plan C, 57) was discovered at a depth of 7 ft. on the same side of the street ; it had guilloche and trefoil patterns in red, white, and black. Part only was exposed (and subsequently covered in) ; it must have extended beneath the roadway [Illus. Lond. News, 19 July, 2 Aug. 1873]. In 1875 another similar pavement was found opposite Crosby Hall (Plan C, 54), 12 ft. sq., at a depth of 15 ft. [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxiii, 106]. See also Broad Street and Crosby Square. In Bishopsgatc Street (whether Within or Without is not stated) have also been found an iron object in the form of a duck (?), supposed to have been part of a lamp, and Roman tesserae, the latter 17 ft. below the surface. [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ix, 75, (new ser.), i, 349]. Similar uncertainty prevails in regard to objects in British Museum and Guildhall ; in the former, a bronze padlock (1843), iron so-called 'hippo-sandal '^ and a bowl of Upchurch ware. In the Guildhall are a pavement [Cat. 7], probably one of the above-mentioned ; a clay lamp and figure of cock, bronze key and armlet, a glass vessel ; and numerous specimens of pottery, Gaulish,* late Gaulish stamped ware. Castor, and other Romano-British wares, and two mortaria. In the collection of Mr. Ransom at Hitchin, a jar of Castor ware with dog pursuing hare, and two jars with ' thumb-markings,' probably New Forest ware. In 1725 Roman remains were found in the street near St. Botolph's Church, including part of a bowl with potter's stamp macrinvs, ' urns,' and clay water-pipes [Gough, Camden, ii, I 7]. See also Crosby Square, St. Helens, and White Hart Court. Bishopsgate Street Without (Plan A, 27,40). — Considerable finds of Gaulish pottery made near Sun Street, in sewerage excavations, 1843 ; mostly acquired by E. B. Price, and through him by the British Museum. He also records cinerary urns found in Artillery Lane (q.v.)and Widegate Street. Among the potters' stamps he mentions atah (Brit. Mus.) ; of face, aventini, of viRiLi (Brit. Mus.) ; of nigri, aeterni • m, aistivi, ivl • nvmidi. Also coins of Antoninus, Faustina, and Probus, and part of a clay lamp with human head in relief [Gent. Mag. (1843), ii, 416, 639 ; Rom. Brit. Rem. i, 201, 204]. Burial remains found in 1873, with part of a decayed cist, four glass vessels, and a Gaulish bowl with stamp mbacci (?), found with bones inside one of the glass vessels [Journ. * The meaning and use of these objects has been the subject of much dispute. They have been found In many parts of the Continent, and in Britain at Towcester, Northants, and elsewhere. In London they occur also in Blomfield Street, London Wall (bed of Walbrook), Great Swan Alley, and Telegraph Street. So many having been found near Moorfields, generally held to have been a marsh, it has been suggested that they were specially used in swampy ground. But it has been objected that they would rather impede than assist horses in soft ground, and that they are more likely to have been used for unshod anim.ils on hard roads. Most of them bear traces of having come from gravel, which by corrosion still adheres to their surface ; prob- ably therefore they were used before the formation of the swamp, and the notion that they were used in soft ground is an error caused by the general misconception of the condition of Moorfields in early Roman times (see Arch, Ix, 180). Monsieur S. Reinach is of opinion that they were a sort of clog used to keep the animals irom straying, and this seems a reasonable suggestion ; a rope might easily be fastened round the hook at the end. It has also been suggested that they are not for horses at all, but carriers for lamps, and the ' handle ' certainly supports that theory ; but the discovery of specimens with horses' hoofs and horse-shoes attached, and in conjunction with the bones of horses' feet, seems to dispose finally of such view. See on the subject generally, Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 517 ff ; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), iii, 92 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Soc. xxi, 188, 1, 251, 254 ; Arch. Journ. Ix, 229 ; Revue Archeologiqiie, xxxvi (1900), 296 ; Reinach, Guide illus tree du Musee Saint-Germain, p. 95, fig. 72. ' One bowl is of interest as having a stamp, but no decoration, although the form is one almost invariably associated with the leaf-orpament in slip. I 89 12 A HISTORY OF LONDON Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxx, 204, pis. 9, 10, and apparently 1 1 ; MS. Cat. of Mayhew Coll. No. 29 ; ue above, p. 9]. [1875.] Opposite Widegate Street a stone coffin was found 13 ft. below the pavement, containing a skeleton (p. 16) ; said to be in the Guildhall, but not in Catalogue [Hartridge, Co//. Newspaper Cuttings, Old London, ii]. The internal measurements are 7 ft. by 4 ft. 4 in. by I ft. 5jin. Another was found in 1891, opposite Artillery Lane, in clearing for the G.E. Ry. extension, and is now in the Guildhall [Cat. p. 107, No. g]. See also St. Botolph, Bishopsgate, and for the Gate here, Arch. Ix, 186, and p. 56 above (Plan C, 24). Blackfriars (Plan C, 207). — Various finds recorded from this site, though with some vagueness as to the exact locality. [5<'^ also Bridge Street.] In 1870 some objects are reported (but not certainly from here) : a hanging bronze lamp with six spouts ; a bronze steelyard ; a clay lamp with four spouts ; and a fragment of Gaulish pottery with figure of Apollo [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxvi, 371, with illustrations]. In 1874, a pair of shears, over two hundred pins, needles, &c., of bronze, pottery, tools, and weapons ; some of the bronze objects appear to be unfinished, as if the site was one where they were manufactured [Ibid, xxx, 72, 94]. In 1879 * hexagonal green glass bottle [Ibid, xxxv, 428]. In the British Museum are frag- ments of Lezoux pottery (one with stamp of Potitianus) ; in the Guildhall a spindle-whorl [Cat. 180] and a shallow bowl of plain earthenware [Cat. 140] ; in the Bethnal Green Museum a plain vase of brown ware. See also Playhouse Yard. Blomfield Street (Plan C, 104). — In the British Museum (from Roach Smith) a circular plate of bronze found here, with design in relief of the wolf suckling Romulus and Remus, in some- what coarse barbaric style (Fig. 38) [Illus. Rom. Land. 76 ; Cat. Land. Antiq. p. II, No. 28 ; Arch, xxix, 153]. An important cremation burial was unearthed in 1868 in the part of the street formerly known as Broker Row, on the site of the old Bethlehem Hospital, consisting of an oak coffin, a cube of 18 in. with a domed cover of earthenware, a glass bottle filled with calcined bones and covered with a small earthenware bowl, and two jars of rough pottery (not cinerary urns) [Land, and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans. 111. 492, Tig. 38. — Bronze Relief of Romulus and Remus (A) pi. 8 ; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (ser. 2), vi, 171 ; Guildhall Mus. Cat. p. 42, No. 156 ; p. 76, no. 4 ; see above, p. 9]. A seria or large amphora found in the coffin is described in yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc. xxxiii, 337. Other 'cinerary urns' have been found at different times [Arch. xxix, 152]. An iron stylus was found in the same year on the site of the Eye Infirmary, also an iron 'hippo-sandal' (see above) [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc. 517]. In the British Museum are three xxxi, 477 ; Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii fragments of Rutenian pottery, with stamps of Mandvilus, Valerius, and Vitalis, found in 1838 ; also one of the tiles inscribed p • BR • lon ^ [Illus. Rom. Lond. pi. 8, fig. 5, p. 114 ; Arch, xxix, 157 ; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 1235]. About 50 ft. of the Roman wall was uncovered in April 1885, on the site of Broker Row, near Allhallows Church (Plan C, 80) [Antiq. xi, 1 80 ; Arch, yourn. Ix, 137 ff; see p. 60]. See also London Wall, Moorfields. JJotolph Lane. — Numerous fragments of Gaulish and German pottery in British Museum (Roach Smith), one a complete bowl of Lezoux ware (form 37) ; others with potters' stamps of Logirnus and Cosius Rufus (Graufesenque), Atilianus (Lezoux), Venicarus (German, Rheinzabern), and fragment of Romano-British painted ware. Part of a mortarium found 1846 [Illus. Rom. Lond. 149]. Botolph Wharf. — See Billingsgate. ° On the signification of these inscribed tiles see Hilbner in Corp. Inscr. Lat. vii, 21. ■supposed to stand for ' praetor provinciae Britannicae Londinensis.' See .ilso p. 41. 90 The letters are Fig. 36. — Statue of a Youth in Phrygian Costume from Bevis Mark Fig. 37. — Architectural Fragment of Bastion from Camomile Strekt Q) e o u X o < I < H I 91 A HISTORY OF LONDON Bow Lane. — Two mortaria, one fragmentary, were dug up in 1890 at a depth of 22 ft., the complete one bearing the stamp sollvs • F, the other, of which the rim only is preserved, the . , QVINTVS AVERVS VERANIVS, ^, j • .u i .1 • j- .• u triple name the words m the lower row apparently mdicatmg the O GARR. KAC place of manufacture [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xlvi, 156 ; Walters, Ancient Pottery, ii, 551 ; cf. Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 1334, 63]. Other finds include part of a jar of Upchurch ware, the neck of an amphora with A incised, two tiles (one with figures) and a jar of yellow ware. In the British Museum, pottery of the second century (from Roach Smith), with stamps of Carantinus and Helenus ; in the Guildhall, a plain vase and a mortarium with stamp of Albinus [^Cat. 312, 626]. At the corner of Cannon Street (then Little St. Thomas Apostle), at a depth of 12 ft., a coffin was found in 1839 constructed of tiles but without cover ; it contained the skeleton of an old man, with a copper coin (of Domitian ?) between the teeth [Kelsey, Description of Sewers, 269 ; Gent. Mag. 1 840, i, 420 ; lllus. Rom. Land. 58 ; Arch, xxix, 146 ; cf. yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ii, 350 ; xxxix, 435 ; and see above, p. 22]. The remains are said to be in the Guildhall [not in Catalogue]. Bread Street (Plan C, 177). — In 1834-6 were found fragments of Gaulish pottery, some with figures ; mortaria ; fragments of wall-paintings in yellow, white, red, and green ; also pottery from a shaft sunk between this street and Friday Street [/^rch. xxvii, 149]. At the north end of the street, 12 ft. from the surface, a chalk wall crossed Cheapside diagonally towards Wood Street. Fragments of Lezoux pottery in British Museum, also part of a mortarium acquired in 1902 with name of Q. Valerius Tunerius. See also Cannon Street. Bread Street Hill (Plan C, 139")- — Two fragments of Lezoux pottery in British Museum, one with stamp of Numidius (E. B. Price), also fragments of pottery with ' slip * decoration and painted patterns, from the churchyard of St. Nicholas Olave. Foundations of buildings, with walls of rubble and tiles, coins, vases, lamps, &c., discovered in 1844 [I/lus. Lend. News, 20 July, p. 44]. Bridge Street, Blackfriars. — A Roman _/fte/a found in 1854 [Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. i), iii, 105]. See also Blackfriars. Bridgwater Square, Barbican. — Glass bottle in Guildhall \^Cat. 119 ; Arch. Rev. i, 275]. Britain, Little. — A small figure (no details) found in 1791 [Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxiv, 192]. Broad Street (New) (Plan C, 26-28). — Roach Smith mentions a coffin bound with iron bands, found at a depth of 14 ft. in 1875, in the line of Houndsuitch {Coll. Antiq. vii, 180]. In 1906 excavations were made on the line of the Roman Wall, close under Allhallows Church, and the vestry of the church was proved to have been built on the foundation of a Roman bastion {Arch. Ix, 196 fF.; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), xxi, 229 ; and see p. 58]. Broad Street (Old). — The principal find on this site has been the tessellated pavement unearthed in Feb. 1854 under the vaults of the south-east part of the old Excise Office, on the east side of the street (Plan C, 56). On approaching Bishopsgate Street, arched vaults with flat arches beneath were found 12 or 13 ft. below the street level, and under them a bed of coarse concrete, beneath which the first Roman remains appeared (fragments of pottery, glass, mortar, concrete, wall-plaster, and coins), and finally the pavement. It was laid on a bed of hard cement with coarse concrete below resting on the natural soil, and formed the floor of a room 28ft. square; it had been unsuccessfully mended in parts. On the north was another pavement of tiles I 7 in. square [sesquiptdales). It was noted that the site was lower than the Roman level in Bishopsgate Street. The design of the pavement (Fig. 39) resembles one found at Stonesfield, Oxon., the central figure being Europa on the bull ; the other compart- ments are formed by stars of intersecting guilloches, inclosing various devices, and divided by lozenge patterns ; there is an outer border of lotus flowers. The pavement was removed to the Crystal Palace \_Arch. xxxvi, p. 203 ff., pis. 18, 19 ; lllus. Rom. Lond, pi. 7, p. 54 ; Arch, yourn. xi, 184; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. i), iii, 1 14; Morgan, Rom. Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 187]. Another pavement was found in 1792 when making a sewer from St. Peter-le-Poer to Threadneedle Street, behind Winchester House (Plan C, 93) ; it was circular in form, and a quantity of burnt corn and charcoal, with pottery and coins, was laid upon it {Arch, xxxix, 493 ; Coll. Antiq. iii, 257 ; Morgan, Rom. Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 179 ; lllus. Rom. Lond. 56]. A female head of life size of glass and coloured stones is also reported {lllus. Rom. Lond. 56]. On the site of Gresham College (afterwards the Excise Office) a denarius of Severus was found in 1769 [Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xi, 184]. Other finds are unimportant : a piece of lead piping in 1854 ; part of a jar with strainer, spindle-whorls, a buckle, hairpin, and strigil (1872) {Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Proc. (i860), 3 ; yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xi, 73 ; xxviii, 77, 273 ; xxix, 71]. Pottery in British Museum 92 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON with stamps of Accilinus, Aricius, and Severinus, and an olla with lattice patterns. In the Guildhall : a hairpin, an iron lamp [Cat. 9], a glass vessel, and pottery (Gaulish and Upchurch wares). Two fragments of tessellated pavements found in 1893 are now in the Guildhall \Cat. p. 72, nos. 8, 9]. In the Bethnal Green Museum, two large amphorae. In the Mayhew Collection was a limestone cist found on the site of Winchester House \Cat. 28]. A cinerary urn containing calcined bones found in a leaden cist in 1872 \Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxviii, 171 ; Guildhall Mus. Cat. p. 93, No. 326]. Broker Row. — See Blomfield Street. Brooks' Wharf. — Various objects in Guildhall Museum : bronze rings and keys, arrowhead, clay lamp, glass [Arch. Rev. i, 274 ; also mentions armlets and fish-hooks]. BucKLERsBURY. — A fine pavement found in the line of the present Queen Victoria Street (Plan C, 125) in May 1869, now in the Guildhall. It was 19 ft. below street level, and forms a parallelogram, 13 X I2| ft., with a semicircular addition 7 A ft. long at the north end ; the foundations of the inclosing walls were of tile with blocks of chalk and ragstone. Fragments of stucco painted red and blue were also found, and round the semicircular part were vertical flues ; below was a hypocaust with rows of flanged tiles supporting the concrete. At the north-east corner was a drain formed of semicircular tiles. This pavement (Fig. 40), considered to be the most perfect, and by some the finest, found in London, has a border of guilloche inclosing interlacing squares, one in colours, the other in white and black, with floral ornaments in the centre. Above is a floral scroll, and round the semicircle a guilloche inclosing a scale-pattern formed in parti-coloured rays. Round the whole are plain borders of red, white, and yellow tesserae. It is probably of fairly early date, about the time of Hadrian. At the south-east end was a small portico 5 ft. 5 J in. X 4 ft., paved with red tesserae and surrounded by a timber frame, to the right of which ran a passage floored with concrete ; part of a wooden paling adjoining seems to suggest a veranda facing the Walbrook. At a distance of 90 ft. (direction not stated) two walls of tiles and chalk were cut through, beneath which were wooden piles ; between the walls, a pavement of tiles, with flue-tiles below (Plan C, 123). Apparently this was a passage- way. To the west were part of a plain pavement and remains of a wall with painted stucco (Plan C, 126). Price also mentions a well or cesspool, thought to be a Roman latrine (Plan C, 124). Other finds at the time included Roman pottery, some of which is in the Guildhall Museum ; bronze statuettes of Mars and a Lar ; a mortarium, a bone draughtsman (r), bronze tweezers, a horseshoe, a knife, keys, fibulae, and small coins of Constantine [J. E. Price, Descr. of Rom. Tessel. Pavement in Bucklersbury, 1870 (illustrated) ; Guildhall Mus. Cat. p. 72, pi. 55 j Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), v, 1 1 ; Arch. Joiirn. Ix, 171 ; Morgan, Rom. Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 195 ; Arch. Rev. i, 275 ; see also p. 76, fig. 26]. In 1854 were found a bronze armlet, spoon, and ligula or spatula [Arch, yourn. xi, 186, 283 ; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. i), iii, 90]. In 1874, 1879, and 1 891, Gaulish pottery (with stamps of vita(lis) and cara ; some figured vases), also in 1874 an iron lampstand, glass bottles, bronze pins, and coins of Claudius and Domitian [yourn. Brit. Arch. Asso:. xxx, 338 ; XXXV, 216, 220 ; xlvii, 96]. In the Guildhall, bone pins [Cat. 226-75] and miscellaneous objects. A 'cinerary urn' in the Mayhew Collection [Cat. No. 14 ; see above, p. 6]. Budge Row (Plan C, 155). — Mr. Gunston stated that in Jan. 1853 he descended into an excavation made for a new sewer, and 'at the depth of 16 ft. distinctly traced the remains of a Roman wall constructed of rubble, layers of tile, and concrete ' [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ix, 84 ; see under Cannon Street]. In 1859 the same gentleman exhibited 71. fibula found in 1852 'of singular and simple form' [Ibid, xv, 272; cf. v, 231]. Three fragments of orna- mented pottery in British Museum, one of Lczoux, two of German fabric (one with stamp of Comitialis). A fragment of a cornice found in 1855 bore the inscription MATF VICINIA • DESVO • res Mat[ribus . . . ] viclnia de suo {sumptu) res[tituit^ Probably a dedication to the Deae Matres (see p. 104) [Proc. Soc. Antiq. iv (1856), p. 113 ; Illus. Rom. Lond. 33; Arch. Aeliana, xv, p. 328, No. 2; Gent. Mag. (185 7), 69; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 20 ; Guildhall Mus. Cat. p. 106, No. 2]. Bush Lane. — After the great fire some labourers, digging foundations of houses in Scots Yard (Plan C, 147), found at 20 ft. deep 'a Tessellated Pavement, with the Remains of a large Build- ing or Hall' supposed at the time to indicate respectively the Roman governor's palace and the Basilica ! Four holes full of charred wood were supposed to have been for piles, and as the substructure of the pavement was composed of artificial earth containing bricks and broken glass it was thought that the building was destroyed by Boudicca [Wren, Parentalia, 265 ; ' ' To the Mother Goddesses . . . restored by the neighbourhood at its own expense.' 93 A HISTORY OF LONDON Stow, Survey (ed. Strype), ii, App. v, 23; Morgan, Rom. Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 176; Maitland, Hist, of Land, i, I 7 ; Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. viii, 25a].* Bagford, writing in 1714, said that part of the pavement (' of Csesar's tent ! ') was in the museum of the Royal Society [Leland, Coll. (ed. Hearne), i, 60]. In 1841, at the lower end of the lane, was found a wall of ragstone and tiles, running 50 ft. northwards until met by a similar transverse wall (Plan C, 149). Fragments of pottery and frescoes, tiles and bricks, were found. More walls were found to the north, opposite Scots Yard (Plan C, 141), in 1839, one crossing the street diagonally ; adjoining this was a pavement of white tesserae and a concrete floor supporting the tiles of a hypocaust (Plan C, 145)- One of these tiles, a hollow cube in form, is now in the British Museum \_Arch. xxix, 156, 402 ; Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxxviii, 152 ; cf lllus. Rom. Land. 14, 116; Cat. Lond. Antiq. 55, No. 246]. Roach Smith thought that these massive substructures indicated a south-eastern boundary wall with a flanking tower. Another wall, about 200 ft. in length, 10 ft. high and 12 ft. thick, was discovered in the excavations for Cannon Street Railway Station (Plan C, 144) ; this inclosed foundations supporting smaller walls, 3 ft. wide, composed principally of tiles, connected by similar cross walls [Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 213 ; see also Cannon Street and Thames Street, Upper]. The evidence here, as in most cases, is very vague, but that there must have been an extensive building or series of buildings in this locality seems clear. See above, p. 75. In the British Museum are two fragments of Gaulish pottery with the stamps of Mettius and Titticus (Roach Smith), also a lamp with combat of gladiators. In Little Bush Lane to the south (Plan C, 148) a wall of tile and rag was found in 1846, extending across the street, also the base of a column [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ii, 341] ; and in Chequers Court on the west (now covered by Cannon Street Station) two fragments of tiles were discovered in 1 841, one inscribed p ■ BR • Bii, the other BR [Arch, xxix, 157 ; lllus. Rom. Lond. 114 ; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 1235 ; see p. 90] ; both now in British Museum. Butcher Hall Lane. — See Angel Street, King Edward Street. Camomile Street (Plan C, 50). — In 1707 a tessellated pavement was found at a depth of 4 ft., and ' sinking downwards, under the Pavement, only Rubbish occur'd for about two Foot ; and then the Workmen came to a Stratum of Clay ; in which, at the Depth of two Foot more, they found several urns. Some of them were become so tender and rotten that they easily crumbled and fell to pieces. As to those that had the Fortune better to escape the Injuries of Time, and the strokes of the Workmen that rais'd the Earth, they were of different Forms ; but all of very handsome Make and Contrivance. . . . These Urns were of various sizes, the largest capable of holding full three Gallons, the last somewhat above a Quart. All of these had in them Ashes and Cinders of burn'd Bones.' Along with the Urns were found various other Earthen Vessels ; as a Simpulum, a Patera of a very fine red Earth, and a blewish Glass Viol of that sort that is commonly call'd a Lachri- matory. . . . There were likewise found several Beads, one or two Copper Rings, a Fibula of the same Mettall, but much impair'd and decay'd ; as also a Coin of Antoninus Pius* [Obv. radiated head, antoninvs aug .... IMP. XVI ; rev. seated woman with hasta pura]. ' At about the same Depth . . . was digg'd up an Human Skull, with several Bones [Leland, Coll. (ed. Hearne), vii. Wood- ward's Letter to Wren, 13 ; cf. Stow, Survey (ed. Strype), ii, App. v, 23 ; Allen, Hist, of London, i, 25 ; Gent. Mag. (1807), i, 415 ; Morgan, Rom. Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 177 ; see above, p. 12]. These finds were made in the course of rebuilding some houses, and It seems to be open to doubt if these are Roman. Fig. 41. Statue of Warrior from Camomile Street dy • See below under Cannon Street. 94 Fig. 40.— Pavement found at Bucklersbury in 1869 (jij) ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON at the same time the City Wall was broken up, concerning which Dr. Woodward says : * From the Foundation, which lay eight Foot below the present surface, quite up to the Top, which was in all, near ten Foot, 'twas compiled alternately of Layers of broad flat Bricks ; and of Ragstone. The Bricks lay in double Ranges : and, each Brick being but one Inch -^j^ in Thickness, the whole Layer, with the Mortar interpos'd, exceeded not three Inches. . . To this Height the Workmanship was after the Roman manner : and these were the Remains of the antient Wall, suppos'd to be built by Constantine the Great ' [loc. cit.]. In 1876, Nos. 28 to 32 being removed, 36 ft. of the wall and the base of a small bastion were uncovered (Plan C, S3) ; this is thought to be the same part that was observed by Dr. Woodward. Evidence points to the structure being of late date. In the lower course of the bastion were found architectural fragments : a fluted pilaster, moulded cornices, and the figure of a lion overcoming another animal (Figs. 17, 37). Most of them were of Northamptonshire Oolite, and one block with a flower carved on it is of dark Kentish greensand. These frag- ments are now in the Guildhall Museum, together with a statue of a Roman warrior 4 ft. 3^ in. high, and a stone head [^Cat, 106, Nos. 9-12]. With them were two fragments of an inscrip- tion, the only letters visible on the stone being fv and iia [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc. M xxxii, 490, 503 ; Arch, yourn. xxxiv, 131 ; Arch, lii, 613 ; Price, Bastion of London Wall, p. 24 fF., pis. 1-4; Ephem. Epigr. iv, 195, No. 663, vii, 277, Nos. 823, 824; see above, p. 56 ff.]. The sculptures appear to be from sepulchral monuments set up in the neighbourhood, probably about 150 years before the building of the bastion. That of the warrior (Fig. 41) is described as being probably a portrait. He wears a cloak and tunic with ornamented girdle, and holds tablets in his left hand, implying that he was a signifer and kept the accounts of his cohort. The head is that of an elderly man, from a statue of large proportions, with closely-curled \ air, and is said to resemble some of the portrait sculptures of the Antonine period. Cannon Street (including Basing Lane and Little St. Thomas Apostle). — Strype says : ' In Canning Street nigh Bush Lane was found pretty deep in the Earth, a large pavement of Roman mosaic work. Dr. Hook gave a piece of it to the Repository in Gresham College ' [Stow, Survey (ed. Strype), ii, App. v, 23].'" See Plan C, 141. During drainage work in 1845, along the line of this thoroughfare in the western part, formerly known as Basing Lane (Plan C, 163), 'portions of immense walls with occasional layers of bond-tiles and in some cases (as at Great Trinity Lane) exhibiting the remains of fresco paintings, afforded frequent evidence of the massive and important character of the edifices which anciently occupied this site' [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, i, 254].'' In the eastern part, at the crossing of Queen Street (Plan C, 161), fragments of a tessellated pave- ment were found in 1850 [Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. i), ii, 93]. At the same time were found at the west end of the street (Plan C, 192) a bronze lamp with handle in the form of a crescent,'^ and fragments of pottery, including a Gaulish bowl with stamp marsvs and a mortarium inscribed moricamvs, also coins of Claudius Gothicus and Tetricus [Ibid, ii, 174 ; 'journ. Arch. Assoc, vii, 176, 436 ; viii, 56, pi. 13, fig. 5]- Another pavement, of plain re.d tesserae, was reported in 1852, found with pottery, &c., on the site of Basing Lane (Plan C, 163) [Arch. Journ. ix, 297]. From the same site was said to have come a stone (now in the Guildhall Museum) with the following inscription : — D . M ^['^) M[anihus) ONESIMO . vix . AN . XIII Onesima vix{it) an{nos) xiii DOMITIVS . ELAINVS . PATER Domitius Elainus pater FILIO . B . M filio h[ene) tn[erito).^^ It was, however, subsequently claimed as 'probably not genuine Anglo-Roman, but imported from the Columbaria of Italy.' There is certainly no authentic record of its discovery on this site, and it is said to have been long in a dealer's possession [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ix, 91, 199 ; '" This appears to be the same pavement as that found in Scots Yard and described under Bush Lane S^o]. For the wall here see above, p. 69, and Plan C, 60. Castle Street, Aldersgate (Plan C, 40). — In 1865 a tower of the wall was exposed to view in the rear of No. 7 on the east side, of semicircular form. It is said to be of later date than the foundations of the wall, and in any case there does not appear to be any evidence that it is Roman [I//us. Land. News, 19 Aug., 1865,'' Hartridge, Co/i. Newsp. Cuttings, Old London, i, 279 ff. ; see above, p. 63]. See also Falcon Square. Castle Street, Houndsditch. — See Houndsditch. Cateaton Street. — See Gresham Street. Cheapside. — Bagford, writing in 17 14-15, mentions a pavement (Plan C, 174) found at a depth of 15 ft. about a hundred years previously [Leland, Coll. (ed. Hearne), i, 74]. Coins were found, in 1850, including specimens of Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus, Gordian II and III, and Aurelian, in the upper part of this street (Plan C, 181) \_Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, vi, 155], and in 1861 part of a pavement opposite Bow Church (Plan C, 175), of red and white tesserae [Ibid, xvii, 328]. Pottery has been reported at different times, both Gaulish and Upchurch wares [Ibid, xxxvi, 237; xl. III]; and in 1901 some fine specimens of the former were unearthed by Messrs. Hilditch on their premises, No. 11-12, at the corner of Old Change (Plan C, 208), and are now in the British Museum. In the last-named collection are also fragments with potters' stamps (Modestus and Salarius of La Graufesenque ; Doeccus, Beleniccus, Escusius, and Paternus of Lezoux) ; also a large y?^«/« of cross-bow type, found in 1846. In the Guildhall Museum, part of a pavement [Cat. p. 72, No. 3 ; perhaps the one found in 1861] ; also glass vessels from Mercers' Hall [Cat. 124, 131]. In Mr. W. M. Newton's collection, a mortarium stamped twice f.lvgvdv, ' made at Lugudunum.' Kelsey mentions the finding of 'ancient jewellery,' not necessarily Roman [Descr. of Sewers, 319]. For potters' stamps from this site see fourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxv, 237. In 1879 were found (near the west end of the street, at a depth of 18 ft.) the fragments of a cinerary urn containing bones, said to be those of a young woman [Arch, xxxix, 199 ; see p. 6]. See also Bread Street, St. Mary-le-Bow, and St. Paul's Churchyard. Christ's Hospital (site of) (Plan C, 46-48). — Among the ruins of the Greyfriars Monastery uncovered in 1836 was a fluted pillar of about 18 in. to 20 in. diameter, ornamented at intervals with bands of pendant leaves (described as resembling lotus leaves) ' so that it assimilates in some degree with the Egyptian style.' It appears to have been utilized and altered by the builders of the mediaeval church [Arch, xxvii, 410]. Gaulish pottery in British Museum (one fragment with stamp of Paternus). On the demolition of the old Bluecoat School in 1902 a wall was uncovered, at first thought to be part of the Roman wall, but proved to be of later date [Antiq. xxxviii, 376 ; see also City Press, 10, 13, 17 Sept., 1902, and Illus. Lond. News, 18 Oct., 1902]. But more recent excavations have actually brought to light part of the wall at this point [see above, p. 66]. During the clearance of the ground for the new Post Office buildings in 1907-8 some good finds of coins and pottery were made. The former range from Nero to Constantine. Among the latter are parts of three ist-century ornamented bowls, and others with stamps of Habilis, Liberalis, Martialis, Passenus, and Tauricus, and mortaria with the names of Secundus and Sollus. See also Newgate Street. Church Street, Minories. — 'Sepulchral relics* found under the [Metropolitan District .?] Railway in 1882, consisting of a massive lead coffin ornamented with scallop-shells and the usual beaded pattern [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxviii, 448]. Clement's Lane. — About 1840 walls were found crossing the street at 12 ft. to 15 ft. depth, 3 ft. in thickness, and composed of flints, rubble, and tiles (Plan C, 76). Among finds were frag- ments of pavements, beads, lamps, pottery, coins of Claudius, Nero, Vespasian, Constantine, and Aurelian, and part of a blue glass bottle [Arch, xxvii, 141, xxix, 272 ; Morgan, Rom.-Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 181]. E. B. Price in 1841 also mentions a mortarium with the stamp albinvs, Gaulish pottery, and coins of Vespasian, Domitian, Faustina, Gordian, Constantine, and Carausius [Gent. Mag. (1841), ii, 498 ; Rom.-Brit. Rem. i, 215]. In 1878 a collection '^ In the illustration the courses of Rom.-m tiles appear at so high a level that they must have been worked in in later times. I 97 13 A HISTORY OF LONDON of Roman glass from this site was exhibited to the Archaeological Association, including frag- ments of glass slag and pot-glass, and among other objects an iron tool supposed to be used for the decoration of glass. These discoveries naturally suggest that glass was manufactured on the spot [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxiv, 254]. A complete amphora, now in the Guild- hall, was found with five or six others standing in a row, about 1876 ; others were found in 1865 [Ibid, xxxiii 232 ; Land, and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 1 00]. In 1 878 fragments of a tessellated pavement were found near St. Clement's Church (Plan C, 74) [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxiv, 134]. In the Guildhall are also a clay lamp with a Centaur [Cat. 41], a Gaulish bowl with figures and another with leaves in slip [Cat. 434, 514], and other objects. In the British Museum, stamps of the Gaulish potters Beleniccus, Primulus, and Cotto (all Lezoux, second century), and two clay lamps found in 1841 [see above; from Roach Smith) ; also a bronze key (from the same). See also Eastcheap, King William Street. Clifford's Inn. — Clay vase and lamp, found some time previous to 1859 \Proc. Soc. Ant'tq. (Ser. I), iv, 325]. Cloak Lane (Plan C, 150, 151). — Wooden piles similar to those found in Princes Street (p. 119) are said to have been found, also two spear-heads and some concrete pavement ['Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ii, 341]. In 1846 a fragment of a sepulchral inscription in Purbeck marble M was found : prim [Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 34^2 ; Cat. Land. Antiq. p. 4, No. 9 ; Coll. Antiq. i, vix 139, pi. 48A, 2 ; yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, n, 351]. It is now in the British Museum. In excavating for the District Railway in 1888, under the site of St. John the Baptist, Walbrook (Plan C, 152), 'part of the floor of a Roman villa' was found [Antiq. xvii, 175 ; Arch. Rev. i, 282] ; the pavement, now in the Guildhall Museum [Cat. 26], is of the herring-bone type {testacea spicata).^^ In 1905 remains of piles were found in the bed of the Walbrook, with Roman pottery [Arch. Ix, 230]. Coal Exchange. — See Thames Street, Lower. Cock Lane. — Pottery in British Museum from this site (Roach Smith and E. B. Price) ; in the collection of the latter were a small pestle and several mortaria found here [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, vii, 87]. The British Museum pottery is all of the second century from Lezoux (stamps of Primulus and Regulus). A burial recorded here, at a depth of 12 ft., bronze armlets being found on the wrists of the skeleton (see p. 23) [Arch. Rev. i, 275]. Coleman Street (Plan C, 105). — About 1836 a pit was opened containing 'a store of earthen vessels.' ^' They seem to have been closely packed in a horizontal position, and their capacity varied from a quart to 2 gallons ; some were of dark clay, with reticulated patterns. With them was a small bowl of red ware, with leaf decoration in slip on the rim [form 35 in Bonner Jahrh. xcvi, pi. 2 (DragendorfF) ; the type belongs to the second century], a small brass coin of Allectus, two iron hooks, and a bucket handle. Other finds from this site include coins, spatulae, styli, needles, a gold ring, an engraved cornelian, bronze tweezers and ear-pick on a ring, a hairpin ending in a helmeted head, bracelets of plaited wire, and pottery [Arch, xxvii, 148 ; Illus. Rom. Lond. 142 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxi, 470 ; xxxiii, 334 ; Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 506 ; Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxxvii, 57]. A bottle-shaped lamp with stem for fitting into the socket of a lantern was found in 1866 [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxiii, 197]. Price mentions a brick floor found in 1843 ^^ 20 ft. depth (Plan C, 105^) [Bucklersbury Pavement, 54]. In the British Museum are a bone comb, a bronze chain bracelet wi h imitation coin attached, and some fragments of pottery (Roach Smith and E.B. Price), all cf the second century (stamps of Casurius, Sedatus, and Reginus, the last-named a German potter) ; also some of the pottery found in 1836 [see Cat. Lond. Antiq. pi. 5, p. 17]. In the Guildhall, a bowl with slip decoration and plain pottery with incised patterns [Cat. 73, 59, 120, 141, 236, 516], and two cinerary urns [Ibid. Nos. 120, 236]. A vase of black ware in Mr. Hilton Price's collection. College Hill. — Plain vase in Guildhall Museum [Cat. 75]. College Street, Dowgate Hill (Plan C, 146). — In excavating for the rebuilding of Dyers' Hall (1839), remains of a paxement were found at 13 ft. 8 in. below the surface ; also pottery and coins [Gent. Mag. (1839), ii, 636 ; Ro/n. Brit. Rem. i, 206 ; Illus. Rom. Lond. 59]. '^ See above, under Cannon Street. " Described .is in or near Coleman Street, but perhaps on the site of the present Moorgate Street, which was being constructed about that time. 98 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON Cooper's Row, Tower Hill (Plan C, 7). — A large portion of the Roman wall laid bare in 1864, 106 ft. in length [Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Sen 2), ii, 419 ; iii, 15 ; Lond. and M'ldd. Arch. Soc. Trans. iii, 52 ; Arch. xl. 295 ff. ; and see p. 51]. CoPTHALL Avenue (formerly Little Bell Alley) (Plan C, loi). — Roman stone [clay?] bell found in 1889 at the north end (see below), and two iron nails in 1890 [Antiq. xx. 76 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xlvii, 88]. Further discoveries of piles, Roman pottery, and other objects were made in December 1906 [Arch. Ix, 232]. Fragments of pottery, in British Museum (one of German fabric) ; in the Guildhall, a lamp, bone dice, and two bells (see above). In Mr. Hilton Price's possession is a vessel of red glazed ware of 'ink-pot' form, the purport of which is unknown (from its porosity it is unsuited for ink, and though the large and small holes in the top of these vessels suggest their use as lamps, none that the writer has seen have shown traces of burning). CoPTHALL Court. — Fragment of Gaulish pottery in British Museum (Roach Smith). Corbet Court, Gracechurch Street (Plan C, 40). — Gaulish pottery [Arch. Rev. i, 276]. A wall here, mentioned by Kelsey, Descr. of Snvcrs, 100. See Gracechurch Street. Cornhill. — In July 1891 some masonry was found under St. Michael's Church (Plan C, 42), 12 ft. thick, and said to be of good character, but it is not clear to what sort of building it belonged. Pottery, glass, tiles, and bones were also found [Antiq. xxiv, 212 ; cf. Pa// Ma// Gazette, 20 Aug. 1891 ; fuller details in Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), xiv, 6 ; see also ibid, xxi, 229; Arch. Ix, 223, and p. 74, above]. In the Guildhall Museum are pieces of Gaulish and other pottery, including a jar of form 67 [Dechelette, Fases Ornh de /a Gaii/e Rom. i, pi. 4 ; Cat. 273, 404, 459, 478] ; in the British Museum, a fragment of Graufesenque ware with stamp of Passenus, and the magnificent vase from Roach Smith's collection with figures in app/iqiJ, of which an illustration is here given (Fig. 33, No. 72). It was found, together with remains of a wall, between Bank Buildings and the Royal Exchange in 1 841 (Plan C, 89). It is supposed to have been made at Lezoux in the third century (though the excellence of the work suggests an earlier date) ; it is, unfortunately, very far from complete \Il/us. Rom. Lond. 97 ; Cat. Lond. Antiq. pi. 6 ; Dechelette, op. cit. ii, 187 ; Arch, xxix, 273]. Bronze keys in the possession of Mr. W. M. Newton, also fragments of mortaria with stamps : albinvs (2), sollvs, and f.lvgvdv (' made at Lugudunum '). Mr. T. Morgan, discussing Apollo worship in London, attempted to prove that St. Michael's Church must stand on the site of a temple of that deity ; it need hardly be said that this is purely conjectural [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxviii, 340]. Creed Lane (Plan C, 205). — Finds of pottery in 1843 ; Gaulish ware, some figured, and fragments of mortariay one roughly stamped MAHI NVS Marinus [Gent. Mag. (1843), i, 190 ; Ro Brit. Rem. i, 198] ; in the British Museum, a fragment of Romano-British painted ware ; in the Bethnal Green Museum, a fragment with micci of. Cripplegate (Plan C, 36, 87, 39). — In St. Giles' churchyard, about 1847, were found a coin of Carausius, an unpublished variety of the Pax type, and a half-denarius of Constantine the Great (Rev. Sapientia Principis). [Num. Chron. xi, Proc. 8.] In the Guildhall Museum, a bronze key [Cat. 105]. Part of the Roman wall with bastion, encased with later work, has long been (and still is) exposed to view here; of the bastion 7ft. were revealed in 1900 in good preservation, extending to a depth of 18 ft. [U/us. Rom. Lond. 17 ; Antiq. xxxvi, 335 ; Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans. (New Ser.), i, pt. 4 (1902), 356 ; Arch. Rev. i, 275 ; Hartridge, Co//. Neivsp. Cuttings, 0/d London, i, 278 fF. ; Archer, Festiges of 0/d London, pis. 4-6 ; and see above, p. 62]. Crooked Lane. — Gaulish pottery from this site, 'some being evidently burned at a remote period,* exhibited to the Archaeological Association in 1879 [fourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxv. 215]. See also St. Michael Crooked Lane. Crosby Square, Bishopsgate (Plan C, 53). — Part of a tessellated pavement found in March 1836, about 13 ft. below the su/face, at south-west angle of the Square, with guilloche pattern of red, white, and grey tesserae (another account says scrolls in red, yellow, white, and black). From the style of workmanship it appears to be of early date (Antonine period ?). Below it was a layer of coarse mortar, on a bed of hard ground 2 ft. thick. The site is said to be intersected by ancient foundations 12 ft. or 14 ft. down, running north and south [Gent. Mag. (1836), i, 369 ; Rom.-Brit. Rem. i, 193 ; Arch, xxvii, 397 ; I//us. Rom. Lond. 157 ; fourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxiii, 106 ; Morgan, Rom. Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 182; Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxxvii, 67]. Crutched Friars (Plan C, 7). — Pavement reported 7 July 1787 [Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxii, 281 ; Morgan, Rom. Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 179]. See Hart Street, Northumberland Alley. 99 A HISTORY OF LONDON CuLLUM Street, Fenchurch Street. — Fragment of Gaulish pottery in British Museum with figures ; in the Guildhall, a first-century bowl of form 29 with stamp of mvrrani [Cat. 441]. See also Fenchurch Street. DowGATE Hill (Plan C, 128, 153). — Remains of a large edifice and pavement discovered after the Great Fire [Archer, Vestiges of Old Lotidon, 11 ; Allen, Hist. Land, iii, 508 ; Wren, Parentalia, 265]. In 1902 two coins found 'of exceptional interest' ; a silver coin of Domitian, and a bronze of Trajan ; on the reverse of each a soldier \_Antiq. xxxviii, 355]. For other small finds see Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. i), ii, 93 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxv, 273 ; Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxxvii, 376 (enamelled gold brooch) ; also various objects in Guildhall, including ' spoons, lamps, and a Gaulish bowl, with designs in medallions and panels \Cat. 423]. In the British Museum, the top of a bronze inkstand. Drapers' Hall. — Plain vase in Guildhall {Cat. 26] ; see also Arch. Rev. i, 276]. DucKSFOOT Lane, Upper Thames Street (Plan C, 139). — Fragments of flue-tiles discovered in 1 846, which appear to have been used for the pillars of a hypocaust ['Journ. Brit. Arch, Assoc. ii, 340]. Duke Street (Plan C, 16-18). — Architectural fragments in Guildhall [Cat. p. 106, No. 13]. A large part of the base of the Roman wall laid bare in 1887, also the base of a bastion of later work, which may be that noted by Maitland in 1753 [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xliii, 203 ; of. Maitland, Hist, of Land, i, 31 ; see also p. 53]. See also Houndsditch. Dunster Court. — See Mincing Lane. Eastcheap. — A road (' Watling Street ') was uncovered about 1824-31 in making a sewer across the Gracechurch Street end of Great Eastcheap (Plan C, 31), 3 ft. below the present pave- ment ; it was 16 ft. wide and 7 ft. 6 in. thick, of gravel concrete on a bed of loam, with supporting walls of ragstone and tiles [Arch, xxv, 6o2 ; Gent. Mag. (1833), ii, 421 ; Herbert, Hist, of St. Michael, Crooked Lane, 20 ; a section is given in Fig. 11, p. 38]. This road, however, does not lie in the line of the supposed road from Newgate to the river, which runs to the south [see p. 34). On the other side of Gracechurch Street, near Crooked Lane, a raised bank of gravel was also noted, and at the north-east corner of this street (Plan C, 72) was found a wall of ragstone 2 ft. thick, with a double course of white-clay tiles, in which were a flue-tile with four apertures and two coins of Claudius. Mr. Kempe also saw in 1 83 1 a massive architectural fragment, which he took to be the architrave of some building, piers and arches of chalk, a floor of coarse tesserae, and another of concrete stuccoed over and painted red (Plan C, 69). Among finds he mentions amphorae and fragments of pottery, and coins of Antonine, Constantine, and Victorinus ; mingled with these remains were wood ashes and powdered fragments of tiles. A little to the north were two wells. On the south side of the street mortaria and a pestle were found [Arch, xxiv, 191 ; Gent. Mag. (1836), i, 135 ; Rom. Brit. Rem. i, 191]. Coins in this locality are said to be rare, but two bronzes of Trajan are reported in 1832 [Gent. Mag. (1832), ii, 516]. In 1833 a report speaks of discoveries at the south-east corner of Great Eastcheap (Plan C, 70) : the lower part of Roman walls of flint, much Gaulish pottery and coarser ware, coins of Claudius, and a well steined with squared chalk, the top I oft. below street level [Gent. Mag. (1833), i, 69; ii, 421 fF.]. Another wall is mentioned in 1834, about 4 ft. north of the north wall of the Roman road {see above) ; it was of the usual type, 3 ft. thick, receding upwards, as if supporting some structure. Coins of Vespasian were found here, also one of Julia Augusta [ibid. (1834), i, 932 ; see also Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxxvi, 337, 401]. Other small finds in 1834 near the end of Cannon Street [Gent. Mag. (1834), ii, 524]. In Little Eastcheap in 1836 traces of Roman work were noted in the foundations of the church of St. Andrew Hubbard (destroyed in the fire ; Plan C, 15) and fragments of pottery were found [Gent. Mag. (1836), i, 135 ; Rom. Brit. Rem. i, 193]. Roach Smith says foundations of houses were found all along the street (Plan C, ll) at 12 ft. to 20 ft., and mentions a head of a Bacchante in green glass found there [Arch, xxiv, 145 ; cf. the example from Leadenhall Street, p. 107]. Part of a breast-plate of chain-mail was reported in 1845 from this street [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, i, 142 ; viii, 355]. In 1884-5 a ' cantharus ' of red ware, 15 in. high, an amphora, and a Gaulish bowl stamped of mom were exhibited to the Arch. Association [fjourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xl, 116; xli, 96]. In the British Museum a bronze brooch (Roach Smith) and fragrrents of Gaulish pottery with stamps of Bassus, Carillus, Ingenuus, Lucceius, Modestus, Severus, Niger, Vitalis (all Rutenian of ist century), Crucuro, Errimus, Tituro, and Vassilius. In the Guildhall, specimens of Romano-British pottery. See also Cannon Street, Clement's Lane, Crooked Lane, Gracechurch Street, King William Street, London Bridge, St. Michael Crooked Lane, and Thames Street. 100 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON Eldon Street. — Pottery in British Museum: Stamps of Avitus (La Graufesenque) and Paternus (Lezoux). Cinerary urns said to have been found in 1841 (perhaps identical with the Blom- field Street find) [see pp. 7, 90, and Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), vi, 171]. Falcon Square. — Part of the wall here illustrated in Hartridge's Coll. Newsp. Cuttings, Old London, i, 279 ff., probably the same as that mentioned under Castle Street {q.v.). Farringdon Street (formerly Fleet Ditch). — 'In digging Fleet Ditch, in the year 1670, between the Fleet Prison and Holiorn Bridge, at the depth of fifteen Feet, divers Roman utensils were discovered, and a little deeper a great quantity of Roman Coins of Silver, Copper, Brass, and all other Sorts of Metal, Gold excepted . . . and at Holborn Bridge were dug up two of their brazen Lares or Household Gods, about four Inches in Length, which by the Quality of the Soil they lay in were almost incrusted with a petrifick matter ; one whereof was Ceres and the other Bacchus [Maitland, Hist, of Lond. ii, 991 ; Allen, Hist, of Land, i, 23]. In 1846 a bone needle-case was found [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxiii, 226]. In the British Museum a fragment of Rutenian pottery ; in the Guildhall, a vase of 'Belgic' ware [Cat. 181]. See also Fleet Lane, Holborn. Fenchurch Street. — Walls found in 1833 near the end of Mincing Lane, and near the bottom of CuUum Street (Plan C, 20, 21), at a depth of 12 ft., two pavements, one with geometrical patterns of red, grey, and white tesserae, the other of red tesserae only, but large and perfect ; also fragments of plaster painted bright vermilion. With these was found some pottery (Gaulish, Romano-British painted, black-glazed, and plain yellow wares), also parts of a mortar, a clay lamp with stamp in form of a foot, a terra-cotta female head, a millstone, and a bronze vase [Gent. Mag. (1834), i, 156 ; Rom. Brit. Rem. i, 207 ; Arch, xxix, 153 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxii, 316 ; xxiii, 205 ; Morgan, Rom. Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 185]. In the same year were found on the site of St. Gabriel's Church (Plan C, 19) part of a hand in bronze of large dimensions [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxiv, 75, with plate], and a Gaulish bowl of form 30, having a design of figures within arches [Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), X, 92 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Soc. ix, 190]. An elaborately ornamented flue-tile from the first-named site is illustrated in Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 216. Another pavement was uncovered in 1857, ^^ No. 37 (Plan C, 22), measuring 2 ft. 4 in. by 2 ft. 6 in., with richly-coloured design on white ground, representing a peacock and vase within a guilloche border [Illus. Rom. Lond. 58 ; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), xvii, 322 ; Roach Smith, Retrospections, ii, 200 ; Morgan, Rom. Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 191] ; this is now in the British Museum. In 1886 were found Gaulish pottery, glass, a jet pin, and a silver medallion with repousse design of a chained house-dog, as in the Cave canem mosaic at Pompeii [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xliii, 1 01]. Much pottery from this site in the British, Guildhall, and Bethnal Green Museums ; some of that in the British Museum was found in 1833, and is doubtless from the excavations mentioned above ; the potters' stamps include those of Virilis (Rute- nian), Beleniccus and Cobnertus (Lezoux) and Viro- nius. The ornamented ware is mostly of the first F'C- 43- — Bronze Lamp in Form of century. A clay lamp with the subject of a hound Silenus, from Fenchurch Street (i) and a circular bronze brooch found in 1866 are in the same collection, and in 1901 a fine bronze lamp in the form of a Silenus holding a wine-skin was acquired [Fig. 43; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), xviii, 354]. In the Guildhall, three glass vessels [Cat. 11-13]. In the collection of Mr. W. M. Newton of Dartford, parts of two bowls of form 29 with good scroll-work. A burial-ground reported in 1838, east of Rood Lane, but no traces of the 'bourne' mentioned by Stow were found [Kelsey, Descr. of Sewers, 84]. A leaden canister or ossuarium of cylindrical form'* and a 'cinerary urn,' found in 1833, probably near Mincing Lane, are in the British Museum. If really sepulchral these objects may, as Roach Smith pointed out, be of an early date, as the site is well within the walls ; but they were found on the line of the northern road from the bridge [Arch. Journ. ii, 252 ; Coll. Antiq. iii, 61 ; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), xix, 209 ; see above, p. 37]. See also America Square, London Street. "Similar leaden ossuaria have been found at Enfield and in Herts. They are also known in the Mediter- ranean, e.g. in the islands of Delos and Cyprus [cf. Brit. Mus. Excavations in Cyprus, 59]. See also p. 11. lOI A HISTORY OF LONDON Fetter Lane. — Pottery found in 1903 \_Antiq. xxxix, 227]. Finch Lane (Plan C, 61, 62 ). — Fragments of Roman pottery and Roman bricks, and wood ashes, found in digging a sewer, October, 1792 [Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxv, 473, 504]. Part of a tessellated pavement found 1844-5 between this lane and the Royal Exchange, representing a female head, in red, white, black, and green tesserae. Fragments of other pavements and indications of buildings also noted [Journ. Brit. Arch, i, 64]. Another pavement with guilloche pattern recorded m 1847 on same site, with a sculptured head and other remains. Roach Smith notes that the remains of walls here cut across the neighbouring modern streets (Plan C, 63) [ibid, ii, 205]. See also Birchin Lane. FiNSEURY Circus. — See London Wall, Moorfields. Fish Street Hill, London Bridge (Plan C, 30). — Coin of Vespasian, inscribed s.p.q.r. and ob GIVES servatos, found in making approaches to the new London Bridge, 1834 [Gent. Mag. (1834), ii, 89]. At the foot of the old bridge h^e been found a fragment of pottery with figure of eagle and a bronze balance beam [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xliv, 357]. Fish Street and Fish Street Hill (Old), Knightrider Street (Plan C, 188). — In December, 1845, walls were found at a depth of 16 ft., one containing an arch turned with tiles 17 in. by 8 in. projecting one above another ; the walls were built on large hewn stones laid on wooden piles, and one was 3 ft. to 4 ft. thick ; the arch measured 3 ft. by 3 ft. 6 in. By the side of the wall were tiers of tiles, 2 ft. by I ft. 6 in., on massive hewn stones [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, i, 45, with illustration ; Arch. Journ. ii, 72]. Pottery in British Museum (stamps of the Lezoux potters Decimus and Paternus). Fleet Ditch. — See Farringdon Street. Fleet Lane (with Seacoal Lane). — Sarcophagus in Guildhall {Cat. 8), found 1873 near Seacoal Lane (under the L.C. and D. Ry. Sta.) It is of oolite (.? ragstone), 7 ft. 9 in. by 4 ft. 2^ in. by 3 ft., hewn from a solid block, and contained a skeleton. It resembled those found at St. Bartholo- mew's Hospital («^ p. 121). Adjoining it were traces of another interment, with fragments of pottery [Price, Rom. Antiq. Nat. Safe Dep. 52 ; Arch, yourn. xxxiv, 197 ; see above, p. 16]. In Mr. F. W. Reader's possession is a bowl of Gaulish pottery (form 29) from this site, nearly complete. Foster Lane. — Pottery in British Museum (Roach Smith and Price), chiefly Rutenian, but one piece with stamp of Lezoux potter Verecundus ; two pieces in Bethnal Green Museum. For sculptured altar found here, see Goldsmiths' Hall. Founder's Court, Lothbury. — See Lothbury. Friday Street. — A large piece of coarse tessellated pavement found in 1844, 16 ft. to 18 ft. below street level, and some ' Roman wells or cesspools,' on site of old Saracen's Head Inn (Plan C, 183) [Land, and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 339]. When the church of St. Matthew (Plan C, 182) was pulled down in 1886, part of the same or another pavement was discovered [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xlii, 435 ; Reliq. (New Sen), i, 108]. Pottery in British Museum (Gaulish ware, including fragment with stamp of Carbo, a German fragment with figures, and fragments of painted and ' cut-glass ' incised red ware) ; also in Bethnal Green Museum. A wall crossing this street and Knightrider Street diagonally (Plan C, 190) was found in 1906 [Proc. Soc. Antiq. xxi, 229 ; Arch. Ix, 219 ; cf. Arch, xl, 49, and see under Great Knightrider Street ; also p. 76 above]. Golden Lane. — Vase of plain ware in Guildhall [Cat. 62]. Goldsmith Street, Wood Street. — Bronze scale-beam in Guildhall Museum [Arch, Rev. i, 277]. Goldsmiths' Hall, Foster Lane (Plan C, 178). — In December, 1830, a small Roman altar (Fig. 44) was found, built into the foundations of the old hall, about 15 ft. below the surface level. It was about 2^ ft. high, and on the front was relief of Diana in hunting costume, with bow in left hand and right hand raised over her right shoulder, to draw an arrow from the quiver at her back. She wears a Phrygian cap and buskins with pointed toes. At her side a grey- hound is seated, looking up at her ; at her back is a harp (?) carved in outline, and on either side of FOII the altar are trees or laurel-branches. At the back of the altar is the inscription iF.A.AX ; the AVAI reading is somewhat uncertain, and the meaning not clear ; lelow are carved a tripod, a wedge (.'), and a pitcher. One writer speaks of ' strongly cemented masses of stonework ' on the site where this altar was found, more like natural rock than masonry, and so hard that it had to be blasted with gunpowder ; but, nevertheless, the discovery of the altar is assumed to be suflScient evidence for the existence of a temple of Diana here (unless it may be referred to the neighbouring site of St. Paul's Churchyard ; see p. 125). The altar was preserved in the Goldsmiths' Hall [Gent. Mag. (1831), i, 390, 452; Hartridge, Coll. Neicsp. Cuttings^ Old 102 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON Land, i, 21 ; Arch, xxiv, 350 ; Coll. Antiq. i, 134, pi. 45; Jount. Brit. Arch. Assoc, viii, 56 ; lllus. Rom. Lond. pi. 2, fig. 4, p. 48 ; Archer, Vestiges of Old Lond. pi. 9 ; Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxxvi, 128 ; and for the inscription, Corp. Inscr. Latin. vii, 21]. Goring Street (formerly Castle Street), Houndsditch. See Houndsditch. Gracechurch Street. — In 1834 massive and substantial masonry was found at the north end of the street, from Corbet's Court to the end (Plan C, 40), and in the angle of Lombard Street (near Half Moon Court) were coffins with human remains, prob- ably mediaeval [Kelsey, Descr. of Sewers, 100]. Opposite St. I3enet's Place, in 1 841, the pave- ments of Roman dwellings were laid open (Plan C, 68), but no walls were observed crossing the street, from which Roach Smith deduced that the street occupies the line of the old road to the north (Ermine Street) {^Arch. xxix, 154]. Sir W. Tite main- tained that walls had been found cutting across this street on the site of St. Benet's Church, at Half Moon Passage, and else- where (see Plan C, 37, 41, 67), and that it could not have been on the line of the Roman road [Cat. Antiq. Roy. Exch. p. xii] ; this is denied by later writers [Roach Smith, supra, and J. E. Price, Rom. Antiq. Nat. Safe Dep. 24], but it is probably the correct view [see above, p. 37, and Arch. Ix, 226). In 1866—8 finds were made in Spread Eagle Yard of a pavement of considerable extent (Plan C, 33), Gaulish pottery (one piece of glaze incomplete), and the left hand of a bronze statue [Guildhall Mus. Cat. p. 70, No. 21; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxii, 109; xxiv, 76; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), X, 93]. Other discoveries of Roman remains on the site of St. Benet's Church in 1870 [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxvi, 72]. A Gaulish bowl reported in 1892 [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xlviii, 84]. In 1906 a wall of tiles was brought to light at the corner of Leadenhall Avenue [Arch. Ix, 225; P^^" C, 39]. In 1872 remains of massive walls, about 9 ft. thick, formed of chalk, rubble, and mortar, with a few tiles, came to light beneath the Norman crypt of St. Benet's Church ; fragments of pottery found therewith seem to support the view that they were Roman [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxviii, 179]. Pottery in British Museum, with stamps of Ardacus, Castus, Lucceius, Passienus, and Secundus (all first century from Graufesenque) ; various objects in Guildhall, including large quantities of glass, a Gaulish bowl of form 37 with figures, stamped servi-m, and one with the stamp of Venerandus, also a vase of ' New Forest' ware [Cat. 357, 416, 559] ; also from the site of St. Benet's Church lamps, locks, and other implements [see above). Gresham College. — See Old Broad Street. Gresham Street (formerly Maiden Lane, Lad Lane, and Cateaton Street; Plan C, 166, 167, 168). — Excavations in 1843 '" '^e two portions of this thoroughfare known as Lad Lane and Cateaton Street were remarkably fruitful in pottery, both ornamented Gaulish and plain local wares. Most of the§e passed from Mr. E. B. Price's possession to the British Museum ; they include 103 Fig. 44. — Altar with Relief of Diana (Goldsmiths' Hall) (jS^) A HISTORY OF LONDON a bowl of form 37, nearly perfect, with a boar-hunt, and stamps of potters, all of which belong to the second century. The names are : Cracuna, Cuccillus, Lottius, Minutius, Paterclus, Primulus, Reburrius. There are also two fragments from Maiden Lane. Tessellated pavements (since destroyed) are also recorded, and 'large quantities of white mosaic' [^Gent. Mag. (1843), i, 22, 190 ; ii, 81 ; Rom. Brit. Rem. i, 197 fF. ; cf. ii, 556 ; Proc. Sue. Antiq. (Ser. l), ii, 184 ; "Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, i, 248 ; iv, 335]. Another pavement was recorded in 1848 [Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. i), ii, 126], and one of the perforated clay weights, probably used for looms, in 1846 \yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxviii, 173]. In the British Museum are also ornamented Gaulish pottery from Maiden Lane, a bronze key from Lad Lane, and a plain vase from Cateaton Street (all from E. B. Price). In Bethnal Green Museum, bowl of form 33 with decmim (Lad Lane) and jar of Castor ware found in Cateaton Street, 1845 [Jewitt, ^f/;^«<7r)i, v, 5 I, pi. 4]. Grocers' Hall, Princes Street (Plan C, 1 1 7). — Pavement of concrete with coating of thin red earth found at a depth of 17 ft. 6 in. in 1834 [Kelsey, Descr. of Sewers, 1 12]. Fragment of Rutenian pottery in British Museum with stamp of Logirnus. Guildhall (Plan C, 165). — In excavating for the Sewers office at back of Guildhall in 1861 were found a pavement of grey slate and white marble, and part of a large amphora or seria with stamp OLMEN on handle and MViic VINI scored on neck [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xvii, 325]. In 1884 were found in the same neighbourhood a bronze mortar, 4^ in. high and 23 in. in circum- ference, a long iron knife with bent tang, and a glass bottle, about 12 ft. below the surface, among debris of burnt wood and pottery [Ibid, xl, 224]. In the Guildhall Museum a small alabaster female head [Cat. p. 71, No. 45 (?) ; Arch. Rev. i, 277]. Gutter Lane (Plan C, 179). — Much Gaulish pottery found in 1834-6, one fragment with Apollo and Daphne, another with a human head in high relief (probably from a vase like that from Cornhill, p. 99) ; also a glass bottle, a coin of Carausius, and curved roof tiles [Arch, xxvii, 150]. Fragment of Lezoux pottery in British Museum, with stamp of Censorinus. Haberdashers' Hall. — See Staining Lane. Hart Street, Crutched Friars (Plan C, 6). — A fragment of a sculptured relief found about 1837, now in Guildhall Museum, with three seated female figures with baskets of fruit in their laps, representing the Deae Matres (Fig. 46). Their heads are wanting [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, i, 247 ; ii, 244 ; Arch, xlvi, 177 ; Coll. Antiq. i, 136, pi. 47 ; vii, 212 ; lllus. Rom. Lond. 33 ; Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Tram, i, 32 ; iii, 103 ; Guild. Mus. Cat. I ; Arch. Aeliana, xv, 322, 328, No. 3 ; Roscher, Lexikon d. gr. u. rbm. AJythol. ii, p. 2470, fig. 4 ; Archer, Vestigei of Old Lond. pi. 10, fig. 3 ; Bonner "Jahrhiicher, Ixxxiii, 41]. A group of three similar figures, but standing, found in London, is published by Roach Smith [lllus. Rom. Lond. pi. 6, fig. i]. The cult is probably of German origin, and spread all over central Europe, the three goddesses being worshipped in different places under different appellations or epithets. The inscriptions relating to them extend from Claudius to Gordian, but are mostly of the second century. The latest inscription [Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 510, from Britain] styles them Campestres. They appear to have been protective local deities, having some affinity with the Roman Parcae and the Teutonic Norns. In some of the reliefs the two outer ones wear peculiar head-dresses, but the middle one has none ; they always hold baskets of fruit. Haydon Square, Minories. — A stone sarcophagus, found in 1853, ^^ ^^^ north-west corner of the square, 13 ft. below the surface, measuring 5 ft. by 2 ft. ^ in. by I ft. 10 in. It had a cover, and both parts were only ornamented in front, and at the ends, the cover with a band of acanthus leaves, the front of the cofler with a youthful draped bust and other patterns, the ends with baskets of fruits. Within was a leaden coffin, the lid ornamented with the usual bead- and-reel patterns and scallop-shells ; it contained the skeleton of a male child, and a coin of Valens. It is now in the British Museum [fourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ix, 161 fF, pi. 24-7 ; lllus. Rom. Lond. p. 45, pi. 4 ; Coll. Antiq. iii, 45 ; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. l), iii, 17 ; x^'^ p. 17 and fig. 5]. Holborn (East of the Bars, with Holborn Viaduct). — In Grew's Cat. of Rarities of the Roy. Soc. 1681, p. 880, is mentioned 'a piece of mosaic work, found deep under ground in Holborn, near St. Andrew's Church, inlaid with black, red, and white stones, in squares and other regular figures ' [5^^ also Stow, Surv. (ed. Strype), ii, App. v, 23 ; Gent. Mag. (1807), i, 417 ; Rom. Brit. Rem. i, 188 ; Morgan, Rom. Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 176]. Near Union Court, opposite St. Andrew's Church, was found in 1833, at a depth of 18 ft., a cubical coffin of oak, measuring 2 ft. 9 in. each way, and containing a few human bones and fragments of pottery ; five complete jars were presented to the Guildhall Library [Geat. Mag. (1833), i, 549 ; Rom. Brit. Rem. i, 211 ; Arch, xxix, 146 ; Kelsey, Descr. of Sewers, 446 ; see above p. 8]. Pottery of various kinds was found in excavating for the new street in 1843 [Gent. Mag. (1843), ii, 81, 416] ; pottery and glass in Bartlett's Buildings in 1852, and a mask of Diana 104 4 Fig. 45. — Pavement from Leadenhall Street Fig. 46.— Group of the Deae Matres from Hart Street (Guildhall Museum) (i ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON (material not stated) at about the same spot in 1855 [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ix 74- xii 258] ; a cinerary urn with bones and other pottery at Holborn Circus in 1869 [ibid, xxvi, 373. See also Land, and Midd. Arch. Sac. Trans, iii, 562 ; Arch. Rev. i, 278]. In the Guildhall Museum a clay lamp, glass vessels, and ten pieces of plain pottery, from the Viaduct ; in Mr. Ransom's collection at Hitchin, Romano-British pottery from the same site. See also Farringdon Street, Shoe Lane. Holiday Yard. — See Ludgate Square. Honey Lane. — Finds recorded when excavating for the erection of the City of London School in Honey Lane Market, on the site of AUhallows' Church (Plan C, 171), in 1836, included coins of Trajan, Decius, and Allectus, various bronze vessels, and a tripod [Arch, xxvii, 149 ; Gent. Mag. (1836), i, 135, 369 ; Rom. Brit. Rem. 193, 195]. Also a pavement of red and yellow tesserae (Plan C, 172), a mortarium with name albinvs, Gaulish pottery, and fragments of wall- painting \_Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, ii, 68. See also Arch. Rev. i, 278]. Hosier Lane. — Leaden coffin containing bones found in 1749 (see p. 19) [Soc. Antiq, MS. Min. vi, I]. HouNDSDiTCH (Plan C, 18-22). — In 1763 a tower was standing here (Plan C, 18), which was then sketched by Gough. It was square, solid at the bottom, and hollow in the centre, where was probably a small chamber with loop-holes [lllus. Rom. Land. 16]. It is, however, very doubt- ful if it was Roman ; see p. 54. In 1 880- 1 fragments of architecture and sculpture and inscribed stones were found built up in a mass of masonry projecting from the wall, which proved to be a bastion built up against, but not bonded into it, and of later date. At the same time a piece of the wall itself was un- covered and removed, at the back of No. 31, Houndsditch, 70 ft. long and iifft. high (Dec. 1880). The bastion lay to the north-east of the site (Plan C, 19, 20). The sculptures, which had thus been utilized as building material, include an Attic base of a column, 1 1 in. high, and part of a column worked all over in a lozenge pattern, the stone being a hard dark- blue limestone, the shaft I ft. 6 in. high, and 9 in. thick. Possibly the two belonged together [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxvii, 86 ; xxxviii, 132 ; see p. 54 and fig. 16]. Built into the wall here were also the following inscriptions : M (i) Found in Houndsditch, 1880 : liv The last word is co[niunx). [Arch. Jotirn. TVS. xxxviii, 289; xlii, 156; Ephem. Epigr. vi.ANL vii, 277, No. 822.] ca.strt firJACO (2-5) Found at the corner of Castle Street in 1884 : (2) AVI [Dis Manibus'] Avi[dius A]ntio[chus anno']r[um) Ixx. ntio r.lxx Dimensions, i ft. by 8^ in. (3) 1-7/ s DO (4) CANDiDi Dimensions, i ft. 6 in. by I ft. 6 in. (5) ET MEMORIA et memoria[e'\ ELIAE NVMIDI ...eliae Numidi[ae'\ NTISSIMA. FEMI pi]entissima femi[na^ RELIQVA CAV reliqua cau[sa ? All four preserved outside Guildhall Museum, but not in catalogue [Arch, yourn. xlii, 155 ; Ephem. Epigr. vii, 277, Nos. 818-21]. A stone coffin (see p. 16) and base of bastion from the wall found in Castle Street (Goring Street ; Plan C, 21) in 1884 are also in the Guildhall [Arch. Iii, 613 ; Antiq. x, 134]. Another piece of the wall was found on the south side of Houndsditch (Plan C, 22) in 1906, over 16 ft. high [Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), xxi, 229 ; Arch. Ix, 187 ; see also p. 55]. Among smaller finds here may be noted an ampulla of clay with patterns painted in white, reported in 1864 [Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), ii, 431], and fragments of Gaulish pottery in British Museum with stamps of Lezoux potters (Cinnamus and Titurus). HuGGiN Lane, Wood Street (Plan C, 170). — Fragments of pavement found 1851, mostly of white tesserae [Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. i), ii, 184]. See also Wood Street. Idol Lane. — Clay lamp [Cat. 105] and glass vessel [Cat. 144] in Guildhall [5« also Arch. Rev. , 278]. 105 14 A HISTORY OF LONDON Ivy Lane. — Glass vessel [Cat. 145] and vase of New Forest ware [Cat. 364] in Guildhall ; two pieces of pottery in British Museum (one of late stamped ware from north-east Gaul). [See also for pottery-finds, Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Tram, ii, 3.] Jewry Street, Aldgate (Plan C, 10-14). — Objects in Guildhall : bronze figure of goat [Cat. 24]; earring [Cat. 360]; vase of Castor ware [Cat. 327], the latter probably identical with one found in 1870 [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxvii, 157]. Part of the Roman wall uncovered here in 1 861 at No. 37 (Plan C, 14), a long piece being cut through which rested on piles ; the fronts of the houses on the east side of the street are built upon it, and the pavement on this side is consequently higher than on the other [Gent. Mag. (1861), i, 646 ; journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxvi, 163 ; xliii, 203 ; Hartridge, Coll. Newsp. Cuttings, Old London, i, 279 fF. ; see above, p. 52]. Finds reported in 1865 on the east side of the street (Plan C, 11), including 'masses of Roman stone-work and bonding- tiles, with a superstructure of earlier (j;V) date,' [Illus. Lond. News, 19 Aug. 1865]. Another piece of the wall found in 1906 (Plan C, 12-18), and preserved in the offices since built on the site [Proc. Soc. Antiq. xxi, 229 ; Arch. Ix, 191 ; and see p. 52]. John Street, Minories. — During excavations for the Inner Circle Railway in 1882 'a large quantity of remains, with two black urns, were found ; while Roman human remains were met with on the city side of the London Wall ' [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxviii, 448 ; and see above, p. 26]. For the wall here, see p. 52, and Plan C, 10. King Edward Street. — In November-December, 1842, an excavation was made from Angel Street northward through Butcher Hall Lane (now King Edward Street), in which were found a coin of Gallus, a mortarium of white clay, and fragments of pottery (Gaulish, black and other wares). At the north end of the lane portion of the wall was observed (Plan C, 45 ; see p. 64). Coins of Valens, Constantine, and Tacitus are also mentioned [Gent. Mag. (1843), i, 21 ; ii, 81, 416 ; Rom. Brit. Rem. 197, 203]. See also Angel Street and St. Martin-le-Grand. King William Street. — Roman remains reported during the construction of this street in 1834, including fragments of Gaulish pottery, rings and lamps (one stamped asvla fecit), found at the corner of Nicholas Lane (Plan C, 60) [Gent. Mag. (1835), i, 493 ; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 1330, 3]. Among other finds of the same date are a small box in the form of a Satyr's or old man's head, with sliding lid in the back, showing that it was used as a receptacle, and four gold rings, all found at the approach to London Bridge, ' at the corner of Eastcheap, near the supposed Roman way.' The head is described as of excellent workmanship ; one ring has an intaglio design of z gryllus or monster in nicolo, another is set with gems [Arch, xix, 172 ; xxvi, 462 ; Gent. Mag. (1834), i, 315 ; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), ii, 163 ; Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxxvi, 361]. Roach Smith adduces ' numerous evidences of Roman habitation on either side of this street (Plan C, 75) : [a) walls of rough unhewn pieces of chalk, often mixed with flints and cemented by firm mortar, ran under or partially intersected the street, which seems to have been closely occupied with dwelling-houses ; (/>) wells of chalk filled with earth mixed with tiles, pottery, bones, were often opened ; (ir) quantities of fragments of earthen vessels and Samian pottery were found ; {d) adjoining St. Clement's Church (Plan C, 73) 12 ft. beneath present level, was a tessellated pavement composed of pieces of red brick ...{/) near the same church many vessels of brown and black earth, small earthen lamps, much Samian ware, rings of base metal, and coins . . . chiefly Claudius, Vespasian, Domitian, with base denarii of Severus, Caracalla, Alexander Severus, and Julia Mammaea.' Towards the Bank the Roman level was much deeper, and numerous wooden piles were observed, also walls intersecting the street ; 'many dwelling-houses on its line, but no trace of a high road' [Arch, xxvii, 140 ; cf. Gent. Mag. (1835), i, 82]. Between London Bridge and Arthur Street was found a bed of oyster-shells, 7 ft. thick, and Stow supposes this to be the site of the ' Oyster Gate.' Frag- ments of pottery, coins, and a leather sandal were also found [Kelsey, Descr. of Sewers, 95 ; Herbert, Hist, of St. Michael, Crooked Lane, 14]. Gaulish pottery in British Museum (Roach Smith, &c.), with stamps of the Rutenian potters Modestus, Secundus, Silvinus, Virtus ; also Marcellus and Perrus ; also a clay lamp, and a collection of iron coins plated with silver, cast together, and evidently forming part of a forger's apparatus ; they are massed together as if packed in box, and are all consular and Imperial denarii, the latest being of the time of Claudius [Cat. Lond. Antiq. 86, No. 387; cf. the plated denarii found in High Street, Southwark (p. 138)]. See also Clement's Lane, Eastcheap. King's Arms' Yard, Moorgate Street. — Part of a curved-edged tile (7 in. long) described by Roach Smith [Coll. Antiq. \, 143]. In the British Museum, a marble palette. E. B. Price records the discovery in 1843 of fragments of black cinerary urns, part of a tessellated pave- 106 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON ment of red, white, and grey tesserae (Plan C, 107), and 'mutilated specimens of Etruscan art' (a lamp and two cups) [Gent. Mag. (1843), '> 520; Rom. Brit. Rem. i, 199]. In 1835 a skeleton was found in the boa; earth (Plan C, 106) [Kelsey, Descr. of Sewers, 133]. Knightrider Street, Great (Plan C, 190). — Wall and other remains found in 1863 and 1906 [Arch, xl, 49 ; Ix, 219 ; see p. 76]. See also Friday Street. Knightrider Street, Little (Plan C, 191 ; Plan C, 61). — In August, 1844, an arch was found at No. 15, resembling closely that in Old Fish Street Hill (p. 102 ; see also p. 76 and fig. 27). It was of horse-shoe form, of tiles 12 in. long, in a wall of Kentish rag, and was filled in with earth [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, i, 253]. Lad Lane. — See Gresham Street. Lambeth Hill (Plan C, 189). — At the angle of Lambeth Hill and Thames Street Roach Smith states that ' a very strong wall, built on oaken piles, was found, its upper part generally at a depth of nine feet below the street level. Over the piles was laid a stratum of chalk and stones ; and upon this a course of hewn sand-stones, each one measuring from three to four feet by two and two and a half feet. Upon this solid substructure was laid the body of the wall formed of rag-stone, flint, and lime, bonded at intervals with courses of plain and curved-edged tiles.' This wall continued, with occasional breaks, as far as Queenhithe, and in it were found fragments of sculptured stone and marble " [Arch, xxix, 145 ; Illus. Rom. Land. 18]. One of the tiles with inscription prb.lon (see p. 90) was also found here in 184 1 [Arch, xxix, 157, plate II, fig. 6 ; Illus. Rom. Lond. plate 8, fig. 6 ; Cat. Lond. Antiq. 53, No. 238; Coll. Antiq. i, 143 ; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 1 235 ; now in Brit. Mus.] ; it was 9 in. by 9 in. by if in., and is stated to have formed part of a hypocaust pillar in an extensive building. A fragment of pavement reported in 1879 [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxv, 215]. The wall above mentioned was thought by Roach Smith to indicate the southern boundary of the City (see above, p. 70). Laurence Pountney Lane. — Roman tiles, being remains of buildings (Plan C, 138), found in 1836 [Kelsey, Descr. of Sewers, 106]. In 1846 walls built of tegutae sesquipedales (18 in. by 12 in.) were discovered (Plan C, 135) ; also fragments of Gaulish pottery and copper coins of Nero and Carausius. A large space was covered by a pavement of coarse red tesserae. Under the adjoining churchyard (Plan C, 137) were remains of dwelling-houses and massive walls, one of great solidity extending from 3 ft. to 10 ft. below ground level. Opposite the houses numbeied 26 and 3 (Plan C, 136) were bases of two columns, at a depth of 8 ft. Towards Cannon Street (Plan C, 134) fragments of millstones, of a kind of hard lava from the neighbourhood of Andernach, were found [fourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ii, 340, 345]. Fragment of Romano-British painted ware in British Museum. See also Arch. Rev. i, 278. Leadenhall Market (Plan C, 34, 35). — Finds in 1880, indicating a building of considerable extent, with foundations of an apse 33 ft. wide ; the remains were said to shew traces of four distinct conflagrations. It is also stated tiiat there were traces of an apse at each end of the building, and the conclusion drawn that it was a basilica [Arch. Rev. i, 278 ; see above, p. 74]. Fragments of fresco-paintings with foliage in green on red ground and 'inscribed' tiles were also found [Journ. Brit, Arch. Assoc, xxxvii, 84, 90; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), vii, 524; frescoes now in Brit. Mus.]. In April, 1888, ' a beautiful specimen of a Roman floor' (Plan C, 36) was reported [Antiq. xvii, 175] ; this is probably the one now in the Guildhall [Cat. p. 72, Nos. 10-15]. In 1906 continuous walls were traced down the middle of the market [Arch.hi, 225 ; Plan C, 35 ; and see Gracechurch Street]. In the Guildhall are also tiles, a glass vessel, &c. Leadenhall Street. — The chief discovery in this street has been the pavement found in Decem- ber, 1803, under the East India House (Plan C, 44), which is now in the British Museum (Fig. 45). It lay at a depth of lO ft., and formed the floor of a room more than 20 ft. square, the central square, which is all that now remains, measuring 1 1 ft. The design consists of a figure of Bacchus riding on a tiger, with thyrsos and drinking-cup, within a triple border ; in the angles are drinking-cups and plants ; the whole was surrounded by a plain red border 5 ft. wide. Under one corner was found part of an urn containing a jaw bone, and on the opposite side of the street (Plan C, 46) were foundations of tile and Kentish rag-stone [Gent. Mag. (1804), i, 83 ; (1806), ii, 892 ; (1807), i, 415 ; Rom. Brit. Rem. i, 185 ; Arch, xxxix, 493 ; Illus. Rom. Lond. 57, pi. 12 ; Kelsey, Descr. of Sewers, 53 ; Soc. Ant. MS. Min. XXX, 181 ; Allen, Hist, of London, i, 30 ; Hughson, Hist, of Lond. \,T,i^; Morgan, Rom. Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 179 ; see p. 12 above]. Among other finds in this street, between 1803 and 1863, are : a coin of Titus found in December, 1808 [Brayley, Beauties of England and Wales, x, pt. i, 95] ; a head of a Maenad " Among these was apparently the fragment carved with lattice pattern given in fig. 23, p. 70 ; see also p. 128. " 107 A HISTORY OF LONDON in dark blue and white glass, from the handle of a vessel [now in Brit. Mus. ; Illus. Rom. Land. pi. 31, fig. 5, p. 121], and a piece of Castor ware with dogs and hares, found about 1840 [Arch, xxix, 153] ; specimens of fresco-painting (one with a fluted column), lamps, bells, locks, keys, and Gaulish pottery, found in 1847 on the site of the King's Arms Inn (Plan C, 47) [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ii, 340]. In 1863 the India House was pulled down and many discoveries were made. At first only fragments of pottery and some tesserae were found. But below the portico a room was found paved with red tesserae, with walls of Kentish rubble and chalk bonded with tiles, plastered and coloured in fresco. This was thought to have been a small room adjoining the larger one in which was the pavement of 1803 ; but it is stated to be at a much greater depth (19 ft. 6 in.), and must, therefore, be of earlier date. At the depth of the other pavement (9 ft. 6 in.), but to the north under the street (Plan C, 44), another mosaic pavement was found in 1864, and is now in the British Museum, to which, with other antiquities from the site, it was presented by Sir W. Tite in that year [Arch, xxxix, pi. 21, p. 500 ; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), ii, 316, 360; "Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xix, 63, 307; Arch. Journ. xx, 177 ; Morgan, Rom. Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 192, 193 ; Illus. Lond. News, 12 March, 1864, 267, Some of the tiles with pp.br. lon (p. 90) are said to have been found here [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxix, 389]. Two portions of pavements are reported in 1882 from the site of Rochester Buildings, opposite that of the India House (Plan C, 46), at 1 1 ft. below street level [Arch. Journ. xl, 1 07]. In 1 883 'armlets, styli, and a rectangular case for wax tablets' from the ' India Office ' site were reported, but the date of discovery is not given, nor is it stated whether this site or Whitehall is meant [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxix, 83]. In 1884 an iron implement described as 'a heavy /^/«ot, for projection from a ballista .... used and subjected to fire' was found [Ibid, xl, 1 17]. Much Gaulish pottery from this site in the British Museum, chiefly from Sir W. Tite (1864) but also from Roach Smith, &c. ; one complete bowl of form 37 with figures; also a piece of enamelled 'lead-glaze ' ware, a jar of Castor ware and fragments of painted red ware. The potters' stamps are mostly Rutenian, of the first century : Calvus, Crestus, Modestus, Mommo, Primus, Quintus, Rufinus, Virilis, Vitalis ; others are Cobnertus, Littera, and Martialis (the last named German) ; also a pair of bronze compasses. In the Guildhall Museum is a fine ist-century Gaulish bowl of form 18 with stamp melvs feci [Cat. 587], and other miscellaneous objects. In Mr. Ransom's collection at Hitchin, New Forest and other Romano- British pottery. A writer in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1825 (ii, 633) states that on the Roman level 'a Roman road was discovered' (Plan C, 45). No further details are given, but if the road ran north and south (and the finds reported above imply that buildings occupied the present road-way), it would be exactly in the line of the north-to-south road from Bishopsgate to Billingsgate (see p. 37). Roach Smith speaks of this street as 'abounding in the debris of buildings' [Arch, xxix, 153 ; see Plan C, 43]. Lime Street (Plan C, 24). — A hoard of about 500 denarii found in 1882, described by Sir John Evans as mostly struck in billon and looking like brass ; they were in an urn of coarse black ware, near other Roman remains, and include most of the Emperors from Commodus to Trajan Decius, some of the coins e.g. Albinus, Balbinus, Diadumenianus, Macrinus, and Pupienus being very rare in Britain. The hoard included coins of Philip struck in 248 but none later than Decius, so must have been deposited between 249 and 251 [Num. Chron. (Ser. 3), ii, 57, iii, 278]. Gaulish pottery in British Museum with stamps of first century (Rutenian) potters : Aper, Crestio, Macrinus, Passienus, Pontius, Primus, Sextus ; all found in 1838. In the Guildhall : a flue-tile, bronze scales, some glass [Cat. 31, 158-62], and two pieces of Gaulish pottery, one of form 18 with stamp of a German potter reginvs f [Cat. 494, 583]. In Mr. Ran- som's collection at Hitchin a fine jar of red glazed ware with ' cut-glass ' patterns (Lezoux, second century). Liverpool Street. — Gaulish pottery and coins, including one of Aurelian, found in 1843 [Gent. Mag. (1843), i, 520 ; Rom. Brit. Rem. i, 199]. A Roman shoe reported in 1873 [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxix, 71]. In the Guildhall Museum a terra-cotta figure of Ceres and three heads [Cat. 29, 42, 43, 47], also a cinerary urn with cover, of grey ware, and sundry plain pottery ; in the British Museum a fragment of Gaulish pottery with stamp cracisa. A large find of cinerary urns made in excavating for the new Great Eastern Railway station in 1874, one of which was inclosed in a coffin, and nearly all contained bones, which in some cases appear to have been wrapped in grass or some other fibrous vegetable matter ; much pottery also found [Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), vi, 170 ; see above, p. 9]. io8 Fig. A.J. — Bronze Instrument from the Thames at London Bridge (f) Fig. 48. — Bronze Statuettes from the Thames at London Bridge (British Museum) (J) ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON Lombard Street. — In 1785 considerable remains of a pavement of coarse red tesserae came to light at a depth of 10 to 15 ft., bedded in coarse mortar ; the site was at the west end of the street, nearly opposite St. Mary Woolnoth church (Plan C, 87). Remains of walls and pave- ments were also reported as having been found all along the length of the street down to Birchin Lane (q.v.), as if from a series of houses (Plan C, 79-85). Porous tiles, pottery, glass, keys, coins of gold, silver, and copper, from Claudius to Constantine, oyster-shells, &c., were found in great quantities throughout the distance [Jrch. viii, 116, pis. 5—12, with plan ; Gent. Mag.{ijSs), ii, 845,(1807), i,4i5 ; Allen, Hist, of London, i, 26, with plate; Morgan, Rom. Brit. Mosaic Pavements, IJJ ; Soc. Ant. MS. Min. xxi, 169; see above, p. 81 and fig. 30.] A Roman urn containing ashes, two copper coins (one of Tetricus), and a gold coin of Galba found in making a sewer in 1786 [Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxi, 72, 79, 92]. In 1839 a tessellated pavement was observed at a depth of 8 ft. under the present street (Plan C, 77), Roman remains extending beneath it, which implies that it is of late date [I //us. Rom. Lond. 59]. In 1866 a bone needle-case, a two-handled jar of grey ware with perforated bottom, and a 'very rare terra-cotta cup' were reported [Journ. Brit. Jrch. Assoc, xxii, 304, 316 ; xxxiii, 226]. An alahastron of terra-cotta representing a seated panther, with mouth and handle on back, of a Greek type, was found in the same year at the south-east corner of the street, and may possibly be identical with the last-named [Ibid, xxx, 205]. In 1868 were found a flue- tile, a glass bottle, and fragments of pottery, all showing traces of fire ; also a pavement 17 or 1 8 ft. below the -street level, above which were dupondii 'of the Fabia Gens' [sic), Nero, and Antoninus Pius (the latter dating a.d. 144, with figure of Britannia) [yourn. Brit. Archi. Assoc. xxiv, 178, 294]. In 1873 indications of Roman buildings were traced in Plough Court (Plan C, 66), including walls of ragstone and tile, and Gaulish pottery [Price, Rom. Antiq. Nat. Safe Dep. 26 ; potters' names given]. Pottery in British Museum (bowl of form 29 with stamp of Sabinus, fragment with Viducos, ol/a with lattice patterns, fragment of painted red Romano-British ware, &c.). In the Guildhall, numerous specimens of Gaulish red ware, mortaria and plain wares, lamps and glass ; the pottery includes a large bowl of the first half of the first century with stamp OF AQVITANI \Clat. 5 1 3], a small patera with stamp s.m.f,^" a bowl with overhanging rim, and a ' flower vase ' with ' frilled ' ornamentation. In Mr. Hilton Price's collection, two Gaulish bowls, one with the stamp cassivs fe. J. E. Price says that in one part of the street so vca.wY fibu/ae have been found that the site is supposed to have been occupied by a jeweller \_Journ. Brit. Archi. Assoc, xxx, 186; Arch. Rev. i, 355]. See also St. Mary Woolnoth, Three Kings' Court. London Bridge (finds in the Thames at) (Plan C, 25, D, i). — A bronze coin of M. Aurelius found in 1756 in repairing one of the piers of old London Bridge [Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. viii, 4a]. Numerous finds made in the bed of the river in 1824-7 '" excavating for the new bridge, as also on the site of the old one, and at other times in this part of the Thames. In March 1824 a series of coins was found in the bed of the river, extending from Augustus and Drusus to Severus Alexander and later Emperors \_Arcl}. xxv, 600]. In 1826 a bronze vase in the form of a head with horns forming the handle, described as 'a head, of Bacchus enclosed in a torse of ivy but with Nubian features,' was found in the clay of the river bed [Hartridge, Co//. News Cuttings, Old London, ii, 279]. In 1 825 was found a small bronze statuette of Har- pocrates, plated with silver (Fig. 48), which is thus described by Roach Smith : ' The attitude of this little figure is natural and full of grace, and the modelling well expresses the fleshy rotundity of early youth. A delicately-wrought gold chain crosses the figure in front and passes through a string loop at the back, together with a gold ring ' [apparently for attach- ment to some larger object] ... 'In this instance Harpocrates is winged but chained, to restrain his flight ; upon his head he wears a crescent ; and at his feet are two dogs and a tortoise, emblems of watchfulness and taciturnity.' It is now in the British Museum \I//us. Rom. Lond. 73, pi. 22 ; Allen, Hist, of London, i, pi. opp. p. 32]. At the same time were found a series of coins mostly of Antoninus Pius, but one with plon {see p. 40), and a leaden horse now in the British Museum [Gent. Mag. (1827), ii, 69; Rom. Brit. Rem. i, 212]. In 1833 small bronze coins of Victorinus, 'filed down to serve as weights,' are reported [Gent. Mag. (1833), i, 61 ; cf. Soc. Antiq. MS. Min., xxxvi, 275] ; the weights are given as 2 to 12 grains. In 1834-37 a series of very interesting bronzes was found in the river at this point, all of which are now in the British Museum. The finest and most important is the splendid head of Hadrian (Fig. 49), found in 1834, near the third arch of the new bridge opposite " These inititils are often found on genuine Arretine ware, but this vase is certainly Gaulish. 109 A HISTORY OF LONDON Fresh and Botolph Wharfs (Plan C, 25). It appears to have belonged to a colossal statue of the Emperor, represented probably in heroic costume, at the age of about thirty. Though showing great artistic skill in the modelling and execution, it is not so successful as a portrait ; the forehead is too short, the ears set too obliquely, and the back of the head projects too strongly ; the beard, too, is more closely-cut than Hadrian usually wore it. It is possible that the bronze hand found in Lower Thames Street {see p. 128) belongs to this figure [Bernouilli, Rom. Ikonographle, ii, pt. 2, 1 15, No. 92, pi. 39 ; Gent. Mag. (1835), i, 493, 618 ; Rom. Brit. Rem. i, 190 ; Arch, journ. i, 286 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, i, 286, with pi. and xxiv, 75 ; Illus. Rom. Land. 65, frontis. ; Arch. Zeitung (1849), 53* ; Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxxvi, 473]. In January, 1837, a further find of four statuettes was made in an excavation of the bed of the river by men engaged in ballast heaving ; they represent Jupiter, Apollo, Mercury, and Ganymede respectively (Fig. 50). All are more or less incomplete, and in fact show signs of intentional mutilation (e.g. the legs of the Apollo) ; it has been supposed that they were deliberately broken by the early Christians, and thrown into the river. The Apollo is described as ' a masterpiece of ideal grace and beauty ; the countenance pensive, and full of gentleness and thought, and the repose of the body is in perfect harmony with the conception.' The Mercury ' is of the best and chastest design and most finished workmanship ; the attitude is graceful and easy, the countenance full of animated beauty.' They were probably among the household gods of some Roman official, brought with him from Italy, and it is hardly going too far to suggest that they reflect, though distantly, some Praxitelean or Lysippian types of the fourth century B.C. [Arch, xxviii, 38 flF., pis. 4-7; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, i, IIO; Illus. Rom. Land. 68, pis. 15-18 ; Cat. Lond. Antiq. 5, Nos. 11-13; Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxxvii, 183]. To the same series belong two statuettes found at Barnes in 1845, in a load of gravel brought from this spot ; one is a figure of Atys wearing breeches open in front down to the knees \_Arch. xxviii, 40, pi. 8 ; Illus. Rom. Lond. pi. 19, 69 ; cf. Baumeister, Denkmaler d. klass. Altertums, i, 226] ; the other, the figure of a nude youth, much injured [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ii, lOO ; Cat. Lond. Antiq. 5, No. 14, pi. 2]. The following were also found about the same time : a bronze figure of a barbarian with thick curly hair standing with legs apart and carrying what appears to be a cake on a large dish (Fig. 48) ; a figure of a goat and head of a wolf, a peacock, and two vase-handles [Illus. Rom. Lond. 74—76 ; Cat. Lond. Antiq. 7—10, Nos. 16, 21, 23, 24, 25] ; three weights, fibulae^ and rings, and many thousands of coins of all periods [Arch, xxix, 161 fF; Arch, yourn. i, 181 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, iv, 56 ; Gent. Mag. (1855), ii, 80 ; Roach Smith, Retrospections, i, 1 18, 128 ; ii, 206 ; Num. Chron. iv, 147, 187 fF]. In 1840 a curious bronze instrument in the form of a pair of forceps, ornamented with rows of busts (Fig. 47), was also found, and acquired by Roach Smith, from whom it passed to the British Museum. The exact purpose for which this instrument was used is not clear, but it is obviously of a religious or sacrificial character, and M. Cumont connects it with the worship of Mithra. Roach Smith's description (with slight modifications) runs as follows : — 'It consists of two shanks, which, although they are now separated, were evidently joined by a hinge at the upper extremity. The inner sides are denticulated, doubtless for the purpose of squeezing or crushing. . . . The deities represented are : On the right, Cybele, crowned with towers ; Mercury, with wings ; Jupiter, crowned with olive ; Venus ; and Ceres, wearing the calathus. On the left are [Attis], Mars, Diana [or Luna], Apollo [or Sol], and Saturn, all clearly indicated by their attributes. Upon the top, below the busts of [Attis] and Cybele, are heads of horses ; below the other busts heads of bulls ; and heads of lions terminate the handles. The busts are those of the seven planetary deities who presided over the days of the week, arranged in regular order.' Beginning at the bottom of the right-hand portion we have Saturn for Saturday (who as the oldest god was usually reckoned first), Sol (Sunday), Luna (Monday), Mars (Tuesday) ; on the other side, Mercury (Wednesday), Jupiter (Thurs- day), and Venus (Friday) ; Ceres being added to equalize the number on each side, as elsewhere Fortuna or Bonus Eventus is introduced for the sake of symmetry. The two busts on the top, probably Cybele and Attis, refer to the worship of the Phrygian Magna Mater, but the seven planets were honoured in the Mithraic cult, and the lion and bull are suggestive of the same. The cult of the seven planetary deities as ruling human life, originally derived from Babylonian astrology, was introduced into the western world in the Hellenistic Age, and first appears in art in the time of Vespasian ; they are frequently represented on the bases of statues in the neigh- bourhood of the Rhine, dating from the first half of the 3rd century [Arch, xxx, p. 549, pi. 24 ; Coll. Antiq. ii, 60 ; Illus. Rom. Lond. 72 ; Cat. Lond. Antiq. p. 12, No. 29 ; Cumont, Mysteres de Mithra, ii (1896), p. 432, No. 317 ; IVestdeutsche Zeitschrift, ix (1890), p. 44, No. 31 ; Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxxviii, 304. On the cult of the seven deities see also V.C.H. Hants, i, 308 ; Bonner Jahrb. iv, 147 ; v, 299 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, iv, 64 ; Coll. IIO Fig. 49. — Head of Hadrian FOUND IN THE Thames AT LoNDoN Bridge (British Museum) ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON Antlq. iv, 92 ; Wright, Celt, Roman, and Saxon, 323 ; and compare a silver statuette in British Museum, and a curious inscribed vase in Mainz, Koerber, Rom. Inschr. d. Ala'm-z. Mus (1897), 266]. In 1837 a marble female head was found on the site of the old bridge, broken from a statuette. It is described as of marble from the Loire, well executed and apparently (from the arrangement of the hair) an imitation of Greek fourth-century work \_Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc. xiii, 317, pi. 42]. In 1846 a massive gold ring with intaglio of a seated Jupiter was reported from the same site [ibid, ii, 199]. Fragments of pottery in British Museum with stamps of Carantius and Rufinus ; in the Guildhall, a portion of a pavement [Cat. 6], and specimens of Romano-British pottery. See also Thames, Bed of, and (for land-finds near here) King William Street, &c. London Stone. — See Cannon Street. London Street, Fenchurch Street. — Gaulish pottery in British Museum, acquired 1854 (stamps of montanvs and neqvr ; also two fairly complete specimens with figures, a jar with hatched patterns, and other plain pottery, a piece of late stamped ware, part of a deversorium, a lamp, glass, and an iron bell). London Wall. — In 1837, in making the new sewer to the east of Carpenters' Buildings, opposite Finsbury Circus, an ancient sewer or culvert of Roman workmanship was cut through, embedded in a mass of rubble masonry 12 ft. wide. It ended 14 ft. south of London Wall, where it discharged into a ditch. It was constructed of thin tiles, with joints of red mortar (made of pounded tiles), the bottom formed of a double layer of large tiles. At the same time was found an aqueduct, at a depth of 19 ft., under the houses in Finsbury Circus ; it had five iron bars fastened perpendicularly into the masonry at the end, and at the southern opening was an arch of tiles, 3 ft. 6in. by 3 ft. 3 in., the spandrels filled in with ragstone. These structures seem to have been intended to carry the Walbrook through London Wall [see below). On the north side of the sewer remains of two human skeletons, bones of animals, pottery, and coins of Antoninus and Faustina have been found. The mouth of the culvert is described as being closed by three iron bars. Many vessels of black ware were found, also Gaulish pottery, knives, scissors, a gold ring with garnet setting engraved with a horse, and coins covering the period from Vespasian to M. Aurelius [Arch, xxix, p. 152, pi. 17, fig. 7 ; Kelsey, Descr. of Sewers, 138 ; Tite, Cat. Antiq.Roy.Exch. p. xxxi]. See Plan C, 29-30. To the same period belongs the discovery, in the line of the wall near Finsbury Circus (Plan A, 18), of a large number of urns, and a slab with the inscription : — D M -D(n) M{anibus) GRATA DAGO Grata Dago- BITI FiL AN XL biti fil{la) an{norum) XL SOLINVS CON SoHnus con- IVGI KAR F C jugi car{issimae) f(aciundum) c{uravit) '* It is now in the Guildhall. [Gent. Mag. (1837), ii, 361 ; Ilhcs. Rom. Lond. p. 26, pi. 2 ; Coll. Antiq. i, pi. 46, p. 134 ; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 31 ; Guildhall Mus. Cat. p. 107; i?^ above, pp. 7, 27.] Three other fragmentary inscriptions may be mentioned here, though the date of their discovery is uncertain. The first two are in the British Museum [Cat. Lond. Antiq. p. 4, No. 10 ; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 34^ and t], the third in the Guildhall [Cat. p. 107, No. 5]. (i) . . . . (2) V R (3) On a limestone slab. enen V . II Dis manie[vs, . . . FI XV . . . In 1 866 a large area was excavated under the observation of Gen. Pitt-Rivers (Plan C, 102) in which great quantities of bones of animals were found in a layer of peat about ten to thirteen feet below the surface, including remains of -Sw longifrons, red deer, wild boars, and wild goats. A number of roughly cut piles with decayed tops were also found in the peat, some in rows, others in groups, bound together by planks, one of which had nails in it. Here were found tiles (one with p . PR . br), much Gaulish pottery, Upchurch ware, bronze pins, styli, iron knives, leather shoes and sandals, and coins of Vespasian, Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and Antoninus Pius. The explanation of these discoveries involves some difficulties, but it is supposed that they represent pile-dwellings occupied by the Britons during Roman times [Times, 20 Oct. 1866 ; Anthropo- " 'To the Departed Spirits. Grata the daughter of Dagobitus, aged 40. Solinus had this erected to his beloved wife.' Ill A HISTORY OF LONDON logical Rev. v (1867), p. Ixxi fF, with plan and sections ; Arch. Journ. xxiv, 61 ; Munro, Lah- Dwdlings of Europe, 494 ; see also Proc. Soc. Jntiq. (Ser. 2), iii, 413 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc. xxi (1866), 94, xxiii, 91]. In 1867-9 two Roman sandals, a 'hippo-sandal' {see p. 89), and a clay figure of Venus were reported [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxiv, 289, xxv, 273 ; Land, and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 518]. A hoard of Roman coins was found at the corner of Throgmorton Avenue (Carpenters' Hall) in 1872, extending from Augustus to Constantine II [Num. Chron. (Ser. 4), iii, 102]. About 1876 a coin of Severus with hippopotamus on reverse and a terra-cotta tessera inscribed v, were reported [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxii, 126; xxxiii, 67]. In 1880 a supposed Roman road was unearthed at the top of Throgmorton Avenue (Plan C, 164), crossing it diagonally (presumably inside the Wall), together with various remains : a bronze statuette and unknown implement, fragments of various sorts of pottery, glass, sandals, keys, nails, spindle- wheels, bones of animals, and shells [Arch. Journ. xxxvii, 331]. Pottery was also reported in 1880 and 1 884 [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxvi, 356 ; xl, 1 1 1] ; two silver coins of Constantine II contained in an earthenware vase in 1885 on the site of Sion College [Antiq. xi, 176] ; and coins ofVespasian, Trajan, Antoninus Pius, and Postumus in 1901 [ibid, xxxvii, 357 ; Daily Graphic, 26 Oct. 1901]. During excavations made by Mr. F. W. Reader in 1901-5 (Plan C, 103), pottery, glass, a fish-shaped enamelled fibula [See Reliquary, 1902, 274, and of. Pitt-Rivers, Cranborne Chase, ii, 118, pi. 97, 8, and Brit. Mus. Cat. of Bronzes, 2155-56], a leaden seal, 350 nails, bone implements, and other objects were obtained. The potters' stamps include the following : albvci m, cacasi m, cirrvs f, comprinni m, pecvliar f, rvffi m (all second century) [Arch. Journ. Ix, 197, 223 ; see below]. In the British Museum are a bowl of Lezoux ware (form 37) with designs in medallions, and numerous fragments with potters' stamps : Albinus, Aquitanus, Balbus, Felix, Ingenuus, Masclus, Mommo, Passenus, Salvius (Rutenian) ; Beliniccus, Caratedo, Cocuro, Divicatus, Gaius, Peculiaris, Primanus, Senila (Lezoux) ; Domitianus and Reginus (German) ; also a fragment of Castor ware, a bronze brooch and punch (1880), and bronze key (found 1 8 19). In Mr. Ransom's collection at Hitchin, a Gaulish bowl of form i8 with stamp ingenvi, a large olla of black ware with lattice patterns, a flat dish of black ware, perhaps of early first-century (' Belgic ') type, a mould for a lamp with design of a rosette, and various clay lamps. In the Guildhall Museum is a very large number of objects from this site, impossible to describe in detail. They include implements of all kinds in bone, bronze, and iron, such as hairpins, netting-needles, and knives, leather shoes, tools, and instruments, hippo-sandals, clay lamps, locks and keys, and pottery ; also a bronze figure of Apollo and part of a statue, and two figures of Venus in terra-cotta. Among the pottery are : a good Lezoux bowl of form 37, with scrolls inclosing vine-leaves, a relief of a seated woman for attachment to a vase of the Cornhill type (p. 99), a fragment of early first-century red ' Belgic ' ware with the stamp avliv, and a ' flower '-vase with frilled ornament. Some interesting objects found in the bed of the Walbrook here (Plan C, 103) are in the possession of Mr. W. M. Newton of Dartford. They include a Roman bronze pen with split nib (Fig. 51 ; similar ones in British Museum), a bronze stand inlaid with niello and enamel (like one in British Museum from Farley Heath), a second-century cnzxatWeA fibula, iron keys, rings of glass and jet, a bronze bodkin 205- in. long, twelve hippo-sandals, a coin of Trajan, and some good fragments of Gaulish pottery, one with the stamp crvcvro, another with that of Patcrnus [see Arch. Journ. Ix, 229, and p. 89 for the hippo-sandals (under Bishopsgate)]. In 1817 part of the Roman Wall here was visible [Gent.Mag.{i2>i']), i, 196], and in 1882, in pulling down No. 55, close toFinsbury Place, a solid mass was uncovered [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxviii, 424]. A fragment is still preserved in St. Alphage's Churchyard, nearly opposite the church (Plan C, 35). The investigations carried out by Mr. F. W. Reader in 1901-5 (Plan C, 31) confirmed the supposition that the aqueduct and sewer found in 1837 [see above) were intended to carry the Walbrook through the Wall. It was also shown by Mr. Reader that the top of the Wall nearly reached the street-level opposite Carpenters' Hall, and that it rested on a sandstone plinth I2|^ ft. below [Arch. Journ. Ix, 137 fF, 179 fF; Proc. Soc. Antiq. xxi, 231 ; Arch. Ix, l69£F], Mr. Reader also notes that none of the coins from the bed of the Walbrook are later than the time of Marcus Aurelius. For further discoveries at Allhallows Church see Broad Street (New) ; and on the Wall here in general see above, p. 59 ff and Wheatley and Cunningham, London Past and Present, ii, 435. See also Blomfield Street, Copt Hall Avenue, Moorfields, &c. LoTHBURY. — About 1834 remains of^ a tessellated pavement were found opposite Founder's Court (Plan C, 109), at a depth of about 11 ft., also various iron tools ; and at a lower level, a leather sandal, black and red pottery, coins of Domitian and Antoninus Pius, and wooden 112 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON piles as in Prince's Street (p. 119) {^Arch. xxvii, 147 ; Allen, Hist, of London, i, 31 ; Morgan, Rom.-Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 181; YLe\scy, Descr. of Sewers, 112]. In 1843, at the south-west corner of Tokenhouse Yard (Plan C, n i), and at a depth of from twelve to eighteen feet were found curiously-fluted piles, with fragments of Gaulish pottery, a clay lamp, coins of Vespasian and Nero, and a number of leather sandals and shoes [Gent. Mag. (1843), ■') 532 ; Rom. Brit. Rem. i, 203]. Two iron keys found 1847 [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xii, 12 1, pi. 14], and in 1865 the inner shoe of a wooden spade at the London and Westminster Bank (Plan C, 112) [ibid, xxxi, 84], in 1866 one of the tiles stamped p.p . br . lon [p. 90 ; ibid, xxviii, 282] in 1892 a mosaic pavement (Plan C, 114) \_Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), xiv, 25]. There are also vague references to an amphora or seria, 28 in. in height, in the British Museum, and to an iron ring inscribed vitavolo \_Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xvii, 325,xxxiii, 335 ; Arch. Journ. xxxiii, 263 ; Land, and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 506 ; Ephem. Epigr. iv, p. 211, No. 716]. In the British Museum are numerous fragments of Gaulish and German pottery of first two centuries, includ- ing a complete bowl of form 37 with figures (Rutenian) ; also stamps of Senicio and Labio (Rutenian), Priscinus (Lezoux), Comitialis (Rheinzabern), Cacasius, Gallinus, and Saren- tius ; alsofragmentsof Castor, painted Romano- British, and third-century Gaulish stamped red ware, a shale spindle-whorl (Franks, 1894), a bronze enamelled brooch, pair of bronze twee- zers, and a branch of a tree or shrub in bronze, apparently from a statue (of Apollo?) [Cat. Land. Antiq. p. II, No. 27]. In the Guildhall, two clay lamps [Cat. 12, 25], a hairpin, and a vase of plain ware. See also Bank of England. Love Lane, Wood Street. — Discovery of a well reported in 188 1, ' probably of Roman origin', but there is nothing to show that it is not mediaeval [Antiq. iii, 184]. Fragments of Gaulish pottery in British Museum and Beth- nal Green Museum [Arch. Rev. i, 356]. LuDGATE. — Strype says : ' Coming in at Ludgate, in the Residentiary 's Yard of St. PauFs, was discovered some years ago, an Aqueduct close adjoining to the Wall of the City ' (Plan C, 173) [Stow-, Survey {ed. Strype, 1 720), ii, App. i, 24]. 'On the west side' [of the Roman colony], says Wren, * was situated the Prae- torian Camp, which was also wall'd in to Lud- gate, in the Vallum of which was dug up near the Gate, after the Fire, a Stone, with an Inscription, and the Figure of a Roman Soldier, which the Surveyor presented to the Archbishop of Canterbury, who sent it to Oxford, and it is reposited among the Arundellian Marbles.' This monument (in the form of a cippus ; fig. 54) was found in 1669, on the site of St. Martin's church ; the soldier stands in an arched niche, and wears belted tunic and chlamys ; in his right hand is a dagger, in his left a roll. Above him is the inscription L>is manibus D M VIVIO MARe ANO M LEG II AVG lANVARIA mar-Fna SNIVNX PIENTISSIMA POSV IT . MEMORAM Vivio Marci- ano militi legionis II Augustae fanuaria Alartina coniunx pientissima posu- it memor{i)am ^^ " 'To the Departed Spirits. To Vivius Marcianus, soldier of the Second Augustan Legion, Januaria Martina his most dutiful wife raised this memorial.' I 113 Fig. 54. — Monument found on Ludgate Hiil 15 A HISTORY OF LONDON [Strype, loc. cit. ; Wren, Parentalia, 266 ; Horsley, Brit. Rom. ii, 331, i, 192 ; Prideaux, Marmor. Oxon. 280 ; Gale, Anton. Itin. 68 ; Chandler, Marm. Oxon. iii, pi. 2, 10 ; Gough, Camden, ii, 92; Allen, HUt. of Lond. i, 21 ; Maitland, Hht. ofLond. i, 17 ; Coll. Antiq. i, 127 ; Illus. Rom. Lond. pi. 2, p. 22, No. I ; Corp.hucr. Latin, vii, 23 ; see above, p. 27.] In 1806 an inscribed hexagonal pedestal about 4 ft. high was dug up behind the London Coffee House, adjoining St. Martin's church, at the point where the old gate stood {ue p. 69).'' It would seem to have been used up in the construction of the adjoining Wall. Above the moulded cornice of the pedestal is a torus moulding ornamented with a scroll-pattern ; the inscription is D M Dh manlbus CL MARTI Cl{audlae) Mart'i- NAE AN XIX nae an{nos) XIX. ANENCLE Anencletus TVS PROVING provinc{iae) CONIVGI coniugi P130ISSIAAE pientissimae. H . S . E Hie sita est The word Anencletus is explained as = servus. [Malcolm, Lond. Rediv. iv, 381 ; Gent. Mag. (1806), ii, 792 ; Rom. Brit. Rem. i, 213 ; Allen, Hist, of London, i, 32, with plate ; Coll. Antiq. i, 131, pi. 45 ; Illus. Rom. Lond. pi. 2, p. 23, No. 2 ; Arch, xl, 46 ; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), iii, 453 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc. xxx\', 425 ; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 28.] Together with the last-named were found two pieces of sculpture : a female head, life-size, and a figure of Hercules resting on his club, with lion's skin over left shoulder. The latter is half life-size ; the head, right arm, and legs are wanting \_Gent. Mag. loc. cit. pi. I ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, loc. cit. ; Mr. Brock compares, for the circumstances of discovery, the sculptures found in Camomile Street [see p. 95)]. A section of the Roman Wall was met with in digging the foundations of a house on the south side of Ludgate Hill in 1892, running east and west, and joining the tower which formed the south side of the gate [Antiq. xxv, 51 ; see above, p. 69, and Plan C, 57^. A fragment of the Wall from this site is in the British Museum. See also illustrations in Hartridge's Coll. Neiusp. Cuttings, Old London, i, 279 ff, and Archer, Vestiges of Old London, pi. 3. Ludgate Square (Plan C, 206) (Formerly Holiday Yard, Creed Lane). — Bagford, writing in 1 7 14-15, says ' such another [Roman Aqueduct] was found after the Fire by Mr. Span an ancient Citizen in Holyday Yard, Creed Lane, in digging the foundations for a new Building, and this was carried round a Bath that was built in a round Forme with Nitches at an equal Distance for Seats' [Leland Coll. (ed. Hearne), i, Ixvi ; see also itovf. Survey (ed. Strype), ii, App.v, 24]. Maiden Lane. — See Gresham Street. Mansion House (Plan C, 121). — Objects exhibited from time to time, including pottery (1865); mosaic pavement (1870 ; now in Guildhall) ; bronze figure of Mars, spout in form of dog's head, small bronze objects, bone draughtsmen, and Gaulish pottery (all 1869) \_Anthropol. Rev. V (1867), Ixxvi ; Arch. Journ. XXV \\\, 164; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxv, 393]. Fragment of a Rutenian bowl with figures (form 37) in British Museum, acquired 1880 ; also a bronze medallion with head of Jupiter Ammon (1865), bronze pin terminating in a female head (1896), and seal-box [J. E. Price, Rom. Antiq. Nat. Safe Deposit (1873), pi. 8, figs. 16, 17] ; in Guildhall, numerous objects, including a shoe, a key, a clay lamp, four spoons, a cinerary urn [Cat. 17] ; a Gaulish bowl of form 37, and a mortarium stamped ^LmNvs [Cat. 506, 628 ; cf. for the latter, pp. 99, 133], and a fragment of late Gaulish stamped ware. In Mr. Hilton Price's collection, a Gaulish bowl with stamp minvso. Mark Lane (Plan C, 10). — Roman tile found in 1744 [Arch, i, 139 ; Leland's Coll. (ed. Hearne), i, 71 ; Allen, Hist, of London, i, 24 ; Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. iv, 20ii] ; pottery and an axe reported 1867-8 [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxiv, 289]. Roman pavement found 1871, of common red tesserae, about 12 ft. square and 8 ft. below ground level ; also pottery, glass, and a bronze key [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxvii, 387, 514]. In 1878-9 was found a cup 'of black Upchurch ware with a grape pattern indented around its edge ' [ibid, xxxv, 1 13]. " It is now in the Guildhall Mus. [Cat. No. i]. " 'To the Departed Spirit of Claudia Martina, aged 19 ; the servant (?) of the province to his most dutiful wife. She lies here.' 114 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON Various objects in Guildhall Museum : a clay lamp, an axe head ; a flue-tile {Land, and Midi. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 2i6] ; Gaulish pottery, including a jar of red ware with 'slip' decoration [Cat. ^gb], and a bowl of drab polished ware with finely-hatched patterns, imitating Rutenian ware (form 29), and a cinerary urn. In Mr. Ransom's collection at Hitchin, a bowl of red ware stamped o . [p] asn and incised v . avriani. Mercers' Hall. — See Cheapside. Middlesex Street, formerly Petticoat Lane. — Male torso in white marble discovered 1845, at depth of 17 ft. ; height 15 in. Described as a slinger, but the object held in the hands looks more like a hammer \yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, i, 329 ; Archer, Vestiges of old London, pi. 10, fig. i]. Two glass vessels in Guildhall [Cat. 24, 25) ; a clay vase in Mr. Hilton Price's collection. Milk Street. — Vase of Upchurch ware in Guildhall [Cat. 367], and glass vessels {see p. 10) ; lamp in Mr. Hilton Price's possession stamped ^°Y^^ [see also Arch. Rev. i, 356]. Milton Street, Cripplegate. — Bronze three-legged pot [Arch. Rev. i, 356]. Mincing Lane. — In 1824, in making a sewer, the remains of a hypocaust were met with, opposite Clothworkers' Hall (Plan C, 18), at a depth of 18 ft. The arrangement of the flues is described as being very perfectly preserved ; in one of them a vase full of charcoal was found [Kelsey, Descr. of Sewers, 83]. Part of a stone mortar and base and capital of a column found on west side of the lane in 1850, between two floors ; the upper, 12 ft. below the surface, was a tessellated pavement (Plan C, 1 6), the lower composed of gravel, lime, and pounded tiles ; said to indicate two distinct periods [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, vi, 442, pi. 35, vii, 87]. Finds in 1862, comprising Gaulish and Upchurch ware, fragments of amphorae and mortaria, bone pins, and a spoon, also coins of Antonia wife of Drusus, Vespasian, Domitian, Trajan, Antoninus Pius, Constantine, Gratian, and Valentinian [Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Proc. (1862), 91]. Pottery and coins of Domitian, Antoninus Pius, &c., reported in 1877 [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxiv, 134]; glass vessels in 1879 [Ibid, xxxv, 219], and a 'pollubium' of black ware in 188 1 [Ibid, xxxvii, 185]. In 1891, during the rebuilding of the Commercial Sale Rooms (Plan C, 14], a square 'pot-hole' of Roman (?) date was discovered, constructed in regular layers of chalk about 7 ft. deep in area 4 by 7 ft. It contained a green jug, a wooden bowl, a dog's skull, and eggs of a duck and a hen, both perfect. The 'green jug' seems to be open to doubt [Dai/y Graphic, 21 October, 21 November, 1891 ; Antig. xxv, 21]. Excavations in Dunster Court (Plan C, 17) in 1856 yielded, at a depth of 12 to 25 ft., layers of chalk, ragstone, and brick earth, supposed to belong to dwellings formed with ' cob ' walls, and with these, human bones and fragments of pottery ; below were a well and a pathway paved with tesserae [Arch, fourn. xiii, 274]. Jar of black ware with hatched patterns in British Museum ; in the Guildhall, cinerary urns. MiNORiEs. — Various minor finds: amphora-handle with stamp ioran (1848); glass simpulum (the bowl transparent yellow over opaque white); axe-head (1882); lamp with stamp of FORTis (1885) [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xvii, 325 ; xxxvii, 185 ; xxxviii, 207 ; xli, 91]. In British Museum fragments of Gaulish pottery of first century (stamps of Damonus, Niger, and Roppus), and of Castor ware ; in the Guildhall, bone hairpins, a glass bottle, and plain pottery, including a cinerary urn, with cover. Urns of brown ware in Mr. Hilton Price's collection. Roman remains unearthed in 1848, including fragments of tiles and pottery and 'a large full-grown skeleton, said to be Celtic' [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xiii, 239]. Silver vessel found in 1882, together with ashes and fragments of Gaulish and Upchurch pottery; the shape is that of a small cream-jug [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxviii, 106 ; MS. Cat. of Mayhew Coll. No. 48]. See also Church Street, Haydon Square. Mitre Street, Aldgate. — Intaglio gem in Guildhall Museum, with design of a woman leaning on a column [Cat. 400]. MoNKWELL Street (Plan C, 38). — Fragment ot Lezoux ware in British Museum (E. B. Price) ; fragment of Romano-British painted ware in Guildhall. For part of the wall found here (at Barber Surgeons' Hall), see Arch. Rev. i, 360, and p. 63, above. Monument (Plan C, 29). — ' An elegantly-formed copper ewer ' is mentioned as having been found in 1833 near the Monument, in making the approach to New London Bridge. [Gent. Mag. (1833), 403]. In sinking a cesspool to the south of the Monument in the same year were discovered ' remains of an aqueduct running towards the River Thames southwards and communicating with a bath or tank northward.' It was built of tiles 16 to I 7 in. by I i-i in., "5 A HISTORY OF LONDON and 2 in. thick, the bottom formed of flange tiles, slightly larger. The tank was of similar tiles lined with plaster and rough mosaic. On the east side of the aqueduct was a transverse conduit of semicircular tiles 17 in. long and 4 in. across, placed to form cylinders [Ibid. (1834), ', 95]-'' ' A portion of the Roman Wall ' discovered in excavations in Monument Yard (Plan C, 65), 1880, in excellent preservation [Jntig. ii, 222 ; see above, p. 71]. Monument Street (Plan C, 23). — In making this new street in 1887, between Pudding Lane and Botolph Lane, was found at a depth of 12 ft. a portion of a pavement with zigzag border and an inscription in black on a white ground — (WUMANI NIIsfGNAfys IMNfESSEL STRAT SEMDSrD the reading of which is doubtful. The second line has been read as a]ntesigna(n)vs, and the third Prof. Hirschfeld, with more certainty, reads as PA v]im(e)nt(vm)(t)essel(latvm) strat(vm). The last four letters are probably dspd {de sua pecunia dedit). The pavement measured 4 ft. by 2 ft. 6 in. ; it broke in pieces when found, and is now lost [Jcademy, 13 Aug. 1887, p. 109, 3 Sept. p. 155 ; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), xii, 128 ; Arch. Journ. xlv, 184; Ephem. Epigr, vii, 176, No. 817]. Moor Lane. — Portion of ring-armour found about 1853 \Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, viii, 355 ; not necessarily Roman]. Fragments of Lezoux pottery in British Museum (E. B. Price), with stamps of Cocurus and Decuminus. MoORFiELDS.^^ — Two clay ampullae and other remains found in 1863 \yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xix, 322]. Part of a bronze relief with figure of woman treated in an archaistic manner, characteristic of the time of Hadrian ; an imitation of archaic Greek work both in style and composition, the attitude being one usually associated with the goddess Spes [Ibid, xx, 273 ; Coll. Antiq. vi, 274]. Two small bronze figures reported in 1874, representing Venus and Apollo ; also some iron implements [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxx, 72]. Other finds include a spur [Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxxvi, 421]; Upchurch ware from excavations for the Metropolitan Railway [^Arch. Rev. i, 356] ; a jar of black ware with painted patterns found in a leaden cist [MS. Cat. of Mayhew Coll. No. 24]. In the Guildhall Museum, a marble head [Cat. 4] found on the site of the Eye Infirmary, a Gaulish ornamented bowl of form 30 [Cat. 422], a cinerary urn [Cat. 113], and various plain pottery and other objects. CofEn of an infant found in 1873, containing a cup of white ware, a jar of red ware, armlets of jet, a gold wire finger-ring, and a well-preserved gold coin of Salonina, wife of Gallienus (Obv. head and salonina avg ; rev. Venus Victrix) [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc. xxxi, 209 ; MS. Cat. of Mayhew Coll. No. 39 ; see above, p. 23. This find is now in the British Museum]. See also Blomfield Street, London Wall, &c. MooRGATE Street (Plan C, iio). — An iron hinge found in 1867 [fourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc. xxiii, 1 01]. In the British Museum, Gaulish pottery with stamps of Vitalis, Genitor, and Caratius. In the Guildhall, a ploughshare, a clay lamp in the form of a negro's and camel's heads conjoined [Cat. 50] ; a Gaulish bowl of form 37, with figures in panels [Cat. 474], and a mortarium with stamp tvgenv [Cat. 649]. Kelsey [Description of Sewers, 138] speaks of masonry and a burial at Moorgate ; on remains of the Wall here see yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxviii, 424, and Plan C, 32, 33 ; also p. 61. See also Coleman Street, King's Arms Yard. New Street, Bishopsgate(?). — Pottery in British Museum (Roach Smith): a fragment of Arretine and one of Lezoux ware, both merely marked ' New Street,' without further indication of locality. Newcastle Street, Farringdon Street (Plan A, 60). — Fragments of Roman pottery, an iron stylus, and two small bronze coins of Constantine discovered in 1844 at a depth of 14 ft., at the west end of this street [Arch. Journ. i, 162 ; Numis. Chron. vii, 192]. Jar of black ware with hatched patterns in British Museum. For burial here, see above, p. 24. Newgate Market. — See Paternoster Square. " Cf. the baths found under the Coal Exchange in Lower Thames Street. '° The name of Moorfields is now confined to the street running north and south past Moorgate Street station ; but in the descriptions referred to above it is somewhat loosely used, and some of the finds may actually be from the neighbouring streets or open spaces, in accordance with the old us.ige of the term. 116 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON Newgate Street (Plan C, 202 ; 49, 50). — In constructing a sewer about 1836 the line of the Roman Wall is said to have been crossed about the site of the gate ; fragments of Gaulish pottery- were found, one with a figure of Neptune, and Roman coins [Gent. Mag. (1836), i, 135]. In 1874 foundations of the Wall were found at the extreme west of the street on the north side, with an arched passage running parallel, and other walls, perhaps forming part of the gate and communications between the bastions ; Roman pottery was also found. The Roman origin of this wall has now been firmly established [yourn. Brit Arch. Assoc, xxxi, 76 (with illustration), 210; xxxii, 385 ff. ; Arch. Journ. xxxii, 327, 477 ; Land, and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, v, 403 ff.]. During the demolition of the prison in 1903, about sixty-eight feet of the Wall was disclosed, with a plinth, supposed to have formed part of a guard-room, at the south-east angle of the gate. The wall ran north and south, about sixty yards south of the street, and 16 ft. below its level. In a ditch below, at a depth of about thirty feet, remains of Gaulish pottery were found (one piece with potter's name, albvc), also Romano- British and other plain wares, and coins of Nero, Vespasian, and Hadrian [P. Norman, 'Roman Remains at Newgate,' 1904, in Arch, lix, 125 ff., with illustrations]. On the Wall, see also Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, i, 195; Hartridge, Coil. Newspaper Cuttings, Old Land, i, 279, and p. 65 above. Fragments of tiles were found in 1877 which had been used for internal decoration of wall surfaces, about l^ ft. by i^ ft. by i^in., with rough clay stubs for attachment and scored with wavy lines. They were found on the north side of the street, near the arched passage mentioned above, and exhibited remains of similar mortar ; they were probably also mediaeval [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxiv, 109]. In 1879 a jar 'of the speckled or frosted kind' and other pottery showing traces of fire were reported [ibid, xxxv, 215]. In the British Museum are a fragment of Lezoux pottery, a mortarium with stamp of marinvs [Ulus. Rom. Lond. 89 ; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii (1334), 32; cf. also Old Bailey], and a glass jar full of bones (Fig. 2, above), found in 185 l. The mortarium was found in 1855, together with a coarse pavement (Plan C, 202), tiles, and burnt wood [Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, i, 195]. In the Guildhall, Gaulish bowls with stamps of Rutenian potters (oF severi, vitalism), also one with 'slip ' decoration [Cat. 473, 477]- See also Christ's Hospital, Old Bailey. Nicholas Lane (Plan C, 78). — A 'sepulchral urn 'of dark-coloured clay, containing burnt clay and animal matter (?) was found in 1847 about sixteen feet below the surface, near some remains of Roman walls, in which joists seemed to have been inserted [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ii, 341 ; Coll. Antiq. i, 146, pi. 49]. In 1850 an inscription was found on a stone measuring 2 ft. 4 in. by 3 ft. by 6 ft. : NVMC PROV Num[ini) C{aesaris et) prov{inciae) Brita{nniae) ? BRITA Hubner gives its date as the end of the first century. Roach Smith supposes that this inscription ' commemorated some important event and occupied a conspicuous position in some public building. ' It was,' he says, ' brought up from a great depth by the men employed in cutting a sewer.' It was placed in the Guildhall, but subsequently dis- appeared [Illus. Rom. Lond. 29, No. 11 ; Gent. Mag. (1850), 1 14; Coll. Antiq. iii, 257; Roach Smith, Retrospections, ii, 198 ; Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, i, 32 ; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 22]. In the Guildhall, two bronze bowls and another object [Cat. 27, 28, 64], also a fragment of Romano-British painted ware. In Bethnal Green Museum, bowl of form 27 stamped crivf. See also King William Street. Noble Street. — Two fragments of Gaulish ware in British Museum, one with stamp of Medetus, For an altar possibly from this site, see below, p. 135 ; for the wall here, see p. 63 and Plan C, 41. Northumberland Alley, Crutched Friars (Plan C, 8). — Fragment of tessellated pavement found in 1787 and presented to the Society of Antiquaries [Way's Cat. (1847), '^ ; Arch. xxxix, 491 ; Allen, Hist, of Lond. i, 29 ; Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxii, 281]. Fragment of Rutenian pottery in British Museum (E. B. Price). Old Bailey (Plan C, 50-56). — In cutting through the wall in 1857, °" ^^^ north side of the prison, a fragment of a mortarium was found with potter's stamp [Lond. and Midd. Arch. ° r r MARINVS '- Soc. Trans, i, 195; Gent. Mag. (1857), ii, 449; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 1334, 32]; a similar one found in Newgate Street. ' Abundance of Roman bond tiles and building 117 A HISTORY OF LONDON materials were found near the wall, and a layer of burnt wood under the foundation of a coarse pavement which bore witness to a fire in the Roman period.' Fragment of early Rutenian pottery in British Museum (Roach Smith) ; in the Guildhall Museum an arm in terra-cotta [Cat. 50] and a leaden coffin-lid [Cat. 12]. A fras;ment of the wall unearthed in March, 1 900 [Land. and. Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans. (new ser.),"i, pt. 4, p. 351, with plate; Antiq. xxxvi, 314]. In the Jntiq. xii (1885), 96, a woodcut is given of a fragment formerly visible adjoining St. Martin's Church [see also Archer, Vestiges of Old London, pi. 8 ; Hartridge, Coll. Newsp. Cuttings, Old Land, i, 290, and p. 68, above]. See also Newgate Street. Old Change. — Fragment of Gaulish pottery in British Museum with stamp of Rutenian potter Secundus (Roach-Smith). Old Jewry. — See St. Olave's, Old Jewry. Pancras Lane (Plan C, 131). — Bones, burnt wood, and small pieces of pavement found in cellars in 1794 [Gent. Mag. (1795), ii, 986 ; Allen, Hist, of Lond. i, 29]. Paternoster Row. — About 1834-6 a shaft was sunk to a depth of 18 ft., until 'operations were checked by a stone wall of intense hardness running towards the centre of St. Paul's ' (Plan C, 195). Finds included coins of Vespasian and Domitian, a Gaulish dish with stamp of. modesti (in British Museum) and iron tools. In the wall were cemented two large sea-shells [Arch, xxvii, 150]. In 1839-41, at a depth of 12 ft., a pavement was found extending for 40 ft., with birds and beasts in compartments within a border of guilloche and rosettes (Plan C, 197) ; this was subsequently destroyed. With it were found amphorae, glass vessels, and bone hairpins, and below, a skeleton in a framework of tiles as at Bow Lane (pp. 22, 92) [ibid, xxix, 155 ; Morgan, Rom. Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 184]. In 1843 P^""* of another pavement, with birds and beasts within a guilloche border, was found at a depth of 12 ft. 6 in. in erecting the Religious Tract Society's premises (at the corner of Cannon Row (Plan C, 198), with pottery and coins (Claudius, Faustina, Commodus) [Gent. Mag. (1843), ii, 81 ; Rom. Brit. Rem. i, 200 ; Illus. Rom. Lond. 57 ; Arch, xxvi, 396; xxix, 155]. In 1884 parts of a glass vessel and a Gaulish ornamented bowl, an ivory knife ornamented with a head, and an ivory disc, supposed to be for use in some game, were exhibited to the British Archaeological Association [fourn. xl, 221], a lamp in 1887 [Arch. "Journ. xxxiv, 301], and in 1889 a bronze balance-beam, fragment of Gaulish bowl with eagle and bowl of ijlack ware [^ourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xliv, 357]. Fragments of Gaulish and Romano-British Pottery in British Museum (one with stamp of Gemmatus), mostly of the second century ; one in Guildhall with stamp aciir • F [Cat. 570]. Paternoster Square (formerly Newgate Market) (Plan C, 203). — At the north-west corner were found in 1884, at a depth of 16 ft., part of a plain pavement and various forms of tiles, including flue-tiles and hypocaust pillars ; some of the flat tiles were scored with patterns [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xl, 123, 210 ; Arch, xxix, 155]. A cinerary urn in the Mayhew Collection [Cat. 16 ; see p. 6] and a plain vase in the Guildhall Museum [Cat. 128]. Philpot Lane (Plan C, 32). — Fragments of glass and Gaulish pottery exhibited to the British Archaeological Association in 1853, '^'^^ °^ ^^^ latter stamped tvffo [?] ; another with the VR figure of a woman [foum. ix, 190]. A fragment of trachyte found in 1845, inscribed I • II, now in British Museum. Fragments of Gaulish pottery in British Museum (first and second century, stamps of Virilis and Divicatus), also fragments of German ware (stamp of Reginus), Castor ware, painted Romano-British ware, late stamped ware from North-east Gaul, and a black-ware jar with hatched patterns ; also a bronze stop-cock from a fountain [Illus. Rom. Lond. 145 ; Cat. Lond. Antiq. 71, No. 314]. Two plain vases in Guildhall [Cat. 23, 33]- Playhouse Yard, Blackfriars (Plan C, 58). — In 1843 a portion of the old wall was unearthed (p. 69) and a monument erected to a speculator of the second legion named Celsus was discovered. It forms the upper part of a large cippus, and to judge by the lettering, which is good, though small and much worn, dates from the first century. It bears the inscription : — Bvs [Dis mani]bus • • • er • L • F • G • • celsv • [Faf]er • L.F. G[al.'\ Celsu[s] • PEC • LEG • • • VG • Ai ■ • • [s]pec{ulator) leg[ionis) [IL a]ug{ustae) A[nto- N • DARDANVS • cv [«('«4 Dardanus culrator"] • ■ ERIVS • PVDENS [Var\erius Pudens • • PROBVS • SP. C • L • • [Terentius] Probus sp[e'\c[u']l[atores'\ [eiusdem heredes factundum curarunt^ 118 mutilated. Th e monument is now in the British Coll. Antiq. i, 125; Arch. Journ. i, "5 ; Lond. and 902), P- 353; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 0, i, 7 ; Corp. ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON Below is the head of a soldier Museum [///«j. Rom. Lond. 26, No. 7 ; Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, (new ser. i, Inscr. Latin, vii, 24 ; see above, p. 27]. Other small finds made at the same time include a coin of Trajan and one of the time of Constantine, with vrbs roma and the wolf suckling the twins, and fragments of Gaulish pottery [Gent. Mag. (1843), i, 636 ; Rom. Brit. Rem. i, 199]. Post Office. — See St. Martin's-le-Grand. Postern Row, Tower Hill. — See Tower Hill. Poultry. — On the site of the Union Bank in St. Mildred's Court (Plan C, 118), about 1864, were found knives, nails, and a horse-bit [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxv, 167]. On the same site, two or three years afterwards, part of a pavement was found at about 18 ft. below the surface ; in the centre, a vase in coloured tesserae^ with border of scrolls and guilloche pattern [Morgan, Rom. Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 193]. Near this were a mortarium with stamp ALBINVS, pottery, and bronze fibulae (one with blue enamel is said to be in Guildhall Museum [not in catalogue]) [Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 217 ; lllus. Lond. News, 2 March, 1867, p. 219]. Roman shoes from a depth of 28 ft. were exhibited to the Archaeological Institute in 1875 [from the site of St. Mildred's Church (Plan C, 119); Arch. Journ. xxxii, 329], and in the same year a bronze fibula of a common type, with chain attached, was found 'on the banks of the Walbrook, about 30ft. beneath the level of the Poultry, near other remains, [Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), vi, 445]. Vase of Lezoux ware with figures in 'free style' in British Museum (form 37 ; from St. Mildred's Court ; acquired from Rev. W. S. Simpson) ; also a jar of ' Rhenish ' black ware. In Guildhall Museum, a small gold figure of a nude man, attached to a pin [Cat. I ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxx, 80], a fragment of Gaulish pottery, a steelyard, &c. A silver spoon in Mayhew Collection [Cat. No. 43]. A bronze statuette of Hercules 5 in. high, found at a depth of 21 ft. in Grocers' Hall Court, with pottery, is advertised in a recent catalogue of James Tregaskis of High Holborn. Princes Street. — Wooden piles found in this street (Plan C, 116) appear to belong to the ancient embankment of the Walbrook. Pottery and various small bronze utensils were found in 1834—6, the latter including a lamp with crescent-shaped handle, similar to one found in Cannon Street [Arch, xxvii, 143 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, viii, 57, pi. 13, fig. 6 ; cf. p. 95]. Gaulish pottery in British Museum (stamps of Celsus and Luppa) and one German fragment (stamp of Victorinus) ; also an iron sharpening-instrument with bronze handle in the form of a horse's head springing from a calyx [lllus. Rom. Lond. 141 ; Cat. Lond. Antiq. p. 74, No. 334]. See also Bank of England, Grocers' Hall. Printing House Square (Plan C, 59). — A portion of the Roman wall found under the Times Office in 1849 [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, v, 155 ; see p. 69 above]. Pudding Lane (Plan C, 28). — A wall of tiles and ragstone and a hypocaust partially exposed in 1836-41 [Arch, xxix, 154, pi. 18]. Pottery (unimportant) in British Museum and Guildhall. See also Monument Street. Queen Street. — The principal find here is the fine bronze figure of an archer (Fig. 52), now in the British Museum, found in July, 1842, near Watling Street (Plan C, 162), hard by a wall of tiles. ' Its height is 1 1 in. ; the bow and arrow are wanting, but the figure is perfect and well pre- served, the eyes of silver.' In a fuller description Roach Smith says : — ' The bow and arrow were probably of richer metal than the figure itself, but no vestiges of them were discovered. The aperture for the bow is seen in the closed left hand which held it, and the bent fingers of the right appear in the act of drawing the arrow to its full extent. . . . The eyes are of silver, with the pupils open ; the hair disposed in graceful curls on the head, as well as on the chin and upper lip. The left hand, which grasped the bow and sustained the arrow, is so placed as to bring the latter to a level with the eye ; and the steadfast look and determined expression of the whole face are much heightened by the silver eyes.' This figure must rank among the finest of the bronzes of the Roman period, if it is not actually of earlier date, and to be regarded as purely Greek work. It is, at all events, full of the Greek spirit, admirable in conception and execution, and worthy to be compared with the fine figure of Herakles found in Cumberland and now in the same collection. Coins of Carausius and Allectus were also found here [Arch, xxx, 543, pi. 22 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxiv, 75 ; lllus. Rom. Lond. pi. 20, p. 71 ; Fairholt, Miscell. Graphica, pi. 8]. E. B. Price, with reference to excavations further south at the same time, mentions finds of fresco painting, ' chiefly red and yellow, but remarkably brilliant, some portion in blue or bright slate colour ; ' also ' cinerary urns of a very rude style of art,' one containing bones ; pottery of various kinds ; a coin of Nero, and ' an 119 A HISTORY OF LONDON immense wall with its layers of bond tiles'" {^Gent. Mag. (1843), ■> 21 ; Rom.-Brit. Rem. i, 196; see above, p. 11]. Roach Smith in 1841 records the finding of a pavement near Well Court, 14 ft. square, at a depth of 13 ft., and two gold armlets [^Illus. Rom. Lend. 127]; he mentions that several walls cut right across the street (see Plan C, 157) [Arch, xxix, 155 ; Proc. Soc. Antiq. ii, 93]. Fragments of horses' trappings were found in 1853 {.Land, and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, i, 134]. Fragments of painted Romano-British ware in British Museum ; also a sculptured stone jamb [fig. 23, p. 70; Coll. Antiq. i, pi. 48 B, fig. 2]. Pottery (1850) in Bethnal Green Museum. See also Cannon Street. QuEENHiTHE. — Roman pottery found in 1863 [Proc. Soc, Antiq. (Ser. 2), ii, 307; Arch, xl, 41]. Bronze ornament in Guildhall [Cat. 1 15]. See also Thames, bed of, and Thames Street, Upper. Queen Victoria Street (Plan C, 120, 122, 130). — Numerous discoveries were made in 1872—3, during the construction of this street, the most noteworthy being those on the premises of the National Safe Deposit Company, No. I, at the angle of Walbrook (Plan C, 122). The interesting collection of finds from this site is now in the Guildhall Museum, where it has been kept together and exhibited in case IV [See J. E. Price, Rom. Antiq. Nat. Safe Dep. 1873, and Guildhall Mus. Cat. 109-19]. It includes various kinds of pottery : Gaulish bowls of forms 18, 24, and 27 (Dragendorff) with potters' stamps, all Rutenian fabric of the first century, and other forms with the stamps of Geminus and Tituro from Lezoux. The ornamented wares include some good specimens of Rutenian bowls of form 29 (mostly the later varieties, about A.D. 70), a fine bowl of form 30 with scrolls of foliage, and thirty-seven bowls of the same date. To a later period belong a German bowl (form 37) with the stamp cerealis f, and a deversorium with lion's head spout. There are also fragments of Upchurch ware, a bowl of ' marbled ' ware with the stamp manertvs, an early first-century flat plate of 'Belgic ' black ware without stamp (this ware is rare in Britain, especially in London), and fragments of red-glazed ' cut-glass ' ware with incised patterns (a second-century Lezoux fabric). The coins extend from Claudius to Antoninus Pius, thus exactly covering the period (a.d. 40-140), within which the pottery is comprised. [For list of potters' marks, see Cat. 116 and Price, op. cit., 64]. Mr. Price states that the finds were made at a depth of 32 ft., 2 ft. beneath an oaken frame-work 3 ft. square, above which was much wooden piling. He also mentions a perfect globular amphora {see his pi. 4), 5 ft. to the south-west. In a trench parallel to Charlotte Row (sc. north to south) was found a timber flooring supported by huge oak timbers, 25 ft. below the surface, also a portion of a coarse flooring of tiles and concrete. In a trench running east and west were found fragments of bricks and tiles, coins, pottery, blackened wheat, and quantities of wooden piles; the remains bore evidence of the action of fire. See Plan C, 120. He also mentions among the finds (besides the pottery) two clay lamp-moulds, clay and iron lamp-stands, miscellaneous implements of bronze and iron, shoes and sandals, &c. [see the plates of his work and Guildhall Cat. loc. cit. ; also Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxii, 243]. Other finds which may be noted are : In 1 870, amphora-handle stamped agricolae [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxvi, 375] ; in 1872, an amphora of peg-top' type, three fine jars of Castor ware, one with hunting-scene, a red-glazed jar with spout (? so-called feeding-bottle), and a conduit-pipe of red clay (Plan C, 130 ; ibid, xxvii, 76 ; xxviii, 393 ; xxix, 77, 185). In 1873, two tweezers, a pronged iron-shod object identified as a punt-pole (cf. p. 130) ; part of a bronze eagle; part of a mortarium and hob-nailed shoes; miscellaneous implements and gold trinkets [ibid, xxix, 85, 182 (with pi. 6), 184, 194 ; xxx, 87 ; Illus. Land. News, 4 October, 1873, p. 326]. Subsequent reports of finds: Clay lamp (1875); bronze fibulae, silver needle, bone pins, glass beads, &c. (1876) [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxi, 316; xxxii, 527]. In 1884 were reported a bone ear-pick terminating in the head of a unicorn, a bronze pin terminating in a head of Bacchus, bronze needles, and iron styli [ibid, xl, 119. See also Arch. Rev. i, 357]. Excavations in 1891 near the corner of Walbrook yielded at a depth of 26 ft. a bronze balance [Guildhall Mus. Cat. 4], iron nail, and a two-handled jar or flask of bufF ware [Standard, 17 May, 1891 ; Antiq. xxxiii, 231). In the Guildhall, besides the objects already noted, are various implements, Gaulish, Castor, and other varieties of pottery ; in the British Museum, a bone hinge or part of a flute [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxv, 282], found 1869. In Mr. Ransom's collection at Hitchin, a bowl of Lezoux ware with figures and a jar of Upchurch ware with panels of raised dots. See also Bucklersbury. Rood Lane. — Fragments of Gaulish pottery in British Museum (Roach Smith ; stamps of Patricus, Malliacus, and Martinus) ; glass vessels in Guildhall [C(7^ 45-50, 126]. In Mr. Ransom's collection, Upchurch jar as from Queen Victoria Street [v. supra]. "For simil.ir remains of a house cf. Bush Lane. 120 X < c/2 X a!. o 1-1 6 3 h CO o ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON Royal Exchange. — Gold ring found in 1767, not necessarily Roman [Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. x, 350]. Excavation on the site in 1841 (Plan €,91) showed in the centre well-constructed walls running north-east to north-west, 30 ft. to the west of which was a mass of masonry of tiles and mortar, 6 ft. square, two sides of which retained fresco paintings on stucco. Beneath was a layer of 2 ft. of gravel covering a pit full of animal and vegetable matter (Plan C, 90), in which were miscellaneous objects, including coins of Vespasian, Domitian, and Severus,^* and several well-preserved sandals. This was apparently a refuse heap, covered in when a building was subsequently erected on the spot ; the evidence of the coins enables us to place this event about the middle of the third century. On one of the fragments of leather was the stamp s • p • Q • R ; iron instruments were also found, including two knives, one with olondvs • F on the blade, the other with P'PAS ... f on the handle [///;«. Rom. Land. pi. 37, p. 140 ; Cat. Lond. Antiq. 73; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 1298; now in Brit. Mus.] ; also wooden implements apparently for spinning or weaving [^Illus. Rom. Lond. 143] and a strigil [ibid. 129]. Some of these objects appear to be in the Guildhall, where there are numerous finds from this site (shoes, hairpins, tools, writing tablets, tiles, and pottery ; Plan C, 92) [Jrch. xxix, 267 ff. ; xxxix, 497 ; II/us. Rom. Lond. 12 ; Roach Smith, Retrospections, i, 129 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc. vii, 82; Archaeologist, i, 220; Tite, Cat. Antiq. Roy. Exch. (1848); Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxxviii, 189, 195; above, p. 7 7] . In the space in front of the Exchange, where Bank Buildings formerly stood (Plan C, 89), a Roman wall was found running in the direction of the Bank ; near this was unearthed the fine vase now in the British Museum {see p. 99 under Cornhill). The pottery in the Guildhall includes a ' frilled ' flower vase, two Gaulish bowls with figures, of form 37, dating about a.d. 70, and a second-century bowl (form 31) with stamp CELsiNVS • F [Cat. 5390, 461, 582) ; there are also two clay lamps, one with a bust of Diana or Luna, the other with her emblem the crescent [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, viii, 56 ; Tite, Cat. Antiq. Roy. Exch. 10, No. I ; Guildhall Mus. Cat. 33, 43]. Pottery from this site in the British Museum includes stamps of Macer, Cinnamus, and Paullus, the two latter of the second century ; also a clay lamp with two nozzles [Illus. Rom. Lond. no ; Cat. Lond. Antiq. 23, No. 89], circular bronze brooch, iron shears and knife with bone handle (Roach Smith), a leaf from a wooden writing tablet [Illus. Rom. Lond. 137], and a bronze figure of a cock enamelled ["Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xii, 97 ; Mayhew Coll. (1899)]. Sir William Tite, in his Catalogue of Antiquities found on this site (1848 ; Plan C, 92), gives the following list : (i) tiles (1—6) ; (2) plain pottery (1-31), including a mortarium with CRACivsF ; (3) lamps (1-12), one with head of Diana (see above), another with stamp of Eucaris (? Eucarpus; cf. p. 128) ; (4) Gaulish pottery (1—4 ' slip ' wares ; 5—6 with stampsoiM and ivnal ; 7 fragments with figures) ; (5) a long list of potters' marks "^ ; (6) glass (l-6) ; (7) writing materials (tablets 1-8, styli 1-19) ; (8) articles of dress, toilet implements, &c. (1-32) ; (9) tools (1-14) ; (10) sandals and shoes of leather ; (i i) coins, from Augustus to Gratian. Saddlers Place, London Wall. — Pottery in British Museum (E. B. Price) : fragment with stamp of Borillus, and one of Castor ware. St. Antholin's Church, site of, see Watling Street. St. Bartholomew-by-the-Exchange (Plan C, 95). — Pottery found on the site of this church when it was pulled down in 184 1 is now in the British Museum (Roach Smith) ; it includes Gaulish fragments with stamps of Donnaucus and Miccio, and black glazed ' Rhenish ' ware with painted inscriptions. See also Bartholomew Lane. St. Bartholomew's Hospital. — Plain pottery in Guildhall [Cat. 122, 123). Two stone coffins containing skeletons found in 1877 [Arch. Journ. xxxiv, 197; Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, v. 293 ; see above, pp. 12, 17, 22]. They were 1 1 ft. below the surface, each 7 ft. long, of coarse oolitic stone, with massive lids. One contained the skeletons of a man and woman, the other a female skeleton in a leaden coffin with bead-moulding ornament (cf. that found in Seacoal Lane, p. 102). The date is subsequent to a.d. 250. Both are now on the staircase of the new library of the hospital. For an altar possibly from this site, see below, p. 135. St. Botolph's Church, Bishopsgate. — ' On the rebuilding of Bishopsgate Church about the year 1725, several urns, paterae, and other remains of Roman antiquities were discovered, together with a coin of Antoninus Pius, and a vault arched with equilateral Roman bricks, fourteen feet deep, and within it two skeletons. Dr. Stukeley also saw there in 1726 a Roman grave '^ A coin of Gratian (a.d. 374) is also said to have been found. ^'Including Acutillus, Alius, Amabilis, Carbo, Calvus, Crestius, Firmus, Memor, Montanus, Passenus, Patricus, Ponteius, Primulus, Roppus, Sabinus, Severus, Virilis, Vitalis. I 121 i6 A HISTORY OF LONDON ' constructed with large tiles, twenty-one inches long, which kept the earth from the body ' [Allen, Hist, of Lend, i, 25 ; Gough, Camden, ii, 17 ; cf. Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. i, 141, 143, 149 ; see above, pp. 22, 25]. St. Dunstan's Hill (Plan C, 12). — 'Urns,' probably not cinerary, found in 1824 under a pavement [Knight, Land. (ed. Walford), i, 159 ; above, p. 1 1]. In making a sewer (previous to 1840) some Roman pavement was cut through near to Cross Lane [Kelsey, Descr. 0/ Sewers, 80 ; Herbert, Hist, of St. Michael, Crooked Lane, 19 ; said to be now in the Guildhall]. Part of a wall reported in 1863, of chalk and Kentish rag, 35- ft. thick, 20 ft. below street level; a 'clay bottle ' found among the rubble \yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xix, 63]. In the same year was found a well ' of uncertain date,' with chalk lining as in other Roman wells, in which were fragments of pottery, wall plaster, and flue tiles. To the north-east, under the old wall of the churchyard, was found ' a mass of concrete and a cavity, which seemed to have been moulded upon a wooden coffin, and contained some human remains.' Flanged roof tiles were laid over the grave to protect it \lbid. xx, 297, pi. 19 ; see above, p. 22]. St. Helens, Great, Bishopsgate (Plan C, 52). — Silver denarius and bronze coin of Helena found near the church in 1766 [Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. x, 130]. Roach Smith mentions fragments of wall-paintings found here, with lattice-patterns in yellow and white stars on red ground, and the figure of a youth in yellow, within a purple border \lUus. Rom. Lond. 62]. 'A coped stone of a marble tomb' found in 1877, and now in the Guildhall \Clat. 107] had 'associated with it' a coin of Constantine II \^Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, v, 413]. St. Helens, Little (Plan C, 51). — In 1733 ' was discover'd by some workmen a Roman pavement, which by the Inscription had been laid about 1700 years. The Work was Mosaick, and the Tiles not above an Inch square. Several human Bones of large size being found also, it seems to have been a burying Place of note' [Gent. Mag. (1733), 436]. The bones may well have been mediaeval. This pavement is said to have had an inscription [Arch. Journ. xxxiii, 269], but it was never copied. St. Martin's Lane, Cannon Street. — Roman vase found in 1833, mentioned by Kelsey [Descr. of Sewers, 105]. In the Guildhall, Gaulish bowl of form 33 with stamp of OF PRIMI [Cat. 471] and a bronze key. St. Martin-le-Grand (and General Post Office) (Plan C, 1 80). — Discoveries of ' three ancient vaults' together with human bones and a stone coffin, and a copper coin of Constantine, were made in 181 8 in clearing the site for the new Post Office ; but although the tiles used in the arches are described as ' Roman bricks ' there do not seem to be adequate grounds for regarding these remains as Roman [Gent. Mag. (i8i8), ii, 272, 393 ; (1819), ii, 325 ; Arch, xix, 255 ; xxvii, 411 ; Roman date upheld in Gent. Mag. (1825), ii, 245.] A Roman tile inscribed p • p • BR • lon (in Brit. Mus.), a bowl of form 29, stamped of VITAL (Bethnal Green Mus.), and a 'flower-vase' of the 'frilled' type (dating about the beginning of the second century) were found about 1845 [Arch. Journ. iii, 69 ; x, 4 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xiv, 237, p^. 26 ; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 1235 ; Jewitt, Reliquary, v, 50, pi. 3]. Excava- tions at the corner of Newgate Street (Plan C, 199) in 1870 yielded a considerable quantity of Gaulish pottery, and a good specimen of a quern formed of two stones (said to be of lava from the Rhine), the lower 16 in. in diameter and 4 in. thick [Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), iv, 466 ; Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iv, 124 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxvii, 157]. Perforated clay weights, similar to those found in Gresham Street and Tokenhouse Yard (pp. 104, 130), were reported in 1872 [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxviii, 172] ; a key and a needle-case of ivory were also found in 1870 [ibid, xxix, 202 ; xxxiii, 226]. In 1872 there was said to be in Mr. Syer Cuming's possession a ' broad-mouthed olla ' with glazed interior, ' certainly discovered with Roman remains on the site of the new Post Office in 1824'; the writer attributes it to the fourth century (with some hesitation), but no further description or illustra- tion is given, and it can hardly be cited as evidence for the remains mentioned above [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxviii, 394]. Fragments of Gaulish pottery in British Museum, third-century vase modelled in form of head, and mortarium with stamp of sollvs. In the Guildhall Museum, various implements and utensils, a Gaulish bowl of form 31, another with stamp of cres [Cat. 567, 569], a bowl with slip-decoration, and two mortaria. In the museum at Alnwick Castle is a ' smother-kiln urn ' found on the site of the Post Office in 1824 [Bruce, Cat. 597]. A large portion of the Roman Wall (Plan C, 42-44), extending to 131 ft., uncovered in 1888 in the course of excavations at the General Post Office ; it ran east and west from Aldersgate Street to King Edward Street [Arch. Iii, 609, 616 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xlvii, 98 ; Arch. Rev. i, 282 ; Athenaeum, 28 April, 1888, p. 540 ; and see above, p. 63]. ST.MARY-AT-HiLL(PlanC,38,. — Fragments of Gaulish pottery in British Museum from Roach Smith, including a fragment of ' marbled ware,' and stamps of potters Atilianus, Censorinus, Cosaxtisus, 122 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON Gracchus, Jullinus, Natalis, Regulus, Vironius (all of second century) ; in the Guildhall, a Gaulish bowl of form 37 [Cat. 437]. Finds of pottery also made in 1842 [Gent. Mag. (1843), ii, 416]. Dr. Griffith reported a find in 1774 as follows : ' On digging deeper in some parts of the same ground, some fragments of Roman bricks, and a few pieces of the middle brass of Domitian, were thrown up. The bones also of several children, and of five or six full-grown persons, were discovered' [Jrch. iv, 362 ; Malcolm, Land. Rediv. iii, 518]. St. Mary Axe (Plan C, 49). — Tessellated pavement found in 1849 while digging for sewers at the corner of Bevis Marks ; since destroyed [Joia-n. Brit. Arch. Assoc, v, 90]. In Mr. Ransom's collection at Hitchin is a curious stone terminal figure (about 3 ft. high) of a barbarian, wearing a cuirass, on an ornamented plinth (Fig. 53) ; it stands in the garden, and has sufi^ered from exposure. St. Mary-le-Bow, Cheapside (Plan C, 176). — 'The parochial church oi St. Mary le Bow in Cheap- side, requir'd to be rebuilt after the Great Fire : — Upon opening the Ground, a Foundation was discern'd firm enough for the new intended Fabrick, which (on further Inspection, after digging down sufficiently and removing what Earth or Rubbish lay in the Way) appear'd to be the Walls, with the Windows also, and the Pavement of a Temple, or Church, of Roman Workmanship, intirely bury'd under the Level of the present Street ... he sunk about 18 Feet deep through made-ground, and then imagin'd he was come to the natural Soil and hard Gravel, but upon full examination, it appear'd to be a Roman Causeway of rough Stone, close and well rammed, with Roman Brick and Rubbish at the Bottom, for a Foundation, and all firmly cemented. This Causeway was four feet thick ... He then concluded to lay the Foundation of the Tower upon the very Roman Causeway, as most proper to bear what he had design'd, a weighty and lofty structure ' [Wren, Parentalia, 265]. St. Mary Woolnoth (Plan C, 86). — '■Anno 17 16, in digging for the Foundation of a new Church, to be erected where the Church of St. Mary Woolnoth in Lombard Street stood, at the Depth of about 15 Foot, and so lower to 22 Foot were found Roman vessels, both for sacred and Domestic Uses, of all Sorts, and in great Abundance, but all broken. And with all were taken up Tusks and Bones of Boars and Goats. As also many Meddals, and Pieces of Metals, some tesselated Works, a Piece of an Aqueduct, and at the very Bottom a Well filled up with Mire and Dirt' [Stow, Survey (ed. Strype), ii, App. v. 24 ; Allen, Hist, of Lond. i, 25 ; Hughson, Hist, of Lond. i, 34 ; cf. Brayley, Beauties of England and [Vales, x, pt. I, 91]. From these discoveries the ingenious Dr. Harwood, having been ' very exact in taking notice ' deduced the existence, not only of a pottery, but also of the Temple of Concord ! The potsherds were used to mend roads in Southwark. A fragment of a patera with inscription exhibited at the Society of Antiquaries in 1 724, and lamps in 1731, 1740 [MS. Min. i, 64, 267 ; iii, 268]. Clay lamp with stamp attvsaf from Roach Smith's collection in Brit. Mus. (Fig. 54a) [Coll. Antiq. i, 166 ; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 1330, 5]. In the Guildhall, pottery found in making the Bank station of the City and South London Railway : two Gaulish bowls stamped sa • ap • F, Sa{lari"s) A{rvernus) f[ecit), and OF c • N • ge, Of{ficina) C{i)n{tu)ge[ni), and three amphora-handles stamped c • F • a • v, M • patrv and satvrni [Cat. 16-18, 309, 510, 591]. St. Michael Bassishaw. — When this church was pulled down in 1898-9 there were found under it, ' resting on the original soil,' a few fragments of Roman pottery [Arch. Iviii, 204]. Also a Roman capital in Guildhall Museum [Cat. 1 5] from this site. St. Michael Crooked Lane (Plan C, 71). — On the site of this church, pulled down in 1831, three lines of embankment were traced at a depth of 20 ft., composed of wooden piles and trunks of trees, forming in fact a kind of campsheathing [Gent. Mag. (1831), i, 387]. About the same time, coins of Nero, Vespasian, and Nerva were found [Ibid. (1832), ii, S^^]- It is maintained that on the City side of London Bridge no coins later than Trajan were found, but this is hardly borne out by other finds. Pottery of various kinds was also reported from this site, together with part of a plain red tessellated pavement^" and architectural fragments, '" Apparently identical with one now in the Guildhall Mus. {Cat. 6). 123 Fig. 541?. — Lamp from St. Mary Woolnoth (f) A HISTORY OF LONDON some painted bright red {^Arch. xxiv. 190, pis. 43-5, with list of potters' marks ; Herbert, Hist, of St. Michael's, 19]. It was thought that this church stood on the site of a Roman temple [see also Herbert, Hist, of St. Michael, Crooked Lane, passim; Gent. Mag. (1831), i, 494, and Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxxvi, 145]. Mr. Kempe also mentions a ' singularly formed urn,' or 'thumb-pot,' 10 in. high, found with two coins of Vespasian, and a shallow earthen- ware bowl containing ashes [Arch, xxix, 199, pi. 44, fig. 8 ; the vase of black ware illustrated in fig. 12 is probably mediaeval, as are the others] ; and, finally, a supposed cinerary urn of stone-coloured clay, coated inside with resin [Hist, of St. Michael, Crooked Lane, 29, pi. I, fig. 4 ; see above, p. 6]. St. Nicholas Olave Churchyard. — See Bread Street Hill. St. Olave, Old Jewry (Plan C, 127). — Roman vase in Guildhall Museum [C(7/. 303], * of dark grey earthenware, covered with lozengy pattern,' found in pulling down this church, 1889, at about 13 ft. below the surface. It appears to belong to the 1st century [Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2, xii, 402]. In 1888 an infant's coffin of chalk and a cinerary urn were found on the same site [now in Guildhall Museum, Cat. 11]. They are probably however mediaeval, not Roman. Mr. F. W. Reader states that at the same time a Roman pavement was found on this site, at a depth of 16 ft., composed of red tesserae, and measuring 20 ft. by 3 ft. There was also a wall running parallel with the present line of frontage, 12 ft. below the surface, 12 ft. high and 3 ft. thick., but the foundations were not reached. Much of the soil was black mud, and contained Roman pottery and other relics. St. Paul's Churchyard. — The most noteworthy discovery here was that of the Roman pottery kilns (Figs. 55, 56), found when digging foundations at the north-west corner of the cathedral (Plan C, 194) in 1672, described in a MS. of John Conyers (Brit. Mus. SloaneMSS. 958, fol. 105). The depth is stated to have been 26 ft. ; there were four kilns of the usual domical form, which are described as ' made in the sandy loam, in the fashion of a cross foundation, of which only the one sketched was left standing. It was 5 ft. from top to bottom and of the same width, and had no other matter for its form and building but the outward loam, naturally crusted hardish by the heat burning the loam red, like brick ; the floor in the middle supported by, and cut out of, loam, and helped with old-fashioned Roman tyles' shards, but very kw, and such as I have seen ''•'''"' ' used for repositories for urns, in the fashion of and like ovens. The kiln Fig. 55. — Plan of was full of the coarser sort of pots, so that few were saved whole, viz.. Kiln lamps, bottles, urns and dishes.' Drawings of some of these were given, and one jar at least, of a dark grey ware, appears to be of ist century date [I //us. Rom. Land. 79 ; Co/l. Antiq. vi, 185 ; Walters, Ancient Pottery, ii, 444 ; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), xvi, 42 ; Stow, Survey (ed. Strype), ii, App. i, 23]. Strype gives the additional statement, which, if trustworthy, is not without significance, that ' likewise thereabouts were found several moulds of Earth, some exhibiting Figures of Men, of Lions, of Leaves of Trees, and other Things. These were used to make Impressions of those things upon the Vessels.' He also states that on the south side of the church (Plan C, 193), were found ' several scalps of Oxen, and a large quantity of Boars' Tusks, with divers earthen Vessels, especially Paterae of different Shapes.' Camden refers to a similar discovery of ox-scalps or ox-heads in the reign of Edward I, and refers them to the Taurobolia celebrated in honour of Diana. He states that the precincts are called in the church records Camera Dianae, and it has always been a tradition that the site of St. Paul's represents that of a temple to that deity [Gough, Camden, ' Middlesex,' ii, 3 ; see also Malcolm, Lond. Rediv. iii, 509 ; Milman, St. PauTs, p. 1^. ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxviii, 142, 237^']. Malcolm, quoting from a MS. dissertation of Dr. Woodward, relates the discovery, to the south-west of the cathedral, of a bronze statuette of Diana, 2k in. high, in the habit of a huntress, with elaborately-plaited hair, and carrying a quiver [see also Allen, Hist, of Lond. i, 22, and pi. opp. p. 32]. Wren's account of the finds described by Strype is as follows: — 'The Surveyor gSive but little Credit to the com- mon Story, that a Temple had been here to Diana . . . meeting with no such Indications in all his Searches ; but Fig. 56. — Potter's Kiln in St. Paul's Churchyard {S/oane MSS.) that the North-side of this Ground had been very anciently " Discussing a bust found in the City, said to represent Diana, or more probably Julia Domna. 124 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON a great Burying-place was manifest, for upon the digging the Foundations of the present Fabrick of St. Paul's, he found under the Graves of the latter Ages' [Saxon, British, and Roman]. 'In the same row' (with the British) 'and deeper were Roman Urns intermixed. This was eighteen feet deep or more, and belonged to the Colony when Romans and Britatns lived and died together. The most remarkable Roman Urns, Lamps, Lachrymatories, and Fragments of Sacrificing-vessels, etc., were found deep in the ground, towards the north-east corner of St. PauPs Church, near Cheapside ; these were generally well wrought and embossed with various Figures and Devices, of the Colour of the modern red Portugal ware some brighter like Coral, and of a Hardness equal to China ware, and as well glaz'd. Among divers Pieces which happened to have been preserved are a Fragment of a Vessel, in Shape of a Bason, whereon Charon is represented with his Oar in his Hand receiving a naked Ghost ; a Patera Sacrificalis with an Inscription pater • CLO, a remarkable small Urn of a fine hard Earth and leaden Colour, containing about half a Pint ; many pieces of Urns with the names of the Potters embossed on the Bottoms, such as, for instance, alevci, m. victorinvs, pater, F • Mossi • M, OF NiGRi, ADMAPiLii • M, etc, a Sepulchral earthen Lamp . . . supposed Christian ; and two lachrymatories of glass' [Parentalia, p. 265 ff. ; see p. 24 and figs. 9, 10]. A 'piece of patera' found under St. Paul's was reported in 1731 [Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. i, 270]. The above account gives no hint of any actual burial here; but in 1869 a female skeleton, nearly perfect, was unearthed close to the cathedral ; by its side were bronze armlets, and a ring ornamented with a crescent [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxviii, 193]. See also p. 24. Milman considers that the site, on account of its height, was well suited for a temple, and also that ' there is good reason to believe that a Roman praetorian camp stood here.' He quotes from Dugdale a legend that during the persecution of Diocletian the church here was destroyed, and a temple built in its place, while at Thorney (Westminster) there was a kindred shrine to Apollo, these two supplanting St. Paul and St. Peter. The Diana tradition seems, however, to be based only on the discovery in the reign of Edward I already mentioned, and even Wren was sceptical about it. But the neighbouring altar found at the Goldsmiths' Hall (p. 103) is a factor in the question that cannot quite be ignored. At the north-east corner of the churchyard (Plan C, 196) in 1841, a 'domestic building' of some size was unearthed. At a depth of 1 8 ft. was a hypocaust with pillars of tiles, supporting a tessellated pavement (since destroyed) on a substratum of mortar. The pavement had a variegated pattern of rosettes on a white ground. Coins of Constans, Constantius, Magnentius, Decentius, and Valens, were also reported [Arch, xxix, 272 ; Archaeologist, i, 220 ; Morgan, Rom.-Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 185]. Another account, presumably of the same find, states that the depth was 19 ft. or 20 ft., and also that fragments of ornamented Gaulish ware, a ' richly-glazed jug,' and copper coins of Carausius, Claudius, Nerva, Domitian, Antoninus, and Faustina were found [Gent. Mag. (1841), ii, 263 ; Rom.-Brit. Rem. i, 216]. Further excava- tions produced, at a depth of 10 ft. or 12 ft., human remains, a bone pin terminating in a grotesque head, and lower down, fragments of Gaulish pottery ; to the west of this, part of a ' circular dish with lotus-leaf,' presumably one of the ordinary red bowls with slip decoration, a small clay ' crucible,' and coins of Hadrian, Faustina, Severus Alexander, Constantine, and Crispus (the last-named with the London mint mark, plon) [ibid. (1843), ii, 532 ; Rom. Brit. Rem. i, 202]. Pottery in British Museum (Roach Smith and E. B. Price), with stamps of Rufus, Cirrus, Doeccus, and Regalis ; also a fragment with 'slip' decoration, and a lamp with name of maker, carto (1854) ; a fragment of bowl (form 37) in Bethnal Green Museum. 'An olla of blackened clay,' reported in 1883 [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxix, 91]. A bronze figure from this site mentioned by Lee in his Isca Silurum, 148, as in the museum there. See also Cannon Street and Paternoster Row. St. Peter's Hill, Upper Thames Street (Plan C, 62). — Mr. Black, in 1863, 'saw workmen casting up portions of Roman brick and concrete, and subsequent investigations disclosed a wall' [Arch. xl. 48]. See also Lambeth Hill, Upper Thames Street. St. Swithin's Lane. — Gaulish pottery in British Museum (stamps of Niger, Agedillus, Nertius, Ritogenus, and Viducos) ; also two lamps, one with a pair of busts, the other with maker's name, commvnis (from North Italy). From St. Swithin's Church (Plan C, 132), fragments with stamps of Rufinus and Virilis (Rutenian potters ; found in 1838). St. Thomas Apostle, Great (?) (Plan C, 160). — Pavement seen by Roach Smith, 29 October, 1847, 7 ft- below street level, a kw yards from Queen Street ; it had a pattern in red, white, yellow, and black tesserae, and probably formed the border of a large pavement ; it was subsequently destroyed [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ii, 350]. At the close of 1848 sewerage excavations disclosed massive chalk walls, bricks, stucco with frescoes, tiles, and flue-pipes, part 125 A HISTORY OF LONDON of a hand-mill, Gaulish, Upchurch, and other pottery, with shells, and other remains. A quantity of charred wood and ashes was found 1 6 ft. below the surface ; this, taken in conjunction with similar traces in Walbrook, Lombard Street, and Eastcheap, has been supposed to indicate the debris of the sack of the city by Boudicca \Journ. Brit. Arch. Jssoc, x, 195 ; see Gough, Camden, ii, 15 ; Arch, viii, 132 ; xxiv, 192].^^ See also Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, vii, 170 ; xvii, 325. Scots Yard. — See Bush Lane. Seacoal Lane. — See Fleet Lane. Seething Lane (Plan C, 5). — In 1884 a fine bronze arm was found at the bottom of a well, belonging to a male figure of heroic size, and having apparently held some object \^Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), x, 91 ; Guildhall Mus. Cat. 19]. Tessellated pavements were recorded in 1839-41, near St. Olave's Church and throughout the street \_Arch. xxix, 154]. In the British Museum some fragments of Gaulish pottery. Sermon Lane. — In the Guildhall Museum a spindle-whorl {Cat. 182] and Roman vase [Cat. 252]. An iron key, 7 J in. in length, reported in 1874 [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxx, 200]. Shoe Lane. — Fragments of Roman pottery discovered in 1843 ^^ '^^e south end of the street, including Gaulish ware with the stamps OF patrici and pecvliaris ; these two are now in the British Museum [E. B. Price in Gent. Mag. (1843), ii, 629 ; Rom. Brit. Rem. i, 204]. Size Lane, Budge Row (Plan C, 130(7). — In the Guildhall, a bowl of yellow and red 'marbled' ware [Cat. 151], made at La Graufesenque in the first century. A pavement said to have been found here. Skinner Street, Bishopsgate. — Vase of ornamented red ware in Guildhall Museum [Cat. 419] ; probably German ware from Rheinzabern. A vase of Lezoux ware (form 37), with figures in British Museum. Smithfield Market. — Pottery found in 1865-6, including cinerary urns with ashes and charred bones, and mortaria [Lond. and Midd. Arch. Trans, iii, 102, 195 ; Illus. Lond. News, 24 Feb. 1866, p. 191, 2 March 1867 ; above, p. 7] ; also a ' feeding bottle,''^ with micaceous surface [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxvi, 112, pi. 9, fig. 3 ; in Brit. Mus. ?] ; a mould for a thyrsus, and glass vessels [ibid, xxvii, 523, pi. 27]. Numerous pieces of pottery in Guildhall Museum, plain and Gaulish ware; also a glass vessel [Cat. 19]. In the British Museum a 'feeding bottle' (probably the one mentioned above), and other plain wares (1865), also a silver finger-ring ending in serpents' heads, found in 1838 [Cat, of Rings, 1142]. In the Bethnal Green Museum, a mortarium with stamp of AI.BINVS. In 1843 an urn of dark grey ware was found at the entrance of Cloth Fair, containing burnt bones and fragments of charcoal, supposed to be the remains of a child or youth [Gent. Mag. (1843), '. 520 ; above, p. 7]. In 1867 a Roman cemetery came to light at the north-west corner of Smithfield, near West Street, and a wooden coffin was found containing a skeleton, with a jar of Upchurch ware, ' a patera, ampulla, mortarium,' and other common pottery. The late date of the burial is indicated by the presence of a coin of Gratian (375-83) with a soldier bearing the Christian labarum [Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 37 ; see above, p. 23]. Snow Hill. — Pottery in Guildhall Museum ; Castor, Upchurch, and Gaulish wares ; among the latter one with stamp sacero • M, and another, found in 1865, with stamp timtiriof [see Cat. 333. 380- 453> 479, 505, 5721- St aining Lane. — Fragment of Gaulish pottery found under Haberdashers' Hall in 1854 [Arch. "Journ. xi, 1 80] ; perhaps the same as one with celsinvs f in Bethnal Green Museum. Steelyard. — See Thames Street, Upper. Suffolk Lane (Plan C, 140). — A large stone mortar found in 1848 [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, vii, 85] ; in the same year, ' among the dlbris of a Roman villa,' a fragment of mural painting representing a youthful winged head, the colours described as fresh and the design ' in good taste.' Said to be then in the possession of Mr. F. Blunt, of Streatham [ibid, iv, 388 ; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. i), ii, 19]. Part of a pavement from this site was exhibited to the Society of Antiquaries in 1855 [Proc. (Ser. i), iii, 194]. Plain pottery found in 1869 [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxvi, 81]. Gaulish bowl of form 27 in British Museum, with stamp of the Rutenian potter Secundus (from E. B. Price). At the south-east corner of the street were remains of walls [Arch, xl, 48; Plan C, 6i ; and see p. 71]. Sun Street, Bishopsgate. — Vase in Guildhall [Cat. 161]. ^' In both the instances recorded above the site is merely described as ' St. Thomas Apostle,' without indication as to whether Great or Little St. Thomas is intended, but probably it is the former. The latter street was merged in Cannon Street about 1854. " The writer considers that the position of the ' handle ' on the ' dexter side' indicates that it was intended for use in the left hand. He compares an example from Wilderspool, Lanes. 126 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON Sutton Lane. — A fragment of Gaulish pottery in British Museum with the stamp of Rebur- rius has this provenance, but it is uncertain whether Sutton's Court, Bishopsgate, is meant or not.^'' Swan Alley, Great, Moorgate Street. — An iron hippo-sandal found in March 1894 \Journ. Brit. Arch. Asm. 1, 251, 254, with plate]. Swan Lane, Upper Thames Street. — Bronze figure of a Lar in British Museum (E. B. Price) ; bronze statuettes of Minerva and Fortune also reported from this site {Arch. Rev. i, 358]. Sweet Apple Street, Bishopsgate.'^ — Fragment of Gaulish ware in British Museum, with stamp of Rutenian potter Pontius. Telegraph Street (formerly Great Bell Alley, Moorgate Street). — Pottery discovered 1880, at a depth of 10 ft. [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxvii, 83]. Numerous small articles in Mr. Hilton Price's possession : 12 iron styli, part of an iron spade, iron hippo-sandals, nine bronze ear-picks, seven bodkins, and 21 needles of bronze, seven bronze and 28 bone pins, bronze scales, &c. Temple. — Roman vase reported in i860 [Loud, and Midd. Arch. Soc. Proc. (i860), 9]. Temple Avenue. — Bone sty/us in Mr. Hilton Price's collection. Thames, Bed of (various localities). — Roman seal found near the Tower reported in 1725 [Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. i, 173], and in 1818 a bronze sword and stone adze [ibid, xxxiv, 94]. In 1858 a small bronze eagle was reported as found in the Thames off Queenhithe, said to resemble ' the productions of the early Etruscan artists rather than those of Rome ' [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xiv, 339]. In 1828 a small silver key was found [Gent. Mag. (1828), i, 17, pi. 2, fig. 3] ; in 1836 a denarius of Carausius (obv. bust of C. and imp . caravsivs • p • p • avg ; rev. woman milking a cow and vberta . avg) [Num. Journ. i, 203 ; Col/. Antiq. vi, 134] ; in 1838 a bronze steel- yard weight in the form of a wolf's head, weighing 11 oz. [Arch, xxviii, 438]. In 1847 was found an enamelled bronze plaque in the form of an altar, of very curious semi-classical style, apparently unfinished, and belonging to the fifth century after Christ, now in the British Museum [Fig. 57; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, iii, 284]; in the same year a cylindrical iron padlock was found, and in 1848 leaden coins of Nero and M. Aurelius ; in 1853 '* ^"^ seal with the head of Caesar ' [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xii, 119; iv, 56; ix, 74]; in 1862-3 ^ quadrangular bronze weight of 3 oz. inscribed a III, oi5(yKiat) Tpeis or 3 oz. (found near the Temple), a bronze swan and a leaden horse [Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), ii, 88, 282], the last four all in British Museum. In 1874 was found a sword of the type of the well-known sword of Tiberius in the British Museum, the sheath richly decorated in repouss6, with foliage, flowers, and animals, and the story of Romulus and Remus [Ulus. Lond. News, n April, 1874, p. 350] ; in 1903 a coin of Carausius inscribed imp . caravsivs P • F. AVG FELICITA AVG R • S • R, now in Dr. Arthur Evans' possession [Num. Chron. (Ser. 4), V, 20]. Much Gaulish pottery in British Museum (Roach Smith and Price), with potters' stamps, mostly of second century,'^ also jars of Castor and Upchurch ware ; two jugs with incised inscriptions ; a clay lamp with a slave ; a gold ring [Cat. Lond. Antiq. p. 60, No. 264 ; Cat. of Rings, 486] ; bronze key and brooch (Franks, 1862); and a seal box with figure of Victory (1895). In the Guildhall, keys, fish-hooks, arrow- heads and other implements, a terra cotta mask found in Sion Reach [Cat. 49], and Gaulish Fig. 57. — Bronze Enamelled Plaque in Form OF Altar, from the Thames (|) '' There is a Sutton Street near the bottom of Gray's Inn Road, and another in Southwark, near Maze Pond. " Site now covered by part of Liverpool Street Station. " The list is as follows : Januarius, Lupus, Primulas, Quintus (Rutenian) ; Beleniccus (2), Biga, Caddiro, Carussa, Cetus, Celsianus", Cracuna, Divicatus, Maximus, Vegetius, Verccundus ; Martialis (German). 127 A HISTORY OF LONDON pottery [Cat. 490, 498, 500]. An inscription found in the Thames, now in the British • • N Museum, runs • p • m • [Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 34 d.]. HELLEI See also London Bridge. Thames Street, Lower. — Bronze hand from colossal statue found in 1 845, now in British Museum \Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, i, 287 ; xxiv, 75 ; Cat. Land. Antiq. 6, No. 15 ; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), X, 92 ; Illus. Rom. Lond.b^ ; Roach Smith, Retrospections, ii, 199]. It is 13 in. in length, and as it corresponds in size to the head of Hadrian found in the Thames, has been thought to belong to the same statue. In excavating for the new Coal Exchange in January, 1848, at the north-west corner of the Custom House (Plan C, 13), Roman remains were found at a depth of 12 ft., supposed to be part of a bath, private or public. On the south was an ante-room 23 ft. long, with pavement of red and yellow tesserae and walls of tiles and mortar covered with light red fresco-painting, the foundations being of Kentish rag. A doorway led into the M/t/ar/wOT (not explored). Above this appears to have been an upper room, the first being much below the river level. On the north was a room 12 ft. by 13 ft., with semicircular recess at each end, identified as a laconicum or sudatorium^^ being warmed by a hypocaust with pillars of tiles forming arched passages ; the floor was of concrete formed of broken tiles and mortar, but no pavement was preserved. At the east end was a seat, and near this a passage leading to the caldariutn. Further north was a room 20 ft. square, with tessellated pavement like the first, probably the frigidarium ; part of the walls remained, with a stand for a bath(?), and a drain 20 ft. from the east wall. A few coins of the Constantine family were found, and in a pit near were coins of Domitian, Nerva, and M. Aurelius, a bronze wire armlet, a bone hairpin, and a spoon, frag- ments of Gaulish pottery, and a few tiles ; also much wooden piling [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc. iv, 38 fF., with plan and illustrations, 75 ; xxix, 77 ; see also Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. i), i, 236, 240 ; (Ser. 2) ii, 163 ; Arch. Journ. v, 25 fF. ; Morgan, Rom.-Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 186 ; Gent. Mag. (1848), i, 293; Rom.-Brit. Rem. i, 217 ; and pp. 71, 74, with fig. 25, above]. Further investigations made in 1859 disclosed the whole area of the anteroom, and numerous small finds, including a clay lamp with a tragic mask and the maker's name, evcarpi [Guildhall Mus. Cat. 22 ; cf. p. 121], and a coin of Nero. Another room on the north resembled the so-called laconicum of 1848, and had an arched way at the south-east corner. To the north of this again was a room with a tessellated pavement and hypocaust with pillars below ; here were found architectural fragments and coins of the Antonines. Traces of other rooms are recorded, also finds including Gaulish (Lezoux) pottery with the stamps albvci, atiliani, and MARTI, Upchurch ware, &c. [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxiv, 295, with plate]. In making a sewer in 1834, nearly the whole line was found to be full of oak and chest- nut piles ; and westward, at the foot of Fish Street Hill (Plan C, 27), were remains of substantial masonry (at the point where old London Bridge abutted) [Kelsey, Descr. of Sewers, 90]. Some years previously in Thames Street (whether Upper or Lower is not stated) an ancient culvert, 2 ft. 6 in. wide by 2 ft. high, was found 18 ft. below the surface, formed of oak planks \ many bone pins or bodkins were also found [ibid. 71]. Sir W. Tite also mentions embankments discovered at the Custom House in 18 13 [Cat. Antiq. Roy. Exch. xxiii ; cf. Herbert, Hist, of St. Michael, Crooked Lane, 14]. Thames Street, Upper. — The labourers employed in making sewers in the early part of the last century aflfirmed the existence of 'an ancient paved causeway,' 20 ft. below the present le\el [Gent. Mag. (1832), ii, lo]. Roman remains have been reported in the neighbourhood of Queenhithe (Plan C, 159), including fragments of pavements, tiles, and other evidences of buildings opposite Vintners' Hall (Plan C, 158) [Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 409]. Pottery was reported in 1879, a bronze ring and an amphora-stopper in 1890 [ffourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc. XXXV, 215 ; xlvii, 88]. In the British Museum is a fragment of green sandstone, ornamented with trellis and floriated patterns, also portions of marble pilasters from a wall, found near Lambeth Hill [Illus. Rom. Lond. 48 ; Cat. Lond. Antiq. 2, No. 4 ; Coll. Antiq. i, pi. 48 B ; fig. 23, p. 70]. Numerous finds were made on the site of the old Steelyard (Plan C, 142, 143), when it was pulled down in 1863 to make the South-Eastern Railway Station, which now stands im- mediately over the site. Some of the objects were presented to the British Museum in that year by Mr. Franks, including some good specimens of ornamented Gaulish pottery ; others were acquired with the Cato collection in 1871. They include stamps of the potters Macer, Marcellus, Marsus, Martius, Medetus, Secundillus, and Sosimus ; also a tile, bone pins and other implements, " According to Roach Smith, a winter apartment. The theory of a bath is pure conjecture. 128 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON two bronze spatulae, and a blue glass armlet [MS. Cat. Mayhew Coll. No. 41]. In the Guildhall Museum are bronze armlets, a glass vessel, and a clay lamp. Among other finds reported are sundry bronze, iron, and bone implements, and a strainer or colander of earthenware [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xx, 257 ; xxv, 246, pi. 16, fig. 4 ; Illus. Land. News, 12 Mar. 1864, 267]; a dupondius of Nero \^ourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxiii, 198]; 'a drinking-glass brilliantly coloured,' found apparently about 1877 [Ibid, xxxiii, 262; see also Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 75, 213 ; a list of potters' names, somewhat inaccurate, is given on p. 217]. Mr. J. E. Price says : 'The Roman level seemed to be from 20 ft. to 25 ft. Many piles and transverse beams were found driven into the clay, some 18 in. square, no doubt the remains of the old embankment of Roman London. It has been suggested, from the number of antiquities, that there was an ancient rubbish-pit here.' He also mentions a bronze figure in low relief, identified as Spes, and coins of Claudius, Nero, Vespasian, and Domitian, Gaulish and Upchurch pottery, ' pillar-moulded ' glass, sandals well preserved, and sundry small imple- ments [Lond. and. Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 67, 75]. In the British and Guildhall museums are pottery and other objects from Thames Street, whether Upper or Lower not being specified. The former include fragments of Lezoux ware (stamps of Beliniccus and Lupinus), one with the stamp of the German potter Dignus, and a pendant bronze figure with two faces ; the latter, Gaulish ware with stamps of Montanus and Silvanus, a bowl with slip decoration, a jar of dark grey ware with 'scored ' patterns (first cen- tury), a mortarium with stamp of Albinus \_Cat. 581, 488, 460, 408, 630], a lamp-stand [Cat. 81], bone implements, a key and a spear-head, and a water-pipe [Cat. 119; cf. Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxix, 77]. The Guildhall objects may be from the excavations of 1848 and 1859 in Lower Thames Street [see above). On the Wall here, between Lambeth Hill and Queenhithe, f^^y/rc^. xxix, 150 ; xl, 41 ff. ; and p. 70 above, with Plan C, 62-64. Threadneedle Street (Plan C, 59, 94). — In 1841 traces of a coarse red tessellated pavement were found under the ruins of the French Protestant Church, opposite Finch Lane (Plan C, 59), at a depth of 12 ft. ; it measured 6 ft. by 5 ft., and had patterns of squares and lozenges in white and black, filled with rosettes, 'labyrinths,' and other devices. Fragments of similar pavements, remains of frescoes, coins of Claudius, M. Aurelius and Faustina II, and Constantine were also found. Part of a passage was subsequently unearthed, also another pavement, 13^ ft. long, in variegated tesserae, with a rosette in the centre. The two pavements are now in the British Museum [Arch, xxxix, 400 ; Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxxviii, 149; Ilhu. Rom. Lond. 55, pis. 9, 10 ; Morgan, Rom. Brit. Mosaic Pavements, 183, 184]. A third pavement was found in 1844 [Morgan, loc. cit.]. A lead pipe found near by was supposed to have been connected with the baths of this house or villa [Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, ii, 2]. Ornamented Gaulish pottery, bronze fibulae, and coins mentioned by Roach Smith [Arch, xxix, 153]. In 1895 excavations were made at No. 62 (Sun Fire Office ; Plan C, 94), on the 'north side, and at about 20 ft. down fragments of pottery and glass were found. At 27 ft. was a shallow bath (5 ft. 3 in. by 5 ft. 3 in. by 2 ft.), reached by two semicircular steps ; it was formed of rough stone mixed with broken tiles, and had a floor of opus signinum. The walls were plastered, and the whole rested on a substructure of concrete [Arch. Journ. Iii, 198; Arch. Ix, 218]. Pottery was also reported in 1897 while the works for the Central London Railway were in progress, together with a decapitated skeleton, the period of which is doubtful [Antiq. xxxiii, 1 04]. Fragments of Gaulish pottery in British Museum (mostly from Roach Smith), with stamps of Vitalis, Cinnamus, Dagomarus, Doeccus, Latinus, Marcellus, Namilianus, and Reginus (all but the first and last being Lezoux potters). Also a fragment of painted red ware and four lamps, one with name of attilivs, the others with thesubjectsof Jupiter, Cupid, and a lion seizing a deer. In the Guildhall, a Lezoux bowl, with figures in panels, of form 30 [Cat. 440]. See also Bank of England. Three Kings' Court, Lombard Street. — Miscellaneous finds, now in Guildhall Museum : clay lamps [Cat. 66, 1 16], prow of ship ? [Cat. 122], spindle-whorl, and pottery. Throgmorton Street (Plan C, 98, 99). — At the corner of Bartholomew Lane (Plan C, 98), at about 12 ft. below the surface, in 1854 a Roman well was found, formed of squared chalk, containing charred wood 3 ft. thick ; ornamented Gaulish pottery, glass bottles, and a bronze fibula with yellow patina were also found [Arch. Journ. xiii, 274]. A bronze fibula, plated with tin or some white metal, was exhibited to the Archaeological Institute in 1856, presumably not the above-mentioned [Ibid. 288]. Roman pottery, 'with ornamentations in white,' reported 187 I [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxvii, 373]. In the Guildhall are a clay lamp with I 129 17 A HISTORY OF LONDON a dolphin [Cat. 55], and a Gaulish bowl with stamp of . patric [Cat. 486] ; Upchurch pottery and a black-glazed lamp in Mr. Hilton Price's collection, and fragment of bowl (form 29) in the Bethnal Green Museum. Token-house Yard (Plan C, 108). — General Pitt-Rivers (then Col. Lane- Fox) in 1867 reported the finding of piles connected by ' camp-sheathing ' [? part of the embankment of the Walbrook] [Anthrop. Rev. v (1867), Ixxvi], He does not say whether there is evidence of these being Roman. Among small finds are a bronze lamp-trimmer with chain and a folding iron scale- beam (1868), a hooked implement with iron termination, thought to be a boat-hook (1865 ; cf. p. 120), perforated clay weights (cf. p. 122) ; and a bronze censer plated with silver wrought in two halves [Land, and Midd. Arch. Trans, iii, 219 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxix, 70, 87 ; xxviii, 172 ; xxxvi, 243, 360]. Mr. F. W. Reader notes that a large number of Roman objects have been produced from this locality, but that the records are very scanty. He himself some years ago obtained two or three sacks full of Gaulish and other pottery, and other objects [See also Arch. Rev. i, 359]. Gaulish pottery in British Museum (stamps of Januarius and Tituro), also a fragment with appliquk relief, a fragment of Arretine ware, and specimens of German and various local (Romano-British) wares. In thi Guildhall, Gaulish and Upchurch ware, including a Rutenian bowl of form 29 with figures in panels [Cat. 369, 411, 448, 458], a piece of late ware with stamped pattern [Cat. 535], two clay lamps, a finger-ring, and miscellaneous implements {Jibulae^ knives, &c.). In Mr. Hilton Price's collection, an iron stylus. In 1889 the bed of the Walbrook was reached hereabouts, at a depth of 20 ft., and a few coins of the early Empire and pieces of pottery were found [Arch. Rev. iv, 292]. The Tower. — In 1777, in digging the foundations of the Board of Ordnance Office (Plan C, i) an ingot of silver and three gold coins were found. The ingot, now in the British Museum, is EX OF FL in the form of a double wedge weighing i lb., and is inscribed ex of(ficina)F/(avi) & & o > HONOR II -^ ^ J \ J Honorini ; the coins are, one of Honorius, the other two of Arcadius, the types and inscrip)- tions being similar (obv. head of Emperor with dn honorivs (or arcadivs) pf avg ; rev. the Emperor trampling on a captive, with laharum and figure of Victory, inscribed victoria avggg [Gough, Camden (1806), ii, 92 ; Malcolm, Lond. Rediv. iii, 519 ; Allen, Hist, of London, i, 26; Hughson, Hist, of Lond. i, 34 ; Arch, v, 291 fF., pi. 25 ; Gent. Mag. (1785), 332, (1835), i, 491 ; Illus. Rom. Lond. 31 ; Wright, Celt, Roman, and Saxon, 269 ; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 1196; Westdeutsche Zeitschr. x, p. 41 1, pi. 6, No. 8 ; Willers, Numis. Kliinigkeiten, 48, 53, pi. 12. Not far away was found a stone inscribed It was 2 ft. 8 in. by 2 ft. 4 in. in size, and is now lost [Gough, Camden (1806), ii, 92 ; Malcolm, Lond. Rediv. iii, 519; Illus. Roman Lond. 25, pi. 22; Coll. Antiq. i, 140 ; Gent. Mag. (1785), 332 ; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 32]. Coins reported in 1825 on site of new Armoury (Plan C, 2), and a bronze of Constantine minted at Treves as found in the Tower Ditch in 1859 [Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. XXXV, 176 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xv, 274]. In 1 856 a clay lamp, with subject of three slaves carrying fasces (now in British Museum), and coins of Gordian III, Maxentius, and Constantine were found by the White Tower [fourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xiii, 235]. Pottery in British Museum (stamps of Aestivus and Sedatus) ; pieces of Upchurch ware in Guildhall [Cat. 377, 400]. A fragment of the Roman Wall is to be seen on the east side of the White Tower (Plan C, 1) [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxvi, 464; Gent. Mag. (1835), i, 491]. In 1879 ^ portion of a wall in a south-easterly line with the City Wall was found adjoining the Wardrobe Tower (Plan C, 2), the Roman base of which is left [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxvii, 280 ; xxxviii, 127 fF. ; Antiq. xii, 99 ; see also Arch. Ix, 239]. Near the Cold Harbour Tower, on the south-west of the White Tower (Plan C, 3), Roman remains, including masonry, tiles, and part of a hypocaust flue, were found in 1899 [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, (new ser.) v, 351 ; vi, 26 fF. ; Antiq. xxv, 229. See also p. 49 above]. Tower Hill. — In Postern Row (Plan C, 3), a considerable portion of the Roman Wall was exposed to view up to 1852, reaching to a height of 25 ft. ; it still exists, but is now completely hidden behind buildings [Archer, Vestiges of Old Lond. p. 4, pi. 2 ; Illus. Rom. Lond. p. 15, pi. 2 ; Coll. Antiq. iii, 255; Gent. Mag. (1843), i, 607 ; Hartridge, Coll. Newsp. Cuttings, Old Lond. i, 280 ; also p. 50 above]. Here also were found in 1852, on the east side of the Wall, 130 Dts Dis manIb Manib[us T LICINI T. Licini ascaiJ Ascani- VS . F us fiilius) ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON an architectural fragment in the form of a scroll, and two inscriptions, all of which are now in the British Museum. The two latter are (i), a cippus^ 6 ft. 4 in. by 2 ft. 6 in., inscribed A . ALFID . POMP A. Alfidijus) Po7np[tina OLVSSA . EXTES Olussa . Ex tes- Above the inscription, TAMENTO . HER tamento her\ei a rose ; below, a wreath. POS . ANNOR . LXX pos{uit) . Annor{iirn) Ixx NA ATIENI na[tus) Jt{h)eni[s ? H . s . EST h{ic) s{itus) est '' {2) Dis Dis ANIBVS Tn^anlbus . . . AB . ALPINI CLASSICIANI . . F~\ab[it) Alpini Clasnciani, Both are probably of the second century \lllus. Rom. Land. pp. 27-8, pi. 3 ; Arch. "Journ. x, 4 ; yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, viii, 241 ; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 29, 30 ; see above, p. 26]. In the buttress of the Wall was found a piece of stucco, on which was painted in red svp [Illus. Rom. Lond. 28 ; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 35 ; now lost]. In 1882 a length of the Wall (73 ft.) was removed in making the Inner Circle Railway (Plan C, 4-6), and foundations of buildings and a red tessellated pavement (Plan C, 4) on a bed of concrete, with substructure of oak piling, were unearthed \Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxviii, 447 ; Arch. Rev. i, 355 ; see p. 51]. A fragment of tile from the Wall was found at the back of Trinity Square at the same time \yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxviii, 206, 232]. On the Wall here, see also Wheatley and Cunningham, Lond. Past and Present, ii, 433. Tower Royal. — See Cannon Street. Tower Street. — In 1795 a mortarium was found at a depth of 10 ft. near Allhallows Church, AV RN with the stamp \_Arch. xii, 413, pi. 51 ; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 1334, 13 ; Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. XXV, 484 ; Allen, Hist, of Lond. \, 29]. In 1855 three glass bottles and part ofa glass jug were discovered, with fragments of Gaulish pottery \yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xlii, 236]. Pottery in British Museum (fragment of German ware with stamp of Florentinus and fragment of Romano-British painted ware) ; also a piece of elaborately-coloured glass [I//us. Rom. Lond. 123]. In the Guildhall, a glass vessel \Cat. i ; see above, p. 10]. Trinity Lane, Great Queen Street (Plan C, 187). — During the making ofa sewer' portions of immense walls with occasional layers of bond-tiles ' were met with, and some exhibited remains of fresco-painting \^ourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, i, 254]. Bronze mirror in British Museum (Roach Smith, found 1844). Trinity Square. — See Tower Hill. Vine Street, Minories (Plan C, 8, 9). — On a portion of the Roman Wall seen here, see p. 52 and Arch, xl, 299, where Dr. Woodward's letter to Wren is quoted ; he calls the site ' the Vineyard,' but probably means Vine Street. An illustration of the Wall here is given in Hartridge's Coll. Newspaper Cuttings, Old Lond. i, 279. See also America Square. Walbrook (Plan C, 210). — A two-handled vase found in 1833 is said to be in the Guildhall Museum [Arch, xxvi, 375 ; described as a capedo or capeduncula']. In 1852 a black earthen lamp, found among fragments of ' cinerary urns,' and bones of animals were reported \_Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ix, 43]. In 1878 was found part of a deversorium of red glazed ware, about 8|in. in diameter, with lion's-head spout [ibid, xxxiv, 133]. In the collection of Mr. W. Ransom, at Hitchin, are three well-known pieces of sculp- ture (Figs. 58, 59, and 60), which are stated to have been found in Bond Court in 1889, at a depth of 20 ft., together with bronze pins and fragments of Gaulish ware. The find, however, is not absolutely authenticated, as the present owner did not see them found, or obtain them on the spot ; but they may probably be regarded as actual finds, imported in Roman times, not recently ; we shall see that there are good grounds for attributing two of them at least to a foreign origin. These two are sculptures in marble of a foreign kind, and far surpass in work- manship and artistic excellence the average Romano-British products. Prof. Haverfield points out that in subject, detail, and treatment they ' belong to the classical world, and indeed to the Greek rather than to the Roman or the Roman-provincial part of it.' The first represents the upper part (with head) of 'a bearded figure, reclining in the manner usual to a sea- or river-god in ancient art, and having against the right shoulder a fragment of a reed or rush, probably held in the right hand, now lost. The hair of both head and beard is ^ 'A. Alfidius Olussa, of the Pomptine tribe. Erected by his heir after the terms of the will. Aged 70 ; born at Athens (?) ; he Ties here.' A HISTORY OF LONDON long and flowing ; the locks over the forehead are treated in a manner that a little suggests horns. . . . The material is white marble of a foreign origin; height, 13 in.'' M. Cumont explains the figure as Oceanus, but Profs. Haverfieid and P, Gardner rightly point out that a river-god must be intended. The other is a ' headless male figure, erect, draped from the waist downwards in common fashion, and also wearing part of a cloak (r) round the neck. In the right hand is a patera held over a burning altar, and a snake seems to encircle the wrist. The left hand holds up a well-filled cornucopia against the left shoulder. Near the left foot is a vessel's prow, and round it conventional indications of waves. The material is foreign white marble, the height 20 in.' Though undoubtedly male (not Fortune, as M. Cumont thought), it is uncertain whether it represents Bonus Eventus or a Genius. 1 'The river-god in particular,' says Prof. Haverfieid, 'would take a high place, by what- ever standard it were judged. The mild dignity which characterizes the face and head is indicated with real effectiveness. The hair and beard, though treated somewhat plainly, are easy and free from any serious stiffness, and the modelling of the shoulder and breast show the true sculptor. . . The Bonus Eventus is more conventional. Yet, here again, the shape of the body is given with truth and grace ; the pose is easy and natural ; the drapery falls lightly, and the whole, when complete, must have been a very satisfactory work.' The head, he points out, is typical rather than individualistic, and this is more in keeping with the traditions of Greek than Roman art. Again, any late Celtic or Romano-British elements are entirely absent, and even the advanced art of the Igel and Neumagen sculptures has no affinities with these figures. It is possible that they were actually made in Ital)', and not even in Gaul. The third sculpture is of a very different character. It is a slab of white sandstone, 17 in. by 2ii in. by 3y in., with a relief representing the Mithraic Sacrifice, 'a very good example of the ordinary type, well preserved and well executed,' but in no way remarkable. In the centre is a medallion encircled with the signs of the Zodiac, within which is Mithras slaying a bull, which he stabs with his right hand ; below are the usual attendant animals, a dog, serpent, and scorpion (or crab), a basket, and two torch-bearers, one with torch erect, the others inverted. In the upper corners are, on the left the Sun-God in a four-horse chariot, on the right the Moon in a chariot drawn by two bulls ; in the lower corners, on the left a male bearded head with wings on the forehead, on the right a similar female head. These two probably represent wind-gods. On either side and below is the inscription VLPI EMERI VS TVS . LEG SILVA n . AVG NVS VOTVM SOLVIT FAC ARAV TVS SIONE * Ulpius Silvanus, discharged soldier of the Second Legion (Augusta), pays his vow. Dis- charged ' {sc . factus emeritui)^ at Arausio ' (Orange). It is quite impossible thztfactus here can mean ' made,' referring to the sculpture. The second Legion was stationed at Isca Silurum (Caerleon) in the Romano-British period ; and Prof. Haverfieid (following_Mommsen) suggest that Ulpius, when on a journey, heard of his discharge at Orange, and set up the monument out of gratitude on his return. The sandstone of which it is composed is said to resemble a stone found near Orange ; on the other hand, it may quite possibly have come from the Wealden beds of Kent or Sussex, and it is most natural to suppose that the monument is local British work. It is the only Mithraic monument found in London, and seems to imply the existence of a Mithraeum or shrine cf that deity on the Walbrook, but we cannot tell whether the other two sculptures have any connexion with it. Prof. Haverfieid dates it about the middle of the second century [Arch. Ix, pis. 8-10, p. 43 ff. ; Proc. Soc. Antiq. xx (1905), 341 ; Arch. Journ. xlvii, 234 ; Antiq. xxiv, 168 ; Ephem. Ep'igr. vii, 276, No. 816 ; Cumont, Mystiresde Mithra, ii (1896), 389, No. 267, figs. 304-6. On the cult of Mithra, sec Cumont, op. cit. (Engl, trans.) ; also Dill, Roman Soc. from Nero to M. Aurelius, Bk. iv, chap. 6]. Fragments of a fine Rutenian bowl (form 30) with panel-decoration in British Museum (Loftus Brock Collection). In the Guildhall, ear-picks, shoes, harness, a bowl of red ware -with ' slip ' decoration [Cat. 5 1 5], and a jar of New Forest ware. In the Mayhew Collection a white marble bust of a girl found in 1887, which 'lay some 2ft. beneath the surface, '' The description of this and the following are taken from Prof. Haverfield's paper in Arch, bt, 43 ff. 132 Fig. §8. — Part of Statue of Rivbr-God FOUND IN WaLBROOK Q) (In the Collection of Mr. W. Ransom, F.S.A., Hitchin) Fig. 59. — Statue of Bonus Eventus FOUND IN WaLBROOK (i) (In the Collection of Mr. W. Ransom, F.S.A., Hitchin) Fic. 60. — MiTHRAic Relief found in Walbrook (f) (In the Collection of Mr. W. Ransom, F.S.A., Hitchin) ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON in the sand of the river-bed [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xliii, 103; xliv, 198, 235 fF. ; Cat. 6, 44]. The head was assigned by A. S. Murray to the third century, but the owner ascribed it to an earlier date, as showing Greek influence. In Mr. Ransom's collection are also jars of Upchurch ware, and with scored lattice-patterns. In 1873 two pieces of Upchurch ware, a Gaulish bowl described as a ' calathus, the precursor of the modern breakfast-cup' (probably form 33), and a mortarium with stamp ALBILVI. LVC*" were found 'in the bed of the Wal brook ' \Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxix, 90]. In 1887 further finds were reported, including a large Gaulish bowl and fragments of Gaulish ware much burnt [ibid, xliii, 103]. Warwick Lane (Plan C, 204). — A tile was found here in 1886, measuring 17 in. by 12 in., on which is rudely scratched AVSTALIS DIBVSVIII VAGATVR SIB COTIDIM The meaning is not quite certain, but it appears to be : 'Austalis dibus viii vagatursibi cotidim,'" 'Austalis wanders about by himself for eight days, day by day.' The tile is now in the Guild- hall {Cat. 73, No. 56 ; see also Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), xi, 178 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc. xliii, 106; Arch. Journ. xlvii, 236; Ephem. Epigr. vii, 344, No. 1141 ; Walters, Ancient Pottery, ii, 359> %• 195]- Warwick Square (Plan C, 209). — Roman remains found in 1881 on premises of Messrs. Tylor, at a depth of about 19 ft. ; the plan of the site indicates several pieces of a wall, a well, a brick pavement, and the spots where lead coffins, a tiled grave, leaden jars, and urns were found. Among the finds was a large stone vase, 2 ft. 3 in. in height, of porphyry or serpentine, full of calcined bones, and containing a coin of Claudius I. Near this were four leaden ossuaria of cylindrical form. 'Funeral urns' of Castor or Upchurch ware and coins ranging from a.d. 40 to 350 are mentioned, also specimens of Gaulish (? Arretine) pottery, a spur-rowel, combs, and styli. One of the ossuaria was ornamented with astragalus pattern and a figure of Sol in his quadriga ; it contained a two-handled glass vase. The others were ornamented in a simpler style {see on this burial, p. 10 supra ; also Arch, xlviii, 221 ff., with plates 10-12 ; and Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxvii, 88. The coffins and other finds have been deposited in the British Museum by Messrs. Tylor]. Water Lane, Tower Street. — Pottery found in 1842, including a fragment of Gaulish ware with the stamp of a Rutenian first-century potter (of bassi ; now in Brit. Mus.), am- phorae, and other vessels [E. B. Price in Gent. Mag. (1843), ii, 416 ; Rom. Brit. Rem. i, 201]. Another fragment of pottery in British Museum with stamp of . gai . ivl. Water Lane, Ludgate Hill (Plan C, 58). — On a portion of the Roman Wall seen here in 1882, see Arch. Journ. xxxix, 426. Watling Street. — 'A hard road or causeway was found in crossing Watling Street 10 J ft. from the surface. It was of rough stones and gravel, among the upper portion of which were found quantities of broken Roman pottery ' [Price, Descr. Rom. Tess. Pavement in Bucklersbury, 77 ; see above, p. 34]. Tiles were found in 1744 in digging up the floor in St. Antholin's church, but it is not stated that they were Roman [Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. iv, 194^]. Well Street, Jewin Street (Plan A, 4 ; C, 38). — A hoard of sixty-eight Roman coins, dating 68-161, found in 1846, just outside the portion of the wall still existing in Cripplegate church- yard. They included coins of Galba, Vespasian (5), Domitian (5), Nerva,Trajan (21), Hadrian (21), Sabina (2), Antoninus Pius (8), and Faustina the Elder (4), nearly all in good preservation. Some urns were also found in the same street, one containing human bones {Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ii, 272 ; Num. Chron. ix, 85 ; Arch, liv, 493 ; see iot the burial, p. 6 supra]. White Hart Court, Bishopsgate. — Gaulish bowl ofLezoux ware in British Museum (form 37), with designs of figures within arches, published by Roach Smith {Coll. Antiq. i, 165 ; Cat. Lond. Antiq. 36, No. 181]. White Hart Yard, Moorfields. — Fragment of Gaulish (Rutenian) ware in British Museum, with stamp of Quintus. Winchester Street. — Finds in 1865 included part of a Gaulish bowl with figure of rabbit, a bone stylus, and an iron knife with bone handle {Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxi, 360 ; Illus. Lond. News, 30 Dec. 1865, p. 654 ; cf. Cat. Lond. Antiq. 72, No. 325]. In the Guildhall Museum are two keys {Cat. 26, 40], a terra-cotta bust {Cat. 31], a two-handled cup of black ware, and *" The first name is probably albini. It is said to have been restored from two specimens, but lvc should probably read lvg = lvg (dvno), i.e. made at Lyons (^cf. pp. 99, 1 14). 133 A HISTORY OF LONDON two clay lamps, one with Serapis and Cerberus, the other with pieces of gladiators' armour [Cat. 29 and 61 ? ; some of these were found previous to 1859 ; see Loud, and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, i, 353]. Winchester House. — See Old Broad Street, Wood Street (Plan C, 169). — Pavements of tesserae found in 1843 ^"^ 1848 [Proc. Soc. Ant'iq, (Ser. i), ii, 184 ; Price, Descr. Rom. Tess. Pavement in Bucklershury, 23 ; Morgan, Rom.-Brlt. Mosaic Pavements, 185 ; see also Huggin Lane]. Fragments of Gaulish pottery and bronze coins found under the foundations of the old Cross Keys Inn in 1865 \_Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 339]. Pottery in British Museum, with stamps of Gaulish potters: Frontinus, Silvius, Virtus, and Vitalis of first century ; Cambus, Burdo, Tituro, of second (mostly from Roach Smith) ; also fra2;ments of painted ware and late stamped ware from north-east Gaul, and a tile inscribed pp . BR . lon [see p. 90). Stow (ed. 1633, p. 308) says that Roman bricks were found in St. Alban's church when pulled down in 1632. Wormwood Street. — Part of mortarium found 1846 \lllus. Rom. Lond. 149. See also for the wall here p. 56 and Plan C, 25]. VAGUE LOCALITIES Numerous finds have been reported from time to time without any special indication of locality further than ' City of London.' This is the case with the majority of the objects in the British Museum and Guildhall, as for instance, the extensive collection of fragments of pottery in the former obtained from Roach Smith and E. B. Price ; to give anything like a complete list of such finds would be of course impossible in the present article ; but a few of the more interesting objects may be briefly noted. Those detailed below have been mainly exhibited to the Archaeological Associa- tion at different times. 1853. From the city sewers, specimens of pottery, with the stamps pvgnim and BALBInvs, and an amphora-handle stamped lvtro \yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ix, 75], 1854. Fragment of Gaulish ware with stamp notvs [ibid, x, iii]. 1864. Bronze statuette of Mars with cock's head on helmet, described as 'early Etruscan' [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xx, 358]. 1871. Iron horse's bit [ibid, xxvii, 523]. 1872. A set of bronze instruments, including a pair of tweezers and ear-pick fastened together, a so-called clavis trochi (variously explained as a stick for a hoop, an ash-rake, and an emblem of Ceres), also an iron razor and nail file, and two bone combs [ibid, xxix, 69]. 1873. Iron snaffle-bit, part of bronze bit, iron stirrup and chain, part of a bronze door- handle [ibid, xxix, 86]. Iron nail from horse-shoe, netting-needle, bone and bronze knife- handles, bronze two-pronged fork, and comb formed from deer's antler [ibid, xxix, 188]. Four iron knives, portions of balances and weights, bronze hairpins and fibulae, an ear-pick, pair of tweezers, and another implement fastened together [ibid, xxix, 191] ; a set of iron and bronze locks and keys, and sundry iron implements [ibid, xxix, 20I, 205, 305]. Part of a snake in terra-cotta, clay lamp with Victory standing on a gloi^e holding wreath and palm- branch, mould for Christian lamp, surgical and other implen:ents of bronze and iron [ibid, xxix, 308, ^25]. Bone counter, fibula, calathus full ot fruit, handle of vase, and lamp with two nczzles, all of bronze [ibid, xxx, 72, 80]. 1875. Bronze statiette of Cupid [ibid, xxxi, 209]. 1882. Jar of Castor wa.'e ; fragments of Gaulish bowl ; two mediUions from Gaulish vase, representing a soldier and Diana seated ; ivory needle o.' bodkin. Fragments of two large Gaulish bowls, stamped lvtaivsf and paternvs, of a bowl of form 27 stamped giamilliof, of an ornamented bowl with figures of T.'itons, 61. — Bronze Model of Prow of Galley sea-horses, Cupid playing on pipes, and of (British Museum) (J) another with Victory ; fragment stamped Fig. 6v — Roman Altar, with Figure Hulding Forked Implement Fig. 64. — Roman Pottery found on various Sites in London (In the Collection of Mr. W. Ransom, T.S.A., Hitch'.n) ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON Fig. 62. — Lamp in Form of Gladiator's Helmet (^) CEM . . . ; jar of New Forest ware ; bronze flask with the original clay mould inside it \yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxviii, 106; xxxix, 81]. 1884. Cinerary urn containing bones covered by a Gaulish bowl and a small bronze coin ; on the cover, a lamp and lamp-stand ; jar of Upchurch ware ; bronze fibula and chain. Said to have been found near the Fleet Ditch [ibid, xl, 1 16]. 1885. Jar of polished red ware with head modelled in form of female head (third century) [ibid, xli, 96]. Among the British Museum objects from the Roach Smith collection may be specially noted a bronze model of the prow of a Roman galley (Fig. 61), on which is in- scribed (backwards) ammilla.avg.felix, together with a palm-branch, all inlaid in niello ; the front of the prow is in the form of a swan's head, with a ram's or dog's head below. Probably a copy of some famous ship, perhaps of the classis Britannica ; ammilla may be the name of the ship, the Greek ajXiXka being thus used in Attic inscriptions {Illus. Rom. Lond. 75 ; Cat. Lond. Antiq. lO, No. 26, pi. 3, I ; Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), xvi, 306]. Also a group of the Deae Matres standing [Ctf/. Lond. Antiq. I, No. 3 ; Illus. Rom. Lond. 45, pi. 6, fig. I ; Arch. Aeliana, xv, 328, No. 4] ; a clay lamp in the form of a gladiator's helmet (Fig. 62) ; a fragment of Gaulish pottery across which is impressed an oculist's stamp " ' ' , L. "Juli Senis cr{ocodes) ad aspr[itudinem\ 'saffron ointment for granulation of the eyelids' [see Cat. Lond. Antiq. i^.j, No. 208 ; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 1314] ; part of a glass vase with representation of a chariot-race in the circus [Cat. Lond. Antiq. 48, No. 211]; a graduated steelyard [ibid. 78, No. 350; Illus. Rom. Lond. 144; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 1282]. In Mr. Ransom's possession at Hitchin is a very fine collection of Gaulish pottery from London, many of the specimens being quite perfect, but without any record of the place of discovery ; they include six specimens of form 29 with ornamentation [see fig. 64), and others of forms 30 and 37 ; also potter's stamps offeicis, fioriinianvs fe, moxima, a fragment of a vase with appliqui reliefs (Cupid driving a pair of dogs ; see fig. 64), a mortarium with stamp of albinvs, &c.; numerous y?iKA7£', a gold ring with design of Mercury and Cupid ; an iron hippo- sandal ; bone pins, a bone whistle, an iron stylus ; glass vessels ; day lamps, two with stamps FORTis and strobili ; and a tile with ppr^lon [see Antiq. xxiv, 168]. In Mr. W. M. Newton's collection at Dartford is a Roman altar (Fig. 63), found either in Noble Street or at St. Bartholo- mew's Hospital, of quadrangular form, measuring 10 in. by 5 in. by 5 in., of soft stone with mouldings at top and bottom ; on the front is a roughly-carved figure holding a forked implement. CITY OF WESTMINSTER Bond Street, Old. — In March 1894, a stone culvert with joints of brick set in cement was found, running southward ; not certainly Roman [Antiq. xxix, 244]. CocKSPUR Street. — Vase containing human bones found in 1820 [Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxxv, 348 ; see p. 7]. College Street, Westminster. — In the Abbey garden, when digging the foundations of the canons' houses in 1883, the remains of a Roman dwelling were found in a layer of peat resting on gravel ; they consisted of slabs of concrete flooring on which tiles were laid, roof- tiles, and other 'rubbish ' ; the depth was 14 ft. Similar remains were found in the cloisters [Arch. Journ. xlii, 274]. Houses of Parliament. — * Cinerary urn ' found in 1841 [Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxxviii, 149]. An earthenware vase, 11 in. high, discovered in 1847, in excavating for the new Houses; it was stamped with network patterns and a band of stars round the neck, and is described as ' late Roman or early Saxon.' It is in any case doubtful if it is Roman [Journ. Brit. Arch, Assoc, ii, 102]. Howard Street, Strand. — Sarcophagus found at the corner of this street in 1741 [Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. iv, 109^; see p. 16]. Hyde Park. — ' A Roman geometric *^ stone called Ossulstone ' (whence the name of the Hundred) is figured in Roque's map of 1 741-61 (sheet xi), and stood near the north-east angle " The word is used here in its literal sense for a stone employed in measuring distances. A HISTORY OF LONDON of the park ; it was subsequently buried and dug up again and placed against the Marble Arch [Load, and Midd. Arch, Sue. Trans, iv, 62], but it has now disappeared. The writer of that article essayed to prove that it was a sort of centre whence all the Roman roads were measured ; at all events it seems (if Roman) to mark the spot where the Watling Street crossed the road from the west to London, on its way to Westminster {sa above, p. 32). St. Martin's-in-the-Fields. — Stone coffin found in the foundations of the portico in 1722, con- taining ashes and a bell-shaped glass vase. Under the church was a brick arch 14 ft. deep [Gough, Camden, ii, 17, 93 ; Brayley, Beauties of Engl, and Wales, x, pt. i, 9 1 ; Allen, Hist. of London, i, 25 ; Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. i, 151, 170; Arch. Rev. i, 356 ; see above, p. 16]. Strand. — Part of an antefix in red terra-cotta found in April 1871 on the north side near Temple Bar (site of New Law Courts) ; it is in the form of a lion's mask \^ourn, Brit. Arch. Assoc. xxvii, 522]. Strand Lane. — For a description of the supposed Roman bath here, see Knight, London, ii, 165. Thames, Bed of. — Bronze coin of Antoninus Pius found in 1740 at Westminster Bridge, and two coins at Sion House in 1805 [Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. iv, 25 ; xxx, 486]. A fragment of Gaulish (Lezoux) pottery from Waterloo Bridge in British Museum (Roach Smith). Westminster Abbey (Plan A, 36). — A Roman sarcophagus of Oxfordshire oolite (Fig. 3, ante), measur- ing 7 ft. by 2 ft. 4 in. by I ft. 10 in., found on the north side of the Abbey in November 1869 ; it contained a skeleton, fragments of tiles, and a piece of dark grey slag-like substance (lava ?). On the front is a sculptured panel with a pelta carved at each end, and the inscription : MEMORIAE . VALER . AMAN DINI . VALERI . SVPERVEN TOR . ET . MARCELLVS . PATRI , FECER Memoriae Faler{ii) Amandini Valeri[us) Stiperventor et Marcellus patri fecer{unt). The lid is of later date (probably eleventh century) and bears a cross showing it to be Christian, and the position of the sarcophagus cannot have been its original one. It is now in the cloisters of the Abbey. As to the date of the inscription. Professor Mommsen and others have pointed out that the absence of praenomen and the termination in -inus are post-classical, as is the use of memoriae without d.m. Further, the term Superventor (here a proper name) only occurs in Ammianus Marcellinus (xviii, 9), where it is used for ' light-armed troops.' Professor Hubner, arguing from the goodness of the lettering, placed the inscription in the second century, or at latest about 200 ; but the fact of its being an inhumation, not a cremation-burial, forbids us to accept a date anterior to 250 [Arch. Journ. xxvii, 103, no, 119, 145, 191, 251, 257; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxvi, 61 f. 76 f. 166 ; Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iv, 61 ; Free. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), iv, 409, 468 ; v, 85 ; Corp. Inscr. Latin, vii, 33 ; see above, p. 13]. Loftie mentions the discovery, some twenty-five years ago, of remains of a Roman build- ing with hvpocaust under the nave [Hist, of London, i, 30 n.]. Whitehall. — Dr. J. S. Phene found in pulling down a house in 1897 a quantity of Roman tiles and ' beautifully-carved stone-work.' He also removed various blocks of masonry from the original bank of the river along the line of Whitehall, and restored them as a breakwater surmounted by an octagonal structure which he considered to represent the temple of Apollo mentioned by old writers as standing on the site of Westminster Abbey in the Isle of Thorney [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, (new ser.), iii (1897), 203, 264]. BOROUGH OF SOUTHWARK (WITH BERMONDSEY, LAMBETH, AND NEWINGTON) [N.B. — The Plan references in the text of the following pages are to the special Plan D, of Southwark.] Bank Side, Southwark. — See Clink Street, Park Street. Barclay and Perkins' Brewery. — See Park Street. Battle Bridge Lane, formerly Mill Lane (Plan D, 2). — Near Battle Bridge Stairs ' Roman brass tags and pins,' shoes, sandals, and small amphorae were found in April 18 19. [Brock's Map.] Bear Lane, Southwark. — Fragments of Castor ware in British Museum. Bedale Street, Southwark, formerly York Street (Plan D, 32). — Fragment of bowl of Lezoux ware (form 29) in British Museum. See also High Street. Bermondsey. — Iron padlock kev found in making the South-Eastern Railway in 1847 [yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xii, 1^9, pi. 13, fig. 4]. See also Church Street, New. 136 ' I ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON Blackman Street, Southwark (Plan D, 22). — In the Guildhall Museum, a good bowl of form 29 with figure-decoration of about a.d. 80, found in 1865. Borough Road, Southwark. — Romano-British vase of red ware, 8 in. high, with * scratched device ' round shoulder, from this site, advertised recently for sale by James Tregaskis of High Holborn. Buckingham Square, New Kent Road (Plan D, 1 8). — Part of an olla of red-brown ware found in 1859, with coins of various dates, one of Constantine (obv., helmeted head to 1. and COnstantinopolis ; rev.. Victory and trs); also part of a Gaulish bowl with potter's stamp defaced SJJourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xiii, 321]. Butler's Wharf, Shad Thames. — Two Roman pike-heads found in 1871 [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxvii, 373] ; also a large iron needle with triangular point, about 5 in. long [ibid, xxxiii, 226 ; Guildhall Mus. Cat. 480]. In the British Museum, bronze handle of clasp- knife, modelled in the form of a hare pursued by hounds. Castle Street, Southwark (Plan D, 43). — Brock's map marks * hypocaust flues marked PxTx '** between this street and Barclay and Perkins' Brewery, The find is probably identical with one recorded by Taylor as on the latter site \_Annals of St. Mary Overy, 10 ; see Park Street]. See also Southwark Street. Church Street, New, Bermondsey. — Gaulish pottery in British Museum (from Roach Smith), nearly all Rutenian ware of the first century (about a.d. 70) ; some good specimens of orna- mented bowls of form 37 with friezes of figures, and one fragment with stamp of Rufinus ; also a bowl with leaf-decoration in slip. They were found in 1845 at the river end of the street, about 12 or 14 ft. down in a black peaty soil, with coins of Claudius and Vespasian [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, i, 312]. Clink Street, Southwark (Plan D, 38). — On the site of Winchester Palace a small bronze of Tetricus the Elder was found about i860 [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xvi, 324]; the Guildhall Museum has a clay lamp and pottery from the same site \Cat. 27, 40, 139]. Compter Street. — See Stoney Street. Deverell Street, Kent Road (Plan D, 19). — A Roman 'hypocaust or flue ' found about 1825 [Gent. Mag. (1825), ii, 633]. In the Dissenters' burial-ground, about 200 yards south- west of Tabard Street, sepulchral remains were brought to light in 1835, at a depth of 6 ft., including pottery, glass, and circular polished bronze mirrors, some of which are now in the British Museum. Over 20 cinerary urns containing calcined bones were discovered, one contained in a large spherical earthenware jar of the type known as a seria or dolium [Arch, xxvi, 467 f ; xxvii, 412 ; xxix, 149 ; Gent. Mag. (1835), i, 82 ; ii, 303 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxiii, 336 ; Soc. Antiq. MS. Min. xxxvi, 448 ; xxxvii, 122 ; see above, p. 8, and fig. i]. Dover Street, Great (Plan D, 23). — Discoveries of Roman remains in 1889 close to St. George's Church, which included a clay lamp, ' believed to be of early Etruscan work- manship,' amphorae and other pottery, oyster-shells, horse-shoes, and bones [Lloycfs Weekly^ 27 Aug. 1889]. Glass bottle found in 1867, now in British Museum [Cato Coll. ; lllus. Lond. News, 30 March, 1867 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxiii, 104; fig. 2 above]. A bowl of form 37 with designs in medallions (probably German fabric), in the Guildhall [Cat. 415], is given as from ' Dover Road,' either from this street or from the Kent Road, farther south. Ewer Street, formerly The Grove, Southwark. — In 1864 two skeletons were unearthed at the corner of this street, and between them remains of an earthenware jar containing over 500 bronze coins of Victorinus, Tetricus, and Claudius Gothicus [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xx, 339 ; i« above, p. 23]. Glass bottle in British Museum [Arch. Rev. i, 277 ; fig. 2 above], found at a depth of 30 ft. Fishmongers' Ground, Walworth Road. — Roman jug of red clay found in 1864 [Proc. Soc. Antiq. (Ser. 2), ii, 359] ; another of black clay from this locality acquired by the British Museum in 1865, 6 in. high, scored with lattice patterns. Grove, The. — See Ewer Street. Guildford Street, Southwark (Plan D, 44). — A ' flower-vase ' with frilled ornament in Guild- hall Museum, from the site of Pott's Vinegar Works in this street [Cat. 204], apparently identical with one published in Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xiv, 337]. Numerous piles were found on the same spot about 1867 [ibid, xxiii, 87]. Guy's Hospital (Plan D, 7). — About 1836 Roman pots and pans were found in a layer of peat and black loam representing Roman vegetable mould [Dr. Odling in G«y'i Hospital Reports, vol. i ; Arch. Journ. xlii, 274]. In the Guildhall Museum, a fragment of Lezoux ware [form 37 ; Cat. 524]. " Cf. iox these tiles lllus. Rom. Lond. p. 114; Walters, Ancient Pottery, ii, 348 I 137 18 A HISTORY OF LONDON High Street, Southwark. — In 1818 a cemetery is said to have been discovered at No. 200 (Plan D, 26), with pottery and other remains [Taylor, Annals of St. Mary Overy, p. II, pi. I, fig. 6; pi. 2, figs. 1-4, 6-8]. Brock's map says 'Roman cemetery thought to commence near this spot, many bones, stiles, and spears found.' Farther to the north (Plan D, 13) the same map marks the discovery of 30 or 40 lamps, an urn and ' human skull in Samian tazza,' 1818-20. In excavating for sewers between the Town Hall and York Street (Plan D, 32), in 1833, a cinerary urn was found (near York Street) containing burnt bones, and near it, various glass bottles, and a ' ring-vase ' of clay with three small jars attached (a type known in nearly all periods of Greek and Roman pottery) [Gent. Mag. (1833), '> 4°i> P^- 2]. Other sepulchral remains were brought to light in 1897 near St. George's Church (Plan D, 24), consisting of pottery, lamps, glass, coins of Claudius and Nero, and (presumably, though this is not explicitly stated) cinerary urns with remains of burnt bones, the whole find dating about A.D. 55-60 [Journ.Brit. Arch. Asioc. (new ser.), iv, 95 ; Antiq. xxxiv, 71 ; see p. 6]. Miscel- laneous discoveries have been made from time to time, of Roman pottery and other objects, covering the distance from the river to St. George's Church. In 1840, on the west side about 100 yards north of St. George's Church (Plan D, 27) were found flue- and roof-tiles, Gaulish and other pottery, beads, fragments of glass bottles, a bell, coins of Tiberius, Faustina I, Severus, and Tetricus,*' and fresco-paintings of a superior kind. Some of the last- named had foliage and flowers in green, yellow, and white on a dark ground, others plain borders of red, green, and white \Arch. xxix, 149]. In 1854 a large brass of Hadrian was found (obv. Hadrian vs avgvstvs pp ; rev. Plenty with cornucopia and hilaritas . PR . cos. iii) [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, x, 375]. At King's Head Yard (Plan D, 12) in 1879 pottery of various kinds, a bird in red earthen- ware forming a flask or rattle (r), and sundry coins from Claudius to Magnentius came to light ; among the pottery was part of a bowl stamped lvppa [ibid, xxxv, 216 ; xxxvi, 122]. On the same site in 1880: part of a tessellated pavement, a coin of Domitian, and pottery, including a fragment stamped secvndvs • f • [ibid, xxxvii, 234]. Further excavations on the same site in 188 1 yielded more results: flue- and roof-tiles, fragments of stamped amphorae, Gaulish pottery and other varieties, a key, and coins of Vespasian and Domitian. A coin of Justinus (a.d. 537) was also reported. These remains appear to betoken the presence of an inhabited building \yourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxxvii, 211, 427]. Miscellaneous pottery also found in 1882, with stamps of • seve (ri), and of . calvi [ibid, xxxviii, loi]. Pottery of various dates was found in 1885 opposite St. George's Church (Plan D, 24) [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xlii, 79 ; cf. Arch. Rev. iii, 137]. In 1890 on a site not specifically defined, a glass bottle, a lamp, and rough pottery were found [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xlvii, 91] ; in 1892 a string of blue beads in Three Cranes' Court (? Yard) [ibid, xlviii, 83] ; in 1895, at a depth of 14 ft. an extensive collection of Gaulish pottery, with potters' stamps (of which of • PASsiENi, a Rutenian potter, and firmi • o, a German name, are mentioned), also a scored flue-tile, a stamped amphora-handle, part of a mortarium stamped tvcem (? tvgen), and a series of piles [ibid, (new ser.), i, 88, 189]. Two fragments of ist-century Gaulish pottery in British Museum. Brock's map marks at the approach to London Bridge (Plan D, 4) ' much red Samian ware, amphorae and bronze key.' Joiner Street, Southwark (Plan D, 5). — Fragments of ' Roman red pottery ' discovered in 1841 during the making of the South-Eastern Railway, also gold and copper coins, at a depth of 17 ft. [Arch. Journ. i, 246]. Among the former, a bowl of Arretine ware with stamp of Ateius [Corp. Inscr. Lat. vii, 1336, 96], in Bethnal Green Museum. Kent Road. — Strype reports the finding of ' Roman urns, ampullae, &c., in the gardens on the right side of the road going southwards ; also a head of Janus cut in stone, which was preserved at one of the gardeners' houses.' From other writers we learn that the site referred to was the spot formerly known as St. Thomas IFatering, near the point where Albany Road now joins the Old Kent Road {see above, p. 39). The ' head of Janus ' is further described by a writer in the Gentleman's Afagazine as a combination of a female head with that of a bearded male deity with ram's horns and laurel-wreath, called ' Deus Terminus ; ' from an illustration given by Allen it may be gathered that the heads are intended for Jupiter Ammon and Juno, the goddess wearing a sphendone, or perhaps an Emperor and Empress in those capacities.** It is not possible, however, to judge from this illustration the artistic merit of the sculpture [Stow, Survey (ed. Strype), ii, App. v, 23 ; Bagford's letter to Hearne (i 7 1 5) in Leland's Coll. i, p. Iviii ; Brayley, Land, and Midd. i, 77 ; AFlen, Hist, of Land, i, 37 ; Gent. Mag. (1824), i, 409 ; Hasted, Hist, of Kent (1886), i, 20]. " Some of the coins are described as plated denarii ; cf. those found in King William Street (p. 106). " Cf. the large Marlborough cameo in the Brit. Mus. which, according to Prof. Furtwaengler, re;?re JO > J > form 30, a fragment of red ' cut glass ' ware of the second century, and a clay lamp with wreath found on the S.E. Railway. In the Guildhall, Gaulish bowls of form 37 with figures, one with the stamp paterni (2nd century), also bowls with stamps of passeni and materni, and one with 'slip' decoration [Cat. 420, 449, 452, 504, 538(2, 585]. A fine Roman glass bottle ' found on the site of the Roman cemetery,' exhibited to the Archaeological Association in 1879 [Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxx, 428]. References to Plan C, Roman London : CITY WALL (Figures in red on plan and in itaRcs in text) 10. 1 1. 12. 13- 14- 15- 16. 17- 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23- Portion of Wall preserved near White Tower Bastion, Wardrobe Tower Site of Postern Gate Existing Wall, Trinity Place Bastion, Tower Hill, disused station Wall removed for Inner Circle Railway „ existing. Coopers' Row „ and tile drain removed, London & Blackwall Railway Bastion removed, London & Blackwall Railway Bastion, John Street Wall preserved at Roman Wall House ,, destroyed, Cass Schools Probable bastion Wall on piles, north end of Jewry Street Site of Aldgate Wall, Duke Street Bastions „ Wall rear of 31, Houndsditch Bastion adjoining „ „ Goring Street, formerly Castle Street Wall partly destroyed, St. Martin Outwich Graveyard Bastion, Camomile Street 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30- 31- 32- 33- 34- 35- 36. 37- 38- 39- 40. 41- 42. 43- 44- 45- 46. 47- 4S. Site of Bishopsgate Wall, Wormwood Street „ New Broad Street Bastion, Allhallows Church Wall and Tile Drain west of Allhallows Church Culvert east of Carpenters' Hall „ opposite Finsbury Chambers Wall in bed of stream, Antiquaries' Shaft „ west of Moorgate Probable Bastion Blind Arches in base of wall, Aldermanbury Wall preserved, St. Alphage Graveyard Site of Cripplegate Existing Bastion, Cripplegate Churchyard Bastion, Barber Surgeons' Hall Probable Ballista Tower Bastion, Castle Street (Bastion House) „ at angle of wall, Noble Street Site of Aldersgate Wall preserved in General Post Office Bastion, King Edward Street Wall, site of Christ's Hospital ^Bastions, Christ's Hospital 142 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON CITY WALL {continued) 49. Site of Newgate 59. 50. Wall, site of New Sessions House 60. 51. „ Warwick Square 61. 52. Probable Bastion 62. 53. Wall, No. 8, Old Bailey and Old Sessions House 63. 54. Warwick Tower 55. Probable Bastion 64. 56. Wall, St. Martin's Church 65. 57. Site of Ludgate 66. 67. 58. Wall, Playhouse Yard Wall, Printing House Square „ 56, Carter Lane „ north side of Knightrider Street „ Upper Thames Street and Lam- beth Hill Wall, Upper Thames Street, opposite Queen Street Wall, south-east corner of Suffolk Lane „ Monument Yard „ site of Coal Exchange ,, Custom House DISCOVERIES WITHIN THE WALLS 1 . Tower, Board of Ordnance Office, 1777: Antiquities 2. Tower, site of New Armoury : Anti- quities and Coins 3. Tower, site of Cold Harbour Tower : Coins 4. Tower Hill : Pavement, &c. 5. Seething Lane : Walls and Pavements throughout 6. Hart Street : Sculpture 7. Crutched Friars : Pavement 8. Northumberland Alley : Pavement 9. Aldgate : Sculptured stone, 1908 10. Mark Lane, No. 27 : Pavement 1 1. Little Eastcheap, along line of : Buildings 12. St. Dunstan's Hill : Pavement 13. Lower Thames Street, Coal Exchange : Building, &c. 14. Mincing Lane, London Commercial Sale Room : Pit and Antiquities 15. Little Eastcheap, St. Andrew Hubbard : Walls 16. Mincing Lane, west side : Pavements, &c. 17. Dunster Court, „ Walls 18. Mincing Lane, opposite Clothworkers' Hall : Hypocaust 19. Fenchurch Street, end of Mincing Lane : Walls 20. Fenchurch Street, opposite 132 : Pavement 21- » ,, „ 36 22. „ „ No. 37, off Cullum Street : Pavement 23. Monument Street : Pavement 24. Lime Street : Coin Hoard 25. Old London Bridge : Antiquities and Coins 26. Billingsgate and St. Botolph's Wharf: Piles 27. Lower Thames Street, west end : Tiles and Masonry 28. Pudding Lane : Walls and Hypocaust 29- South of Monument : Bath, Conduit, &c. 30. Fish Street Hill : Antiquities 31. Eastcheap : Roadway 32^ Philpot Lane : Antiquities 33- 34. 35- 36. 37- 38- 39' 40. 41. 42. 43- 44. 45- 46. 47- 48. 49. 50. 51- 52. 53- 54- 55- 56. 57- 58. 59- 60. 61. 62. 63- 64. 65. 66. Gracechurch Street, 'Spread Eagle': Pavement Leadenhall Market, East : Buildings, &c. ,, ,, Extensive Walls „ „ Pavement Gracechurch Street, Half Moon Passage : Walls St. Mary at Hill : Antiquities Gracechurch Street : Tile Wall preserved Corbet Court: Walls adjoining St. Peter's ; Walls »> » Cornhill, No. 50 : Leadenhall Street Pavement Leadenhall Street Walls Buildings East India House : Roadway ,, „ opposite East India House : Buildings Leadenhall Street, King's Arms Yard : Buildings Bevis Marks : Sculpture, &c, St. Mary Axe : Pavement Camomile Street : ,, Little St. Helens : „ Great St. Helens : Fresco, Coins, &c. Crosby Square : Walls and Pavement Bishopsgate Street, opposite Crosby Hall : Pavement Bishopsgate Street, near Excise Office : Pavement Broad Street Excise Office : Pavement Bishopsgate Street, 1873 : Pavement „ „ National Provincial Bank : Antiquities Threadneedle Street, French Church : Buildings King William Street : Antiquities Finch Lane and Royal Exchange : Pave- ment Finch Lane, west side : Pavement ,, „ into Cornhill : Buildings Birchin Lane into Lombard Street : Buildings Birchin Lane, 1785 : Pavements, ■> » Grocers' Hall south-east corner of Pavements Wall and Pave- Pavement Poultry, St. Mildred's Court : Pavement „ Antiquities Queen Victoria Street : Piles and Peat Mansion House : Piles and Peat Queen Victoria Street (National Safe Deposit) : Antiquities Bucklersbury : Walls and Pavement „ Well :} >. St. Olave, Old Jewry ment 28. DowgateHill: Antiquities 29. Site of Baynard Castle : Antiquities 30. Queen Victoria Street : „ 30A. Size Lane : Pavement 31. Pancras Lane : Pavement Cannon Street, St. Swithin's : London Stone Cannon Street : London Stone (former position of) Laurence Pountney Lane : Antiquities „ „ opposite No. 27 : Pavement 36. Laurence Pountney Lane, opposite Nos. 26 and 3 : Bases of Columns Laurence Pountney Lane, Churchyard : Walls „ „ Buildings Duckfoot Lane : Hypocaust Suffolk Lane : Building Bush Lane, Scots Yard : Walls Cannon Street Station and Steelyard site : Walls, Pavement, &c. Cannon Street Station, east side : Walls, Piles, and Pavement Cannon Street and Bush Lane : Large Building Bush Lane : Wall and Tower College Street, Dyers' Hall : Pavement Bush Lane : Pavement Little Bush Lane : Wall Bush Lane, near Thames Street : Walls Cloak Lane : Piles „ „ WidthofWalbrook,248ft. „ „ site of St. John's : Pave- ment and Piles Dowgate Hill : Amphora Cannon Street, junction of Queen Vic- toria Street : Wall and Building 55. Budge Row, Cannon Street : Walls 56. Cannon Street, Tower Royal : Pavement 57. Queen Street : Walls and Pavement 58. Upper Thames Street : Pavements 59. „ „ „ Queenhithe : Pavements, &c. 59A. Bread Street Hill : Building 60. St. Thomas Apostle : Pavements, &c. 37- 38. 39- 40. 41. 42. 43- 44. 45- 46. 47- 48. 49. 50. 51- 52. 53- 54- 144 ROMANO-BRITISH LONDON i6i. 162. 163. 164. 165. 166. 167. 168. 169. 170. 171. 172. 173- 174. 175- 176. 177. 178. 179. 180. 181. 182. 183. 184. 185. 186. DISCOVERIES WITHIN Queen Street : Pavements, &c. „ „ near Watling Street: Walls, Pavement, and Road Cannon Street, east of Basing Lane : Pavement London Wall, Throgmorton Avenue : Road and Antiquities Guildhall : Pavement Gresham Street (Cateaton Street) : Pave- ment Gresham Street (Lad Lane) : Walls and Pavement Gresham Street (Lad Lane) : Pavement of Brick Wood Street : Pavements, &c. Hoggin Lane : Pavements, &c. Honey Lane Market : Antiquities „ „ „ Pavements, &c. St. Paul's to south-west : Bronze Statuette Cheapside : Antiquities „ Pavement St. Mary-le-Bow Church : Building and Causeway Bread Street : Walls Goldsmiths' Hall, Foster Lane : Altar Gutter Lane : Antiquities St. Martin's- le- Grand, General Post Office : Antiquities Cheapside : Coins Friday Street, St. Matthew's Church : Pavement Friday Street : Pavement, Walls, &c. Cannon Street : „ „ „ „ Bath „ „ site of Gerrard's Hall : Walls THE 187. 188. 189. 190. 191. 192. 193- 194. 195. 196. 197-1 198.J 199. 200. 201. 202. 203. 204. 205. 206. 207. 208. 209. 210. WALLS (continued) Great Trinity Lane, Queen Victoria Street : Walls Old Fish Street Hill, Thames Street : Wall and Culvert Lambeth Hill : Wall and Hypocaust Kni^htrider Street and Friday Street : WAX Little Knightrider Street : Culvert, Walls, &c. Cannon Street : Antiquities St. Paul's Churchyard, south side : An- tiquities St. Paul's Churchyard : Potters' Kilns „ „ opposite Pater- noster Row : Wall, &c. St. Paul's Churchyard, junction with Cheapside : Building and Hypocaust r Paternoster Row : Pavement, &c. St. Martin's-le-Grand, New General Post Office : Antiquities Bath Street : Antiquities Angel Street and Butcher Hall Lane (King Edward Street) : Antiquities Newgate Street near Wall : Pave- ment Paternoster Square : Pavement Warwick Lane : Wall Creed Lane : Antiquities Ludgate Square : Aqueduct and Bath Blackfriars, Queen Victoria Street : An- tiquities Cheapside, Old Change : Antiquities Warwick Square : Walls, &c. Walbrook, Bond Court : Antiquities References to Plan D : Southwark I. 2. 3- 4- 5- 6. 7- 8. II. 12. 13- 14, 16. 17- 18. 19. 20. 22. 23- Old London Bridge : Antiquities 24. Battle Bridge Lane : „ Tooley Street : Antiquities 25. High Street : Antiquities 26. Joiner Street : „ 27. Maze Pond : „ 28. Guy's Hospital : „ 29. St. Thomas's Church : Antiquities 30, 10. St. Thomas's Hospital : Pavement, &c. 32. High Street : Pavement, &c. 33, ■ ,, „ (King's Head) : Pavement, 35. &c. „ „ Antiquities 36. 15. Newcomen Street : Antiquities Long Lane : Antiquities 37. Tabard Street : Antiquities 38. Buckingham Square : Antiquities 39. Deverell Street : Hypocaust, &c. 40- Trinity Church : Antiquities High Street (Blackman Street) : Antiquities 43. Great Dover Street : Antiquities 44. 1 145 High Street, opposite St. George's Church : Antiquities Mint Street : Antiquities High Street : ,, „ „ Building Remains, &c. Union Street : Sepulchral Remains Stoney Street : Antiquities 31. Southwark Street : Walls, Pavements, Piles, &c. High Street : Antiquities 34. St. Saviour's Church : Pavements St. Saviour's Church : Walls and Pave- ment Winchester House (Park Street) : Pave- ment, &c. V Boro' Market : Antiquities Clink Street : Piles, &c. Park Street : Supposed landing-place ■42. Barclay and Perkins' Brewery : Anti- quities Castle Street : Antiquities Great Guildford Street : Antiquities 19 A HISTORY OF LONDON List of Roman Burials in London (Plan A) I. Warwick Square 36. 2. Borough High Street 37- 3- St. Mary's, Spitalfields 38. 4- Well Street, Jewin Street 39- 5- St. Michael's, Crooked Lane 40. 6. Cheapside 41. 7- St. Paul's Churchyard 42. 8. Paternoster Square (Newgate Market) 43- 9- Bucklersbury 44. 10. Birkbeck Bank, High Holborn 45- II. Christ's Hospital, Newgate Street 46. 12. Cloth Fair, Smithfield 47- 13- Smithfield Market 48. 14. St. Martin's-le-Grand 49. IS- Broad Street 50. 16. Coleman Street 51- 17- Mark Lane 52. 18. London Wall 53- 19. Blomfield Street 54- 20. Widegate Street and Artillery Lane 55- 21. Haydon Square, Minories 56. 22. Cockspur Street 57- 23- Deverell Street 58. 24. Great Alie Street 59- 25- St. Andrew's, Holborn 60. 26. Liverpool Street Station 61. 27. Bishopsgate Street Without 62. 28. Milk Street 63- 29. AUhallows Barking 64. 30- Newgate Street 65. 31- Endell Street 66. 32. Fenchurch Street 67. 33- Queen Street 68. 34- Old India House, Leadenhall Street 69. 35. Camomile Street Westminster Abbey Spitalfields Seacoal Lane St. Martin's-in-the-Fields Bishopsgate Street Without Castle Street (Goring Street) Howard Street St. Bartholomew's Hospital Haydon Square, Minories Hosier Lane Old Kent Road New Broad Street Mansell Street Little St. Thomas Apostle (Cannon Street) St. Botolph's, Bishopsgate Paternoster Row St. Dunstan's-in-the-East Walbrook West Street, Smithfield Cock Lane Grove Street Trinity Church, Newington King Street, Southwark Union Street Newcastle Street St. Paul's Churchyard Camomile Street Mansell Street Barclay & Perkins' Brewery King Street, Southwark Southwark Town Hall St. George's Fields House of Lords Winchester House, Old Broad Street 146 ANGLO-SAXON REMAINS NEITHER history nor archaeology has yet put a term to Roman civiHzation in London. Though official intercourse with Rome ceased about 410, it is more than likely that London retained for a time the institutions and culture imposed upon it during the four preceding centuries, and nothing as yet discovered shows that its citizens were immediately driven from their homes by the invading Teuton. The city walls should for some time have withstood such attacks as that which brought Theodosius in hot haste to the rescue in 368 ; and the disaster of that year offers a starting-point for a brief chronological sketch, to serve as a frame for the picture presented by Anglo-Saxon remains in the heart of London. Ammianus Marcellinus, a contemporary historian, states that in 368 London was taken by the Franks or Saxons, who ambushed the Duke of Britain and slew the Count of the Saxon Shore, these being two of the most prominent officials of the province at that period. The city was soon retaken and forti- fied, but, like nearly every other British town, then suffered a total eclipse, and there is no record till 457, in which year Hengist, and tEsc his son, defeated the Britons at Crayford and drove them in flight to London. Much had happened in the interval that we would gladly know : the Saxon had evidently got a firm footing in this country, but it may be inferred that London was still an effective city of refuge, and had not yet succumbed to the invader. Just a century later Gildas, the British Jeremiah, was lamenting the fall of Verulam, a city that in Roman times had ranked above London ; and it is possible that the latter had met its fate in the same period. Such indeed is the view that has commended itself to more than one historian of the city, and may be mentioned here as according with most of the archaeo- logical evidence brought to light. Chester, another great Roman centre, was a desert as late as 894, and London may well have become a ' waste-chester ' (as the English called the deserted military stations of the Romans), untenable by its citizens and tem- porarily unattractive to its enemies. The city that had checked Hengist's pursuit of the flying Britons in 457 seems to have been powerless to prevent the movements of Jute or Saxon along the south bank of the river, and the battle of Wimbledon in 568 may have decided whether one or another Teu- tonic tribe was to dominate the lower Thames. If London had still been a power to reckon with, its capture would have become a necessity at this time ; but the chronicles are silent, and it is under the sovereignty, not of the 147 A HISTORY OF LONDON victor at Wimbledon, but of the vanquished iEthelbert of Kent, that London emerges into history once more in 604. It was then that the Roman Christianity of Augustine was established in the city, and at this turning-point in its history we may pause to consider how far the pagan period is illustrated by finds within its walls. Most of the antiquities dealt with in this chapter belong to the period of the Danish invasions and occupation, but two obviously of earlier date deserve special attention, and are here illustrated. The first (fig. i) might with almost equal justice have been treated as late Roman, but it was probably made after 4 10, and is, at any rate, an excellent Gallo-Roman example of that peculiar style of deep engraving (the German Keilschnitt) that largely influenced the Anglo-Saxon craftsmen of the pagan period. Though the ornamentation is familiar, buckles of such dimensions are rarely found, and it so happens that a very similar specimen from the earliest Christian cemetery at Worms is pre- served with that from West Smithlield in the British Mu- seum.^ The plate was cast in a mould, and no doubt finished with a graver, the lines of the scroll-work being of wedge-like form with triangular section. A silver-headed rivet at each corner served to fasten it to a leather belt, and a tongue worked loosely on a bar at the centre. The hoop of the buckle that fits into the central aper- ture has terminals moulded in the form of lions' heads, though these are no longer distinctly seen. There can, however, be no doubt as to their significance, as well-executed examples are fairly common in what was once Gallia Belgica. Their date is fixed early in the fifth century by discoveries in the Gallo-Roman cemetery at Vermand, Dept. Aisne ;" and native Anglo-Saxon work as at Mitcham, Surrey,^ shows that this kind of scrollwork had been adopted, on a less pretentious scale, for saucer-brooches of the West Saxon type before the end of the century. The lion's head terminals of an oval hoop are also seen on a buckle,* found in the Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, which seems to be one of the earliest Teutonic sites in the country. Fig. I. — Ero\'ze Buckle, West Smithfield (i) ' Both are figured in Lindenschmit's Akerthllmer unserer heidmschen Forzeit, vol. i, pt. viii, pi. vii, where the London specimen is incorrectly said to be from the Thames. See Coll. Antlq. iv, 193, pi. xlii (Seine-et- ■Oise). Two other buckles, perhaps of 7th century, are in Guildhall Mus. {Cat. p. 121, nos. 68, 69) : they ■both have triangular plates, and are possibly of Kentish origin. ' Eck, Cmetieres gallo-romains, pis. xv, xvi ; see also Boulanger, Mob'dier funiraire gallo-romain, pi. 7 ; Salin, Die allgermanhche Thicromamentik, fig. 398 (Dalmatia), fig. 406 (Hungary). ' Proc. Sac. Antiq. xxi, 7. ' F.C.H. Berks, i, 233 (fig. i on plate). 148 ANGLO-SAXON REMAINS Fig. 2. — Bronze Brooch, Tower Street (A) The other object referred to is a bronze brooch (fig, 2) of cruciform type, that seems to have been evolved in this country from the ' long ' brooch of Scandinavia, that had three knobs attached to an oblong headplate, and a long tapering foot ending in a horse's head. The present specimen was found in Tower Street, 1868, and has an expanding foot like that seen on many from the South Baltic (Prussian type) as well as from English cemeteries. A very similar brooch, with imper- fect foot, was found in Long Wittenham,^ already referred to in connexion with scroll-engraving on bronze. This analogy justifies the attribution of the Tower Street brooch to the fifth or early sixth century, and its presence in London near the Thames may perhaps be explained by some attack on or by a body of West Saxons from Schleswig-Holstein * passing up the river to their early headquarters in the upper valley. The West Saxons, whose victories in the middle of the sixth century made them masters of the southern midlands, had not as yet appropriated London ; but the East Saxons, who may be presumed to have been of the same stock, were in possession when ^Ethelbert, their overlord and the uncle of their King Sebert, sent them Mellitus as their first Christian bishop, with a see in what Bede a century later calls their metropolis. It was soon after, according to the same historian, that ^Ethelbert built the church of St. Paul ; and though the city was no doubt becoming once more the resort of merchants who trafficked by sea and land,^ it is significant that the church was placed at the western extremity of the Roman city, where land was available in plenty and there were apparently fewer habitations. It must be remembered in this connexion that the name of Middlesex does not imply an original occupation of what is now the county by the Middle Saxons. There is indeed nothing illogical or even improbable in the name, as the Middle English of the midlands are named in history, but it is practically certain that the term only arose when the counties were constituted in late Anglo-Saxon times, and London, in the earliest English period, belonged to the East Saxons and formed part of Essex, as indeed its dialect testifies to the present day. Incidentally, the name Middlesex is an additional argument in favour of the view that Wessex, of the pagan period, lay mainly north of the Thames, and balanced Essex on the other side of the forest of Middlesex. Allusion has been already made to the occurrence of similar types of relics in London and at Long Wittenham, a village just two miles from Dorchester- on-Thames, the seat of the first West Saxon bishopric. It is on the other hand remarkable that no Kentish remains have yet been identified in London, Westminster, or Southwark, and when it is remembered that up till 597, when Augustine arrived, the Cantwara were burying with their dead large quantities of jewellery, arms, and utensils, the conclusion seems inevitable that the Kentish control of London did not extend much further back, or, at least, that ' r^.C.H. Berks, i, 232 (fig. to left). * Haakon Schetelig, Cruciform Brooches of Norway, 91. ' Bede, Eccl. Hist, ii, 3. 149 A HISTORY OF LONDON the city was rather a mihtary outpost than a thriving community. Further north, in many places within the empire of y^thelbert, which extended to the Humber, have been found jewelled relics that must have been made by Kentish goldsmiths of the sixth and seventh centuries. The absence of any Saxon burials in London distinguished by the charac- teristic grave-furniture of the pagan period is thus partly accounted for ; but it is evident from history that the new faith did not prevail without a struggle, and during the ensuing fifty years, at least, many East Saxons must have died and been buried with heathen obsequies within the walls. But no burial obviously of early Anglo-Saxon date is known in the area concerned, and the cemetery or cemeteries in use during the seventh century, before interments were confined by ecclesiastical law to the sacred precincts of a church, perhaps await discovery, or have more probably been destroyed in the course of centuries by building operations. The Roach Smith collection, so rich in cinerary urns and similar relics of the Roman period, contains no Saxon objects of sepulchral character, that is, of the kind often deposited in the graves of either sex, such as spear, sword, and shield in association, or neck- laces of glass and amber beads, brooches and toilet articles of definite and well- known types. That paganism died hard in London is clear even from the scanty notices in Bede and the chronicles. In the year of ^Ethelbert's death (6i6) Mellitus succeeded to the archbishopric of Canterbury, and London took the opportunity of seceding from the faith. ^Ethelbert's son and successor, Eadbald, flouted the church, and his three cousins of Essex, who succeeded Sebert, had in fact driven out Mellitus, and were more obstinately hostile to the church than the Kentish king, who shortly repented. According to Bede divine retribution was not long delayed, and the three apostate princes of Essex were slain with their army in an engagement with the Saxons of the west, the latter power being apparently content with a nominal overlordship, as the succession of East Saxon kings remained unbroken.* The rise of Northumbria to the foremost position in England during the first quarter of the seventh century resulted in the reconversion of Essex, Oswiu having prevailed on Sigebert to be baptized and to receive Cedd, the brother of St. Chad, as bishop of London in 654. Subsequently a plague proved too strong for the faith of his people, and Christianity was only established on a permanent basis by Jaruman of Lichfield. Meanwhile the control of London had evidently passed out of the hands of Northumbria into those of Mercia, for Wine purchased the bishopric of London from Wulfhere in 666. Only twenty years later King Ine of Wessex speaks of Earconwald as his bishop, and it must be presumed that London had again changed masters. Such, in short, is the course of events in London during the period that is illustrated somewhat fully by Anglo-Saxon remains else- where, in the eastern half of England, but in London itself we find no such reflection of political events. The appearance of the Danes in the latter part of the ninth century accounts for the prevalence of swords and other weapons among the few Saxon relics of the city, and the following summary will indicate in what respects they differ from corresponding types of the pagan period. * Loftie, Hist. ofLond. i, 58. 150 ANGLO-SAXON REMAINS It is indeed mainly by their difference from those found in the graves that we are enabled to assign a certain number of extant spearheads to the later period. A particularly fine specimen in the national col- lection, 27-4 in. long with four pairs of grooves round the split socket, was found on the banks of the Thames, probably within the area dealt with in these pages, and may serve as a type. The blade is of flat lozenge section with the edges forming an angle below the middle point, but the chief peculiarity is a pair of projections or shoulders on a level with the base of the blade, probably to strengthen the weapon at what must generally have been the weakest point, at the junction of blade and socket. This feature cannot be fully appreciated from an illustration, but occurs on another specimen in the collection from the Thames at London, zgl in. long ; and both show remarkable skill and taste on the maker's part, though weapons of such length were probably intended only for purposes of parade. Another spearhead in the same collection, also from the Thames at the Temple, is of extra- ordinary length (261 in.), but is of inferior work- manship, with a leaf-shaped blade and the socket- edges meeting, part of the shaft being preserved through the rusting of the metal. It is quite plain, and was made for use rather than ornament at a time when long spearheads were in fashion. It is on these grounds assigned to the Danish period, but at present it stands in a class by itself. Three spearheads (two in the British Museum and one at Sheffield), and part of a fourth of a smaller size, have also been found in the Thames, and can be classified with the help of continental finds. Two out of the three are here illustrated (figs. 3, 4), and their outlines can be readily distinguished from others, but it should be mentioned in addition that specimens of this kind are surprisingly massive, and it is thought that they were used for hunting purposes. Their most salient feature, however, is a pair of wings below the blade, a feature that appears in rudimentary form on a specimen from Lake Bourget, Switzerland, with the socket inlaid with bronze ; ** and the type is known from various parts of Charlemagne's dominions, as well as from Nottingham and Henley-on-Thames' in our own country, while others from Amiens and Marne are in the British Museum. The Nottingham specimen was found in association with a sword like fig. 12, and sufficient evidence has been col- lected abroad '° for their attribution to the Carlovingian period (ninth and tenth centuries) ; and that they were not unknown Fig. 3. — Iron Spearhead with Cross-bar, Lon- don (l) '^^/A Fig. 4. — Iron Spearhead with Silver Rivets, City of London (i) •' Chamber/ Museum ; figd. by Munro, Laie DzveUlngs of Europe, 544. ' F.C.H^Notts. i, 203 (Tower of London) ; Berks, i, 246 (Reading Museum). '° Mittheilungen der anthrop. Gesellschaft in ICien, xxix (1S99), p. 37, pi. i. IS! A HISTORY OF LONDON to the Scandinavians is shown by the discovery of a specimen at Asia, Ringsaker, Hedemarken, on the eastern frontier of Norway." Roach Smith illustrates, in his Catalogue of London Antiquities (No. 552), a socketed spearhead of a kind rarely met with in this country,"^ and better known in Scandinavia. The socket is inlaid with a scroll pattern in silver(?) which differs from those found at Burradon, Northumberland, and at Steyn- ing, Sussex, but doubtless belongs to the period of the Viking invasion. Another link with Scandinavia is furnished by a long and slender spear- head in the national collection, from the Thames (fig. 5). It has the socket inlaid with silver and copper in fifty-four bands of herring-bone pattern, and closely resembles one from prov. Bratsberg, Norway,"'' which, however, has also broader bands at intervals. In length it compares well with those first mentioned, and all evidently belong to the same Viking period. Before passing to the swords we may notice another weapon of offence unusually common in London before the Norman Conquest, but scarce in other parts of this country. It is generally known as the ' scramasax,' a peculiar form of the ' seax ' or knife mentioned in the story of Hengist's massacre of Vortigern's nobles. London specimens of the scramasax are of various dimensions and show minor differences in outline, but nearly all have well-defined grooves on both Fig. 5. — Iron Spearhead ima:d with Silver and Copper, Thames (^) Fig. 6. — Iron Knife inlaid with Coi-PER, Honey Lane Market (tang bent) (J) faces running near, and parallel to, the thick back of the blade, from the guard to the angle where the back begins to taper towards the point. These grooves were sometimes ornamented with an inlay of brass or other metal contrasting in colour with the polished blade. A good example (fig. 6), found with coins of iEthelred II (978-1016) on. the site of the old City of London School, Honey Lane Market,^^ has plaited brass wires so inlaid, like another London specimen from the Thames, now in the British Museum. The solidity of the weapons must have tended to reduce their length in comparison with the double-edged sword ; but there are London specimens in the Roach Smith collection that must have been difficult to balance. One has a length of over 27 in. including the tang : another,^^ imperfect at that end, is 33 J in. long ; and a third, measuring with the tang 28 J in., is remarkable in yet another respect, as it bears on one face the Runic alphabet " Gustafson, Norges Oldtid, fig. 412 ; Rygh, Norske Oldiager, fig. 518. "' JItmkk Castle Mus. Cat. 72 ; Sussex Arch. Coll. ii, 269 ; S. Muller, Ordning aj Danmarks OUsager, fig. 582 ; Rvgh, Norske OUsager, figs. S'iza, b. Several in Aspelin's Ant'iq. du Nord Finno-Ougrien. "*' Rygh, Norske Oldsager, figs. 532.?, b (Bratsberg, south of Christiania). " Roach Smith, Cat. No. 541 ; Coll. Antiq. ii, pi. Iviii, fig. 3 ; Gent. Mag. 1836, i, 371 ; Gent. Mag. Library, Romano-British Remains, i, 195. " Coll. Antiq. ii, 245. 152 ANGLO-SAXON REMAINS and ornament inlaid in plaited gold and silver wire (see fig. 7). It was recovered from the Thames in 1857, and though not of the finest workman- ship is one of the most important documents for the study of runes. It was pointed out by Rev. Daniel Haigh that the order of the futhorc (not an alphabet in the strict sense, as the first letters are F, C7, TH, O, R, C) is incorrect after the nineteenth character.^* Among the scramasaxes of medium size may be mentioned one measuring I5'6 in. that has on both faces a band of damascening running parallel to ihe back in the position usually occupied by grooving. This feature connects them with the swords on which this kind of decoration is frequent at this period, while the inlaying of brass and other metals brings the scramasax into relation with some peculiar stirrups of Viking origin. Specimens from Battersea and the Witham at Lincoln are so inlaid with brass, in a scroll- pattern strongly reminiscent of that seen on the Smithfield buckle already described, but there was perhaps a difference in date of three or four centuries between these two London relics, and the survival, if such it be, is difficult to explain. The typical Anglo-Saxon sword, as represented in graves of the pagan period, is an ill-balanced weapon about 3 ft. long from point to pommel, the 7. — Iron Sword-knife inlaio with Runes, Thames {D Fig. 8. — Iron Sword from the Thames (J) blade having parallel edges till within a short distance of the rather blunt point, and being too long in proportion to the length and weight of the grip. That the handle was generally of wood is clear from the fact that, with very rare exceptions, the guard, grip, and pommel have disappeared, leaving only the iron tang and iron core of the pommel ; but the original form is well illustrated by a jewelled specimen in the national collection from Cumberland, which has a short straight guard and pommel, with transverse grooves on the grip. How long these weapons continued in use after the population became Christian and ceased to bury weapons with their dead warriors is at present doubtful, but it is probable that, at least under Alfred, a lesson was learnt from the successful Danish inroads, and a more handy weapon devised. The specimen here represented (fig. 8) may be a transition form, for while the blade is shorter and tapers slightly from the broad base to the point, the guard was apparently of wood, not of bronze, as on the Scandinavian swords next to be noticed. The diminutive iron pommel, too, is in the old style, but well preserved, and would have prevented a metal guard from being lost. The broad, shallow channel down each face of the blade is, on the other hand, characteristic of Scandinavian weapons ; and this specimen from the Thames may represent a half-hearted attempt to adopt the enemy's pattern. " Arch.Cantiana,fn\, 235 ; WAcl!iy\oi,The Alphabet, 210-15 5 Stephens, iJawV Mfl»»wn//, i, 124-30. I 153 20 A HISTORY OF LONDON A work of art that can with more confidence be attributed to the period between the conversion of England and the coming of the Vikings is here illustrated in colours (coloured plate, figs. 8, 9). It consists of one half of a sword-handle, including the pommel, and was evidently made more for ornament than use. The metal is silver, partly gilt, and served to cover the wooden grip through which passed the iron tang of the sword, doubtless resembling fig. 11. Round the centre of the grip passed a silver ring to conceal the junction of the two halves of the grip, all being of oval section. This ring and the bar below the pommel, which corresponded to the guard now lost, are ornamented with repeated chevrons, but the handle and pommel deserve more particular notice. The former is engraved with different designs on the two faces, and a rich effect is obtained by contrast- ing the gold and silver surfaces. On one side (fig, 8) is a whorl of four serpents, their heads being distinguishable at the centre. The scales on their bodies are suggested by transverse curves in niello now hardly visible, and the outlines are traced in the same material. In the narrow spaces between the bodies are leafy scrolls that are foreign to early Anglo-Saxon and Scandinavian art, and may have been transmitted from classical sources through Ireland. An Irish origin for the serpentine forms is indicated, for such are rare in Teutonic art, and are only represented in a top-view. The present examples are clearly viewed from the side, and their arrangement is due to the Irish craftsman's preference for the eccentric spiral. This is shown still more clearly on the other side (fig. 9), where the silver surface has niello spirals within it, and itself runs off into spiral curves, while just within its borders run single lines of slightly-incised dots that remind one forcibly of the red-punctured borders of large initial letters in Irish illuminated manuscripts. The gilt spaces are engraved with larger masses of the same foliage as before, which occurs on other relics of the ninth century found in England, and is allied to the leaf-work on Merovingian illuminated manuscripts,"' but is not characteristic of Irish work. The pommel is attached by rivets to the cross-bar, but some of the silver rivet-heads are only ornamental. The central lobe is decorated differently on the two faces, and the engraving is evidently an attempt to fill the space with an acanthus design which, like the foliage below, can only be traced to classical models on the continent. The form of the hilt is evidently transitional, preserving in the grip a pattern that goes back to the time of the moss-deposits of Denmark, when the Teutonic tribes were moving westward and Britain was still a Roman province. The pommel again retains some features of the seventh century, when garnet inlay was in fashion, and also heralds the Viking form as seen in figs. 9—12. The serpents' heads are also somewhat in the third style of Teutonic art (eighth century) as formulated by Dr. Salin,^*'' and enough has been said to justify the opinion that this remarkable relic, which was found in Fetter Lane, and is now the property of the nation, belonged to a state sword made by a craftsman of the Irish school who had access to continental models in the early part of the ninth century. "^ Examples have been collected in Proc. Soc. Antiq. xx, 54. '"' Die altgermanische Thieromamentik, 272. 154 I-) a < < b I i o z S i s^ 155 A HISTORY OF LONDON In 1897 a fine example of the Viking sword (fig. 9) was exhibited to the Society of Antiquaries " by Mr. Morgan S. WilHams, and commented on by Mr. C. H. Read. It had recently been found in the Thames near West- minster, standing upright, and resembles one from the Witham in the national collection. It belongs to one of the two leading types of the period, having curved guard and pommel, both originally silvered over and ornamented with a row of lozenges in gold outlined in copper (fig. 10). The outer part of the pommel is, as usual, in three lobes, which seem to have represented an animal's head in the present instance. The blade is excellently forged and is 30I in. long, with a broad channel down the middle, but any possible inscription on the blade is hidden by a black oxide. The damascening (due to forging the blade out of several twisted iron rods) is still visible in places on the blade ; and the tang, which is now a flat tapering bar of iron, was originally covered with plates of horn, bone, or wood to form a grip. To the same type belongs another in the national collection from the Thames at the Temple (fig. 13). It is unornamented, but in good condition, wanting nothing but the grip of bone or wood, and must have been a most serviceable weapon, much stronger, heavier, and better balanced than the native Anglo-Saxon sword of the pagan period, with its long narrow blade Fig. 13. — Viking Sword from the Thames at the Temple (J) and inadequate pommel. That the English eventually adopted the weapons of their conquerors is most probable ; but the superiority of the Danish armament in the ninth century no doubt had much to do with their successes. A Viking sword of another type (fig. 1 2) , bequeathed by Mr. H. D. Baines to the national collection, was said to have been found about 1846 in the tomb of an earl of Pembroke (early thirteenth century) in the Temple Church, but is more probably from the Thames, as its condition testifies. The blade is 2 ft. 4I in. long, slightly tapering, and double-edged, with a broad channel down the middle on both faces ; and the tang is now tightly bound with silver wire that once encircled the bone or wooden grip. The axis of the guard as well as that of the pommel-base is at right angles to the grip, but their sides are slightly concave ; and while the guard retains clear traces of silver plating and interlaced animal ornament, the pommel is modelled in the form of two conventional animal heads once plated with silver, the details indicated by an inlay of copper (fig. 11). In the words of Mr. C. H. Read, who described the sword for the Society of Antiquaries on the occasion of its exhibition in 1886 by Rev. J. C. Jackson, the decoration of the hilt has been very skilfully and laboriously executed ; and the method is the same as that now practised by the Indian and Persian smiths in inlaying gold or silver over a large surface of iron or steel, viz. by cross-hatching the whole space to be covered, and then hammering the silver plate upon it, the slight roughing being quite sufficient to " Proc. Soc. Antiq. xvi, 390. 156 ANGLO-SAXON REMAINS give it a firm hold. In this sword, however, the details seem to have been first engraved through this silver coating, and the lines then filled with copper wire ; and the animals' heads which form the pommel are bound with twisted and plaited wires so as to resemble to some extent the heads of horses.^^ The blade is now somewhat decayed, but there was probably a dama- scened inscription near the base of the blade, the name ulfberht preceded by a cross being frequent on swords of this period, which appear to have issued from a single workshop, though the place of manufacture has not yet been precisely determined." First among the ornaments of the Anglo-Saxon period from London may be mentioned the gold finger-ring, of which two views are given on the coloured plate (figs. 2, 4). On general grounds it may be assigned to the ninth century, when native art had outgrown the animal forms of the pagan period, and was not yet pervaded by Irish or Scandinavian influences. This specimen is drawn full-size, and consists of a hoop covered with rows of plaited gold wire, which part into two bands at the front, and there inclose a cruciform filigree pattern, with the angles within and without the oval bezel filled with beading. The cross is equal-armed, and may be nothing but a geometrical ornament ; but it is remarkable that another gold ring precisely of this form has been found at Bossington, Hampshire," with a bust in place of the cross, and the inscription, nomen ehlla fides in christo, which clearly points to Christian ownership. The London specimen probably belonged to an ecclesiastic, and was found in Garrick Street, passing into the British Museum as an item of the Franks Bequest. In the national collection is a bronze disk 1*3 in. in diameter in poor condition, but still retaining evident traces of spiral ornament like that on several escutcheons for hanging-bowls of the Saxon period in England. The enamel has disappeared, but there can be little doubt that the disk with its close-wound spirals filled with red enamel belonged to a set of three (or four) set within frames each surmounted by a hook for the attachment of chains to the edge of a bowl, and a fragment in the same collection from Surrey shows that champleve enamels of this kind were known in this part of England ; in fact Kent has produced more examples than any other county, and the number still in existence can justly be held to prove that the Late Celtic or Early British school of art was not altogether destroyed by four centuries of Roman civilization, but enjoyed a renaissance in this country even when the Teutonic conquest was complete. The significance of these bowls has still to be explained, but the few details known of their discovery point to the sixth or early seventh century. Another possible survival of the Celtic style is a circular bronze brooch from the City (Roach Smith, Catalogue No. 554) with the face embossed with three C-scrolls inclosing S-scrolls and arranged in triskele fashion. The work is rude and lacks the charm of Celtic scroll-work, but a still more debased specimen "* has been found in the Thames, with a gold coin evi- dently copied from a semissis (half-solidus) of Heraclius (610-41) or Constans II (641-68). The brooch is of pewter, nearly i in. in diameter, " Arch. 1, 5 3 1 . " Lorange, Den Yngre Jemalden Svaerd, pL i, ii, iii. " V.C.H. Hants, i, 397 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, i, 341. '^ Figured in Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, i, 123 ; see 143. A better example in the Cheapside hoard {Guildhall M us. Cat. pi. liv, fig. 5). 157 A HISTORY OF LONDON and has four C-scroUs in relief like the last, but so arranged as to inclose a cruciform space. The date suggested by the coin would be suitable, but the association may have been accidental. A remarkable brooch (coloured plate, fig. 5), that belongs to a very limited series of enamelled Anglo-Saxon jewellery, Vi^as found about 9 ft. deep during the spring of 1839, when sewage works were in progress opposite Dowgate Hill in Upper Thames Street. It lay in a dark-coloured stratum of earth apart from anything that could throw light on its history, and is fortunately in excellent preservation, the pin alone being deficient. It passed into the British Museum in 1856, and is there exhibited along with two other circular enamelled brooches which with the Alfred jewel afford interesting material for a study of the subject. An excellent repro- duction in colour accompanied Mr. Roach Smith's account written in 1840 and published by the Society of Antiquaries," and his attribution of this ouche, as he elected to call it, to the time of Alfred cannot be seriously challenged. His opinion that it was the work of foreign artists working in England is also plausible ; but his conjecture that the person represented is King Alfred can hardly be proved or disproved without further discoveries of the kind. The brooch is i"4in. in diameter, having at the centre a convex medallion with enamelled cell-work (cloisonne) which represents a male bust facing, crowned, and draped with a mantle and tunic. The crown has Montelius, Antiquites Suedoises, 160-1 ; Rygh, ^'orske OUsager, figs. 692-6 (late ninth cent.). "" Proc. Soc. Jntij. xix, 210 ; F.C.H. Herts, i, 260 (Boxmoor). Both sides of the London specimen are figured in Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, ii, 313. One in the Cheapside hoard has a similar border. 160 ECGBERT (802-38) ^THELSTAN (925-40) Gareard, Moneyer ScEATTfl jS^THELRED 11 (979-1016) Liofwold, Moneyer Alfred (871-901) Edward the Confessor (1042-66) Wulfred, Moneyer Fig. 18. — Anglo-Saxon Silver Coins: Sceatta and Pennies (^) Fig. 29. — Viking Bridle-bit, Noble Street. Cheapside (|, 3" o 31". 6' Fig. 19. — Cross-head from Churchyard of Sr. John's-upon-WaLbrook ANGLO-SAXON REMAINS subjects being also found on Scandinavian brooches of similar pattern during the tenth century. A few general remarks are needed to introduce the series of Anglo- Saxon coins struck, in London. They fall into two main groups, which are successive, not contemporary. The earlier pieces were ultimately derived from coins of Honorius, and known as sceats or sceattas, the name being con- nected with the German Schatz and Danish Skatt (treasure), and still surviving in ' scot ' and ' shot.' They were first struck early in the seventh century, and are ' small thick pieces almost wholly devoid of intelligible legends but rich, as few coinages of the world are rich, in the variety of the designs by which they are adorned.' The specimen illustrated (fig. i 8) bears the name Lvi/iDOMiA + on the obverse, and London pieces have one peculiarity worth noting. They alone, among the coins of this series, are of very base silver, sometimes indeed of a metal so debased that it becomes questionable whether they should not be described as copper coins. Thus, the metals of all the earliest English coins bearing the name of London are approximately very base silver or copper and gold, the metals of the two classes of Roman coins current in this country : a fact not without its significance, especially when we reflect that the preference for silver coins was in some sort a badge of the Teutonic nations. Quantum valeat the circumstance tends to show that the city of London retained something of the habits and preferences which it had acquired under the Romans. At the same time the appearance itself of the legend Londonia or Londunium may suggest that during this period London preserved some sort of autonomy.-"'' The sceattas were in use till the introduction of the penny by OfFa of Mercia late in the eighth century ; the latter was a thinner and broader piece of silver, bearing on one side the name of the king by whose authority it was struck, and on the other the name of the moneyer, that is, of the person made responsible for the just weight and purity of the coins. Halfdan the Dane struck coins at London in the year 872, but the five pennies illustrated will suffice as specimens from the London mints. Under iEthelstan it was enacted at the Synod of Greatley (Hunts., a.d. 928) that London should have eight moneyers, Canterbury ranking next with seven. Special atten- tion may be called to the monogram of London in the Byzantine style on a penny of Alfred, and the penny of Ecgberht as king of the Mercians belongs to the first penny issue bearing the name of London (829—30). A remarkable hoard, deposited about 841-2, was discovered between western Fleet Street and the river, containing 241 coins of Mercia, Kent, Canterbury, East Anglia, and Wessex ; another deposit, containing perhaps as many as seven thousand coins of Edward the Confessor and William L was found in the City, and about one hundred coins of Burgred of Mercia (851-74), with one of vEthelred I (863-71), were found during excavations for Waterloo Bridge."' In connexion with numismatic art may be mentioned a bodkin-like pin that was classified as Roman by Roach Smith [Catalogue, No. 288), but seems to belong to the sixth century, and to be of Teutonic workmanship. It is 6'4 in. long, and consists of a round bronze stem with flat round head, and a slit near the point, probably for the insertion of a cord or other ""' Cat. of Engl. Coins (B.M.), vol. i, p. xx ; those illustrated are No. 125, Handbook of Coins (B.M.) ; Cat. vol. i, No. 89 ; vol. ii, Nos. 84, 60, 186, and 1021, under their respective kings. " Numismatic C6ron.'{jrd Ser.), xiv, 29 ; (New Ser.), xvi, 323 ; (3rd Ser.), iv, 349 ; v, 254. I 161 21 A HISTORY OF LONDON Fig. 20. — Dump of Lead and Impressions of Coin Dies, St. Paul's Churchyard (i) substance to prevent the pin falling out of the hair or the folds of a garment. The head might be mistaken for a coin, but is plain at the back, and has a device in somewhat high relief, representing a head to left, in front of which are two crosses composed of dots, of the Latin and Greek form respectively, which may be intended for the ball and cross. This is not known as a coin-type, but the curious round helmet closely re- sembles that on Ostro- gothic coins of copper dating from the sixth cen- tury, and till other examples come to light the pin here figured may be considered contemporary. It may be added that the bronze is by no means pure, and evidently contains a large proportion of lead, no doubt added to facilitate casting. The leaden trial-piece here illustrated (fig. 20) was found during the summer of 1841 when a sewer was being cut 'opposite the pastrycook's shop at the corner of Canon Alley,' on the north side of St. Paul's Churchyard, and passed into the national collection in 1856 with the Roach Smith collection of London antiquities."^^ It is a 'proof of a die for a penny of King Alfred cut by the moneyer Ealdulf, and the two deep furrows on the obverse may be taken to show either that the design was rejected or that the impression was obliterated so as to be of no use to a forger. No coins from this die have in fact been found, but very close parallels for the obverse and reverse may be seen in the British Museum.-^ The name Ealdulf occurs as that of the moneyer on an extant coin of Alfred {Cat. No. 287), and a century and a half later another of the name, perhaps a descendant, was striking money in London for Edward the Confessor {Cat. No. 966). One Eadulf, perhaps the same as Ealdulf of the trial-piece, was working under ^Ethelbert, the elder brother of x^lfred ; and this is rendered all the more probable by the fact that the type also occurs among the coins of Ceolwulf II, king of Mercia," who reigned only one year (874), so that the trial-piece must have been struck in the opening years of Alfred's reign. A trial-piece of another kind found in the City is here illustrated (fig. 21). It consists of a fragment of bone, probably from a rib of the ox, engraved here and there with the interlaced patterns that characterize the later Anglo-Saxon period. These are evidently speci- mens of engraving for even- tual reproduction on metal, p-^^ 2i._Engraver's Tr.al-p.ece of Bone, City of London (J) and there is another example, from London Wall, in the Guildhall Museum {Cat. pi. li, fig. 17). En- graved bones of the same character, but with more elaborate patterns, are "" Cal. No. 564 (with figs.); Gent. Mag. 1841, ii, 498, 265 (E. B. Price). "' Cat. of Engl. Coins, Anglo-Sax. ii, pi. vi, fig. 7 (for the reverse) and 8 (for the obverse), the l.itter coin being by the moneyer Eadulf (/;V). " Ibid, i, No. 403, pi. X, fig. 16. 162 ANGLO-SAXON REMAINS published from Strokestown, co. Roscommon, and Lagore, co. Meath,"= and thus confirm the view that this style of ornamentation was indigenous in Ireland. The bone medallion ^* of which an inverted illustration is given (coloured plate fig. 6) was found in the City of London and was one of the late Sir Wol- laston Franks's many gifts to the British Museum. It must be numbered among the rarer antiquities of the Viking period, and is a fair example of that peculiar art. It is almost complete, and has a circular depression at the back spanned by a broad bar which has not been cut away, the evident intention being to attach the disk to the person by means of a strap or cord, much in the same way as a Chinese toggle. The front is slightly convex, and is carved in low relief, to represent a male figure accommodated to the space by a considerable distortion of the limbs, the legs being turned upwards and connected with the arms by interlaced cords. The head, which must have projected somewhat from the top, is unfortunately destroyed, but what appears to be the beard may be seen on the breast. The body and limbs are for the most part covered with a granular pattern that has been taken to represent chain-mail, but occurs also on animals ; ^' and the junction of the limbs with the trunk is marked by a spiral curve that is familiar from Irish illuminated manuscripts^^ and metal-work" of this period. This characteristic is also found in Norway and Sweden on work of the eighth century,^^ and is one of several proofs of intercourse between the peoples living east and west of the North Sea. The contour line is also a noticeable feature, while the notches adjoining the junction of the limbs are regarded as reminiscences of the foliage seen on Irish work and contemporary pro- ductions of the Carlovingian period. °' The human figure similarly represented in a distorted (but not dis- jointed) form occurs on an unusually large brooch,'*" differing only in details from a well-known Gothland type that first appears in the seventh century. It was found in Nordland, Norway, and is over 7 in. long, the foot being ornamented at the back with the design in question, but in a still more complicated manner. Here again the head of the figure is missing, its place having been occupied by the catch of the pin ; while the interlacing on the figure itself is confined to the beard. A wood carving in Copenhagen Museum representing the trunk of a bearded man in scale-armour from Queen Thyra's Mound '^^ shows several points of similarity, but perhaps the closest parallel is the crucified figure on one face of the well-known Jellinge stone near Veile, Jutland, so that the tenth century is not an unlikely date. A specimen of purer Anglo-Saxon work in bone is here illustrated "* Dublin Museum, Wilde's Cat. figs. 226-44 ! Jewitt's Relijuary, v (1863), 71. " Proc. Soc. Jntiq. (Ser. 2), iii, 225 ; Memoires des Antiquaires du Nord, 1866-71, pi. xviii, fig. 2, p. 346; Kornerup, Kongehoiene i Jellinge, 23. " As on the well-known caskets of Cunigunda in Munich Museum and of St. Cordula in Cammin Cathe- dral ; also on the Kirk Braddan cross-shaft (Isle of Man), figd. Arch. Journ. xiv, 264. '° e.g. the symbol of St. Luke in the Book of Durrow (Westwood, Facsimiles, 5:c. pi. v, p. 22). ; " Stag-like animal on Lullingstone bowl. Arch. Ivi, 41 ; F.C.H. Kent, i, 378. ^' The third style of Dr. B. Salin {Altgermanische Thier-ornamentik, 273). " Sophus Milller, Thier-ornametitik im Norden, 103. '" Salin, op. cit. figs._l45, 494, 494J (eighth or ninth century). '■ Kornerup, Kongehoiene i Jellinge, pi. xv, fig. i. 163 A HISTORY OF LONDON Fig 22. — Bone Tag OF Girdle {Guildhall Museum Cat. 122, no. 91) (A) (fig 22). Though the carving is not too well preserved, there is no trace of interlacing, but confronted animals of native type, with possibly birds below. It strikingly resembles one found at Leicester,''^ and now in the museum there ; but the usual mordant or strap-end of the ninth century was of silver or bronze like that from Walbrook (fig. 23). This was the only Anglo-Saxon anti- quity found during excavations there in 1902,^^'' and closely resembles specimens from St. Austell, Cornwall (before 875), and Cuerdale, Lancashire (before 910). Among bone objects from the City are three pins, probably for the hair, with long broad heads of a type best repre- sented by one from the Thames (fig. 24). This is another example of the interlacing style of decoration in favour during the Viking period, but the subject has been discussed above in connexion with the mag- nificent sword pommel from Fetter Lane (coloured plate, figs. 8, 9). Bone combs are among the commonest relics of the later Anglo-Saxon period, and are well represented in London. These were frequently carried in cases, the two rows of teeth fitting into sockets between strips of bone (fig. 25), or the single row of teeth being covered by double strips (fig. 26). Of the second example only the case survives, but a comb has been supplied from another specimen, the type being fairly common. ''■= Both these are in the collection of Mr. F. G. Hilton Price, Dir. Soc. Ant. A more common type is that with a stout handle tapering towards the top and furnished with a single row of teeth (coloured plate, fig. i). Several have been found at York, and others are in the national collection. An interesting comb of composite type (fig. 27) was found in London in I 876, and was exhibited at the Archaeological Institute " in the following year. Fig. 23. — Bronze Girdle-end, Walbrook (J) Fig. 24. — Engraved Bone Pin, Thames (f) It was made of three pieces of bone, the teeth and ornamental ends being cut out of the central plate, and the two side-pieces being attached with flush bronze rivets. After the component parts had been joined in this way, the forty teeth were cut with a fine saw which has left marks on the cross-pieces at their base. The ornamentation of the upper part consists of three T-shaped openings, which were stained green as though originally "> V.C.H. Leic. i, 228, pi. ii, fig. 2. '"' Arch. Jcurn. k, 223. "' Cat. Mus. Antiq. Scot. 279, from graves, Links of Skaill, Orkney. " Arch. Joum. xxxiv, 4.50, with figs. 164 ANGLO-SAXON REMAINS Fig. 25. — EoNE Comb and Case, Threadneedle Street (J) CXi: - Fig. 26. — Bonk Comb Case (with SPECIMEN comb), LIVERPOOL StREET (|^) fl (7) S O O O I II filled with bronze : the same design occurs on one found at Northampton/* and, arranged to form a swastika, is not uncommon on bronze brooches of the pagan period, but the ends of the comb in the shape of horses' heads point to Scandinavian influence and to the ninth or tenth century. There is some doubt with regard to the date of bone draughtsmen of the type represented in fig. 28, but they are common in London, where more than one of a sort has been found. Roach Smith collected several, and others were found in Buck- (^ lersbury,''^ but they have not been associated with datable objects, and their attribution to the later period is less justified by their style of decoration than by the known par- tiality of the Vikings for gaming. The pieces range Fig. 27.— Bone Comb found in London (i) ^^ F.C.H. Northants,{, z'i'i, fig. l6 ; Proc. Soc. Antiq. xvii, 165, 167. Dr. Munro figures two from Ireland with horses' heads ; Lake-Dwellings of Europe, 355 (Lagore, co. Meath), and 360 (Ballinderry, co. Meath). '^^ J. E. Price, Descr. of Roman Pavement, 74, fig. 2. Others are published from Caerleon, Mon. (J. E. Lee, Isca Silurum, pi. xxx, p. 61), and Lincoln {Arch. Journ. xiv, 278). 165 A HISTORY OF LONDON from I J in. to 2 J in. in diameter, and are ornamented with incised rings and mouldings on one face only. Another London relic in the collection of Mr. Hilton Price is here figured by permission (fig. 29). It is a bridle-bit of four links in excellent preserva- tion, found in May 1906 at the back of St. Anne and St. Agnes' Churchy Fig. 28. — Three Bone Draughtsmen, City of London (Hilton Price Collection) (J) Noble Street, near the General Post OfEce, at a depth of 1 6 ft. from the surface.'* The material is iron, and the smaller links, which are 2iin. long, as well as the bar of two links, together 6| in. long, retain traces of so-called damascening in a lattice pattern. The inlaid metal, which has mostly fallen out of the grooves and disappeared, may have been gold, silver, or brass, such as occur on some of the swords and spear-heads already described ; and there can be little hesitation in assigning it, on this ground, to the Viking period. Further evidence of date and origin may be derived from Scandinavia, where the same type of bridle-bit has been found in circumstances that admit of no dispute, but this is at present the only known example from the British Isles. One was found at Berg, Loiten, Hedemarken (S.E. Norway),''' and another in a sepulchral chamber measuring 30 ft. by 9ft. within a barrow at SoUested, near Assens, in the Danish island of Fiinen.'* The mound had evidently been raised over the remains of some person of importance, and it was noticed that, though there was a border of stones, the walls of the chamber were constructed entirely of clay. Everything within had disappeared except portions of the harness for two horses. On the clay floor lay two iron bridle-bits ornamented with silver, two iron chains, with loops to fit on a chariot pole, buckles, mounts, and studs of silvered iron. The illustration of a bridle-bit shows cheek-pieces passing through the loops at either end of the bar, and it is probable that the London specimen was originally provided with cross-bars of the same kind. Among remains of the latest Viking period in England, the bronze here illustrated (fig. 30) deserves special description. It was dredged from the Thames near Westminster Bridge in 1866, and was exhibited to the British Archaeological Association " two years later by Mr. Thomas Gunston, who subsequently presented it to the British Museum. Some remarks on the '' Proc. Soc. Antiq. xxi, 402-3. '^ Gustafson, Norges Oldtid, fig. 430. '° Memoires de la Societe des Antiquaires dttNord,ii66-j\,Tp. 128, fig. 5. ^~ Journ. xxiv, 179, pi. xiii, fig. i. 166 ANGLO-SAXON REMAINS •N •exhibit were offered to the meeting by the late Mr. Syer Cuming, and its Runic inscription secured it a place in George Stephens's monumental work.'* It consists of a bronze edging broken at one end, which Jiad been originally attached to a ridge of wood or metal by eight rivets, of which five remain in position. On either face are deeply engraved Runic characters, and along the top is a rope-pattern, while the terminal is a characteristic production of Scandinavian art. The monster whose head is here represented in the round is sometimes known as the Irish hound when it occurs in illuminated manuscripts of the Hibernian school ; and Irish examples are sometimes distinguished from Scan- dinavian by the form of the eye.'' In the present example, however, the eyes are not oval but circular, and consist of blue glass beads, and its Scandinavian origin is suggested by the character of the bronze as a whole. There are extant several caskets or shrines (mostly of the twelfth century) with a gable roof sur- mounted by a ' ridge-tile ' of this kind, the terminal projecting as a gargoyle from either end.*° The present curve is no doubt accidental, but it is conceiv- able that the whole formed the ridge of a helmet," the animal's head serving as a crest, but no mount of this description is available for comparison, unless it be a fragment figured by Du Chaillu *^ which terminates in a monster's head and has a double twisted stem. There is also some doubt as to the interpretation of the inscription, and that suggested by Stephens cannot be recommended. It is most likely that the bronze mount belonged to a reliquary of the Christian church, and on this hypothesis it is not likely to be earlier than the time of Guthorm ^Ethelstan, who was christened in 878. Of particular interest is a Runic monumental stone now in the Guildhall Museum. It was found in August, 1852, during excavations for the foundations of a new warehouse for Messrs. Cook, Sons & Co. on the south side of St. Paul's Churchyard, and was fully published Nif^^x in English by Mr. Charles C. Rafn for the Society of \\^^ Northern Antiquaries.*' Details of the discovery were u' derived from the architect, Mr. James T. Knowles, \V|'' and are recorded with admirable precision. At a depth of rather more than 20 ft. the natural ground level was Fig. 30. — Bronze Mount reached, consisting: of a compact dark yellow gritty °^ Reliquary (?), with ° '■ J o J Runic Inscription, from ^ Old "Northern Runic Monuments, iii, 204. Thames at Westminster (i) '' Illustrations of both in Sophus Muller's Die Thier-omamentik im Norden, 1 1 6. " Worsaae, Afbildmnger (Copenhagen, 1854), fig. 399 : reproduced by Stephens, op. cit. i, 476B. *' Of the type figured by Montelius, Guide to Stockholm Museum (trans. C. H. Derby), 82, fig. 129. " The Viking Age, ii, 350, figs. 1329-30. " Memoires de la Soc. Roy. des Antij. du Nord (Copenhagen), vol. for 1845-9 (published some years later), 286, pi. iii ; Illustrated London News, 28 August, 1852 (xxi, 157); Arch. Journ. xlii, 251, pi. i; x, 82. Proc. Soc. Antij. (Ser. i), ii, 285 ; Morning Chronicle, 18 Sept. 1852. 167 \/'.- A HISTORY OF LONDON sand, overlying gravel. Upon the surface of this sand the sculptured stone was found ; and to the north of it a rude long hollow was scooped out, dipping from south to north at an angle between i6 deg. and 20 deg., and containing a human skeleton. The skull and nearly all the bones were thrown into the excavation and thus reburied, but the femur and tibia of one leg and the other tibia were preserved. The stone slab is of friable oolite, probably from the Bath quarries, and the original dimensions were i ft. 10^ in. in width by 2 ft. 4jin. in length. The thickness at the upper end was 4 in., and the lower part, which had been roughly finished and buried for lojin. in the soil, was one inch thicker. The size of the panel containing the sculpture is i8jin. by i3Jin. ; the relief of the design was obtained by sinking the ground to a depth of barely J in., and its character is evident from the illus- tration (fig. 31). In more than one description of the animal represented, appear the terms ' antlers ' and ' claws,' which are somewhat misleading. Lappets be- hind the ears of such animals are of common occurrence in the art of northern Europe during the eighth century ; and in districts not permeated by the Carlovingian renaissance, no doubt survived into the eleventh ; while the interlaced extension of the limbs belongs to the same school of art. Other characteristic features of the period are the spiral attachment of the limbs to the trunk, the termination of one foot in a redundant head," and the so-called union-knot at the upper angles of the panel. This last motive was originally a contrivance for uniting the ends of the scroll which carried the inscription on many Scandinavian tombstones, but appears in the present case merely as an ornament, and seems to have been derived from Ireland.*^ As a parallel close enough to prove community of origin may be cited the well-known monument of King Gorm and his queen Thyra erected about the middle of the tenth century, apparently by their son Harold Blue-tooth, at Jellinge, near Veile, Jutland. The stone is still in position between the two grave-mounds supposed to have been raised over the king and queen, whose names appear in Runic characters on the stone, while an animal with interlaced bands is carved on one side, and on the other a representation of the Crucifixion, in which the cross does not appear. This last was another Irish feature adopted in Scandinavia during the Viking period." Two fragments of sculptured stone, presented to the British Museum by Mr. (afterwards Sir) A. W. Franks in 1884, have points of resemblance to the slab just described, and are known to have been found in the City of London. They evidently belonged together, constituting the slab or covering-stone of the grave, and the illustration (fig. 32) shows them as now mounted together. They were published by Dr. Forrest Browne (now bishop of Bristol) in 1885,*^ with notices of several other stone monuments of the period, all admittedly unlike the London specimens. The larger of the two measures 20 in. by 21 in., with a thickness of 8 in., and is incised on one face with a quatrefoil design evidently intended for the " This was a common practice as early as the seventh century : B. Salin, Die Aitgermanische Thier-orna- mentik, 254. " Sophus Milller, Die Thier-ornamentik im Nordcn, 1 06. Compare the Gosforth cross, early eleventh century {F.C.H. Cumberland, i, 263, 267). " Miiller, op. cit. 140 (note) ; Stephens, Runic Mon. iv, 83. " Arch. Journ. xlil, 252, pi. ii. 168 ^ c < o h O 1^ U CO < ANGLO-SAXON REMAINS Christian cross,*^ the arms resembling the lobes at the upper angles of the Runic slab already mentioned. In two opposite angles is a fleur-de-lys, no doubt merely ornamental, while at the top are traces of interlacing, though the animal motive is absent. The smaller stone, which measures 20 in. by I 5 in., and is of the same thickness as the other fragment, has at the end a figure combining the lobe and fleur-de-lys, while the scrolls and interlacing are clearly of the same style as the monument of Toki. The two fragments are now approximately in position, and would constitute about two-thirds of an ordinary grave-slab. Both edges are preserved in part, one being square with the narrow end, which is straight and nearly perfect, while the other edge tapers towards the foot. The upper surface is slightly convex, and the stone is quite different from the headstone, being of sandstone, possibly a sarsen from the Thames basin. It may here be noted that Rafn identified this Toki of London with Tokig, a minister of Canute, mentioned in several documents ranging from 10 19 to 1043 ; and the name occurs as that of the person responsible for the inscription ** on a monumental stone found beneath the floor of the tower during the rebuilding of St. Mary's Church, Stratfield Mortimer, in 1866. Another illustration of this style is afforded by a cylinder of bone (fig. 33) found at St. Martin's-le-Grand and now in the Guildhall Museum [Cat. p. Fig. 33. — Engraved Bone Cylinder, St. Martin's-le-Grand (f) 126, no. 173, pi. xcix, fig. 4). Its purpose is not apparent and the engraving is evidently incomplete, suggesting an engraver's trial-piece like that already described (fig. 21) ; but the animal head and the interlaced band ending in a serpentine head are closely related to the gravestone from St. Paul's Church- ' yard and may be safely ascribed to the late Viking period. As the area dealt with in this chapter is small, the remaining pre-Norman sepulchral monuments are included here, and not, as usual, under another heading. One is a circular cross-head (fig. 19) from the churchyard of St. John's-upon-Walbrook, and is now in the British Museum. It is 14 in. in diameter and 6 in. thick, with traces of a proportionately narrow shaft (3^ in. across). The design is virtually the same on both faces, and though somewhat damaged is seen to have been somewhat unsymmetrical. The cruciform motive is not predominant, and the wavy border is quite unusual. ' An exact parallel would be hard to find, but the fragment presents a general resemblance to the Cornish series of wheel-crosses,^° and is clearly of native, as opposed to Scandinavian, workmanship, and the large size of the head " Many examples of this on Swedish monuments of the period are figured in Goransson's Bautil (i75°)- " The inscription is in Latin capitals, and ends with toki me scripsit : V C.H. Berks, i, 248. '° A. G. Langdon, Old Cornish Crosses ; V.C.H. Conzu. i, 426, and plates. I 169 22 A HISTORY OF LONDON in proportion to the shaft is rather a feature of crosses in Wales and the Isle of Man. The other fragment (fig. 34), from the churchyard of St. Benet Fink, belongs to a recumbent slab 5 in. thick, and originally about 23 in. across at the broader end, the preserved portion being 25Jin. long, about 21 J in. wide, and slightly tapering towards the foot. Of the carving only part of two panels with regular interlacing remains, separated by a broad band terminating in a semicircle. The whole design can, however, be satisfactorily restored from a slab 6 ft. long " found on the site of Cambridge Castle, and the former existence of two Saxon churches (St. Peter's and All Saints') within the outer bailey °^ renders it probable that the slab came from one of their burial-grounds, and was used in the foundation of the Norman castle. There can be little hesitation, therefore, in referring the London fragment, which is now in the Guildhall Museum, to the early part of the eleventh century or possibly to the tenth ; and the discovery supports the view that the burials Fia 34. — Portion of Carved Grave-slab, Churchyard of St. Benet Fink (after Lethaby) found on the site (where the Peabody statue now stands) adjoining the Royal Exchange belonged to the late Anglo-Saxon and not to the Roman period." In conclusion, mention may be made of a discovery that settles the date and origin of the covering slab found on the Roman sarcophagus at West- minster (fig. 3, p. 13). Portions of two-grave slabs, ^* found 2 ft. below the floor of Ixworth Church, Suffolk, in 1855, ^^^ ^'^'^ preserved in the abbey there, bear the same panelling filled with simple interlacing. One has the upper portion of a cross with spreading arms, which may therefore be assigned to the eleventh century, while the other shows the semicircular terminal to the central shaft that occurs on the fragment from St. Benet Fink's graveyard. " Figured in Cutts, Manual of Sepulchral Slabs and Crosses, pi. xxxiv ; sketch of restoration in Lethaby, London before the Conquest, 170, fig. 32 ; another very similar, at Milton Bryan church, Beds, is figured in Proc. Soc. Antiq. xx, 356. " Communications to Camb. Antiq. Soc. viii, 206. " The burial ground is marked on Sir Wm. Tite's plan of the New Royal Exchange (1848), and has sometimes been considered Roman. " Both figured in Bury and W. Suffolk Arch. Soc. Proc. iii, 298. Similar crosses and interlacing occur on early fonts in Bohuslan, Sweden ; see Brusewitz and Montelius, Bohusl'dnska Dopfuntar (Stockholm, 1878). 170 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Part I — To 1348 VERY little reliable material exists wherewith to reconstruct the history of Christianity in London during the Roman occupation. The remains which show that a flourishing Roman town existed give but few indications of the profession of Christianity among its inhabitants. The evidence is fully discussed in the articles on Roman London in this volume.^ One fact which is almost beyond dispute, the presence of Restitutus ' episcopus de civitate Londonensi ' at the Council of Aries in 314,' seems to prove the existence of an organized church at that time. Beyond this there is a legendary succession of Archbishops of London, beginning with Theanus in the time of King Lucius, and ending with Theonus who fled into Wales in 586. The list was compiled by Jocelin of Furness, a 1 2th-century monk," who apparently wrote in good faith, but some names appear in it through obvious misapprehension, and for others no further evidence of any kind has been found.'' It is possible that Pope Gregory was influenced by the tradition of an earlier archbishopric when he suggested that London should be made a metropolitan see.^ The continuous history of the Church in London begins with the con- secration of Mellitus by Augustine in 604 ' to preach to the East Saxons,' whose capital at that time was London. Their ruler Sabert, nephew of Ethelbert of Kent, received Christianity through the teaching of Mellitus, and Ethelbert built for him the church of St. Paul as his episcopal seat. But the conversion of London was perhaps too rapid to be thorough. Ethelbert's death in 616 was followed shortly by that of Sabert, and before January 618 Mellitus was expelled from London by the pagan sons of Sabert. They saw the bishop celebrating solemn mass and distributing the Eucharist to the people, and asked why he did not give them the ' whitebread ' as he had given it to their father. Mellitus replied that if they would be baptized they might partake of it ; this, however, they declined, but again demanded the ' See ante. ' Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, i, 7. Fastidius, Bishop of the Britons, has sometimes been reckoned a Bishop of London, but there is no evidence for assigning that see to him. Ibid. 16 ; Wharton, Hist, de Epis. Lond. 6. » Hardy, Cat. of Brit. Hist. (Rolls Ser.), i, 64. * A list is given in Stubbs, Reg. Sacrum Angl. (ed. 2), 214-5. See also Godwin, De Praesulibus, 169 ; Usher, Antiquitates, 36 ; Lethaby, Lond. before the Conq. 20 et seq. ; Wharton, op. cit. 5. ' Bede, Hist. Eccl. (ed. Plummer), i, 63. There are frequent references to an archiepiscopal sec in London in the 12th and 13th-century chronicles, but they are nearly all derived from Geoffrey of Monmouth. William of Newburgh especially mentions this archbishopric as one of Geoffrey's fictions ; Chron. Steph., Hen. II, and Ric. I (Rolls Ser.), '1, 1 6. Cf account of claim put forth by Gilbert Foliot below. 171 A HISTORY OF LONDON bread, and on his persisting in his refusal, they expelled him from their king- dom. Kent having also relapsed into paganism under Eadbald son of Ethelbert, Mellitus, with Justus Bishop of Rochester, took refuge in Gaul. Eadbald was soon afterwards converted, and Mellitus returned to England a year later ; but the Londoners refused to receive him back and continued in their idolatry.^ No further attempt seems to have been made to recover London from heathenism until 653, when Sigebert King of the East Saxons, a friend of Oswy of Northumbria, became a Christian, and asked for teachers from Northumbria to convert his people. Two priests were sent, one of whom, Cedd, returned before long to be consecrated Bishop of the East Saxons, and afterwards successfully worked in that kingdom, building churches and ordaining priests and deacons. He was above all a missionary bishop, and probably had no fixed seat. Bede names ' Ythancester ' and Tilbury as the centres of his mission,^ but makes no mention of London, nor does he call him Bishop of London. This silence may be accounted for by the fact that London was then ' fluctuating between the condition of an independent ■commonwealth and that of a dependency of the Mercian kings.' * Cedd died at Lastingham in 664,' and in the same year Essex was devastated by plague. There were at that time two kings, Sighere and Sebbi. Sighere in a panic forsook the Christian faith with his people, while Sebbi stood firm,'" and probably London belonged to the portion under Sighere's rule.'' In any case the relapse was short, as Bishop Jaruman was sent from Mercia and recovered the backsliders.'^ Cedd's successor. Wine, who has been called ' the one unworthy bishop of the age of the conversion,' " was expelled from the see of Winchester in 666,'* and ' bought with a price the see of the city of London from Wulfhere, King of the Mercians.' '° There, according to Bede, he remained to the end of his life, but tradition says that three years before his death he retired as a penitent to Winchester.'^ The next bishop was St. Earconwald, whose influence on the religious life of London was felt for centuries after his death, but about whom very little is definitely known. Stubbs describes him as ' one of those early prelates whose posthumous fame, bearing no proportion to the known events of their history, shows that their whole life and character impressed their generation more than any single act or trait.' '^ Earconwald was consecrated as Bishop of London by Theodore about 675 ; " before that time he had founded two monasteries, one for nuns at Barking and another for monks at Chertsey, and was known as a man of most holy life. Bede relates that when he was infirm he was carried about in a horse litter, which after his death was preserved by his disciples and was still in Bede's time performing miracles of healing." He was present at the ° Bede, op. cit. i, 85, 89, 91 et seq. See also Plummer's notes on passages quoted. ' Ibid. 172 et seq.; ii, 178. ' Freeman, Norman Conq. i, 23. ' Ibid. 27. '" Bede, op. cit. i, 199. " V.C.H. Lond. ii, ' Political History.' " Bede, op. cit. i, 199. " Art. by Stubbs in Diet. Christ. Biog. iv, 1 190. " The date is given by Flor. Wigorn. Chron. (Engl. Hist. Soc), i, 271. See also Plummer's notes in Bede, op. cit. ii, 146, 147. " Bede, op. cit. i, 141, ' Scdem Lundoniae civitatis.' " Wharton, .i4ngl. Sacra, i, 192. " Diet. Christ. Biog. iii, 177. "Bede, op. cit. i, 218; Flor. Wigorn. Chron. \, 33. Bede's words are, 'Theodorus archiepiscopus . . . Orientalibus Saxonibus . . . Earconualdum constituit episcopum in civitate Lundonia.' " Bede, op. cit. i, 218. 172 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY interview between Theodore and Wilfrid in London in 686 ; he helped to compile the famous code of King Ine of Wessex/" and died about 693." This is all that is certainly known about him. But a legendary life of the I 2th century enlarges on Bede's account; it pictures Earconwald carried on his litter through the cities and villages of his diocese preaching the Word of God, and describes the strife for his body between the monks of Chertsey and the nuns of Barking, which was finally settled by the intervention of the clerks and people of London, who carried off" the body, aided by a miracle in crossing a flooded river, and laid it to rest with great honour in St. Paul's." During the Middle Ages the relics of Earconwald were the greatest treasures of that cathedral ; the tomb to which his body was removed in the 12th cen- tury *' was the most richly decked of its shrines ; ^* a fraternity was formed in his honour,"' and in 1386 Bishop Braybrook decreed that the feasts of the deposition and translation of St. Earconwald should be kept with as much solemnity as the highest festivals, and gave directions concerning the prayers to be used on those occasions.''' A transcript of the office of St. Earconwald still exists, which possibly formed part of the ancient Use of St. Paul's, and there are also extant several prayers and hymns in his honour, in one of which he is addressed as the ' Light of London.' " For the next three centuries no details of the religious life of the City are obtainable, and the continuity of its church organization is only shown by an unbroken succession of bishops.^' Of the seventeen who immedi- ately followed Earconwald many are known merely from the inclusion of their names in ancient lists, and from occasional signatures to charters and other documents, in which they generally take a very low place. "^ Wald- here, Earconwald's successor, is mentioned by Bede as the spiritual adviser of Sebbi, the pious King of the East Saxons ; '° and a letter of his to Archbishop Berchtwald concerning a meeting between Ine King of the West Saxons and the rulers of the East Saxons has been preserved. ^^ He was succeeded before 706 by Ingwald, who assisted at the consecration of Archbishop Tatwin in 731.'- Ingwald died in 745, and was followed by six bishops, of whom the last, Eadbald, either left the country or died in 796.^^ His successor, Heathoberht, died in 801 ;^* Osmund, the next bishop, was present at a synod at Clovesho in 803, with an abbot and three priests from his diocese.^" The professions of obedience to Canterbury of the three following bishops, '" Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, iii, 169 ; Stubbs, Select Charters, 61. " Diet. Christ. Biog. ili, 177. " Life printed by Dugdale {Hist, of St. Paul's, ed. 1818, p. 289). On authorship see Hardy, Cat. of Brit. Hist. (Rolls Ser.), i, 293. »' Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 183. " Archaeologia, 1, 444. " See under St. Paul's in ' Religious Houses.' "' Simpson, Reg. Statutorum, 393 ; cf. 52. " Simpson, Doc. Illus. Hist, of St. PauPs, 16-24 5 S/. PauPs and Old City Life, 233-4. '* For the history of this period see F.C.H. Lond. ii, ' Political History.' '^ Flor. Wigorn. Chron. i, 133; Kemble, Cod. Dipt. ; Birch, Cart. Sax. passim. See also note in Kemble, op. cit. i, p. xciv. ^ Bede, op. cit. i, 225. " Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, iii, 274. '* Bede, op cit. i, 350 ; Ttvo Sax. Chron. (ed. Earle and Plummer), i, 45 ; Symeon of Durham, Hist. Reg. {Rolls Ser.), ii, 39. " Two Sax. Chron. i, 57 ; ii, 63. The other five were — Ecgwulf (745), Sigheah (772), Aldbcrht (775), Edgar (789), Coenwalh (793). Only dates of accession or first extant signature are given, as dates of death are in all cases doubtful ; Stubbs, Reg. Sacrum Jngl. 221. " Symeon of Durham, Hist. Reg. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 66. '' Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, iii, 547. A HISTORY OF LONDON Ethelnoth, Ceolberht, and Deorwulf, have been preserved. ^° Of their four successors nothing is known save that one, Heahstan, is noted in the Anglo- Saxon Chronicle as dying in 898." From about 926 to 951, a period of comparative peace and growing prosperity for London, Theodred, afterwards known as ' the Good,' was bishop of the diocese. ^^ Like Earconwald he is remarkable for a long posthumous fame, but there is no contemporary evidence regarding him except his signa- ture to numerous charters and deeds, and his will, by which he left books, relics, and land to St. Paul's and ^10 to be distributed in his bishopric within and without London.''^ William of Malmesbury relates that Theodred, according to the tradition of the citizens, went with King Athelstan in his expedition against Anlaf and was called by the common people ' the Good,' pro praerogativa virtutum. He was buried in the crypt of St. Paul's near a window that he might be seen by the passers by.*" During his episco- pate, and probably with his assistance, the ordinances of the London ' Frith- gild ' were drawn up. The main object of this gild was the preservation of peace and order, but it had certain features which were common to the later social and religious gilds. There were common funds and periodical feasts, the remains of which were to be bestowed as alms for the love of God, and on the death of any member alms were to be given for his soul, and each gild brother was to sing or get sung within thirty days fifty Psalms." After Wulfstan and Brihthelm, of whom nothing is known save their names, St. Dunstan was appointed to the see in 959.*^ He held the bishopric of London in conjunction with that of Worcester, and is said by his admiring biographer to have ruled them both in the most excellent way, leading his flocks to the true fold of Jesus Christ, both by example and precept.*^ Later biographers say the citizens prayed to have him as their bishop and acclaimed him with joy, but the earlier and more reliable accounts say nothing of any feeling of the people in the matter." No details of his short episcopate at London are known except the probably well-founded tradition of his restora- tion of the monastery at Westminster.*" Dunstan was promoted to Canterbury in 961, and consecrated as his successor in the see of London ^Elfstan, whose long episcopate of over thirty years covered an eventful period. It began with a disaster, for in 962 ' the great fever was in London, and St. Paul's monastery was burnt, and in the same year again refounded.'" After 980 the City was engaged in a constant and ^' Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, iii, 568, 592, 650. " Tu-o Sax. Chron. i, 91. His death is placed by Florence of Worcester {Chron. 1, 116) in 900. Three MSS. of the Chronicle give Ealhstan, instead of Heahstan. " Stubbs, Reg. Sacrum Angl. 25. " Birch, Cart. Sax. iii, 209 ; Thorpe, D'lpl. Angl. 512-15, gives a translation of the will and assigns to it the date 960, but this appears to be an error. *" Will, of Malmesbury, De Gestis Pontif. (Rolls Ser.), 144. Theodred probably ruled the see of Elmham before and at the same time as that of London. In his will, mentioned above, as well as the ^^lo to be distributed in his bishopric within and without London he left another j^^io to be distributed in his bishopric at Hoxne in Suffolk. He is often mentioned in Bury St. Edmunds Chronicles and Charters as having been Bishop of both Elmham and London (Dugdale, A/on. iii, 139, 140; Wharton, De Epis. Lond. 29). Will, of ALilmesbury gives several instances of his interest in Bury St. Edmunds ; De Gestis Pontif. (Rolls Ser.), 144, 154 ; De Gestis Reg. (Rolls Ser.), i, 265. " Thorpe, Jnct. Laios and Insts. (Rec, Com.), 97 et seq. ; Stubbs, Const. Hist. (ed. 4), i, 450. " Mem. of St. Dunstan (Rolls Ser.), 37 ; Flor. Wigorn. Ckron. i, 137. *' Mem. of St. Dunstan (Rolls Ser.), 37. " Ibid. 105, 196, 338. " See under Westminster Abbey in ' Religious Houses.' " Two Sax. Chron. i, 114. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY heroic struggle with the Danes, and the bishop, with others, was appointed in 992 to command the fleet which was ordered to gather at London." When the Danes ravaged East AngUa in 10 10 the body of St. Edmund was brought to London for safety and lodged in the church of St. Gregory for three years, and it was only by a miracle that it was taken back to Bury.*^ In 10 12 the body of the murdered Archbishop Alphege was brought to the City and received by Bishop JEliwm and the townsfolk with great veneration and buried in St. Paul's.*^ Next year London at last submitted to Swegen the Dane, and the bishop was sent over sea by King Ethelred as tutor of the Athelings Edward and Alfred.^" Possibly he died abroad, for early in 1 014 Elfwig was ordained Bishop of London at York," his episcopate covering the reign of Canute, a time of peace and prosperity. In 1035 Elfweard, a kins- man of Canute, was consecrated as his successor. He retained at the same time the abbey of Evesham, but appears to have been an active and holy bishop ; in 1040 the ship in which he and the other ambassadors to Flanders travelled to invite Hardicanute to be king is said to have been saved from destruction in a storm by his prayers to St. Egwin, In 1044, being stricken with leprosy, he gave up the rule of his church and died at Ramsey a few months later. ^^ His successor, Robert of Jumieges, the first Norman bishop in England and the leader of the continental party against Godwin, only retained the see until 105 I, when he was promoted to Canterbury." Spearhafoc, Abbot of Abing- don, an adherent of Godwin, was then nominated to the bishopric by the king, but the archbishop refused to consecrate him on the ground that the pope had forbidden it, and persisted in his refusal on a second application. Spearhafoc, supported by the king, took possession of the temporalities of the see and enjoyed them until the autumn. In that year the continental party at court gained for the time the upper hand, Godwin and his family were outlawed, and ' Abbot Spearhafoc was driven out of the bishopric of London and William the king's priest was ordained thereto.'" In 1052, when the national party recovered their ascendancy over the king. Bishop William and many other foreigners had to flee for their lives, but ' William on account of his goodness of heart was recalled in a short time and received back into his bishopric' " When William the Conqueror became King of England one of his earliest acts was the grant of a charter to the City, addressed to ' William Bishop and Godfregth Portreeve.' According to the immemorial tradition of the Londoners it was granted mainly in consequence of the good offices of the bishop, and in gratitude for this it was customary for many centuries for the mayor, the day after his election, to go in procession to St. Paul's and pray for WilHam's soul. After the Reformation the tomb was still visited by the mayor and aldermen, and in 1622 Mayor Barkham's 'thankful mind' *' Two Sax. Chron. i, 127. *' Richard of Cirencester, Spec. Hist. (Rolls Ser.), i, 357-62 ; Mem. of St. Edmund's Abbey (Rolls Ser.), i, 40-6, I 20-5. " Two Sax. Chron. i, 142, 143 ; Flor. Wigorn. Chron. i, 165. " Two Sax. Chron. i, 144 ; Flor. Wigorn. Chron. i, 167. " Ibid. " Two Sax. Chron. i, 165 ; ii, 224 ; Chron. Abbat. Evesham (Rolls Ser.), 36, '81, 83, 85 ; Chron. Abbat. Rames. (Rolls Ser.), 148 et seq., 157, 340. '' Two Sax. Chron. i, 171. "Ibid. 172, 176, 177. See also Wharton, //;■//. de Ep'ts. Lond. 39; Hunt, Hist, of Engl. Ch. 597- 1066, p. 405. " Ttuo Sax. Chron. -i, 182 ; Flor. Wigorn. Chron. i, 204. A HISTORY OF LONDON caused him to put up in St. Paul's a new tablet to the memory of Bishop WilHam/^ Since the end of the 9th century the importance of the Bishop of London had been steadily growing with that of the City, and in 1075 it was decided that in Church councils the Bishop of London should sit on the left of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Archbishop of York being on his right," while in the absence of the Archbishop of York the Bishop of London was to sit on the right and the Bishop of Winchester on the left. Bishop William died in the same year, and was succeeded by Hugh D'Orivalle, whose episcopate was followed by that of Maurice the king's chancellor. Maurice's chief work was to begin the rebuilding of St, Paul's on a scale of great magnificence.^' During his episcopate the contest concerning the marriage of the clergy was at its height. Anselm, who succeeded to Canterbury in 1093, was even stricter on the question than his predecessor, and a council held at London in 1 102 absolutely prohibited marriage, and further decreed that sons of rectors were not to inherit their fathers' churches,^' a practice which seems to have been common in London. In the 12th century certain churches were given to St. Paul's, Westminster, and Christchurch Canterbury, by priests and deacons as of their patrimony, sons in some cases confirming their fathers' gifts ; *" for example, between 1 1 15 and i 141 Aelmund priest gave to the canons of St. Paul's hereditarie ( ? as a heritage) the small church of St. Giles without the walls" after his own death and that of his only son Hugh, promis- ing to pay them i 2.d. a year, and that his son after his death should pay is. Clerical marriage was so common that Pope Paschal in 1107 dispensed for England the rule prohibiting the admission of sons of priests to ecclesiastical offices because ' the greater and better part of the clergy in England were the sons of priests.'^' The king took the matter in hand in 1105, in Anselm's absence abroad, and allowed the clergy to compound for their wives with money; his ministers, however, not obtaining as much from this source as they had expected, imposed a general tax on all churches with parishes, but this was found such a burden that when the king himself came to London ' nearly two hundred priests, vested with albs and sacerdotal stoles, went to the palace of the king with bare feet, imploring him with one voice to have mercy on them.' When the king refused to hear them they went to the queen and begged her intercession, but though she was moved to tears she dared not intervene.^' The canons against clerical marriage and the practice of heredi- tary benefices were reiterated in every council to the end of the i 3th century,** and though neither practice appears to have been general in London after the 1 2th century, the Bishop of London in 1223 received a papal mandate to '" Mun. Gildhallae (Rolls Sen), i, 26 ( ii (i), 246, 247, 504 ; Stotd's Survey (ed. 1633), 359. " Wilkins, Concilia, \, 363. ''The work was not completed till late in the 13th century. See under St. Paul's in 'Religious Houses.' " Wilkins, Concilia, i, 382. *• Hisl. MSB. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, zoa, 61a, 62b, b'ia, 64 ; Lit. Cant. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 357 ; Dej>. Keeper's Rep. xxix, App. 34 ; D. and C. St. Paul's A. Box 70, no. 1762 ; A. Box 8, no. 970 ; D. and C. Westm. Bk. II, fol. 501 ; Guildhall MS. 122, fol. 556. "' Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 62. " Eadmer, Hist. Nov. (Rolls Ser.), 185. ^' Ibid. 172. " Wilkins, Concilia, passim. 176 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY exercise his office against those beneficed clerks who had wives and others who had succeeded their fathers in their churches." According to WiUiam of Malmesbury Maurice's character was far from morally perfect, though he praises him for his liberality to St. Paul's." He died in 1 107, and was succeeded by Richard de Belmeis, one of the great ministerial prelates of the 1 2th century, whose main interest lay rather in serving his master Henry I on the Welsh marches than in the government of his diocese." In the early years of his episcopate he gave all the revenues of his see to the rebuilding of St. Paul's, but was discouraged by the little headway he made in carrying out his predecessor's great plan.^^ The two great priories of Holy Trinity and St. Bartholomew, both of Austin canons, were founded in his time,*' and probably owed something to the encourage- ment of the bishop, for he founded at Chich in Essex a priory of the same order dedicated to St. Osyth,™ to which he retired to die in 11 27." Richard liberally provided for his kinsmen out of the patronage of the see. His son received the prebend of Newington ; one nephew became Dean of St, Paul's, and two others canons, while another relative was made arch- deacon of either London or Colchester. Shortly before his death he conferred the archdeaconry of Middlesex on his young nephew Richard, who afterwards became bishop." His successor Gilbert, called the Universal, was raised to the episcopate as a very old man, and did ' nothing worthy of note in his bishopric' He died on his way to Rome, probably in 11 34," and for nearly seven years after his death the see was vacant. Robert de Sigillo was appointed bishop by Queen Maud in 1141, after an unsuccessful attempt by one party in the chapter of St. Paul's to secure the election of Abbot Anselm of St. Edmunds.''* Two events of some interest took place near the end of Robert's episcopate: in 1148 St. Earconwald's body was translated," and about the same time another house of Austin canons, that of St. Katharine by the Tower, was founded in London.^' Robert died in 1151, and Pope Eugenius III, doubtless acting under the instigation of the empress's party, directed the chapter to choose a man 'clothed in the habit of religion.' They were startled by the suggestion of choosing a monk, but on applying to Rome they obtained an explanation that these words included secular canons as well as regulars. Accordingly they chose Richard de Belmeis the second, during whose episcopate nothing of interest with regard to ecclesiastical history in London has been recorded." In 1 163 Gilbert Foliot, Bishop of Hereford, was translated to the see of London. This raised a new point, as since the Conquest no English bishop had been translated except to one of the metropolitan sees. Ralph de Diceto was sent by the canons to Paris to obtain the pope's sanction for the proposed appointment, which was warmly supported by the king and by Becket, not- " Cal. of Papal Letters, i, 90. ^ Will, of Malmesbury, De Gestit Pontif. (Rolls Ser.), 145. " Diet. Nat. Biog. '^ Will, of Malmesbury, De Gestis Pontif. 146. ^ See article on 'Religious Houses.' ™ See F.C.H. Essex, ii, 157. " Ibid. " Stubbs in R. de Diceto, Op. Hist. (Rolls Ser.), i, p. xxi. " Wharton, Hist, de Epis. Land. 5 1 ; Diet. Nat. Biog. '* See account of St. Paul's, and Stubbs in R. de Diceto, Op. Hist. (Rolls Ser.), i, p. xxiii. '' Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 183. '' See article on ' Religious Houses.' " On his personal difficulties see Stubbs in R. de Diceto, Op. Hist, (Rolls Ser.), i, p. xxiv ; Diet. Nat. Biog. I 177 23 A HISTORY OF LONDON withstanding the alleged opposition of Foliot at this very time to Becket's appointment to Canterbury.^' Foliot was a Cluniac monk, and lived so strictly in the spirit of his rule that the pope himself exhorted him not to carry his asceticism so far as to impair his bodily strength." It is difficult to obtain any fair idea of his character, for all contemporary writers are strongly biased either for or against his great antagonist, Thomas Becket ; but it may at least be said that Becket's warmest partisans cannot hide Foliot's great ability, while his most violent detractors cannot altogether acquit his antagonist of ambitions which probably aspired to the see of Canterbury itself. The details of their quarrel do not concern the ecclesiastical history of London, but some points in connexion with it are interesting. The part taken in the matter by the clergy and people of London appears to have varied. When Becket excommunicated Foliot in 1169 the people murmured, but were pacified by the announcement that there would be no interference with the celebration in St. Paul's.*" William Bonhart writing to Becket claims to have protected his messenger from the possible violence of the crowd by covering him with his cappa (cape or hood), and so getting him safely to his lodging,*^ and the chapter of St. Paul's and the priests of London made a warm appeal to the pope on behalf of their bishop, their example being followed by the heads of many of the principal religious houses in London and elsewhere.*^ Yet when Becket went to London in 1 170, after his second excommunication of Foliot, he was 'honourably received by the Londoners ' and lodged in Southwark.^ Another interesting point is Foliot's claim of the metropolitan dignity for London. Since Lanfranc's decision in 1075 had secured to the Bishop of London the position of first suffragan bishop of England, the see had held its own. In 11 00 Henry I was crowned by Bishop Maurice in Anselm's absence,** and in 1108 Bishop Richard was employed by Anselm as dean, i.e. senior bishop, of the province of Canterbury in the proceedings against the Archbishop of York.*^ Apparently Richard had thought of claiming the metropolitan dignity for London, for when Anselm wrote to the pope in 1 109 asking him not to send the pall to the Archbishop of York until he had professed obedience to Canterbury, he added : ' I would suggest to your reverence concerning London, if the pallium, which he never has had, is sought by that bishop, in no way to give your assent to such a request.' *' The great importance of the see of London at this period is also shown by the letters written by Becket and King Henry to Foliot before his translation. The king urged Foliot to accept it, ' For there events of great moment happen, councils are held and counsel taken '; and Becket's letter is in the same strain, speaking of London as the most noble and famous city of the realm, and of the great importance of the position of its bishop." Foliot immediately on his accession paved the way for his later claim to the metropolitan dignity by refusing to renew his profession of obedience to " Stubbs in R. de Diceto, Op. Hist. (Rolls Ser.), i, p. xxxviii ; Materials for Hist, of Thos. Becket (Rolls Ser.), ii, 367 ; iii, 36 ; iv, 17. " Ibid. V, 42-4. " Ibid, iii, 90. *' Ibid, vi, 603. «' Ibid, vi, 606, 618 et seq. ^ R. de Diceto, Op. Hist. (Rolls Ser.), i, 342. " Flor. Wigorn. Chron. ii, 46 ; cf. Eadmer, Hist. Nov. (Rolls Ser.), 2 1 2. *" Eadmer, op. cit. 204-10. ^ Wilkins, Concilia, i, 389. " Materials for Hist, of Thomas Becket (Rolls Ser.), v, 25-6. 178 REFERENCE. ChuKhd dcdicjlnj to : All H*IU> (10) . niarLcd A Si, Andffw (Ji - . .. AnJ. Si. Augiuiine l2l - ■ .. Aug. Si Benri (■») ^r Bwolph (41 . . .. Boi. Sr ioKn ihc B«pt>ii ( JJ Si John ihc EvanEcliil (or Si Si K^ihanne lit Si. L«uirncc (2) Si U^ntid (2) Si. Margord (4) St. Martin |S) St Mary, or Miry the Virgin (14) St Mary MagcWtn 0) 5t Michael |8> Si. MMtai (i) St Ntcholat (4) St OI«v«(4) Si, Pftrt (5) St. Stephen (2) Olher P.irnhChuri:l,r.(26) Pcculuti of ihc Archbithop .. J' marked K L Mafgt. Man. M' M' Mich. EccLtiiASTicAL Map 1 ; Sketch Map to IiiCHKATt THt U; ; PoisiDLK Umcih or wut Parish ' Oldlk pAKllltlS n ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Canterbury on the ground that his former profession made on his accession to the see of Hereford would suffice. Becket appealed to the pope, who decided in favour of Foliot, without prejudice to the right of the Archbishop of Canterbury to professions from future Bishops of London.*^ It was after his excommunication in 1169 that Foliot made his definite claim. He declared he was not subject to the archbishop or the church of Canterbury ; he had made no profession of obedience in the name of the church of London, and he ought to make no such profession, for the metropolitan dignity really belonged to London, as could be seen in the chronicles.*^ None of Gilbert's successors revived the claim, and the next bishop duly made his profession of obedience before consecration ; °° but the idea seems to have made a great impression on popular opinion at the time, for the pretensions of London are noticed in many 12th-century chronicles, and, in especial, Fitz Stephen in his famous description writes : ' There is in St. Paul's an episcopal chair which was once the metropolitan seat, and it is believed will be so again in the future if the citizens should return to the Island,' " though he goes on to suggest that possibly the relics of St. Thomas will secure the dignity to Canterbury for ever. While the Bishop of London thus failed to shake the primacy of Canterbury, his own position as head of the suffragan bishops was not unassailed, in spite of the decision of the Council in 1075. In 1 173 the Prior of Canterbury disputed his right to proclaim the election of the new archbishop, and in 11 90 and 11 93 the Bishop of Rochester as 'chaplain' claimed precedence over the Bishop of London as ' dean ' of the suffragan bishops. ^^ But at last in 1204 the pope confirmed the position to the Bishop of London,'^ and after this date there appears to have been no further dispute on the subject. The most significant part of Fitz Stephen's description from the ecclesiastical point of view is his statement that there were ' in London and its suburbs thirteen great conventual churches and 126 lesser parochial churches.' '* This is corroborated by Peter of Blois, Archdeacon of London, who wrote to the pope on his appointment to that office at the end of the 1 2th century that there were 120 parish churches in London.'* Little is known about the formation of these parishes and the building of the great majority of the churches of London, but it is certain that by the end of the 1 2th century ,''^ and in all probability much earlier, the parochial boundaries were defined as they remained through the Middle Ages ; there ^ Materials for Hist, of Thomas Becket (Rolls Ser.), v, 56, 60, 130. The date of the decision is uncertain. *^ Ibid, iii, 88 ; vi, 605. Writing to the pope in support of Becket, his enemies interpreted this as a claim based on the fact that London was the seat of the ' archflamen of Jupiter ' ; they either wilfully perverted Foliot's appeal to history, or did not know that there had been any Christian church in Britain before the coming of St. Augustine ; John, Bishop of Salisbury, ibid, vii, 10 ; Maurice, Bishop of Paris, ibid, vii, 41. *° Gervase of Cant. O/. Hist. (Rolls Ser.), i, 483. ^' Materials for Hist, of Thomas Becket (Rolls Ser.), iii, 2 ; ' si remeaverint cives in insulam.' Pegge (translating Fitz Stephen [1772], pp. 15, 16) thinks this 'plainly points to some time when a large body of the citizens of London were abroad,' i.e. in 1 174, when many were in Ireland and France. " Materials for Hist, of Thomas Becket (Rolls Ser.), iii, 188 ; iv, 155 ; R. de Diceto, Of. Hist. (Rolls Ser.), i, 354 ; Gervase of Cant. op. cit. (Rolls Ser.), i, 487, 522. *' Cal. of Papal Letters, i, 19. ^* Materials for Hist, of Thomas Becket (Rolls Ser.), iii, 3. " Petrus Blesensis, Op. omnia (ed. Giles), ii, 85. ^ For an interesting- 12th-century boundary dispute see Guildhall MS. No. 122, fol. 740. 179 A HISTORY OF LONDON is only one parish in the City itself which was possibly formed later, that of St. Mary Mounthaw,'^ and some parishes existed then whose churches were destroyed before the end of the 1 3th century, but whose boundaries were quoted up to the 16th century in deeds concerning land.'' The origin of the London parishes will be discussed individually in the topographical section of this work, but it may here be said that to some extent their boundaries were determined, as they often were in the rural districts, by the ownership of the land.'' In Westminster the one original parish, St. Mar- garet's, was coextensive with the land owned in the district by the abbey ; in Southwark three at least of the four original parishes were in existence in the 12th century.^"" The great period of church-building in London seems to have been the nth and early 12th centuries, though there can be no doubt that some churches existed much earlier. The first to which trustworthy reference has been found is St. Gregory's, in loio;"^ thirteen others are mentioned before the end of the iith century, and there are doubtful references to three more. Other sixty-nine were certainly built before the end of the 1 2th century,"^ and if negative evidence can be trusted it is probable that most of the remaining twenty-eight also date from at least the 12th century, since there is no record, except in the cases of St. Leonard Foster Lane ^"^ and St. Mary Magdalen Southwark,^"* of any building of new churches. St. Peter Cornhill,'"^ St. Alban Wood Street,"" and St. Andrew Holborn,"^ have a very great traditional antiquity."' No doubt many of these churches were of wood, like most of the other buildings in the City."' William I, in his charter to Westminster, expressly confirmed to them ' a wooden chapel and the moiety of the stone church of St. Magnus,' as well as various other churches with no distinguishing adjective."" The churches were probably very small : in the records of the 12th-century visitations"^ dealt with below only four out of twenty are said to have more than one altar. These churches all belonged to St. Paul's, but may probably be regarded as fairly representative, since several of them had not been long in the patronage of the cathedral. There are also three earlier inventories of churches belonging to St. Paul's, apparently made either on the transfer of the cure from one " Originally a chapel of the Montenhauts ; D. and C. St. Paul's, W.D. g, fol. ^26. '* See Topographical Section. Such parishes were St. Olave Broad Street, and those amalgamated on the foundation of Holy Trinity Aldgate. '' St. Andrew Baynard Castle is a good example of this type of parish ; Mart. GiUhallae (Rolls Ser.), ii (l), 150. ™ Ann. Mon. Bermondsey (Rolls Ser.), iii, 430 ; Dugdale, Mon. vi, 172 ; Arch, xxxviii, 39. St. Mary Magdalen's was built about 1238 (Stow, Surz'ey) by Peter des Roches, and appears to have had the same relation to St. Mary Overy as St. Margaret's had to Westminster Abbey. "" Richard of Cirencester, Spec. Hist. (Rolls Ser.), i, 359. "" This information has been obtained principally from MSS. at St. Paul's and Westminster, monastic chronicles and cartularies, and Ancient Deeds at the P.R.O. A definite reference for each church will be given in the Topographical Section. '»' Infra, p. I 86. "» Supra. '"» Riley, Memorials of Old London, 65 1 . '°^ Said to have been a chapel of King Offa ; Matt. Paris, Lives of the Abbots of St. Albans (ed. Watts), 1002. '" It is mentioned in the spurious charter of Edgar to Westminster Abbey ; Birch, Cart. Sax. iii, 260. "" The dedications of churches are some guide to their dates. On this point with reference to London see Lethaby, Lond. bejore the Conq. 165 seqq. ; Trans. St. PauPs Eccles. Soc. ii, 11. '"' Mm. Gildhallae (Rolls Ser.), i, 29 ; ii (i), 31. "° Dep. Keeper's Rep. xxix, App. 34. '" These are printed in full in Arch. Iv, 283 seqq. They are undated, but from internal evidence must h.ive been taken between 1 1 8 1 and 1 1 86. 180 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY priest to another, or on a temporary alienation of the benefice. Probably the earliest is that of St. Michael Queenhithe, which cannot, from the names of the witnesses, be later than 1138. The church then possessed a breviary, tropary, gradual, antiphonary, manual, capitulary, missal, and part of an old missal, a complete priestly vestment, an alb with apparel, amice, stole, girdle, corporal, four towels, two crosses, an altar cloth, and two bells.^^^ The second inventory, which refers to the church of St. Augustine, was made when the church was in charge of Edward sacerdos, who was granted the church for life by the canons in 1148,"' and it is not improbable that the inventory was taken on that occasion. St. Augustine's, possibly on account of its closer connexion with the cathedral, was much richer in vestments and orna- ments than St. Michael's, though poorer with regard to books. It possessed a psalter, a good gradual with tropary, another tropary and a lectionary worth 30J., one entire vestment, a chasuble de cata-volatilia, an alb and amice with apparel, stole, maniple, and girdle of silk, another vestment with chasuble of silk, alb and amice with apparel, lacking stole and maniple, and surplice with rochet, an altar cloth of silk, three good linen cloths for the altar, a silver chalice gilded inside with a paten weighing one mark less 2d., two tin phials, one little tin pitcher for water, two copper and two wooden candlesticks, two small basins, a reading desk on the altar, a portable cross, a chest for keeping the possessions of the church, a chair, and a censer."* The third inventory, that of St. Helen's, was made between 11 60 and 1181 ; this church possessed a missal, the third part of a breviary, an antiphonary, a manual and hymnary, an entire vestment with chasuble of cloth, two towels for the altar, an altar cloth, and a silver cross."' These three churches were all included in the visitation which took place between 1181 and 1186. St. Michael Queenhithe does not appear to have been much richer then than it was fifty years earlier ; in some respects it was poorer, in spite of efforts of the priest and people to replenish its store. In books there had been a loss, those then belonging to the church being only an optimum antiphonarium according to the Use of St. Paul, and a new gradual, the gift of Walter son of Walter, apparently the priest in charge, though no designation is put after his name. Besides the single complete vestment of the older inventory another had been acquired by the offerings of the parish- ioners, and instead of one altar cloth [pannus) there were ten pallae for the altar, one of them incisa and another picta, the gifts of Walter. The bells and crosses had all disappeared, but a banner had been added. St. Augustine's had gained in books, in which it was formerly poorest, having acquired a good missal with gradual, a breviary, a manual and antiphonary, and only lost its second tropary and lectionary. Its vestments remained unaltered except that the rochet was not mentioned, and in place of one silk and three linen cloths there were ten pallae. Three banners had been acquired, but the phials, water pitcher, two candlesticks, two basins, reading desk, portable cross, chest, chair, and censer had all disappeared. There were two altars in the church. St. Helen's had increased its list, having lost only a missal, manual, and hymnary, and acquired a silver chalice gilded inside, a copy of the four '" Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 631^. '" Ibid. 63^. "* Ibid. 643. "' Ibid. ; D. & C. St. Paul's, Liber L. fol. lob. 181 A HISTORY OF LONDON evangelists, a tabella depicta, a ' banner,' two pallae to go before the altar and two to go on it, and a chest in which to keep books and vestments. There is not sufficient space to deal with the rest of these visitations in detail, but a few general deductions may be made. The inventories as a whole show that the London churches possessed decidedly less than the mini- mum of articles considered necessary at that time. Archbishop Hubert Walter in a council held in 1200 decreed that every church ought at least to have ' a silver chalice, sufficient and honourable priestly vestments,' and necessary books and utensils belonging to the care and reverence for the sacraments. ^^' The twenty London churches were well provided with vest- ments, every church having one, and most of them two or three complete sets ; but five had no missal, and two no antiphonary, while three were without chalices. Three churches are definitely stated to have had books of the Use of St. Paul : St. Helen's and St. Michael Queenhithe had antiphonaries, and St. Benet Paul's Wharf a lectionary. Very little information can be gathered as to how general at any time this Use was in London. The fact that in these 12th-century visitations only certain books, and so few of them, are noted to be of the Use of St. Paul, makes it most improbable that it was then at all generally followed, even in the City. About a hundred and fifty years later there appears to have been some effort to make it compulsory. In 1344 Pulteney's College next St. Laurence Candlewick Street obtained a papal indult to follow the Sarum Use in their chapel and its appropriated churches."' In 1376 the parishioners of St. Giles Cripplegate petitioned the pope for leave to follow the Sarum Use, on the ground that the office books of their church according to the Use of St. Paul were worn out, and that the Sarum Use obtained not only in the chapel of the metropolitan but throughout almost the whole province of Canterbury, ' though the dean of St. Paul's strives with all his power that the ancient Use of his church may be preserved.' "* The 15th-century Defensorium directorii ad usum Sarum (attributed to Clement Maydeston) says the general rubrics of the Sarum Use were adopted, but not those relating to ceremonial — e.g. ' at St. Paul's they use the Sarum office in singing and reading, but in ceremonies and observances they care nothing for it, but keep the ancient observances in St. Paul's used there from the beginning.' A pontifical of Bishop Clifford (1406-36) gives the London colours, and another"^" of the 14th century, which would refer to St. Paul's so far as it referred to any Use at all, is almost equivalent to it. These colours were used before the adoption of the Sarum Breviary by Bishop Cliiford in 1414, and if so they would be part of the antiquae observantiae which according to Clement Maydeston were retained at St. Paul's."' It is interesting to note that in every church except the two belonging to the Prior of Butley and one other, one or more laymen, in several cases "' Roger of Hoveden, Chron. (Rolls Ser.), iv, 31 ; cf. Abp. Gray's (1215-55) list of necessary furniture {Reg. Abp. Gr<2y [Surtees Soc], 2 1 7), which was adopted for the Canterbury province in 1305 (Wilkins, Concilia, ii, 278). '" Cal. of Papal Pet. i, 39 ; Cal. oj Papal Letters, iii, 114. "' Ibid, iv, 226 ; Trans, of St. Paulas Eccles. Soc. vi (2), 94. On this Use, especially in connexion with St. Paul's, see Simpson, Doc. Illustrating Hist, of St. Paul's, Introd. xxi, and i 7 seqq. ; cf. account of St. Paul's in this volume. "*" B.M. Lansd. MS. 451. "'J. Wickham Legg, Hist, of Liturgical Colours, 36, 51, 53 ; Maskell, Ancient Liturgy (3rd ed.), Ixvi ; Mon. RituaFta, ii, 350, where the ' Defensorium ' is printed in full. 182 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY expressly said to be parishioners, helped the minister in charge to make the inventory. These men were probably the forerunners of the two or four * more honourable parishioners ' so often associated in later times with the parson as trustees for gifts to the church or chantries founded therein, who were generally called in the 14th century 'wardens of the fabric and orna- ments,' and in the 15th by the name which has survived to our own day — that of churchwarden. These visitations also throw some light on the question of the position and style of the London clergy in the 1 2th century. By comparing them with other documents preserved at St. Paul's it can be seen that the Dean and Chapter had two distinct ways of dealing with the churches in their patron- age. In the first case a church was granted to a clerk in holy orders, who made an annual payment to the chapter, varying very much in the case of different churches, and held the church for life provided he kept his agree- ment.^^" This grantee was, in the 12th century, generally a priest ; only one such grant made by St. Paul's to a deacon is recorded in that period.^^^ In the second case it was also generally granted for life, but the grantee might be either a layman or a clerk and need not necessarily serve the church himself, though he was entirely responsible both for providing for the cure and for the annual payment due from the church to the canons.^^^ Both methods are illus- trated by the 1 2th-century visitations. In eight cases the sum of money due to St. Paul's, varying from \^d. to 20j-., was paid directly by the incumbent of the living ; in six cases it was paid by a person holding the church according to the second method.^^' One of these cases deserves special mention : in St. Martin's Orgar and St. Botolph's Billingsgate a woman named Cristina was responsible for paying the pension ; she was probably the daughter of Orgar the deacon, who had given these churches to St. Paul's some years before.^" With regard to the style of the London clergy the impression conveyed by the evidence available for the 12th century and earlier is one of great confusion. The familiar term 'rector' applied to the person who served the cure seldom appears until the middle of the 13th century ; the title of * parson ' {persona) is used in the visitations in only one instance, when it is applied to the woman Cristina. The most frequent titles 2L.re, sacerdos, presbyter, or capellanus of such-and-such a church.^''^ 'Vicar' {yicarius) appears not infre- quently, but naturally not with the definite meaning afterwards attached to it. The term is generally used with regard to churches provided for in the second method described above,'^^ although this was by no means its only sense, "° For agreements of this sort see Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 11, 63^, 63^, 64a. '" Ibid, ix, App. i, 23^. "' Ibid. 24a, 6ia, 6\b ; D. and C. St. Paul's, Lib. A, fol. 22. Tlie presentations to churches in the patronage of St. Paul's in the 1 2th century are frequently complicated by the recognition of the hereditary rights of the donors of the churches. See the instances quoted above with regard to the hereditary holding of churches by clerks in orders. ''^ In the case of three of the six remaining churches the person paying the pension and returning the inventory is mentioned without the information whether he is a priest or layman. The Prior of Butley answered for two churches, and the remaining church of St. Thomas had been granted by the canons {Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 2.^0), half to Stephen, a priest, and half to Henry de Taenthona ; each apparently paid half the pension. '^* Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 63a ; D. and C. St. Paul's, A. box 15^, no. 839. '" See many lists of witnesses in Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, passim ; Cat. Anct. D. passim. "° For such instances see the grant of St. Helen's to William Fitz William {Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, I 3(j), and an interesting dispute about St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street ; D. and C. St. Paul's, Lib. A. fol. 22. 183 A HISTORY OF LONDON for one perpetual vicar appears in the 12th-century visitations for St. Mary- Magdalene Old Fish Street, who is answerable for his own pension, and about 1 1 80 Christchurch Canterbury appointed John, a nephew of St. Thomas, as their perpetual vicar in the church of St. Mary Bothaw.^" Little can be gathered from the visitations with regard to the numbers of clergy employed in each church. It appears likely that St. Benet and St. Peter Paul's Wharf were both served by the same priest, Ralf. In several instances the inventory is said to have been made by two clerks, but in all cases except those of St. Helen's and St. Mary Aldermanbury the second priest seems to have been the incumbent of a neighbouring church. Gilbert Foliot died in February 1187, after an episcopate of twenty- four years, and the see remained vacant for nearly three years. In his last days Henry II intended to fill the vacancy, but died in July 11 89 without doing so, and on 15 September Richard Fitz Neal was appointed at a council held at Pipewell. He was one of the great administrative ecclesiastics of the reign of Henry II, and had held the positions of Dean of Lincoln, Arch- deacon of Ely, and Royal Treasurer. His chief fame is as a statesman and man of letters, but he nevertheless filled his episcopal position well. His invariable policy of defending the rights of his order and the Church against all aggression was foreshadowed by his addition ' saving my order and ecclesiastical justice ' ^*' to the oath of allegiance made to Richard I in 1 191, and in the same year he championed the cause of the suffragans of Canterbury against the monks of Christchurch.^" In 11 92 he defended the rights of Canterbury against those of York in a case more nearly touching London. Geoffrey Archbishop of York on a visit to London had his cross borne erect before him as he went from the New Temple, where he was staying, to Westminster, and Richard suspended the divine offices and bell-ringing at the Temple until the archbishop ceased so to violate the rights of the primate.^'" That no personal feeling caused his action is shown by the fact that the year before Richard had been one of the foremost of those who forced William Longchamp to release Geoffrey, then elect of York, whom he had imprisoned on his landing in England, and had received him with a solemn procession in St. Paul's. '^^ Richard died in 1 198 ; he is described by one annalist as a most charitable and merciful man of unsurpassed liberality, whose every word seemed to distil sweetness.^'^ In the reign of John both London and its bishop, William de St. Mere I'Eglise, took the side of the barons, though the bishop tried to befriend the king, and frequently appears in the character of intermediary and peace- maker. During his episcopate London was three times placed under an interdict. The first was imposed in 1206 because the Archbishop of York once more insisted on having his cross borne before him in London. ^^' The second was the long general interdict from 1208 to 12 14, during which London with its many churches and convents must have presented a most unfamiliar and dismal aspect. The bishop was one of those who declared the interdict on behalf of the pope and immediately afterwards left England, '" Lit. Cant. (Rolls Ser.), "i, 357- '" R. de Diceto, 0/>. Hiit. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 99. '» Ibid. 103-7. "° Gcsta Hen. 11 and Ric. I (Rolls Ser.), ii, 238. "' R. de Diceto, op. cit. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 97. ^^^ Ann. Men. JVinton. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 70. '" Jn. de Oxenedes, Chron. (Rolls Ser.), 119. 184 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY incurring severe censure in consequence from one chronicler, who says that the prelates abroad lived at ease, behaving 'like hirelings who when they saw the wolves coming deserted their flocks and fled.' "* He does not seem, how- ever, to have deserved this censure, for he was constantly journeying between Rome and England trying to arrange terms of peace. ^^^ As time went on the interdict was mitigated. In 1209 the Bishop of London was granted licence to have the divine offices celebrated privately before himself ; ''*' in I 21 2 he was also allowed to administer the viaticum to those at the point of death, and conventual churches were permitted to celebrate three times a week ; '" and in 121 3, at a council held at St. Paul's under Stephen Arch- bishop of Canterbury, leave was given to both conventual churches and secular priests to chant the canonical hours in their churches in a low voice in the hearing of their parishioners.^^* The king submitted to the pope, and was absolved at Winchester on 15 May 121 3, and next year on the festival of St. Peter and St. Paul the interdict was solemnly relaxed by Nicholas, the papal legate, in the church of St. Paul, bells were rung, and the Te Deum sung with a loud voice.^'^ The City's adherence to the baronial party brought down the third interdict. The king's enemies had been excommunicated by the pope in general terms in 1215,^*" and in December of that year a second excommunication followed, naming them individually, and including Gervase de Hobregge, Chancellor of St. Paul's, and London was laid under an inter- dict.^" But this time the interdict was totally disregarded, on the ground that the pope had no right to interfere in the affairs of the kingdom, and throughout the whole City the divine offices were celebrated with a loud voice. ^*^ The barons then appealed to Louis of France, who came over and received the homage of barons and citizens in London. Gualo the papal legate went to John at Gloucester, and excommunicated Louis and all his followers, including the already excommunicated Gervase de Hobregge, who held it 'a vain and empty sentence.' ^*^ After John's death and the battle of Lincoln, Louis and his followers were absolved, but the bishops and other clergy who had celebrated the divine offices while under excommunication were deprived of their benefices and compelled to go to Rome for absolution,^** and the altars on which the masses of the excommunicated had been celebrated were destroyed and others placed in their stead. ^*^ No notices of even isolated cases of heresy in London occur before 12 10. In that year, however, in the very middle of the interdict, an Albigensian was burnt in London,"* who according to one chronicle ' by craft oft quenched the fire.'"^ In 1336 a heretic named Ranulf, who had belonged to the order of Friars Minors and had apostatized, came to London in hermit's dress. He was examined by the masters of theology, and afterwards by the Bishop of London, and ' superstitiously and pertinaciously maintained many things '" Roger of Wendover, Floies Hist. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 46, 48. '" Diet. Nat. Biog. "'■ Cal. of Papal Letters, i, 32. '" Ralph of Coggeshall, Chron. (Rolls Ser.), I47- "' Roger of Wendover, Flores Hist. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 83. "'Ibid. 103. '"Ibid. 151. '*' Ibid. 167. '"Ibid. 171. '"Ibid. 182. '•' Ibid. 225 ; Ralph of Coggeshall, Chron. (Rolls Ser.), 174. '" Ann. Mon. Dunstable (Rolls Ser.), iii, 51. '" Lib. de Antiquis Legibus (Camd. Soc), 3. '" Chron. of Land. (ed. Nicolas), 7. Gregory's Chronicle {Hist. Coll. of a Land. Citizen [Camd. Soc], 63), says that in I 222 ' a man that feyned him selfe Cryste at Oxynforde, he was cursyde at Aldermanbery at London,' but this is probably an error due to a series of misreadings ; see Jnn. Mon. Dunstable (Rolls Ser.), iii, 76 ; Higdcn, Polychron. (Rolls Ser.), viii, 200 ; Chron. of Lond. (eJ. Nicolas), II. \ 185 24 A HISTORY OF LONDON against the Catholic faith and the sacraments of the church.' The bishop therefore imprisoned him at Stortford until he should decide what to do, but Ranulf's death soon released him from his difficulty.^*' In 1 22 1 Bishop William, 'who in time of the interdict and affliction of the English church suffered persecution, tribulation, divers injuries, expenses, and exile for the liberty of the church,' obtained permission of the pope to resign his bishopric, and the ceremony took place in the presence of Pandulf, the papal legate, in St. Paul's."' His place was filled after some dispute by the election of Eustace de Fauconberg, the king's treasurer, 'a man in every way praiseworthy and discreet.' ^'° The great event of Eustace's episcopate was the settlement of the bishop's relation to the abbey of Westminster and its possessions."* Almost immediately after his consecration he sought from the Abbot of Westminster rights of visitation and all other jurisdiction, but the abbot refused, and an appeal was made to Rome.*"- Next year the case was decided by a papal commission entirely in favour of the monastery, which from henceforth was exempt from all episcopal jurisdiction. The exemp- tion included the parish church of St. Margaret and its chapels,*" which Ralph de Diceto had tried in vain to include in his archdeaconry of Middle- sex.*^* This decision on behalf of Westminster is interesting with regard to the growth of other ecclesiastical immunities in London at this period. The monastery of Holy Trinity Aldgate received in 1223 a confirmation of its freedom from all subjection except to the church of St. Paul.*" In 1225 St. Martin's le Grand was first declared a royal free chapel exempt from all jurisdiction of the diocesan. A struggle went on for over a century concerning this matter, but St. Martin's in the end was triumphant. *^^ It did not, however, succeed in making itself quite so independent as Westminster, for when the church of St. Leonard in Foster Lane, which stood to St. Martin's in the same relation as St. Margaret's did to West- minster, was being built, the then bishop, Roger Niger, succeeded in extort- ing an acknowledgement that it should be subject to the Bishop and Arch- deacon of London like the other parish churches of the City.*" But while the growth of ecclesiastical immunities tended in one direction to diminish the sphere of the episcopal jurisdiction, through the same movement the bishop gained something from the temporal power : for in 1228, the last year of his rule, Eustace and his cathedral chapter made an agreement with the City by which special privileges and immunities were granted to men of the bishop's fee and that of St. Paul's.*'* "^ Chron. Ediv. I and Edtc. II (Rolls Ser.), i, 365. See also ibid, i, Introd. p. xcviii. '" The authorities disagree as to the part taken by the legate in the proceedings. Walter of Coventry, Mem. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 248, says ' Willelmus . . . resignavit episcopatum eidem legato ' ; Jnn. Mon. Waverley (Rolls Ser.), ii, 294, h.is ' resignat episcopatum . . . coram Pandulfo . . . legato'; Ralph of Coggeshall, Chron. (Rolls Ser.), 1 88, followed by Matthew Paris, makes no mention of the legate at all. "° Walter of Coventry, Mem. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 249. "' For full discussion of question see account of Westminster Abbey in ' Religious Houses,' '" Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 67. "^ Wharton, Hist, de Epis. Lond. 247. '** Stubbs in R. de Diceto, op. cit. (Rolls Ser.), i, pp. xlix, 1, quoting S.T.C. v, 363, i.e. Gilbertl [Foliot] Eputoke (ed. Giles), i, 363. '=* Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 24^. '** See under St. Martin le Grand in ' Religious Houses.' •»' D. and C. St. Paul's, Liber A. fol. 30. '" Lib. de Antiquis Leffbus (Camd. Soc), 243. 186 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Another important event of Eustace's episcopate was the coming of the friars to London. The Franciscans, who arrived in 1224, received a warm welcome and were almost entirely supported and endowed in London by the citizens themselves. They were followed by the Carmelites in 1241, and by the Dominicans, the Austin Friars, and the Friars of the Sack between 1250 and 1260. Three other orders, the Friars de Arene, the Pied Friars, and the Crossed Friars, all had settlements in London in the latter half of the I 3th century.^^' Eustace's successor, Roger Niger, is described by Matthew Paris as a man of wonderful holiness of life, of far-famed learning, clear in preaching, pleasant in speech, and a lover and defender of religion."" He was held in high estimation after his death, and miracles were said to be performed at his tomb many years later."' He was a constant defender of the privileges and liberties of the Church in London and elsewhere,"^ and is especially remem- bered for his constitution regarding the payment of the clergy of London. They were chiefly supported not by the usual tithes, but by customary obla- tions or offerings, and fees for marriages, burial, &c., and this system naturally gave rise to disputes, which Roger tried to settle by a decree legalizing and defining the existing custom. No copy of his original constitution has been found, but there are several later summaries which agree as to substance, though not entirely in detail. They all state that he ordained that \d. should be paid on every ioj. rent, on every Sunday and on some other feasts; according to a constitution of Archbishop Arundel (1397), ' on all solemn days and double feasts, and especially those of apostles whose vigils are fasts.' "^ The lack of precision in this constitution of Arundel's may reproduce that of Roger Niger, for some additional statutes also issued during his episcopate for the information of capellani ignorant of the customs of London enumerate 'doubtful feasts which are to be celebrated' in addition to those concerning which there is no uncertainty.'" The other clauses of this constitution are of great interest, especially those dealing with the ' chapter ' of the clergy of London. This chapter, composed of all the capellani et beneficiati of the archdeaconry of London, was to be held according to one version quater in anno loco antiquitus consuetis (sic), i.e. the first soon after the feast of St. Michael, the second soon after Christmas, the third in Easter week, and the fourth on the morrow of the Ascension ; according to the other version, the time and place were to be at the pleasure of the archdeacon or his official about the same dates, except that it gives the third morrow of Palm Sunday instead of Easter week. The fine for non-appearance at this chapter was two lagenae of wine to be paid to the archdeacon or his official. If the necessary business could not be transacted in four chapters others might be summoned. There was a common serjeant belonging to the "' See under the various friaries in ' Religious Houses.' """ Matt. Paris, Ciron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 164 ; iv, 169 ; Hist. Angl. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 257. '" Matt. Paris, Hist. Angl. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 284. '«' Roger of Wendover, f/ow ///J/. (Rolls Ser.). iii, 20, 37, 55, 57; Matt. Paris, Chnn. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 544. "^^ Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 231. Cf. Wharton, Hist, de Epis. Lond. 86. '" There are two versions of these constitutions ; one is printed in full from a MS. at St. Paul's by Simpson in Reg. Statutorum, 190, the other is in MS. GG. 4, 32, fol. 108 in Camb. Univ. Lib. Both are transcripts, and there are some variations, the most important of which have been noted in the text. Cf. Arnold, Customs of Lond. 175. 187 A HISTORY OF LONDON chapter, chosen by the archdeacon and paid by oblations from the parochial churches, whose duties were not defined, but seem to have consisted mainly in summoning members to the chapters and to the observances for the dead ; he may also have performed some such work as that of the later ' apparitors ' of the archdeacon, for he swore before the chapter to serve the archdeacon faithfully, and not for greed or hate maliciously to accuse to him or his official any rector or capellaiius. The archdeacon chose in the chapter fit persons for the consecration of chrism, and two or three of the more prudent and discreet members were appointed to collect the ' pittances ' of the capellani in rents or other forms, and faithfully distribute them, while twice a year excommunications were to be read in the chapter against all who defrauded the capellani of pittances or hindered the fulfilment of wills benefiting them. Other clauses deal with small matters of detail concerning oblations and fees for marriages, burials, &c., and with the pro- ceedings, culminating in excommunication, taken against any parishioner who refused to pay his parochial dues. The general excommunications, which were to be read four times a year in the churches, are enumerated, and also a special excommunication to be read once a year, directed against those who deprived the Church of due tithe from farms and gardens. It was also decreed that all capellani of the archdeaconry should be present, in their own persons or by proctors, with their parishioners at procession in St. Paul's on certain days."^ The number of persons taking part in these processions and the crowded state of the great cathedral can be gathered from some casual indications. Thus on the eventful Ascension Day when Becket's excommunication of Gilbert Foliot was unexpectedly announced in St. Paul's, the cathedral was filled with a dense multitude whose number covered the messenger's escape. In 1230 an incident is recorded which also illustrates the character of the much-loved Bishop Roger Niger : On the feast of the Conversion of St. Paul when the bishop stood in the cathedral church before the great altar celebrating in the presence of the people gathered together in honour of St. Paul, a great cloud suddenly obscured the sky so that in the church men could scarcely see each other. . . The people thought the day of judgement had come, the church seemed to rock and there was a general rush out of the building. . . Only out of all the multitude the bishop with one deacon stood clothed in his sacred vestments before the altar, awaiting the will of God. When the panic was over and the people again entered the church the bishop finished the mass.^" The external observances and the pageantry of religion must have been especially prominent in London in the 13th century. Ecclesiastical councils and synods were being constantly held either in the City or at Westminster,^" and Matthew Paris thus describes the opening of one in 1237 : The legate arrived at the church [of St. Paul] very early, even at daybreak, and there was awaiting him a very great multitude, through which he entered with difficulty. He advanced to the high altar and there vested himself in his pontifical robes. . . . Then, the '" One version mentions only the Monday in the week of Pentecost, while the other adds Palm Sunday and Ascension Day. '" Roger of Wendover, Tlores Hist. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 382. '*' Wilkins, Conciha, passim. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY archbishops of Canterbury and York preceding him in a solemn procession with cross and lighted candles and litany, he ascended to his seat . . . The Gospel beginning 'I am the good shepherd ' was solemnly read as is the custom, the proper collects were said by the legate, and the Veni Creator was sung. Later in the proceedings, before the statutes were read, the legate preached to the people, his subject on this occasion being the episcopal office. ^^' London was suffering with the rest of the country at this period from papal exactions, and the feeling against the Roman clerks was very strong. In 1 23 1 Cincio, a Roman clerk and canon of St. Paul's, was seized and ill-treated "' by a number of armed and disguised men near St. Albans. Bishop Roger, with ten other bishops, in 1232 excommunicated in St. Paul's all who had been concerned in this and other outrages on foreigners,"" but this did not save the bishop from being accused the year after, by the commission appointed by the pope to inquire into the matter, of complicity in a plan of robbing the Roman clerks ; and the old man had to set off for Rome, where after great labour and expense he cleared himself from the charge."' In 1 241 he died, having a few years before dedicated part of the building of the church of St. Paul, in which he had taken so much interest."* London's next bishop, Fulk Bassett, chosen against the will of the king, whose nominee was the Bishop of Hereford,"* was also a stalwart defender of his Church against papal and royal oppression. When the pope at the Council of Lyons in i 245 forced the English bishops to sign John's charter of tribute to the Holy See, Fulk of London signed ' last and unwillingly,' and therefore, adds the chronicler, deserves less blame than the rest."* Next year he refused or neglected to fulfil a papal provision to a prebend in the diocese of London, and in consequence the Dean of Wells was ordered to grant out of the revenues of the see of London an annuity to the papal nominee equal to the value of a prebend in St. Paul's."'' On 13 October 1 247 the king received a portion of the blood of our Lord, which had been sent him from the Holy Land, and himself carried it from St. Paul's to Westminster."* But Henry's piety accorded ill with his weakness in permit- ting the continued depredations of the papal emissaries. In the very same year a great remonstrance was sent to Rome by the people and clergy of the province of Canterbury, in which London had an honourable part ; * because this community has no seal we send these present letters to your holiness signed with the seal of the community of the city of London.' ' In 1250 the clergy of the City, v/ith Bishop Fulk at their head, made a determined stand against the projected visitation of Archbishop Boniface, which they considered to be an unwarranted aggression."^ At the council held in London in October 1255 Rustand, the papal envoy, demanded huge '*' Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 416-20. "' Roger of Wendover, Fhres Hist. (Rolls Ser,), iii, 19 ; cf. Gasquet, Hen. Ill and the Church, 132-4. '™ Roger of Wendover, Flores Hist. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 20. '" Ibid. 47 ; Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 240. '" Ibid, iv, 49, 169. '" Ibid. 171. "• Ibid. 479. '" Papal Bulls (P.R.O.), bdle. xx, no. 44 ; bdle. xix, no. 29. "' See under Westminster in ' Religious Houses.' '" Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), iv, S95-6. "' For full account of proceedings see accounts of St. Paul's, St. Bartholomew's, and Holy Trinity in 'Religious Houses' ; cf also Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), i, 162, for disturbance in diocese, and Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), vi, 190, for Fulk's attitude. 189 77 A HISTORY OF LONDON sums of money from the already impoverished Church. The bishops were aghast, and took, counsel many days ; then at last the Bishop of London de- clared, 'Before I will give consent to such injury and intolerable oppression of the Church I will be beheaded.' Encouraged by this the other prelates refused Rustand's demands and appealed to the pope, whereupon Rustand in great anger went to the king and complained that the Bishop of London had caused the other prelates to contravene the papal and royal will. Henry angrily declared that neither the bishop nor any other of his blood loved him, and that he should be punished by the intervention of the pope, to which Fulk replied, ' You may take away my bishopric (which nevertheless neither pope nor king can lawfully do), for you are stronger than I. But if the mitre is gone, the helmet will remain.' "' But Fulk was compelled later to give Rustand a prebend in St. Paul's, and on Rustand's death in 1 260 another Roman was collated to the position by the pope. The king had already nominated his treasurer, in ignorance of the pope's action, and an appeal was made to the archbishop, who gave judgement in favour of the papal nominee. But when the unfortunate Roman went to obtain possession of the house attached to the prebend he was forcibly repelled, and on their way back through the crowded streets he and his companion were killed. The archbishop made an attempt to discover the murderers, but no one was arrested, and there appears to have been general sympathy with those who thus protected England against the intrusion of the foreigner."" Besides this, however, and a few other provisions in St. Paul's,"^ there is no sign in the latter part of the 13th century of any great interference of the pope with the Church in London."^ Throughout the agitation there is no record of a provision to any London parish church. Most churches were too poor to be coveted, as may be seen from a list compiled in the first half of the 13th century."* With the exception of the thirteen peculiars of the Archbishop of Canterbury and the churches of St. Thomas and St. Botolph Bishopsgate, the list includes all the London City churches as well as St. Mary Aylward, which has not been identified, and St. Olave Broad Street, which was soon afterwards destroyed. Thirty-two churches are entered as worth nihil, non sufficit sibi, or vix sufficit sibi. Twenty-one were worth 3 marks or under; twenty-seven between 3 and 10 marks; one 16 and two 20; the value of nine churches is not given. It is not stated whether these values are gross, or minus the pensions paid to religious houses. All the churches but twelve out of the sixty-seven in the patronage of religious houses, and two out of the twenty-five presented to by private persons, paid pensions varying from is. to 9 marks. Six churches are said to be appropriated to religious houses, and in two of these a vicar's portion is mentioned. In eight churches not said to be appropriated a special portion was assigned to the vicar or parson ; '■' Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), v, 524-6. '*" Tlores Hist. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 444 ; Chron. Edtv. I and Edtv. II (Rolls Ser.), i, 54, places the occurrence in 1259, and the Lambeth MS. (ibid, i, p. cxxvii) in 1258. '*' See account of St. Paul's in ' Religious Houses.' '*' In 1263 a m.mdate was sent to the Bishop of London saying the collation to the church of St. Peter Cornhill had devolved by long voidance to the pope, and he was to remove any unlawful detainer of the same and appoint to it John de Cabanicio, whose fitness had been ascertained by examination ; Cal. of Papal Letters, i, 416. "^ D. and C. St. Paul's, W.D. 9, fol. 48^. The list is said to be copied from the Register of Fulk Bassett, but must from internal evidence have been at least partly compiled between 12 18 and 1237. 190 *• ,/ Bishop GiLBLiii Iuliot, i 163-87 Bishop Fulk Basset, 1244-59 Bishop William Courtenay, 1375-81 Episcopal Seals ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY two of these portions are stated to be worth nothing, while the rest varied from I to 7^ marks. Possibly the terms ' appropriated ' and ' vicar ' were not yet always used with the definite signification now attached to them. Out of seven vicarages mentioned, only three — St. Sepulchre's, St. Giles Cripplegate, and St. Botolph Aldersgate — afterwards retained this character. The proportion of properly ordained vicarages in London to that of appro- priated churches was at that time small ; those in the City dating from the 13th century are only these three, the date of whose ordination has not been discovered, and St. Laurence Jewry, in which a vicarage was ordained on its appropriation to Balliol College in 1295.^** A vicarage was ordained in St. Olave Southwark, which was appropriated to Lewes Priory before 1238,^*' and the vicarage of St. Martin in the Fields is mentioned in the 13th century.^** Benefices were often given to persons who were under no obligation of residence, and these in turn often farmed out the church to a priest who was obliged to provide out of its revenues not only the pension due to its patron, but a substantial sum to the beneficed parson. Such an agreement was made in 1 25 I between Hugh Ricard, vicar of St. Botolph Aldersgate, and Robert de Bideford, chaplain. Robert was to farm the church for a year, and agreed to pay 10 marks to Hugh as well as the 10 marks pension due to St. Martin le Grand, and to sustain the goods and ornaments of the church.^" The parishioners, however, sometimes protested against the system of non- resident parsons. Roger Niger confirmed the settlement of a long-standing dispute between the Abbot of Westminster and the parishioners of St. James Garlickhithe, by which the latter agreed to renounce all pleas in the eccle- siastical courts against the presentation of the abbot, and the abbot undertook to present a suitable person in priest's orders who should be wiUing and sufficient to serve them in his own person."^ The grievance was apparently brought before the pope, who in 1223 issued a mandate to the Bishop of London to execute his office against non-resident vicars."' The attempts of the parochial clergy to relieve themselves of the burden of payments to religious houses led to a number of suits and quarrels in the 13th and 14th centuries. About 1234 there was a suit between St. Martin le Grand and St. Botolph Aldersgate, with regard to such a pension,"" and in 1235 another between the same house and the capellanus of St. Nicholas Shambles,"^ in both of which St. Martin's was successful. About the end of the 13th century the Bishop of London appears to have tried to relieve the parochial churches from some of the pensions, and instituted proceedings in 1290 against Westminster, and in 1300 against St. Mary Overy."^ Only the protest of Westminster against the bishop's action and the commission of inquiry following the appeal of St. Mary's to '*' Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. iv, App. i, 449. A vicar of St. Margaret Moses is mentioned as late as 1309 (Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 25). •" Cott. MS. Vesp. F. IS, fol. iSgd. >'^ D. and C. Westm. Bk. 11, fol. 465 d. '" D. and C. Westm. Lond. B. box 2, pt. i. The vicar's portion in this church is given in the early 1 3th-century list as 2 marks. '^ D. and C. Westm. Bk. 11, fol. 102 d. '" Cal. of Papal Letters, i, 90. "° D. and C. Westm. Lond. B. box 2, pt. I. "' Ibid, box C. ; Cal. of Papal Letters, i, 140. '" D. and C. Westtn. Lond. B. box 5, parcel 36, no. 4 ; D. and C. St. Paul's A. box 5, no. 796. 191 A HISTORY OF LONDON the pope on the subject are extant, but apparently decisions were given in favour of the religious houses, as they continued to receive the pensions. Another possible cause of the poverty of the parish churches at this period was the perversion of the parishioners' oblations to private chapels and oratories. This would be felt more in London than elsewhere, both because of the sources from which the clergy derived most of their re- venues and because the laity included a great number of inhabitants who could afford this luxury. Canons were framed against it, and private chapels were forbidden to be erected without the bishop's licence. Six such licences issued between 1220 and 1241 exist among the documents of St. Paul's and Westminster Abbey ; they were granted by the Bishop, Dean and Chapter, or Abbot of Westminster,^'' except in one case where the parson of St. Laurence Jewry made the grant, the deed being attested by the bishop and archdeacon.^'* For example, Hamo Pecche obtained leave to build a chapel in his area in the parish of St. Peter Broad Street, and there to have divine service celebrated ; the chaplain was every year to swear fealty to the clerk of St. Peter's, promising to pay to the rector and church all oblations whatsoever, and not to administer any sacrament but the mass with- out leave of the rector, except in articulo necessitatis, while Hamo promised that he and his heirs with his chaplain and household would attend the parish church on the feasts of Christmas, the Purification, Easter, Whitsun, and all feasts of St. Peter, and that the chapel should not be given over to any religious order."^ There is evidence, especially in wills, that the stream of beneficence from London citizens to their parish churches, which by the 15th century made most of them exceptionally rich, at least as regards ornaments and furniture, had already begun in the 13th century. An analysis of the 658 wills enrolled in the Court of Husting from 1259 (when they begin) to 1300 shows that during that period 59 perpetual chantries were founded in parish churches, and provision was made in eleven cases for the singing of masses or for chantries for a certain number of years."' In the same period there were forty-two miscellaneous bequests to churches, of which twenty-nine were for lights of various sorts, a direction often being given that the lamp or taper was to burn before a special altar. One testator provided that a wax torch should be lighted at the elevation of the Host in the church of St. Nicholas Aeon."' During the same period sixteen wills contained mis- cellaneous bequests to religious houses in London, and six bequeathed money to the same for chantries. There were eight bequests to St. Paul's, as well as two for chantries, one in the charnel-house and one in the cathedral. Other sources than wills show the same growing generosity to parish churches. About 1234 the king gave land to the parson and parishioners of St. Magnus for the enlargement of that church."' Algrand the cordwainer, with the assent of Rose his wife, in 1246-7 granted in free alms to God, St. Mary, and '" D. and C. St. Paul's Lib. A. fol. 7, 31 ; A. box 4, no. 695 ; D. and C. Westm. Bk. 11, fol. 372, 376, 377 d ; Westm. parcel 7, 8. '" Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. iv, App. i, 449. "' D. and C. St. Paul's Lib. A, fol. 3 1 . '" Sharpe, Cal. of Wills in Ct. of Husting, \, passim. This number does not include cases of provision by contingent remainder, or cases where the name of the church in which the chantry is to be founded is not specified. '" Ibid, i, 133. '"* Cal. Pat. 1232-47, p. 82. . 192 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY the church of St. Augustine before the gate of St. Paul's land on which an enlargement of the church with an altar of the Blessed Virgin Mary should be built. In return he and Rose and his former wife Alice were to be ' participants in all benefits and prayers which should be made in that church for ever, and especially should be named on Sundays in common prayers for the benefactors of the said church, and in every mass which should be cele- brated at the altar of St. Mary a special collect should be said for his soul and those of his benefactors.'^" In 1250 a piece of land to the west of the cemetery was granted by Roger son of Richard to the church of St. Nicholas Olave.^"" The valuation known as the Taxation of Pope Nicholas, which was made in 1291, does not include all the London churches, probably because some were worth less than two marks.^"^ Another valuation was made in 1302—3,'''" which is also incomplete, as it excludes the thirteen peculiars of the archbishop and a few other churches. The two lists together,''"^ however, give the valuation of all the London churches but ten. Compared with that made half a century earlier there was a slight general increase of wealth, though they were still far behind most of those in country districts. Forty- five churches had increased in value and thirty had decreased, some very considerably, such as St. Martin Vintry from 10 marks to 2^, and St. Benet Paul's Wharf from 5 marks to half a mark. The value remains unchanged in seven cases. Including the only vicarage mentioned, that of St. Sepulchre, worth iooj-., there are altogether fifty-five churches worth under 2 marks, seventeen over 2 and up to 5 marks, eighteen between 6 and 10 marks, and seven between 10 and 20 marks. These values are apparently given with the pensions due to religious houses deducted. The pensions are almost identical with those in the earlier return ; in three cases they have been lowered, in one raised, and of two formerly paid no mention is made. The Taxation also gives the assessment of the Westminster and Southwark churches. St. Margaret Westminster, with the chapel of Paddington, was worth 30 marks, with a vicar's portion of 12 marks, St. Martin in the Fields 15 marks, and St. Clement Danes 3 marks. St. George South- wark was worth 10 marks with a pension of i mark, St. Margaret's 13 marks with a pension of 2 marks, St. Mary Magdalen 6 marks with a pension of 4J-., and St. Olave's 9 marks with a pension of 6 marks.**"* Concerning the equipment of the churches at the end of this century there is unfortunately very little evidence, only two visitations, those of St. Gregory's and St. Faith's taken in 1298, having been discovered. These churches, from their relationship to St. Paul's, can hardly be taken as entirely representative, but if they are any guide to the general condition of the parochial churches the increase in furniture, vestments, and books had been much greater than that in pecuniary value.*"*^ '" D. & C. St. Paul's A. box 2, no. 219. "° Ibid. A. box 21, no. 1593. '"' Pope Nkh. Tax. (Rec. Com.), 19 seqq. '"' Mun. GUdhaliae Land. (Rolls Ser.) ii (l), 231 seqq. ™' They coincide exactly in values, though there are one or two slight differences in the pensions paid to religious houses. ^"^ Poie Nick. Tax. (Rec. Com.), 17, 207. '""' The inventory for St. Gregory's is printed in full in Arckaeologia, 1, 463, and that for St. Faith's in Dugdale, Hut. of St. PauFs (ed. 1818), 335. 1 193 25 A HISTORY OF LONDOxN Another interesting feature of the Taxation with regard to London is the very great number of reUgious houses situated outside of London, West- minster, and Southwark which owned property in that district. In many cases it is known from other evidence that these monasteries had lodging- houses on their property which they frequently used.-"^ This, together with the numerous bishops' residences, must have helped to accentuate the marked ecclesiastical aspect of mediaeval London.""^ Bishop Fulk is described by Matthew Paris as ' a man indeed noble and of great generosity, and, though he hesitated a little of late in a matter con- cerning the public good, the anchor of all the realm and a shield of stead- fastness and defence, who at the same time was a most excellent pastor and father of the church.' ^"^ He died in 1259, and was followed by a succession of less distinguished men, the first of whom, Henry de Wengham, chancellor and a faithful friend of Henry III, had recently refused the bishopric of Winchester.-"' At his consecration early in 1260 a dispute was pending between Archbishop Boniface and St. Paul's, and he inserted in his profession of obedience to Canterbury the words ' saving the right and liberty of the church of London, which I will defend and maintain as far as in me lies against everyone.' The offended archbishop was with difficulty persuaded to finish the consecration, and Henry had to recite his profession again with the omission of the objectionable clause. ^^^ He was a great pluralist, and received licence from the pope to hold for five years all the benefices which he had at the time of his election, and also a canonry and any prebend that did not belong to another in London, and to appropriate any three churches in his gift, appointing perpetual vicars to serve them.'" But he did not long enjoy these privileges, for he died in 1262. The next episcopate, that of Henry de Sandwich, covered a political crisis in which the religious life of the City was to some extent involved through the intervention of the pope in favour of the king. The City and its bishop heartily espoused the baronial cause, and in consequence the Bishop of Sabina, a papal legate who feared to come into England from Boulogne, placed London and the Cinque Ports under an interdict — which no one dared to publish — suspended the Bishop of London and others, and excommunicated all supporters of the baronial party. In November 1265 Cardinal Ottobon was sent to England as legate ; the clergy of London hearing of his coming, in deference to the former sentence which had never been removed hastily placed London under an interdict. As, however, the City had been in the meantime reconciled to the king, the clergy and people swearing to obey the mandate of the Church, the interdict was immediately relaxed by Ottobon, who was solemnly received at St. Paul's on 10 Novem- ber. Early in the next year the legate suspended the Bishop of London and other bishops and ordered them to appear at Rome within three months to *** See Topographical Section, and Ecclesiastical Map of London before the Reformation. *" On this point see Stubbs, CAron. Edw. I and Edvi. II (Rolls Ser.), i, Introd. p. xli ; Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, i, 203. ^ Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), v, 747. Paris shows throughout a great sympathy for this bishop. With reference to the occasion of his hesitation mentioned above in the quotation see v, 705. Be- sides the passage already cited see iv, 171, 393 ; v, 206, 407. »' Flores Hist. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 426 ; cf Diet. Nat. Biog. "" Fhres Hist, ii, 443 ; Wharton, Hist, de Efu. Lond. 95^. "' Cal. of Papal LetUrs, i, 366, 373. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY answer for the support they had accorded to the enemies of the king, and for their disregard of the sentences of excommunication and interdict. The Bishop of London crossed to the Continent about Easter and did not return for nearly seven years,"' Later in the year 1266 London was again under an interdict for a more obviously ecclesiastical offence. A clerk was taken by the king's servants from the church of St. Sepulchre, to which he had fled for sanctuary, and condemned to death for robbery. When Godfrey de St. Dunstan, warden of the spiritualities of the see of London in the bishop's absence, heard of this outrage on the liberties of the Church, he immediately excommunicated the breakers of sanctuary and placed the City under interdict. The clergy and ' bailiffs ' of the City held a meeting to discuss the matter, and committed the criminal to the Tower under ecclesiastical custody, until they should obtain the decision {voluntas) of the legate, who was then at Kenilworth ; the interdict was at the same time relaxed. Shortly afterwards Prince Edward came to the Tower, and ' being consumed with a great anger at the saving of the clerk and not regarding the liberty of Holy Church,' executed the criminal and im- prisoned Godfrey in the Tower, from which the legate soon procured his release."' In April 1267, when the 'disinherited' were still carrying on their resistance to the king, the Earl of Gloucester occupied London and lodged at Southwark, where he received certain excommunicated fugitives from the Isle of Ely. The legate, then at the Tower, laid an interdict on Southwark and threatened to include the City, but delayed this most serious penalty at the intercession of the wife of Philip Bassett, brother of the late Bishop of London. In spite of attempts at arbitration, Gloucester afterwards attacked the Tower, and the legate in consequence on the Wednesday after Easter forbade the ringing of bells in the City and the celebration of divine service ' with song, but the same was to be performed in silence, the doors of the churches being closed that the enemies of the king known as the " disheri- soned " might not be present at the celebration of divine service.' This interdict was not removed until 16 June, on the reconciliation of the City with the king."* London suffered at this time for the ecclesiastical crimes of the Arch- bishop of York, who in 1268 had his cross carried before him in derogation of the dignity of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and so caused the laying of a modified interdict upon the City, with the district round for two miles on every side ; divine service was to be celebrated only in silence, and no bells were to be rung except in the City. The Archbishop of York persisted in bearing his cross until his departure, and when he came to London early in 1270 for the Translation of Edward the Confessor at West- minster, he again brought down on the City and district the same "•/"Aw Hist. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 9, 262 ; Chron. Edw. I and Edw. II (Rolls Ser.), i, 65, 71, 72 ; Lib. de Antiquis Legibus (Camd. Soc), 83 ; Thos. Wykes, Ann. Mon. (Rolls Ser.), iv, 185. Proceedings had apparently been begun earlier against the bishop, but were suspended for inquiry to be made ; Cal. of Papal Letters, i, 404, 419. '" Chron. Edw. I and Edw. II (Rolls Ser.), i, 74, 75 ; French Chron. of Lond. (Camd. Soc), 8. For another instance of Godfrey's zeal for the rights of the Church, this time in reference to probate, see Lib. de Antiquis Legibus (Camd. Soc), 106. '" Chron. Edw. I and Edw. II (Rolls Ser.), i, 77 ; Lib. de Antiquis Legibus (Camd. Soc), 91. Another interdict appears to have been laid on the City some days later, but it only lasted a few hours. Ibid. 92. J 95 A HISTORY OF LONDON penalty."' In i 272 the pope at last restored the Bishop of London to the exercise of his office on the petition of Edward the king's son, ' that most gentle and forgiving of men';-^* he returned to London in January 1273, and was received in St. Paul's with a solemn procession. He died in September the same year/^^ and the short episcopate of his successor, John ChishuU, was marked by no noteworthy event. In 1280 Richard Gravesend became bishop, after the see had been offered to and refused by Fulk Lovel."^' His episcopate almost covered the reign of Edward I, when between the king and the archbishop the most exemplary of prelates could hardly have had a comfortable seat. The struggle with the king belongs to general ecclesiastical history, but the numerous convocations held at St. Paul's, Westminster, and the New Temple must have brought it clearly before the people of London. ^^' The outlawry of the clergy in 1296 also must have specially affected the City, full as it was of clerks of all kinds. Archbishop Peckham seems to have been much interested in the Jews, who had always been numerous in London. They had been encouraged by William the Conqueror to settle there, and William of Malmesbury gives as one instance of Rufus's impiety that he urged the Jews of London to dispute with the bishops, offering in jest (Judibundus, credo) to become a Jew if they should beat the Christians in fair argument.'^" On several occasions in the 12th and 13th centuries they suffered ma;; acre and looting,'-^ and there is a story of the body of a boy found in the cemetery of St. Benedict in the City in 1244, resembling the well-known story of St. Hugh of Lincoln, which illustrates the superstitious horror combined with hatred felt toward them.'^' The devotion of the Londoners to the Franciscans was cooled by their intervention, in 1256, in favour of certain Jews who were imprisoned in the Tower for alleged participation in the murder of the boy Hugh at Lincoln. Popular opinion said that the Jews had bribed the friars, and when they were set free people ' withdrew their hands from giving bounty as before.' ^" An effort at conversion seems to have been made in the reign of Henry III, when the Domus Conversorum was founded,"* and in the same reign several synagogues were converted into Christian places of worship.^" There are several letters from Peckham to the Bishop of London and to the king on the subject of the London Jews, from which it appears that all their synagogues except one were destroyed about 1282."" Their expulsion in 1290 was undoubtedly a popular measure. *" Lib. de jintijuis Lepbuj (Camd. Soc), io8, 1 1 7. "" Cal. 0/ Papal Letters, \, 41 1. "' Chron. Edw. I and Edw. II (Rolls Scr.), i, 83. "' Ibid, i, 89. "' Wilkins, Concilia, ii, passim. "» De Gestis Regum (Rolls Ser.), ii, 371. '-' Gesta Hen. II et Ric. I (Rolls Ser.), ii, 83-4 ; Lib. de Antiquis Legibus (Camd. Soc), 50, 62 ; Thos. Wykes, Ann. Mon. (Rolls Ser.), iv, 141 ; French Chron. of Lond. (Camd. Soc), 5. "' Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (RoUs Ser.), iv, 377. '" Ibid. V, 546, 552. In one passage the number of Jews is given as seventy-one, in the other as ninety-one. '" For history see article on ' Religious Houses.' "' Devon, Issues of the Exch. 12 ; Guildhall MS. iii, iv, 750. See also the accounts of the Hospital of St. Anthony and the Friars of the Sack, in ' Religious Houses.' The synagogue beside the house of the Fri.irs of the Sack was given by Henry III to the friars because they were disturbed by the howling (' ululatio ') of the Jews at prayer. Stow, Suiv. (ed. Kingsford), i, 284, says that the church of St. Stephen Coleman Street was 'sometime a synagogue of the Jewes,' but he seems to have confused it with the synagogue given to the friars ; see Kingsford's note, ibid, ii, 336. '"^ Reg. Epist. J. Peckham (Rolls Ser.), i, 213, 239 ; ii, 407, 410. 196 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Another episode of Richard's episcopate, which affected the whole province of Canterbury, but must have been of special importance to London and the district, was an attempt at the reform of the Court of Arches, perhaps as a result of the petition sent to the king in 1290 by men of the diocese of London, who complained of the many vexatious citations and exactions of the officials and ministers of the Church by which more was extorted from the people than by all the lay courts.^'"' The king ordered the chancellor to amend the grievance as far as lay in his power, and the archbishop to do the same in spiritual matters. Archiepiscopal statutes for the court were issued in 1295 and 1342 with the object of improving the administration and procedure, to make the course of justice easier and quicker.^" Richard Gravesend died in December 1303, and Ralph Baldock was elected"^ as his successor early in the following year, but was not consecrated till July 1306. During his episcopate occurred the dissolution of the Order of Knights Templars, of which an account is given under ' Religious Houses.' Stephen Gravesend was unpopular in London, probably because of his ad- herence to Edward 11,'^' and it was said that if the populace could have caught him at the time of the outrage on the Bishop of Exeter in 1326 he also would have been murdered. ^'"' At the beginning of his episcopate Archbishop Walter wished to visit his diocese armed with extraordinary powers from the pope ; Stephen opposed him and appealed to Rome, but in the end the archbishop was triumphant and the visitation took place. ^'^ An interesting description of the enthronement of Richard Bintworth (1338-9), probably typical of that of all Bishops of London at this period, is given by the author of the Annales Paulini. On the day of his consecra- tion, having celebrated mass, he rode through the city and dismounted at St. Michael's in the market place ; there taking ofFhis shoes and being met by the procession of the choir he entered his cathedral barefoot and was led up to the high altar. After making prayer and oblation he proceeded to the vestry where he was robed in his pontifical garments. Thence he was led by the arch- deacon of Canterbury, to whom the office of enthronement belongs, to the seat prepared for him in a high place near the high altar, where he was enthroned by the archdeacon. And when prayers had been said by the dean and Te Deum sung he kissed all the canons and others in the quire. The chronicle goes on to tell how Bishop Bintworth celebrated mass in St. Paul's and was present there at all the great feasts, ' because he greatly loved and honoured his church and the whole city,' ^^^ During the first half of the 14th century there are many notices of those processions on occasions of national rejoicing or sorrow which were a noticeable feature of London life down to the Reformation. Thus in 131 5, on account of the great rains and scarcity of food, the archbishop ordained that all the clerks and monks of the city every Friday should go with bare "« Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), i, 6ob. '" Wilkins, Cond/ia, ii, 204, 681. "' The order of the succeeding bishops is as follows : — Ralph Baldock consecrated 1306, Gilbert Segrave 1313, Richard Newport 1317, Stephen Gravesend 1319, Richard Bintworth 1338, Ralph Stratford 1340. '-' Diet. Nat. Biog. "" French Chron. of Lond. (Camd. Soc), 54. "' Wharton, Hist, de Epis. Lond. 121, from archives of Canterbury. '" Chron. Edzv. I and Edtv. II (Rolls Ser.) i, 367—8. He appears to have been held in high estimation by the king, who requested that he might be consecrated elsewhere than at Canterbury, as he could not dispense with his services ; Lit. Cant. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 185. 197 A HISTORY OF LONDON feet to the church of Holy Trinity carrying the Host and relics with them,"' and in 1324 litanies and processions were ordered for peace and the welfare of the king and kingdom.*'^* In 1333, as a thanksgiving for the surrender of Berwick, there was a solemn procession of the clergy and people of the City from St. Paul's to the same church ; the clergy, wearing beautiful vestments and precious copes and carrying relics, sang Te Deum and other joyful canticles both going and returning, ' and all the people praised God dancing and leaping' [in choreis et tripudiis)?^^ Though every important event was thus made the occasion for an outward display of faith, yet the religious life of London in the latter part of the 13th and the first half of the 14th centuries appears to have suffered as much disturbance as did its political life. There are records of an unusual number of cases of violation of the sanctity both of ecclesiastical persons and of holy places. In 1282 St. Paul's was desecrated by the murder of certain prisoners who had taken refuge there, and who were dragged thence and beheaded outside the churchyard, the City in consequence being put under interdict by the bishop ; -'' two years later occurred the celebrated case of the hanging of Laurence Duket in the church of St. Mary le Bow."^ In 1 3 1 2 Robert de Brome was murdered in the church of St. Mary at Hill, and in 1321a woman slew the clerk of the church of All Hallows London Wall, and remained there in sanctuary for five days until the bishop sent to say that the church would not save her, and she was carried out and hanged. ^^' The famous robbery of the king's treasury at Westminster in 1303,^'' when some of the monks of Westminster refused to be tried by secular judges,^*" involved the question of royal jurisdiction over clerks. In 1305 the Carmelite Friars were robbed of 300 marks of silver, and in attempting to defend their property one of them was killed and several wounded.^" In 1326 the citizens beheaded the Bishop of Exeter in Cheapsidc and sent his head to the queen ; his body lay naked in the street all day, and at last found a grave in the church of the Holy Innocents in the Strand, then derelicta et omnino destructa, whence it was afterwards conveyed to Exeter. The violence of the mob was such that the church courts were for a time in complete abeyance.^*' In 1336 St. Paul's was again violated by Hugh de Waltham, parson of St. Margaret Bridge Street, Nicholas, parson of St. Benet Gracechurch, and others, who entered the church with an armed force, took some men from it and assaulted others,'" while in 1338 it was interdicted twice and its cemetery once ' for homicide and other acts of violence there committed.' ^** Besides the occasions already referred to, the bishop and archbishop intervened in four other cases of breach of sanctuary in London between 1303 and 1337.*" The question of sanctuary was at this *" Chron. Edto. I and Edw. 11 (Rolls Ser.), i, 278. "« D. and C. St. Paul's, A. box 80, no. 303. '" Ckron. Edw. 1 and Edw. 11 (Rolls Ser.), i, 359 ; cf. Riley, Mm. 105. ^ Ann. Mon. Dunstable (Rolls Ser.), iii, 289 ; Reg. Epist. J. Peckham (Rolls Ser.), ii, 433-4, 523, 525, 595 ; Cat. Pat. 1281-92, p. 143. •" Reg. Epist. J. Peckham, iii, 833 ; French Chron. of Land. (Camd. Soc), 18. •'^ Ibid. 41, 42 ; Chron. Edw. 1 and Edw. 11 (Rolls Ser.), i, 219, 272 ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 3 I . "' See und;r Westminster in ' Religious Houses.' •"' Chron. Edw. 1 and Edw. 11 (Rolls Ser.), i, 132. '" Ibid. 144. "-' French Chron. of Lond. (Cimd. Soc), 52 ; Chron. Edw. I and Edw. II (Rolls Ser.), i, 316, 321. '" Cal. Pat. 1334-8, p. 165. '" Chron. Edw. I and Edw. 11 (Rolls Ser.), i, 368. '" Ibid. 130, 363 ; Cal. Close, 1318-23, p. 309 ; 1337-9, P- '^I. 198 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY period a burning one with the lay authorities. In 1298 the aldermen had ordered that no thief or other malefactor should from thenceforth be watched so long as he remained in sanctuary.*" The escape of a malefactor from St. Paul's in 1292, and another from St. Gregory's, had called the king's attention to the matter, and, though twenty-nine years later the mayor and aldermen were granted a pardon for not preventing these escapes, it was only on condition that henceforth misdemeanants in sanctuary should be guarded,**" Besides these crimes of violence, there was a want of reverence which showed itself in more trivial matters. In 1308 the rector of St. Bartholomew the Little was reproved for allowing timber to be stored in his churchyard,**' and in 1 3 1 1 a general prohibition was issued against wrestling (lucte) in churches and churchyards.**' The character of the London clergy at this period was not all that might be desired. It appears by a City ordinance of 1297 that the night watch- men used to raid the houses of priests and hale them off to the ' Tun,' a prison for persons suspected of felony, on charges of adultery or fornication. The indignant clergy complained of this as a violation of the privileges of the Church, which provided that no layman might take priests or clerks and imprison them without a special royal mandate, except for breaking the king's peace, and accordingly such arrests were forbidden for the future on pain of a fine of j^2o.*" This prohibition had to be renewed in 13 13,*" as the illegal arrests continued to be made. Such offences of the clergy were properly dealt with by the archdeacon's court, but the administration appears to have been very corrupt, for about this time the rectors themselves brought definite charges of immorality against the archdeacon's ' apparitors ' and peti- tioned for their removal, since it was the common talk of the town that the clergy sheltered them that they might continue to indulge their own vices. *^* Many of the clergy were in charge of cures at this time while still in low orders. The Canterbury registers show that between 1282 and 1302 two men who were already rectors were ordained sub-deacon, and two others were ordained sub-deacon to the title of London rectories. One rector was ordained deacon and three were ordained priest.*" This abuse was, of course, prevalent all over the country at this period ; the attention of the pope and bishops had been called to it, and attempts were made to find a remedy. In 1298 and 13 12 there are cases of incumbents resigning London benefices because they were not in priest's orders.*" There are other indications that many of them were of inferior character and capacity. Archbishop Peckham was no doubt biased in favour of the friars, and it is in connexion with the great controversy between these and the secular clergy that he expresses his opinion of the latter. Some parish priests had complained of Franciscans hearing confessions and giving absolution without their licence, and Peckham wrote to the Dean of St. Paul's, '" Riley, Mem. 36. '" Mm. GUdholke Land. (Rolls Ser.), ii (i), 3+6. '" Cant. Epis. Reg. Winchelsey, fol. 291^. "' Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 30. "" Mun. Gildhalke Lond. Liber Cust. (Rolls Ser.), ii (i), 213. "' Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 32; cf. Riley, Mem. 1 40. »" Camb. Univ. Lib. GG. 4, 32. •" Reg. Epist. J. Peckham (Rolls Ser.), iii, 1030, 1041, 1044, 1045, 1054, 105; ; Cant. Epis. Reg. Winchelsey, fol. 1 1 zb. "* Cal. of Papal Letters, i, 578 ; ii, 103 ; cf. Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 38. 199 A HISTORY OF LONDON the Dean of Arches, and the Archdeacon of London, saying that the friars had authority to do this, and that on account of the simphcity [simplicitas) of the parish priests they were generally more fit to direct others and to deal with difficult cases."' The grievance about the friars did not end here, for Winchelsey at some time during his primacy, probably at the Provincial Council held in London in 1309, received a petition"' from the rectors and curates of London complaining of these encroachments, and requiring an explanation of the privileges recently granted to the friars by Pope Benedict, especially with regard to preaching, hearing confessions, and burying the dead, since under cover of these articles the friars procured for themselves the parochial oblations and other things, and turned the hearts of the parishioners from their churches so that ' the rectors are scarcely able to receive food and clothing from the altars that they serve.' "^ The petitioners sought that the friars should be made to produce proper certificates from their superiors before being allowed to preach, and that they should not publicly defame rectors. With regard to confession, they said that the friars pretended to have general powers of absolution while they really had no greater powers than the parish priests,"' and that they neglected to tell all persons to confess at least once a year to their parish priests,"' as they were bound to do. They not only heard confessions in their own churches, but also forced their way into parish churches against the will of the rectors, and there publicly heard the confessions of the parishioners. They visited wealthy parishioners who were sick, heard their last confessions, and influenced their wills to their own advantage, while the poor, contrary to the rule of their order, they left entirely to the care of the rectors. They abused their privilege of burying the dead, so that Christians were buried in unconsecrated ground, and they refused to give any satisfaction to the rectors for the obla- tions and presents received in this way. The petition goes on to say that in consequence of the actions of the friars the laity neglected to visit their parish churches and to pay the arrears of their tithes and oblations, despised the presence of the rectors and parish priests"" at the making of their wills, and usurped the rule and care of the parish churches with their cemeteries and ornaments when the rectors were resident, though the sacred vessels and vest- ments were not allowed to be polluted by the hands of the laity. They also usurped rights concerning the burial of the dead, not allowing the poor to be buried in their own churchyards, and thus forcing the parish priests^" to bury them in the churchyard of St. Paul's. They destroyed trees, &c., growing in the churchyards, contrary to a decree of Pope Boniface, and after the death of a rector pulled down the buildings which had been erected in the churchyards and consecrated places so that the rector might be near at hand to administer the sacraments. These oppressions the parochial churches suffisred through the various orders of friars, and also through the hermits of the hermitages"^ and the priests 'not stipendiary,' who had not the cure of *" Reg. Epist. J. Peckham (Rolls Ser.), iii, 956. '" Camb. Univ. Lib. GG. 4, 32. '■'' This petition shows that the London clergy depended for a good deal of their income on the casual oblations of their parishioners, which explains to some extent the low values given in the Taxation of Pope Nicholas. "* 'Capellanus parochialis.' '-' ' Sacerdotibus parochialihus.' '*' ' Capellanorum parochlalium.' "' ' Capellanos parochiales.' '" Cf. account of hermits in ' Religious Houses.' 200 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY souls and ought not to confess parishioners without the leave of the rectors. No record has been found of any answer to this petition or of any steps being taken to remedy the abuses complained of with regard to the friars. But more is heard concerning the usurpation of the capellani non stipendiarii, who must have been the chantry priests, at this period rapidly increasing in numbers. In 13 15 another petition was presented by the rectors of the City to the archdeacon or his deputy, complaining that malicious and unwise chantry priests stirred up strife in churches, and asking that they should be made to swear to celebrate faithfully according to their ordinances, to be present at matins and other hours in the church, not to take oblations or in any way to defraud the rector or stir up strife between him and the parishioners, and not to move from one rector to another without a certificate showing the cause. In the remaining clauses the petitioners asked for facilities for transacting business with the archdeacon and inspecting wills of parishioners, and complained of the conduct of the ' apparitors ' and the citations of rectors and parishioners to the archdeacon's court. This petition was granted ; °°* indeed, so far as the chantry priests were concerned, the oaths which the rectors wished them to take had already been made obligatory throughout the province of Canterbury by the archbishop in 1305.^** Steps seem also to have been taken to stop the encroachments of the hermits, for in 131 1 one who was found to be guilty of the practices described above was forced to desist, and the people of the diocese were forbidden on pain of excommuni- cation to leave their churches for his hermitage.^" With regard to residence there is very little evidence. In 1 302 leave of absence for study was granted by the bishop to the rector of St. Bride's.''" In this case no doubt a proper substitute was provided. An oath taken by a capellanus parochialis who appears to have been such a substitute to the rector of St. Martin Vintry has been preserved. The transaction begins ' Idem Rector eundem dominum N. capellanum custodem et curatorem ecclesiae suae Sancti Martini predictae et parochiae suae sive parochianorum eiusdem loco sui sibi substituit.' The rector delivers to the capellanus the burden of the cure of the souls of the parishioners from Michaelmas 1304 for a year, or longer if the rector pleases. The same N. swears to serve the rector faithfully, to keep his secrets, not to stir up discord between the rector and parishioners nor in any way to procure his loss, not to appropriate oblations, &c. belong- ing to the rector, and to collect 'wax-money''"'^ for him twice a year; to incite the parishioners in their confessions and last wills to devotion towards the church and to procure the advantage of the rector in all ways possible ; to do his pastoral work honestly and well, being in the church day and night, and never to miss the accustomed hours. He is to obey all canonical mandates of the ordinary and take the place of the rector at all citations, &c. of the clergy of the archdeaconry of London. His salary was to be 10s. a year'''* together with the casual legacies of parishioners.^^^ In 1309 Robert Burel, vicar of the church of St. Margaret Moses, of which the convent of St. Faith, Horsham, was rector, was summoned before the bishop to answer why '" Camb. Univ. Lib. GG. 4, 32. '" Wilkins, ConciRa, ii, z8o. '" Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 29. "' Ibid. fol. 6. '" ' Ceragium ' ; Du Cange quotes from Spelman ' ceragia vulgariter vocata waxscotts. '** The value of St. Martin's was returned in 1291 as 30/. after deducting a pension of 40/. ''' Camb. Univ. Lib. GG. 4, 32. I 201 26 78 A HISTORY OF LONDON he had not been and was not resident, contrary to the constitution of the legate Ottobon."" Plurahties seem to have been fairly common in London, but as there is so little evidence of non-residence it was probably the country parishes that suffered. In 1310 and 131 1 two London rectors received licence from the pope to hold more than one benefice,"^ in each case one in London and one in the country. In 13 19 the Abbot of Westminster was commanded to assign the rectory of Chelsea to Nicholas Hosebond, a canon of London, who already had the church of St. Margaret London Bridge, and a perpetual chaplaincy in St. Paul's."^ On the other hand in three or four cases of reservation of benefices for London clergy between 1332 and 1348 the London church had to be resigned on the new collation."" The pope does not appear to have made many provisions at this period of parochial churches in London, though they are numerous in the higher ranks of the clergy."* In 1322 he provided to St. Vedast's,"° and in 1345 he reserved at the request of Queen Isabella the church of St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street, which led to a suit with a clerk appointed by the rightful patron."'^ In 1338 the Prior of Christchurch wrote to the Bishop of Chester that he could not present his nominee to the church of St. Mary Aldermary because he had so many papal provisions unsatisfied;-" and in 1341 a similar case occurred." Another method of evading the patron's rights was the exchange of benefices, which was at this period very prevalent in London as elsewhere. Twenty- one exchanges touching London benefices are noted in the Patent Rolls between 1327 and 1354,"' and in 1322 the Prior of Christchurch com- plained that the convent's right of presentation had been four times evaded by this means in the case of St. Dunstan's in the East.**" Probably the parochial churches were more affected by the frequent provisions to the archdeaconry of London at this period than by the few provisions to their own benefices. From 1308 to 1338 the archdeaconry was in the hands of the pope's nominees, in spite of the struggles of the bishop to secure presentation.^" The appointment of these foreigners, who were probably non-resident, must have had a very detrimental effect on the parochial clergy of the City, who were so closely under the supervision of the archdeacon. Between the friars, the religious houses, and the pope, they appear to have had considerable difficulty in maintaining their position. Mention has already been made of their attempts to escape the burden of pensions due to religious houses which had appropriated the livings. These continued throughout the 14th century, but apparently without success.^*" *"' Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 25. "' Cal. of Papal Letters, ii, 86, 87. "» Ibid. 184, 186. ''^ Ibid. 370, 377 ; iii, 280. There is also one case in 1322 where no mention of resignation is made ; ibid, ii, 224. '"' See under St. Paul's in 'Religious Houses.' *''' Cat. of Papal Letters, ii, 222. *" Ibid, iii, 185, 259 ; Cal. Pat. 1343-5, P- 564- "' Lit. Cant. (Rolls Scr.), ii, 175. "» Ibid. 240. '" Cal. Pat. passim. Some of these exchanges were not actually effected ; cf. Cal. Pat. I 327-30, p. 176 ; 1330-4, p. 12 ; 1350-4, p. 367. There is no case of a direct exchange of two London benefices, but in Jan. 1338 the rector of St. Swithin's exchanged that for the vicarage of Romney, which in November he exchanged again for St. Alban Wood Street ; Cal. Pat. 1334-8, p. 573 (cf p. 497) ; 1338-40, p. 162. ^ Lit. Cant. (Rolls Ser.), i, 77-9; cf 142. '" Cal. of Papal Letters, ii, 32, 75, 201, 210, 231, 357 ; Cal. Close, 1323-7, p. 91. '*• Cases are recorded in 1 3 14, 1338, 1349, and six between 1380 and 1403 (D. and C. Westm. box D-K. ; Lond. A. parcel i ; B. box iii ; Chartul. St. Peter, Glouc. [Rolls Sep.], iii, 266 ; D. and C. St. Paul's, A. box 23, no. 1723, 1722 ; box 70, no. 1767; box 4, no. 25, 39, 765 ; box "]•], no. 2064; Walsingham, Gesta Abbat. [Rolls Ser.], iii, 441), all of which were decided in favour of the religious houses. 202 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY A very curious document of the year 13 17 has been preserved,^*' giving the rules of a ' confederacy ' formed among the London clergy on account of the simplicity (simp lie has) of some rectors and curates and the non-observance of the synodal statutes of the City archdeaconry. Its members were known by a special dress, but were sworn to secrecy on admission under a penalty of expulsion. The officers were a referetidarius, who was to summon meetings and generally to act as the supreme authority, four arbitrators or conservators of the articles of the confederacy, who were to settle disputes (which were not to be taken to a lay tribunal), two chamberlains, each of whom had a key of the common box, and a treasurer, who kept the box and was respon- sible for seeing that the members' contributions of a penny a week were paid regularly. All property was to be used for the common advantage, and the whole body was to attend and give oblations at the church of each member on the dedication festival, special arrangements being made when several such feasts fell on one day. Certain ceremonies were to be performed on the death of any member, and any in need were to be assisted. If a ' capellanus vel clericus parochialis vel minister alicujus ecclcsiae ' deserted his rector on any malicious pretext he was not to be employed by any of the other confederati until he was reconciled. Four general meetings were to be held annually, on the Thursdays before Christmas, Palm Sunday, the Nativity of St. John the Baptist, and Michaelmas, in the churches of St. Bartholomew the Little, St, Olave Silver Street, St. Margaret Pattens, and St. Andrew Cornhill respectively, and at the last meeting the money remaining in the box ^'* was to be distributed to those brothers then present, ' or it should be otherwise ordained concerning it as seemed best.' An audit of the accounts was to be made once a year, and the conduct of the officers was to be reviewed, when if found wanting they were to be replaced by others. The penalty for neglecting to attend the meetings personally or by proxy for a year was expulsion. The ordinances are followed by a list of the members in 13 17, when they numbered twenty-two. The ordinances of this ' confederacy ' bear some resemblance to those made for the clergy of the archdeaconry of London in the time of Roger Niger. ""^ The chapter then formed lasted into the 14th century, and was known as communitas rectorum or comtnunitas capellamrum ; bequests for the augmentation of the ' pittance ' of the priests of London are found in wills from 1228 to I 368,^'' after which there is no further evidence of the existence of the chapter. The same volume which contains the ordinances of the con- federation also contains a petition of the rectors of London concerning the division of the pittances in the quarterly chapter of the archdeaconry. But the two bodies were not identical.'" The chapter was a publicly recognized body, while the confederation was a private union embracing a comparatively small *" Camb. Univ. Lib. GG. 4, 32, fol. 1 12 seqq. The contents of this volume are very miscellaneous ; it was possibly a commonplace book belonging to a rector of St. Martin Vintry. '" ' Gazophylacion ' ; cf St. Luke xxi, I . =« FUe supra, p. 187. '^ D. and C. St. Paul's, Liber A. fol. 68 ; A. box 66, no. 6 ; Jrch. Joum. xxiv, 343 ; Sharpe, Cal. of Pf'ills in Court of Husting, i, 49, 103, 330 ; ii, 107, 115, 187. '" John Skip, rector of St. Martin Vintry, and William Marshal, rector of St. Mary Woolnoth, appear in 1306 as the representatives of the ' communitas rectorum,' when they made a present of 20 marks to Ralph Baldock, the new bishop {Ckron. Edw. I and Edu). II [Rolls Ser.], i, 148), and in 1319 as the representatives of the ' communitas capellanorum ' in a dispute about a bequest to that body (Sharpe, Cal. Letter Bk. E. 101). Now the rector of St. Martin's was an official of the confederation, but the rector of St. Mary's was not even a member. 203 A HISTORY OF LONDON number of the clergy of London, and possibly formed in self-defence against the encroachments of the friars and other intruders ; it bears little resemblance to su:h fraternities of the clergy as the Gild of the Kalendars at Bristol.-"* After the settlement in London of the various orders of friars, there was a long period of inactivity in the founding of religious houses in London, the only new foundations between 1254 and 1331 being the hospital of St. Giles Cripplegate and the priory of the Minoresses. In the next fifty years, however, live colleges, one hospital, and the Cistercian abbey of St. Mary Graces were founded ; of these the hospital and three colleges were due to the initiative of citizens ; the rest, like most of the earlier group of monastic establishments, to that of the king,''*' St. Martin le Grand and Westminster Abbey had their exemption from the bishop's authority confirmed in 13 13 and 1332 respectively.^'" In 1354 the bishop tried to establish his claim to jurisdiction over St. Alphage, one of the churches in the patronage of the former, but the court decided that the bishop had only exercised such jurisdiction through the negligence of the deans of St. Martin's, which could not prejudice the royal rights, and that St. Martin's and the churches annexed belonged to the king alone. ^'^ During the 14th and 15th centuries many parish churches were appropriated to religious houses. In 1322 licence was granted for the appropriation of St. Olave Jewry and St. Stephen Coleman Street to theii; patron, the prior and convent of Butley, on the death or resignation of the rector ; a vicarage with a proper portion was to be ordained. ■'* St. Mary Aldermanbury was appropriated in 1331 to Elsing Spital, the mastership of the hospital and the rectorship of the church being held as one benefice."" In 1335 the church of St. Laurence was appropriated to the college founded by Sir John Pulteney therein,-'* and in 1336, on account of the poverty of the college, the bishop granted licence for the appropriation to it also of the church of All Hallows the Less, One of the chaplains was to serve the church, the ordination of a vicarage being thought to be too great a burden on the college.-'^ In 1367, on account of the poverty of St. Mary Graces, the bishop appropriated to that convent the church of All Hallows Staining, which was to be served by a monk from the convent or by a secular priest removable at pleasure. *"' The abbess and convent of Barking obtained leave in 1385 to appropriate All Hallows Barking, and a vicarage was shortly afterwards ordained in the church. ^'^ In 1385 licence was also granted for the prior and convent of Alnwick to appropriate the church of St. Dunstan in the West, in consideration of their impoverishment by the lieges of the king on his expedition to Scotland. The church was **' Toulmin Smith, Engl. Gilds, pp. Ixxxviii, 287. This w.is an association for preserving the ancient records of Bristol. With reference to the London confederation see Mr. G. Unwin's London Gilds and Companies. '*' See article on ' Religious Houses ' in this volume. ^ Cal. Close, I 313-18, p. 84 ; Cal. Pat. 1330-34, p. 386. '" D. and C. Westm. Cart, of St. Martin le Grand, no. 13 167. '" Lond. Epis. Reg. Bravbrook, fol. 203. "' D. and C. St. Paul's, 'a. box 16, no. 1226. Rymer, Foed. (Rec. Com.), ii, 841 ; Cal. Pat. 1334-S, p. 60 ; Cal. of Papal Letters, u, 383. D. and C. St. Paul's, A. box I, no. 1171 ; Cal. Pat. 1334-8, p. 308. Lond. Epis. Reg. Sudbury, fol. 5. Cal. Pat. 1385-g, p. 43 ; Newcourt, Repert. i. No ordination of this vicamge has been found. In 1485 licence was granted for the rector of All Hallows Barking to grant a rent of ^^15 from himself and his church to the Abbess of Barking ; Cal. Pat. 1476-85, p. 470. 204 S9« S95 296 J97 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY to be served by one of the canons, being a priest, or another suitable secular priest removable at will, ' who shall reside continually in that church and undertake the cure of souls and serve the church as is due.' ^'* Before 1437 a vicarage was ordained.'''* The church of St. Botolph Alders- gate had been from time immemorial served by a vicar appointed by St. Martin le Grand, but in 1399 the rectory of the church was united and appropriated to the office of dean of that house. The dean was to appoint a suitable secular parish priest ""' removable at will, with a fit provision so that he could pay the episcopal and other dues. An interesting account of the taking possession of the church by the dean has been preserved. He went with witnesses to the church, and before the north door of the church a commissary publicly showed in the presence of the dean before some of the parishioners his commission and the royal letters and declared in English the reason of the appropriation. Immediately after the dean went into the church and crossed the high altar and touched the cloths placed on the altar with his hands and afterwards went to the belfry of the church and took the cords of the bells and rang them. Thence he went to the rectory and remained there for a time, thus talcing possession of the church and the rectory.^"' One of the most important and characteristic features of religious life in London during the 14th century was the chantry movement. ^"^ This form of devotion was far more common in London than in the country. An analysis of the wills in Dr. Sharpe's Calendar, with some additional matter from other sources,'"^ shows that from 1300 to 1402 there were founded in London on an average twenty-eight permanent chantries every ten vears.'*"* After the 14th century the movement rapidly declined;'"^ from 1403 to 1502 the foundations averaged twelve every ten years, and from 1503 to 1548 only thirteen were founded. Probably, however, to the numbers for this last i 50 years are to be added about sixty- eight chantries which appear in the chantry certificates or Valor and the date of the foundation of which at present is not known. '°° In addition to these chantries very many were founded by citizens at St. Paul's,'"^ and a few in other religious houses in London. These numbers exclude chantries for a limited number of years, of which the proportion to permanent chantries in the 14th century was about one to four, and one to five later, and also exclude chantries maintained by fraternities as far as it is possible to dis- tinguish them.^°* It was obviously unlikely, if not impossible, that so many chantries could be successfully maintained, and even before the end of the 14th century signs of this are shown. One difficulty in connexion with them was the fact that the property left by the original founder for the "' D. and C. St. Paul's, A. box 8, no. 95 ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 197. "' Newcourt, Repert. i. ^*"' ' Parochialis capellanus.' '°' D. and C. Westm. Lond. B. parcel ii, pt. i ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Braybrooic, fol. 176 ; D. and C. St. Paul's, A. box 6, no. 829, 831. '"* For beginning of this movement see above. '»' Principally Pat. R., Ep:s. Reg., MSS. at St. Paul's, and Inq. a.q.d. '°* Excluding the years affected by plague, 1349-50, i 361-2. "" This was probably partly due to the increased strictness in the administration of the mortmain law. See Sharpe, Introd. to Cal. of Wills in Court of H us ting, i, Introd. p. xxxvii ; Cat. Pat. passim. '»' Chant. Cert. R. 34 ; Valor Eccl. (Rec. Com.), i, 378 et seq. "" See under St. Paul's in ' Religious Houses.' '"' Contingent remainder bequests have been entirely disregarded unless other records show that thev fell in. 205 A HISTORY OF LONDON maintenance of his chantry often proved after fifty years or so through changing circumstances to be insufficient. A more serious trouble, in- separable from the chantry system on such a large scale, was the fact that the lightness of the duties and the want of any control over the chantry priests led almost inevitably to the deterioration of their character. Bishop Braybrook (1382— 1404) seems to have had a keen sense of both these difficulties, and the result was the encouragement he gave to the union of chantries and foundation of colleges for chantry priests. In St. Paul's several such communities were formed ;'°° they should be compared with foundations like that of Sir William Walworth in St. Michael Crooked Lane, in which all the existing chantries were merged in the new college.'^" There are also some instances of the chaplains of chantries in various churches living a corporate life when no college had been formally constituted."^ During the 15th and early i6th centuries there are several notices of union of chantries on account of their poverty,'" and it can be seen from the Chantry Certificates that many other such unions took place of which there is no record. This policy largely accounts for the disappearance of many permanent chantries. It is very difficult to tell the exact number there were in London at the time of their suppression in 1548, for the Chantry Certificates, the Valor for London, and the list of pensioned 'incum- bents ' ''' of chantries in London parish churches do not agree in many particulars. From a comparison of the three it appears there were about 180, exclusive of the chantries maintained by fraternities. To several of these more than one priest was attached ; the whole number of priests pensioned from the parochial churches, which would of course include the fraternity chaplains, was over 200."* The difficulty of ensuring that a testator's wishes should be adequately carried out in such a matter as a chantry bequest was early realized, and various methods of meeting it were adopted. In the late 14th and 15th centuries one of the commonest of these was to leave the property to be administered by the mayor and corporation in case of default by the rector and parishioners of the church (the most general administrator) or other persons so employed. The king on several occasions interposed his authority for the same purpose; for example, in 1331 an order was sent to the mayor to make inquiry concerning tenements and rents withdrawn from the maintenance of chantries and to see that they were used in the way intended."' But on the whole, though there are isolated complaints of mal- administration of chantry property, both clergy and people seem to have been *" See under St. Paul's in ' Religious Houses.' "" Cal. Pat. 1377-81, p. 609 ; see article on ' Religious Houses.' "' Lond. Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 204 ; ibid. Gilbert, fol. 175 ; Cal. Pat. 1476-85, p. 252. '"Lend. Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 14, 103 ; ibid. Gilbert, fol. 177; ibid. Tunstall, fol. 157, 158; Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), v, 258(1; Cal. Pat. 1461-7, pp. 287, 462 ; Rec. Corp. Lond. Letter Bk. I, fol 107. For this and some of the later references to the City records, and also for other valuable assistance most kindly- given, we are indebted to Dr. Sharpe. '"Add. MS. 8052. ^'* Ibid. This number may include some 'conductes' or singing men. All the figures given in connexion with chantries and fraternities are very rough approximations, it being impossible to get exact numbers without investigating the history of each foundation. Doubtful cases have, however, been always rejected, and the figures are more likely to be below the truth than above it. A detailed account of the chantries will be given in the topographical section under the churches to which they belonged. '"' Cal. Close, 1330-33, p. 314. 206 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY sincerely anxious to fulfil tlie pious intentions of their predecessors, at least until the end of the 15th century. The wills after the 14th century contain almost more bequests in aid of existing chantries than foundations of new ones. Comparatively few ordinances for the conduct of chantries in London remain, but all that exist strongly resemble one another, and therefore may probably be taken as typical. The ordinance of the chantry of Robert Newcomen, founded in 1324 at the altar of St. Mary in the church of St. Michael le Querne, was as follows : the chaplain was to celebrate every day in the church with Placebo and Dirige and other prayers for the living and dead ; he was to find all necessaries such as books, vestments, and furni- ture for the altar, and these were to pass on to his successors and might not be alienated ; he was to say Mattins and Vespers and all canonical hours with the rector in the church daily unless he were occupied with the celebration of his mass ; finally, he might be removed by the bishop on well-proved misconduct or incompetency, and on admission was to swear to keep the ordinances."' Part II. — From 1348 to 1521 In I 345 the mayor complained to the dean and chapter that there were few priests to sing at St. Paul's in proportion to the chantries, and some of those few held benefices or chantries elsewhere.^ This indicates that even before the Black Death the demand for priests was greater than the supply. The salaries of chantry priests often exceeded those of the assistant parochial clergy and the incomes of the holders of poor benefices, and between 1350 and 1 42 1 several attempts were made to limit the amount which might be paid to them, and to compel them to undertake work involving the cure of souls if required.^ A constitution of 1351 states that in London there were very many such priests, some of whom were said to have been elsewhere ex- communicated or suspended, or accused of various crimes, and to have come thither because, sub populi multitudine, they were the more free to behave badly.' The writer of Piers the Plowman, like Chaucer, refers to country clergymen who deserted their cures to become chantry priests in London:* Parsons and parish priests plaineth to their bishops That their parish hath been poor sith the pestilence time, And asketh leave and licence at London to dwell To sing there for simony : for silver is sweet. From another passage in Piers the Plowman ^ it seems that later even a clerk in minor orders could live in the City by singing prayers and psalms for the souls of those who helped him. Many chantries were founded in London during 1349 and 1350, and during the next outbreak of plague in 1361 ; this, however, was due rather "« D. and C. St. Paul's, A. box 76, no. 2014. ' Letter from the mayor to the dean and chapter in Riley, Mem. of Lond. 224. ' Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 1-2, 15 (1350-1), 29 (1353), 50 (1362 ; cf. Walsingham, Hist. Angl. [Rolls Ser.], i, 297), 135 (1378), 402 (1421); cf Sharpe, Cal. Letter Bk. G, 151. ' Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 15. * Piers the Plowman, A, Prol. 11. 80-3 ; Prologue to the Canterbury Tales, 11. 507-11 ; cf Cal. of Papal Pet. i, 365, 385, 388 ; Cal. of Papal Letters, iii, 367. ' Piers the Plowman, C, vi, 11. 44 et seq. 207 A HISTORY OF LONDON to the great number of deaths than to an increase in the proportion of testators leaving money for that purpose. But the other reHgious bequests show a distinct increase in devotion ; such bequests, although numerous in wills enrolled between 1300 and 1348,' are far more numerous after the Black Death.'' For the next fifty years it was customary for testators to begin with bequests to the parish church and its ministers or rector.* Such legacies to the clergy, including those to the high altar, sometimes said to be for tithes forgotten or withheld, must have considerably increased the value of London benefices, which at the same time were probably less affected by the Black Death than those in the country, since they consisted of offerings proportionate to the rent of houses, and not of tithes. Bequests of ornaments or vestments become common.' For example, a hosier left to St. Mary le Bow (besides money for the new work of the belfry, for the purchase of a bell, and for chantries) a gilt chalice, ^^3 for painting an image of the Virgin in the quire and buying a crown for her, and £^ for a missal to be used at the high altar, in which a copy of his will was to be written. The religious fraternities ^^ are more frequently mentioned ; there are numerous bequests to the hospitals, to the various orders of friars, for the fabric or work of St. Paul's," and also (from i 342 onwards) for that of St. Thomas of Acon.^^ The anchor- ites and hermits in and about London seem to have been far more popular during the latter half of the 14th century than either before or after.'* Vicarious pilgrimages only appear in the wills of the same period. The place most often mentioned before 1380 is Santiago, but the four bequests after 1382 all refer to Rome. The Holy Land is mentioned three times, and * Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, \, 144.-508. The favourite object up to 1348 was still the maintenance of lights (cf. supra, p. 192), especially that before the image of the Virgin ; others mentioned are torches in honour of the Eucharist, pp. 167, 193 ; before the rood, pp. 384, 449 ; the sepulchre light, p. 384. For references to church rebuilding see pp. 147, 229, 289, 364, 464, 467, 486, 499, and for bequests to the clergy pp. 196, 256, 311, 338, &c. ; these become more frequent after 1336, and those for rebu Iding after 1342. Some evidence from other sources confirms an inference from the Wills that even before 1349 several of the London parishes held considerable property ; Cat. And. D. ii, 73 ; Cal. Pat. 1 301-7, p. 351 (cf Cal. Close, 1318-23, p. 298) ; Cal. Pat. 1313-17, p. 449 ; Sharpe, Cal. Letter Bk. F, 134. ' Little definite information is available with regard to the mortality among the clergy during the pestilence, as the Episcopal Registers of both London and Canterbury are wanting. The rector of St. James Garlickhithe made his will on 23 Apr. 1349; ^'^ successor was appointed on 11 May, and there were fresh presentations on 20 July and 11 Aug. (Cal. Pat. 1348-50, pp. 286, 347, 354). Three more out of the seven City livings in the gift of Westminster, and both of those in the gift of St. Albans, became void in the spring and summer of i 349, and the deaths of at least eight other London rectors can be inferred from the enrolment of their wills or the appointment of their successors by the king. At Westminster the abbot and twenty-seven monks died, and the hospital of St. James was left with only one inmate ; others among the dead were the master of the hospital of St. Thomas and many of the brethren, the dean of the new college in the chapel of St. Stephen, the Prior of St. Mary Overy, and proba ly the Master of St. Katherine's. Possibly the Dean of St. Martin le Grand and about 100 of the Grey Friars should be added to the list. Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, i, 512-630 passim ; Cal. Pat. 1348-50, pp. 218, 282, 285, 286, 291, 309, 332, 347, 354, 369 ; article ' Religious Houses' in this volume. In Nov. 1348 the pope gave every one in the City leave until next Whitsuntide to choose his own confessor, who should have powers of plenary remission at death, the ordinary rules about confession being thus suspended ; Cal. of Papal Letters, iii, 309. ' Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, i, 640 et seq. ; cf. ii, Introd. p. iv, which applies especially to wills of this period. ' See, for the yean 1349-51 alone, Cal. of Wills, i, 588, 616-7, 624, 640, 642, 643 (a list given of books, vestments, &c., to be provided for a chantry), 651, 652, 657. Before 1349 there are only three bequests of the kind ; ibid. 1 93, 424, 458. '° The earliest of these are mentioned in the preceding period in connexion with the maintenance of lights ; Cal. of Wills, i, 384, 504, 526, 541. " See 'Religious Houses.' " IbiJ. " The first general bequest to them recorded in these wills was in 1342, and there are many between 1350 and 1385, after which they become less frequent, the last being in 1400; ibid, i, 454 to ii, ^^g passim ; cf. article on ' Religious Houses ' in this volume, and Issue R. of Thomas de Brantingkam (Rec. Com.), 395. 208 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY there arc three bequests for pilgrims to English shrines, who were expected to go barefooted, and usually to make offerings of id. each.'* Bishop Ralph de Stratford (1340-54) bought and consecrated a piece of land, afterwards called Pardon Churchyard, for the burial of those who died of the plague in 1348. His example was followed by Sir Walter Manny, in whose cemetery, the ' new churchhaw,' a chapel was built to which several citizens made bequests between 1349 and 1361.'* Here ten years later was founded the Charterhouse, whose great popularity is shown by the unbroken series of bequests to it made by citizens from 1372 to 1509." Stratford's successor, Michael Northburgh (i 355-61), bequeathed ^2,000 to build it ; he also left 1,000 marks to be kept in the treasury of St. Paul's and advanced upon security to Londoners of various degrees, from the bishop downwards, who should be in need of money. '^ Northburgh was appointed by papal provision, in spite of the recently passed Statute of Provisors. There were so many papal provisions concerning the City clergy or to benefices in the gift of the bishop'* granted after 1351, that the only effect of that statute appears to have been the confusion and strife caused by their doubtful legality. The next appointments to the see of London'' and the deanery of St. Paul's^" both gave rise to disputes in which the pope was victorious. Bishop Northburgh obtained nine provisions for his friends, some of whom already held at least one benefice, during his first few months." Several London clergymen were given leave to hold two or three benefices,''^ but not many held two with cure of souls; in 1370 there seem to have been no foreigners among the beneficed clergy of the City, Westminster, or Southwark,*^^ and there were few provisions to City churches at this period,'* so that London suffered less than other parts of the country from the worst abuses of the system. Yet those abuses can be illustrated by the history of St. Magnus, perhaps already one of the richest City livings. Before 1351 it was held for a year by an unordained foreigner;^' then his brother obtained it by a papal provision, notwithstanding that he had two prebends.^' Meanwhile Edward III presented a certain Richard de Biry,*^ " Cal. oflVills, i, 454,640-1,657-8,664,679 ; ii, 41, 105, 107, 163, 221, 234, 240, 243, 251, 335. " Ibid, i, 558, 571, 604-5, 637, 646, 665, 688 ; ii, 26, 27. '° Ibid. \\, passim. " Stow, Surv. (cd. Kingsford), ii, 81-2 ; Ca/. of H^ ills, ii, 61 and pasdm ; Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 471^; Hendriks, Tht Lend. Charterhouse, 1 6-2 1, App. i-iii ; Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, 310 et seq. ; Arch. Iviii, 294-6. Unfortunately the pleasant impression of Bishop Northburgh's character given by his will is somewhat qualified by further information concerning him ; see Cal. of Papal Pet. and Cal. of Papal Letters, passim. For a favourable notice of a sufFragran bishop of this period see Riley, Mem. of Lond. 273 ; cf. Stubbs, Reg. Sacrum, 196 ; and Sharpe, Cal. of Letters, 26. " Cal. of Papal Pet. i, passim ; Cal. of Papal Letters, iii et seq. passim. " Newcourt, Repertorlum, i, 18 ; cf Cal. of Papal Letters, iii, 516, 523 ; and Diet. Nat. Biog. xli, 188. " Cal. of Papal Pet. \, 264; Cal. of Papal Letters, iii, 516. Kylmington became dean, and Bjrnet, in 1355, obtained the archdeaconry of London by exchange ; cf. Cal. of Papal Letters, iii, 595 ; Cal. of Papal Pet. i, 308, 329 ; and Hennessy, Novum Repertorium. " Cal. of Papal Pet. \, 258, 259, 264, 267. " Ibid. 236, 247, 255-6 (cf 341), 264, 332, 365, 398, 411, 443 (cf. 399) ; Cal. oj Papal Letters, iv, 179. " Powell and Trevelyan, The Peasants' Rising, 6 1 . '* Perhaps the London churches were sti'l too poor to be desirable ; two of those to which provision was made are described as of small value ; Cal. of Papal Pet. i, 299, 301. In 1366 two City rectors managed to exchange livings by papal provision ; ibid. 527. " Cf. the case of St. Mildred Bread Street ; Cal. of Papal Letters, iv, 62. '^ CaL of Papal Pet. i, 219 ; Cal. of Papal Letters, iii, 422. " Cal. Pat. 1350-4, p. 69. 1 209 27 A HISTORY OF LONDON who seems to have maintained his position as rector, although three more persons claimed the living under almost simultaneous papal provisions.^* The City records throw some light upon other relations between Londoners and the papacy at this period. In 1350 the mayor and aldermen wrote to the pope that the citizens could not visit the Holy See in person on account of the war, and therefore asked that plenary powers of absolution should be granted to John de Worthin, a Dominican friar. He is described as of high birth, ' of approved life, manners and learning,' and it is stated that he alone ' strengthens us with the word of Christ.' The citizens employed one Nicholas Hethe to manage this transaction, being told by John de Worthin that he was on more intimate terms with the pope than any other English- man at Avignon, and one of them gave him ^^40 to purchase the desired bulls. Ten months later, however, the bulls had not arrived, and the mayor and aldermen wrote that if they could not be procured at once, the money must be returned ; otherwise the pope should be informed of the deceit practised upon him, and steps should be taken to punish Hethe.^^ In other cases individual friars are mentioned with favour in the City records.'" But the relations between the friars and the parochial clergy were as bad as they had been fifty years before;" in 1356—7 Archbishop Fitzralph of Armagh took part in a controversy then going on in London about Christ's example and doctrine with regard to begging, and asserted in his sermons that it was better for men to be shriven in their parish churches than in the churches of the friars.'^ Bishop Simon of Sudbury (1362—75) was also appointed by papal pro- vision." In 1364 the mayor and commonalty besought the pope not to remove him from London, where he was much beloved, to the less honourable, if more valuable, see of Worcester." An obscure case of heresy occurred during his episcopate, Nicholas de Drayton, possibly rector of St. Martin Vintry, being convicted of publishing erroneous statements and imprisoned by the king's licence till he should revoke his error. '^ In 1371 Sudbury was ordered to reform the many abuses then rife in St. Paul's ; not only was its property misapplied, but divine service was languishing.'* Sudbury became archbishop in 1375. His successor, William Courtenay, son of the Earl of Devon, seems to have been one of the most popular of all the Bishops of London, although no great activity in spiritual affairs is " Cal. of Papal Letters, \\\, ^\c) ; Cal. of Papal Pet. 1,241, 243- Cf. the equally complicated case of St. Swithin's (Cal. of Papal Pet. i, 317, 322, 324, 367, 378, 383, 384), and see Cant. Archiepis. Reg. Islip, fol. 283J, for a dispute in 1359 over St. Mary Bothaw. " Riley, Mem. of Lond. 251-3 ; Sharpe, Cal. of Letters, 8. Hethe was arrested ; Rymer, Foedera, iii, 255. For pilgrimages at this period cf. Sharpe, Cal. Letter Bk. F, 201, 222 ; CaL of Letters, 26 ; Cal. Pat. 1348-50, p. 560 ; Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 21. '° Sharpe, Cal. of Letters, 64, ill; cf 72. One City rector is mentioned unfavourably in these rolls, 65. " Supra, pp. 199-201. " The leaders seem to have been Richard Kylmington, Dean of St. Paul's, and a Franciscan named Roger Conway ; Diet. Nat. Biog. See also Fitzralph, Defensorium Curatorum ; De Dominio (Wyclif Soc), 261-2 ; Monum. Frandse. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 276. Cf Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 64. " Cant. Archiepis. Reg. Islip, fol. 23713 ; Rymer, Foedera, iii, 628. " Sharpe, Cal. of Letters, 97. For Sudbury's diocesan activity see V.C.H. Essex, ii, 1 7. " Rymer, fo^raVra, iii, 889. Cf ibid. 716, \o(i\\ Cal.Pat. 1350-4, p. 190; Cal. of Papal Pet. \, i%-j, 7,<)^, 443, 547 ; Cal. of Papal Letters, iii, 548 ; Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 191 ; Hennessy, Novum Repertorium. '• Rymer, Foedera, iii, 908. Cf St. Paul's in ' Religious Houses.' The dean and chapter accused Sudbury of encroaching on their jurisdiction over the nunnery of St. Helen's ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Sudbury, fol. 139. 210 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY recorded of him, except his proceedings against WyclifFe. In 1376 he supported the Bishop of Winchester and the party of reform in the ' Good Parliament,' " and published a papal bull against the Florentines, ordering their goods to be seized on pain of interdict. The citizens had long been discontented at the favour shown to foreign merchants by the king,"^ who now took the Florentines under his protection. It is said that Courtenay, ordered by the chancellor to revoke his words on pain of losing his tempo- ralities, obtained leave with difficulty to perform the revocation by proxy, and his representative declared at the Cross that he had not mentioned an interdict, concluding : ' It is a wonder that you who hear so many sermons cannot understand those who speak.' ^^ This story shows that the citizens had already acquired the habit of frequent attendance at sermons which was later so prominent a characteristic of their religious life. Bishop Brunton of Rochester (1372—89) said that to preach in London as well as in his own diocese was one of the duties of a bishop, because of the greater devotion and intelligence of the people. He also said, however, that when processions were ordered in the City hardly a hundred men could be found to follow them ; those who came were the clergy and ' some few of the middle class,' while the rich and noble neither prayed nor did penance for their iniquities, and many preachers at Paul's Cross who had dared to rebuke the vices of the lords had been banished or suspended from their office of preaching by the king's Council.'' Under Courtenay's leadership, the bishops in 1377 persuaded the reluctant Sudbury to summon Wycliffe, then under the protection of John of Gaunt, to appear before him at St. Paul's. WyclifFe already had fol- lowers among the citizens, and had been going from church to church disseminating his opinions.*" One of the evils he denounced was the employment of the clergy in secular business, to the neglect of their spiritual duties ; this must have been specially evident in London, where lived ' Bishops and bachelors, both masters and doctors, that have cure under Christ,' but ' serven the king and his silver tellen in Chequer and in Chancery.'" Another was the abuse of excommunication for worldly purposes, as when the rector of St. Mary Woolchurch threatened to ex- communicate the wardens of London Bridge because they had let some stalls in the Stocks Market which he claimed as the property of his church.*^ On the morning of 19 February a proposal was made in Parliament to abolish the mayoralty and to give the Marshal of England power to arrest within the City ; in the afternoon WyclifFe was accompanied to St. Paul's by that marshal. Sir Henry Percy, and by the Duke of Lancaster. Percy assumed authority to clear a way through the crowd in the cathedral, and was told by the bishop that he had no jurisdiction there. A further altercation ensued in the Lady Chapel, and at last Lancaster threatened to drag the bishop out " Stubbs, Const. Hist. (ed. 3), ii, 446-53. For Courtenay's action on behalf of William of Wykeham in 1377, see ibid. 459 ; Chron. Angl. (Rolls Ser.), II3-14. "" Sharpe, Cal. Letter Si. G, Introd. p. iv ; Ca/. Letter Bk. //, 53. '" Rymer, Foedera, iii (2), 1050, 1071 ; Sharpe, Cal. Letter Bk. //, 55 ; Euhgium Hist. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 335-6 ; Chron. Angl. (Rolls Ser.), 109-11. '' Harl. MS. 3760, fol. 60 d., 1 89 d., 190, 187 d., translated by Gasquet, The Old Engl. Bible, 80, 70, 76, 73. *" Chron. Angl. (Rolls Ser.), 1 1 6-1 7 ; cf. Chron. Adae de Usk (ed. Thompson), 3, 4. *' Piers the Plowman, B, Prol. 11. 87-93 ; cf A, Prol. 11. 84-95. " Sharpe, Cal. Letter Bk. G, 194 ; cf 199. 211 A HISTORY OF LONDON of the cathedral by the hair of his head. The Londoners shouted that they would not allow such an insult to their bishop in his own church, and the assembly seems to have broken up in confusion. Next day the citizens took up arms ; the duke and the marshal fled for their lives, and only the inter- vention of Courtenay prevented the burning of Lancaster's palace ; he besought the mob to refrain for the love of Christ, and not to stain with sedition that holy time of Lent, and promised that he would labour to avert the attack on the City.** A year later, when WyclifFe was being examined by the bishops at Lambeth, some Londoners (described by the chronicler as vile men of the City, not citizens) again intervened, this time on his behalf, and it is said that he owed his escape to their favour and care." It was a period of party strife in the City, and those who defended Courtenay and WyclifFe respectively may have been members of rival factions, or the anger of the citizens on the first occasion may have been directed solely against WyclifFe's unpopular maintainers. In 1378 some of the king's officers murdered in the abbey church of Westminster a man who had taken sanctuary there. The bishops excom- municated those concerned in the deed, and Courtenay published the sentence every Sunday, Wednesday, and Friday at St. Paul's — even, it is said, after he had received a letter from the king asking him to desist. He did not attend a meeting of the royal Council at Windsor, and Lancaster is reported to have offered to fetch ' that contumacious bishop ' by force from London, in spite of the ' ribalds ' of the City.*^ Further evidence of Courtenay 's popu- larity is afforded by a letter sent in December by the citizens to the pope, asking him not to make their bishop a cardinal, because they would thus be deprived of his personal influence ; this request was renewed in the following April and May." The Court of Common Council ordered a record to be made in 1378 of the ancient City custom whereby the rector and parishioners of the church concerned, or failing them, the mayor and aldermen, might enforce the ful- filment of a bequest for religious uses, even if there were some legal irregu- larity in the will. They referred to the charter of Edward III, under which the citizens might devise property in mortmain without a licence, and mar- velled that so ancient a custom should have been called in question.*' The necessity for this ordinance is perhaps of some significance, but the evidence of contemporary wills tells strongly against any supposition that the Londoners in general sympathized with Wycliffe's views regarding the inordinate wealth of the Church. Except (after 1384) with regard to anchorites and pilgrim- ages there is no indication of decreasing devotion. The chief points in which the wills of this period differ from earlier ones are the frequent mention in " Chron. Angl. (Rolls Ser.), 1 1 7 et seq. (the account given by Stow, Annals, is practically a translation of this), 397 ; Walsingham, Hist. Angl. (Rolls Ser.), i, 325—6 ; Capgrave, Chron. of Engl. (Rolls Ser.), 231 ; Chron. Adae de Vsk (ed. Thompson), 4 ; cf. Sharpe, Cal. Letter Bk. H, 56, 57, Introd. p. v. " Walsingham, Hist. Angl. (Rolls Ser.), i, 356, 363 ; cf. Fasc. Z;z. (Rolls Ser.), pp. xxx-xxxiii, and Stubbs, Const. Hist, ii, 464—5. For the contemporary City politics see Sharpe, Cal. Letter Bk. H, Introd. "Account of Westminster Abbey in this volume; Chron. Angl. (Rolls Ser.), Z06-1 1 ; Walsingham, Hist. Angl. (Rolls Ser.), i, 375-9. For WyclifFe's opinion on this case see De Ecclesia (Wyclif Soc), 142 et seq. ; and for the relations in 1 378 between Lancaster and the City, cf. Chron. Angl. 199-200, and Riley, Mem. 425. " Sharpe, Cal. Letter Bk. H, 116 ; cf Chron. Angl. 213, and Walsingham, op. cit. i, 382. *' Liber Albus (Rolls Ser.), 450 ; cf. 145. 212 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY bequests to churches of books and of the rood-light or beam-light, and the increase in the number of legacies to religious fraternities.*^^ A characteristic feature of the period was the growth ot these frater- nities or brotherhoods. Semi-religious gilds had existed from very early times in London ; the Frith-gild of Athelstan's reign has already been mentioned, and the Cnihten Gild of the i ith century was possibly an associa- tion of the same kind ; *' between that time and the 13th century there are few indications of any religious side to the gilds formed for trade and such purposes, but it can hardly be doubted that some religious obligations were recognized. Of the eighteen gilds amerced by Henry II little is recorded at that period except their names, only one of which, that of St. Lazarus, sug- gests a religious connexion.*' In 1197, however, a purely religious gild, whose ordinances have much in common with those of the 14th-century fraternities, was formed by Ralph de Diceto of the ' beneficed of the church of St. Paul.''"' In the 12th century also a special deed of confirmation of an earlier arrangement for participation in spiritual benefits and the celebration of masses was made between the Saddlers and St. Martin le Grand. ^' It is clear that in the 13th and 14th centuries the trade gilds (some of which after- wards developed into the livery companies) had a religious aspect ; this appears in their periodical corporate services, maintenance of chantries and obits, and observances on the death of a member. Many such gilds were then attached to a definite place of worship ; some had chapels in St. Paul's, some in conventual churches, and some simply frequented a special parish church. Another feature of their religious life was agreements made with one or more monastic communities for participation in their spiritual benefits.*^ Some gilds attached to parish churches or religious houses with much the same regulations as the purely religious and social fraternities were afterwards incorporated as trade gilds. ^* More important in the Church history of London were the purely religious or religious and social gilds attached to the cathedral, the religious houses, or the parish churches. The great period of the inauguration of these appears to have been the latter half of the 14th century, but though some which are mentioned then are no more heard of, many (and all which seem to have been most influential and active) existed at least well on into the 15th century, if not until their abolition in 1548. The gilds attached to the parish churches are the most numerous ; reference has been found to about seventy-four, of which eight or nine first appear before 1350, thirty- eight in the latter half of the 14th century, and twenty-seven during the 15th and i6th centuries. There were six gilds in St. Paul's open to laymen, the earliest of which is that of St. Anne, mentioned in 1271, "" Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, \\, passim. For the attitude of the Londoners to the party which advocated the spoliation of the church see Chron. Angl. (Rolls Ser.), 21 1 ; Walsingham, Hist. Angl. (Rolls Ser.), i, 380 ; and ■cf. Stubbs, Const. Hist, ii, 465. *' Stubbs, Const. Hist. (ed. 4), i, 451. " Madox, Hist, of the Exch. i, 562. '" See account of St. Paul's in ' Religious Houses.' " A facsimile of this deed is given in Sherwell's Acct. of Guild of Saddlers, 4. The great bells at West- minster were rung by a gild in the I 3th century ; Issues of the Exch. (Rec. Com.), 35. " See Kingdon, Grocers' Rec. ; Clode, Merchant Tailors ; Prideaux, Goldsmiths ; Herbert, Hist, of the Livery Cos. " Gild Cert. 206 most probably refers to the gild of Brewers, not incorporated until 1445, but fre- •quently mentioned earlier in the wills enrolled in the Court of Husting. 213 A HISTORY OF LONDON and reference has been found to eleven in religious houses in the City and Westminster/* The character of all these gilds was much the same ; that of St. Stephen in the church of St. Sepulchre is fairly typical. It maintained a chaplain to celebrate continually, and a light burning before the image of St. Stephen, and paid i^d. a week, to any member in poverty not through his own fault. Every brother had to be present at mass on St. Stephen's Day and offer at least a farthing. On the Sunday following they ate together, each at his own expense, wearing ' cowls of a suit.' When a brother died tapers were provided for his requiem mass, and three trentals of masses were sung ; every brother was bound to be present at the Dirige on pain of a fine." Out of twenty such fraternities attached to parish churches or religious houses sixteen were of this social and religious character, the remaining four appear to have been purely religious. That of St. Dunstan's in the East, one of the latter class, besides providing certain tapers, maintained, ' out of devotion to Our Lady and for the relief of the common people,' a priest to celebrate very early in the morning.^' This institution of a ' morrow mass,' as it was called, for the benefit of those who must begin work early, had become almost universal in London churches by the end of the 1 5th century, the priest who said it being sometimes supported, as in this case, by a gild, sometimes by a special endow- ment, sometimes by the parish." A few of the returns give inventories of goods belonging to the gilds, that of St. Giles including two vestments — festal and ferial — a missal, one pair of silver cruets, altar cloths, towels, and curtains for the altar." Probably the real reason for the foundation of all these gilds was that given by one at St. James Garlickhithe : ' For amendment of their lives and of their souls and to nourish more love between the brothers and sisters ; ' " but this end was attained by various means. One marked aspect of the fraternities was that of composite chantries, nearly every one of them having, or intending to have as soon as possible, a priest celebrating con- tinually for the good estate of the brethren in life and their welfare after death. Some which began by maintaining lights as they got richer went on to assist in providing services.*" The fraternity of Sa/ve Regina at St. Magnus, one of the largest in London, arose about 1354, when some of 'the better of the parishioners ' caused an anthem of Our Lady to be sung every evening, with five tapers burning, in honour of the five principal joys of Our Lady and to encourage people to devotion at that hour. Others soon wished to share this good work — a fraternity was formed with which was united that formerlv existing in St. Thomas's Chapel on London Bridge, and they together rebuilt the church of St. Magnus ' because it was too small to receive all the people and old and ruinous.'" " The references have been collected from the Gild Cert. ; Cal. of Wills enrolled in the Ct. of Husfin^ ,- Cal. Pal. and Parochial Records. A history of each fraternity will be given in the topographicnl section under the church to which it belongs. For those in St. Paul's see the account of that church. " Guildh.ill MS. 14.2, fol. 80. This MS. is a transcript of the Gild Certificates for London sent in reply to the royal writ of 1388, except those which are mutilated. *' Guildhall MS. 142, fol. 144. " Parochial Records and London Chronicles, Sic. passim. '* Guildhall MS. 142, fol. 226. This list is not quite complete, as the MS. is torn. Cf. the longer list of goods delivered to the priest of the Grocers' chantry in St. Antholin's in 1398 ; Kingdon, Grocers^ Rec. "ji^. '' Toulmin Smith, Engl. Gilds, 3. " Cal. Pat. I 391-6, p. 392 ; I 399-1401, p. 284. " Guildhall MS. 142, fol. 18. 214 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY The 14th and early 15th centuries were a time of great activity in church-building in London, and the movement seems to have had some con- nexion with the fraternities. For example, St. Giles was enlarged about 1285 by the addition of a chapel of Our Lady because the church was insufficient for the people of the parish, and the fraternity of St. Giles seems to have been formed to provide services in and to beautify this chapel ; *'^ and the north aisle of St. Michael Queenhithe was called ' le Gildc.'"'' More than fifty parish churches are known to have been rebuilt, enlarged, or specially repaired between 1300 and 1448 ; usually the work took the form of a new aisle, chapel, or belfry, very few churches being entirely rebuilt.^- ' New work' at St. Paul's was consecrated in 1327, and later in the century the churches of St. Thomas of Aeon, the Grey, White, and Austin Friars, and St. Katharine's Hospital, were all rebuilt. °-^ Courtenay succeeded the murdered Archbishop Sudbury in the autumn of I 381.*' Since 1378 Wycliffis had begun to attack the doctrine of tran- substantiation, and a council of theologians which met at the Black Friars in May 1382, having condemned some of his opinions as heretical and censured others," summoned before it some divines suspected of holding or favouring those opinions, among them a well-known preacher named John Aston. While he was being examined a crowd of Londoners, not reverencing even the arch- bishop, broke open the doors of the room and hindered the proceedings ; but he was condemned, and forthwith caused to be distributed in the streets a statement of his belief, to which the clergy circulated a reply. The appeal on both sides to public opinion shows that the Londoners were already inter- ested in the doctrinal controversy, but it is evident that Aston claimed their support on the ground that he had been wrongfully condemned, and that they were not expected to sympathize with one who was really a heretic.*^ Their intervention on his behalf may, however, have been connected in some way with the civic revolution of i 381," and some change in their general attitude towards the ecclesiastical authorities mav be indicated by an ordinance of February 1382 limiting the amount of offerings made at special masses and at baptisms and marriages," and by an attempt made that year to improve the morals of the City. Unchaste priests were to be taken to the prison called the ' Tun ' with minstrels playing, that their disgrace might be made public, and to be banished from the City for ever if the offence were twice repeated. The Londoners thus usurped some functions of the ecclesiastical courts, saying that they detested not only the negligence of the clergy but also their avarice, shown in allowing the guilty who bribed them to go unpunished. °^ "^ Guildhall MS. 142, fol. 226. '"■ Sharpe, Cal. of IVilh, ii, 553. '' Information from Cal. Pat. ; Cal. of Papal Letters and Pet. ; Corporation and Parochial Records ; Epis. Reg. Canterbury and London ; Cal. of With. In three cases the authority is Stow's Survey. "' See ' Religious Houses ' and Cal. of Wills. " Diet. Nat. Biog. " Chron. Angl. 342 ; Walsingham, op. cit. ii, 57; Fasc. Z/z. 272, 283-8 ; Wilkins, Cone, iii, 158. For a procession and sermons in London that week see Knighton, Chron. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 163. " Fasc. Z/z. 289, 290, 329-33 ; Chron. Angl. 350 ; Walsingham, op. cit. ii, 65. Cf. Chron. Adae de XJsk (ed. Thompson), 4. ^ See Sharpe, Cal. Letter Bk. H, Introd. p. xxvii et seq. " Riley, Mem. of Lond. 463. " Riley, op. cit. 458 (cf the cases of sorcery in the same year ; ibid. 462,472,475); Liber Albus (Rolls Ser.), 457-60 (cf Sharpe, Cal. Letter Bk. H, 189) ; Citron. Angl. (Rolls Ser.), 349-50 ; Walsingham, op. cit. ii, 65. The St. Albans chronicler represents this as a deliberate attack, encouraged by WyclifFe, on the episcopal jurisdiction, and says that Braybrook was too much afraid of the London mob to resent it. But similar proceedings took place after the fall of John of Northampton (Riley, op. cit. 484-6 [immorality], 5 1 8 [sorcery]), and the ordinances were still in force in 1419. See Sharpe, Cal. Letter Bk. H, Introd. p. xxxi. For another case of sorcery in London see Cal. Pat. 1385-9, p. 63. 215 A HISTORY OF LONDON Courtenay's successor, Robert Braybrook (1382— 1404), was one of the most active of all the Bishops of London. In 1385 he had to forbid his people to confess to a Dominican, calling himself a bishop, who had presumed to give absolution in cases reserved to the Bishop of London and to confirm children, obtaining large sums of money from both clergy and laity." The same year he made the first recorded of the series of attempts to prevent the Londoners from using St. Paul's Cathedral as a place of business or amuse- ment which henceforth recur at intervals down to the 17th century.™ The feasts of St. Paul and St. Earconwald were no longer duly observed in London, and Braybrook commanded his clergy to keep them and see that their people did so.^' He also endeavoured to prevent the London shoemakers from working on Sundays and holy days." In 1393 the clergy refused to pay their share of a fine imposed by the king on the City, declaring that they were free from all taxes except those which they granted in Convocation. But they appealed to Parliament in vain, and at length the bishop and archbishop arranged that three-quarters of the sum demanded should be levied on con- dition that it should not be made a precedent, but should be called a free and voluntary aid." Braybrook's policy of founding colleges and uniting chantries has already been noticed,'* with its object of regulating the lives of the priests. The character of the London clergy at this period seems to have been such as to justify the lamentations and satire of preachers and writers." There is a good deal of evidence of immorality," and they were infected in other respects with the general lawlessness of the age. Between 1378 and 1403 three received pardons for murder or manslaughter, and others were guilty of various acts of violence, of clipping coin, and of robbery." In 1382 a priest bequeathed a book of prayers for the use of clerks and priests impri- soned in Newgate." They were frequently concerned in lawsuits," and did not always submit peacefully to verdicts against them.*" But perhaps ^ Lond. Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 329. In 1 391 he gave to twenty-three London curates power to absolve in cises usually reserved to the bishop ; ibid. 341 ; cf. Ca/. of Papal Letters, v, 255, 371 ; vii, 224. '" Wilkins, Cone, iii, 194 ; see account of St. Paul's in 'Religious Houses.' " Wilkins, Cone, iii, 196 ; cf. Hiit. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 53. " Wilkins, Cone, iii, 218. " Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), iii, 325 ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 353. 'A certain imposition . . . of a mulct' ; cf Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, i, 243 and note ; Cal. Letter Bk. H, Introd. p. liv. For another dispute regarding schools, see Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), iii, 324. The archbishop and bishop headed a petition from the City to the king in 1 398 ; Hist. Coll. of a Lond. Citizen (Camd. See), 98 ; Chron. of Lond. (ed. Nicolas), 83, I 55 " Supra, p. 206, and account of St. Paul's. To the references there given may be added Cal. of Papal Letters, v, 394, 529 " See Piers the Plowman and the works of Chaucer and Gower, passim ; Pol. Poems (Rolls Scr.); Courtenay's constitution quoted below ; and a sermon preached at Paul's Cross in I 388, printed in Foxe, Acts and Mon. iii, 292. The edition of Foxe used is that of Pratt (1877), in the Appendices of which some important documents are printed ; but that of Townsend (1846) contains most of these, and its pagination is practically the same. " In addition to the references given in note 68, see Riley, Mem. 566 ; Sharpe, Cal. Letter Bk. H, 115, 3i'> 339- '''Cal. Letter Bk. H, 89; Cal. Pat. 1377-81, p. 282; 1381-5, p. 533; 1391-6, pp. 228, 325; 1401-5, p. 221 ; Lond. F.pis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 385. " Cal. Letter Bk. H, 185. " Ibid. 1 1 2-1 5 ; Foedera (Ke.c. Com.), Ill {z),()2l ; Seleet Cases in Ckaneery (Seldcn Soc), z, 81— 2 ; and references given below. A long dispute (c i 380-1406) about the advowson of St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street, in which the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's were concerned, led to an infringement of the Statute of Pr.iemunire ; MSS. D. and C. A. box 70, no. 1776 ; box 32, no. 663 ; Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, I 8 ; Cal. Pat. 1381-5, p. 68 ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Walden, fol. 7. For other examples of the working of this statute connected w!th Bishop Braybrook, see Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), iii, 327, 405. *" D. and C. St. Paul's, A. box 77, no. 2064 ; Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), iii, izSa. 216 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY the worst evil of the period was the traffic in benefices by means of exchange or of papal provision ; in London the former was the commoner method. These practices were often accompanied by simony and fraud, and led to much litigation. Archbishop Courtenay in 1391 declared that the clergy com- monly known as ' choppe-churches ' dwelt chiefly in London," and the Patent Rolls and Episcopal Registers *^ record an enormous number of exchanges affecting London churches during the 14th century. About 1405 they began to grow less frequent, and the abuse seems to have greatly diminished during the next twenty years,*' A very common entry in the Patent Rolls at this time is the ' ratification of the estate ' of some City parson. The reason for the insecurity is seldom given, but it may be inferred that he had obtained his position by some irregular transaction, probably in most cases an exchange or a papal provision. For example, St. Botolph Bishopsgate, which had at least fifteen rectors between 1362 and 1404, was exchanged five times between 1361 and 1370, and again in 1383. John Porter was presented in 1391, but a year after the king presented another man, and Porter had to obtain a ratification in 1393. In 1395 he exchanged it for a church in Monmouthshire ; the new rector at once obtained a ratification, but he also exchanged it for a country church three years later, while his successor exchanged in less than a year with Roger Mason, whose position was secured by a ratification in March 1400.** Soon after the passing of the second Statute of Provisors (1390), apriest named Thomas Goldyngton, who claimed the benefice, along with two laymen, ' inflicted divers injuries' on Thomas Tollerton, the pope's nominee to St. Martin Orgar. When cited to appear before a papal official, they assaulted Tollerton and the messenger, saying, ' We defy you, ribald knaves (scurras) and losels, and don't care for your apostolic letters and citation,' and procured their arrest and imprisonment by a secular court ; but in the end Tollerton obtained a ratification from the king.*^ In other cases of provision the king pardoned the papal nominees and granted a licence for the execution of the bull.** Twelve papal dispensations to permit the holding of two or more benefices together were granted between 1391 and 1405 to clergy occupying City livings." Non-residence on the part of " Wilkins, CowiT. iii, 215-17. *' Cal. Pat. passim ; Hennessy, Novum Repcrt. passim. Other exchanges of this period are mentioned in Cal. of Papal Letters, v, 209, 297 ; Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 22a. " As late as 141 1, however, the Archdeacon of London and others procured the imprisonment of the rector of St. Michael le Querne for refusing to observe an agreement made before he was presented to that church that he would exchange it or pay them ;(^300. The history of this case also affords examples of the two other abuses of papal provision and pluralities ; Cal. of Papal Letters, vi, 290, 297, 300 ; cf. ibid. 369, vii, 4.71 ; and Hennessy, op. cit. 71, 107, 436. " Cal. Pat. 1391-6, pp. 65, 245, 567; 1399-1401, p. 137; Hennessy, Novum Repert. It is surprising that Bishop Braybrook apparently took no steps to prevent such transactions in the case of St. Botolph, of which he was patron. Cf. the cases of St. Margaret Moses, Cal. Pat. 1377-81, pp. 497, 609, 616; St. Stephen Walbrook, ibid. 1388-92, pp. 368, 393 ; 1391-6, pp. 619, 685 ; St. Andrew Hubbard, ibid. 1399-1401, pp. 54, 391, 504 ; St. Magnus, ibid. pp. 7, 136 ; I401-5, p. 13 ; 1405-8, pp. 247, 370 ; St. Mary Woolchurch, ibid. 1401—5, pp. 306, 401, 460, 463 — with the corresponding entries in Hennessy. A suit about a presentation is referred to in Cal. Pat. 1405-8, p. 14. " Cal. of Papal Letters, iv, 363 ; Early Chan. Proc. bdle. 7, no. 316 ; Cal. Pat. 1388-92, p. 497; cf Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 370. ^ Cal. Pat. 1391-6, p. 3 (cf p. 39, and Cal. of Papal Letters, iv, 338, 368) ; 1405-8, pp. 1 1 (cf Cal. of Papal Letters, vi, 38), 1 16, 277. Other provisions to London clergy at this period are in Cal. of Papal Letters, iv, 325, 388, 426, 529 ; v, 464, 579. *' Cal. of Papal Letters, w and \ passim. For another case see Cal. Pat. 1405-8, p. 403. The career of the rector of St. Swithin's there mentioned is also an example of the practice of exchanges ; Hennessy, Novum Repert. I 217 28 A HISTORY OF LONDON country clergy must also have had an evil effect in London, where, according to Courtenay, they shamefully spent their time, neglecting their cures.** From 1386 to 1395 may be described as the second period of Lollard activity in London. In August 1386 power was granted to the bishop to arrest and imprison all maintainers or preachers of unsound doctrine within the City or diocese,*' and in November Braybrook forbade rectors, &c., to allow any one to preach (except Franciscan friars) without a licence from him, specially mentioning Nicholas Hereford and John Aston ; '° this prohi- bition was repeated in 1393.'^ In 1387, when many Londoners were said to be polluted with Lollard doctrine, a riotous attack on the house of the Austin Friars was caused by a sermon denouncing them as guilty of murder and other horrible crimes, the charges being repeated in a paper fixed upon the door of St. Paul's.'" Some craftsmen and others held secret conventicles where they discussed Holy Scripture in an heretical way ; these were for- bidden by the king in 1392." An heretical citizen named Claydon was sent to Conway Castle about 1394.'* Early in 1395 the Lollards ' set up publicly on the doors of St. Paul's, and at Westminster, abominable accusations of the clergy, and hitherto unheard-of conclusions, by which they endeavoured to destroy ecclesiastical persons and the sacraments of the Church ' ; it was re- ported that they were encouraged by 'certain noblemen and knights.' On his return from Ireland, whither Braybrook and the Archbishop of York had gone to ask him to return to the succour of the Church, the king ' snybbed ' these men and forbade them with threats to ' maintain such matters ' any more. It is said that after this they no longer ventured to act openly. '^ Braybrook must then have been in high favour with Richard, for in July he obtained for himself and his successors a grant of all the fines and forfeitures exacted from tenants on the episcopal estates. '° In the autumn a papal letter exhorting the king to suppress the Lollards was followed by one exhorting the mayor and sheriffs to urge him to act according to the pope's wishes." The St. Albans chronicler, using exaggerated language in his hatred, describes the citizens at this period as ' extremely proud and avaricious, unbelievers in God and the ancient traditions, maintainers of the Lollards, slanderers of religious persons, detainers of tithes, and impoverishers of the common people.' '* The last but one of these charges refers to a dispute about offer- ings which was going on at this time. This seems to have been independent of the Lollard movement, and was settled by Archbishop Arundel at a metro- politan visitation in 1397." It is noteworthy that bequests to the high ^ Wilkins, Con J°hn Amundesham, Annales, &c. (Rolls Ser.), i, 46, 59. An old priest belonging to Essex was burnt in this year ; ibid. 61 ; Wilkins, Cone, iii, 515. "' Rec Corp. Letter Bk. K, fol. 93^ ; Chron. of Lond. (ed. Nicolas), l 18-I9 ; Hist. Coll. ut sup. 172 ; John Amundesham, Annales, &c. i, 63, 453 ; Chron. of Lond. (ed. Kingsford), 97, 134, 300. For the case of a man burnt in 1438 ' for ... he wiped his mouth with a foul cloth and laid the Host therein,' see Hist. Coll. ut sup. 180. 221 A HISTORY OF LONDON executions for heresy in London, the one which had the most extraordinary- consequences was that of Richard Wyche, vicar of Deptford, in June 1440. ' The people of his opinions ' regarded him as a saint, and made pilgrimages to the place on Tower Hill where he and his servant had been burnt, carrying away the ashes as relics. The vicar of All Hallows Barking encouraged them, ' to satisfy his false covetousness,' for they brought offerings as to a shrine. He even caused his servant to make a list of imaginary miracles performed there. The crowds became so great that on 14 July the deputy mayor and some aldermen had to intervene in order to restrain them. Next day the king ordered the sheriffs to command the people not to resort to Tower Hill or to speak of Wyche as innocent, and on 16 July the wardens of the livery companies were told to order their members not to make conventicles or in any way to help or favour Lollards, and to prevent their wives, servants, and apprentices from doing so. The vicar of All Hallows and many others were imprisoned, and a watch was set on Tower Hill night and day till the beginning of August.^**' Possibly these disturbances made the authorities more cautious in pro- ceeding to extreme measures. Whatever the reason, Wyche seems to have been the last heretic of any social importance burnt in London for more than ninety years. There were executions and recantations at intervals during the whole of that time ; but most of them are barely mentioned by the chroniclers. The fact that in 1441, when the Bishop of London ordered solemn processions and prayers to be made for the welfare of the army in France, he added among the subjects for intercession that the heresies of the Lollards might be put far away,^^" shows perhaps that their teaching was still considered a serious danger to the Church. But though Lollardry continued to exist in London till the Reformation its adherents henceforth seem to have been obscure persons, mostly poor. The normal religious life of the City appears to have been but little affected by the Lollard movement. During the late 14th and early 15th centuries many citizens, clerical and lay, obtained permission from the pope to have portable altars, to celebrate mass before daybreak, and to choose their own confessors ; "^ and indulgences of forty days or more were granted by the pope and archbishop in favour of various churches."' The civic customs included many religious observances, which are described in the Liber Albus, compiled in 141 9. It is probable that most of them were already ancient ; but one began in 1406, when before the election of a new mayor a Mass of the Holy Ghost was solemnly sung in the Guildhall chapel, that the commonalty might be enabled by the grace of the Holy Ghost peaceably to nominate two fit persons, and it was ordained that henceforth such a service should be held annually. The day after the election the mayor and aldermen used to go in procession to St. Paul's ; '" Rec. Corp. Journ. iii, fol. 46, 46^, 47 ; Close, 18 Hen. VI, m. 3d. (roughly translated in Foxe, op. cit. iii, 703) ; Chnn.of Lend. (ed. Nicolas), 125 ; Chron. ofLond. (ed. Kingsford), 147, 153 ; Hist. Coll. nt sup. 183 ; An Engl. Chron. (Camd. Soc), 56. The life of Wyche seems to have had little connexion with London, but he wrote a letter from there in 14 10, and was imprisoned in the Fleet in 1419 ; see Engl. Hist. Rev. V, 530 ; Fasc. Zix. (Rolls Ser.), 370, 501 ; Wylie, Hist, of Engl, iii, 463, 466 ; Wilkins, Cone, iii, 395. '" D. & C. St. Paul's, A, box 80, no. 3049. "' Cal. of Papal Letters, passim. Instances occur at this period of fabrication of bulls ; Wilkins, Cone, iii, 336-7, 431- '" Cal. of Papal Letters, iv, 356 ; v, 202. St. Pancr.is Soper Lane Rec. Bk. 1360, 1374. 222 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY they prayed at the tomb of Bishop WiUiam, and then passed on to the place in the churchyard where the parents of Thomas Becket were buried, and there said the De Profundis for all the faithful departed. Thence returning through Cheapside, they made offering of id. each at the church of St. Thomas of Aeon."' In 141 5, however, the thanksgiving for the victory of Agincourt took place on that day, and the usual procedure was modified. When the news came the bells of every church were set ringing, ' and solemnly all the priests . . . and other men that were lettered sung Te Deum Laudamus, etc. ; and against ix of the bell were warned ' all the monks and friars of the City to go with the mayor and aldermen, the queen, the lords, and an immense number of the commonalty from St. Paul's to the shrine of St. Edward at Westminster to make a thank-offering.'^'^ On All Saints' Day, Christmas Day, the feasts of St. Stephen, St. John, the Circumcision, and the Purification of the Blessed Virgin, the mayor and aldermen assembled at the church of St. Thomas of Aeon and proceeded to St. Paul's to hear Vespers,"* standing in order of rank along the sides of the quire, the mayor next to the dean's stall. On the feast of the Innocents they heard Vespers at the church of St. Thomas of Aeon. On the Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday in Whitsun week they went to St. Paul's, and, the Vent Creator having been sung, made offering at the high altar. In 1429 the mayor gave, to the praise of God and the glory and honour of Mother Church, a great thurible, weighing 13I lb., of good and pure silver, to be used every year in censing the people who causa devocionis went with them to St. Paul's that week. On each day the mayor's procession was preceded by that of the clergy and people of one of the archdeaconries of the diocese. Monday was the day of the archdeaconry of London, and the procession started from the church of St. Peter in Cornhill. An ' apostolic contention ' had often arisen concerning the place of honour in processions, which was claimed, more by the parishioners than the rectors, for St. Magnus, St. Nicholas Coleabbey, and St. Peter Cornhill. An ordinance of 141 7 assigned it for ever to the rectors of St. Peter's, because that ' basilica ' had once been a metropolitan see, and therefore they were 'priors, or rather abbots,' over all the rectors of the City."^ The mayor and aldermen seem to have been present very frequently, if not on every Sunday morning, to hear the sermon at Paul s Cross ; "° and they attended in state the Easter sermons preached from another outdoor pulpit at St. Mary Spital. On Good Friday some ' especial learned man ' used to preach at Paul's Cross, treating of Christ's passion ; on the following Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday other learned men, appointed by the aldermen, at the Spital, treating of the Resurrection ; on Low Sunday yet another made the ' Rehearsal Sermon ' at Paul's Cross, commending or 1S3 I33a Riley, Mem. ofLond. 565 ; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 163 ; Liber Albus (Rolls Ser.), 26. • For notices of this and other processions between I415 and I448 see Riley, op. cit. 620 ; Chron. of Lend. (ed. Nicolas), 102 ; Chron. of Land. (ed. Kingsford), 269 ; Hist. Coll. of a Lend. Citizen (Camd. Soc), 113; Chron. Jdae de Usk (ed. Thompson), 128-9, '3^ ! Rymer, Foedera, ix, 372, 569 ; Wilkins, Cone, iii, 431 ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Gilbert, fol. 89 ; Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. viii, App. i, 634. '" On Christmas, the Epiphany, and the Purification, Compline also. '" Liber Albus (Rolls Ser.), 27-30 ; Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 79 ; sufra, p. 188 ; D. and C. St. Paul's, A, box 28, no. 241 (of. Monum. Franc. [Rolls Ser.], ii, 216-17 ; VVriothesley, Ckron. [Camd. Soc], ii, 2, 3 ; Rec. Corp. Repert. xi, fol. 431) ; Riley, op. cit. 651 ; cf. 466. "' Cf. Sharpe, Cai. Letter Bk. I, 231, and notices of these sermons in various chronicles, Sic, passim. 223 A HISTORY OF LONDON reproving the rest and adding ' of his own study ' to what they had said."^ These sermons are mentioned in several wills later in the century, rich citizens leaving gifts of money to the preachers, usually with the request that the congregation might be asked to remember the soul of the donor."'^ Some ecclesiastical customs were peculiar to London. That con- cerning bequests in mortmain has already been noticed. The liberty of the City in that respect was re-asserted about 1400 ; attempts to extend it were frustrated during the 15th century by strict rules about the enrolment of wills containing such bequests. ^^* Another custom was that in many parishes the parishioners, not the rector, were responsible for keeping the chancel of the church in repair."' Lastly, the churchwardens were chosen by the parishioners alone, the rector not having, as elsewhere, a right to nominate one of them, and together with the rector they formed a corporation which was capable of holding real as well as movable property."" Both these customs appear to have been established by the end of the 14th century.""^ The oldest of the existing parochial accounts indicate that at first the same wardens often held office for several successive years, but during the 1 5th century a period of two years became the rule, and in some parishes there developed another peculiar custom — that of electing only one new churchwarden at a time, so that the periods of office overlapped. The one last elected was often called the ' lower ' churchwarden, and became the ' upper ' when he entered upon his second year."^ The ' goods and ornaments ' for which the wardens were responsible had become very valuable before the middle of the 1 5th century. Most, if not all, of the London parishes had by then acquired real property,"* and though this was usually held subject to certain conditions, such as the maintenance of chantries, obits, or particular lights, there was often a con- siderable surplus to be used at their discretion. "^^ Five inventories of this period "' show that the churches were exceedingly rich in ornaments, '" Liier Albm (Rolls Ser.), 28 ; Stow, ^urv. (ed. Kingsford), i, 167. Stow implies that all five preachers were appointed by ' the prelates,' but the City Records show that those at the Spital were appointed by the Court of Aldermen. '"' Stow, op. cit. i, no, 168, 246 ; Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 510. By this will 25 marks were to be spent on yearly gifts to the preachers on Good Friday at Paul's Cross, and in Easter week at the Spital ; Husting Roll, 175 (193). ^^ Supra, pp. 187, 212; Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 357, 387 ; Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. K, fol. 140^ ; Journ. vi, fol. 176 ; cf. Letter Bk. L, fol. 175. '" Lyndewode, ProvinciaU (ed. 1679), p. S3 ; Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. O, fol. 141^ ; but cf. Cal. of Wills, ii, 424 ; Fisit. of Churches belonging to St. Paui^s (Camd. Soc), 108. "° Phillimore, Ecd. Law, 1472, 1484. Hoa "phere seems to have been no question about the first before the reign of James I ; see Parochial Records, and Phillimore, op. cit. 1472. For the second see Cal. Pat. 1340-3, p. 467 ; Sharpe, Cal of Wills, passim ; Cal. Letter Si. G, 137 ; Hist. MSS. Rep. vi, App. 407-12 — assuming that the various 'wardens' and ' elected parishioners ' there mentioned held the same office as those afterwards called churchwardens. '" Parochial Records (see Appendix). The decision to have two churchwardens and to choose them annually was made at St. Mary Woolchurch in 1458 ; Malcolm, LonJ. Rediv. iv, 431 ; cf. Arch. 1, 48, 54. The number was not invariably two ; there seem to have been four at St. Peter's Comhill in 1375 and at St. Michael's Wood Street in 1430 {Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. vi, App. 410 ; ix, App. i, 56.;), and at St. Margaret's South wark in the 15 th century there were at first four, then two, and in the i6th either two, three, or four. Cf. the lists for St. Saviour's and St. Olave's from 1548 to 1552 ; Surr. Arch. Coll iv, 78, 81. "' Cal. of Wills in Ct. of Husting and Cal. Pat. passim. "•^ For examples see CaL Pat. 1391-6, p. 173 ; 1405-8, p. 191. For a rent-roll of St. Peter Comhill in 1403 see Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. vi, App. 407, and of St. Martin Ludgate in 1 410 Guildhall MS. 131 1, fol. 19. '" St. Martin Ludgate (St. Paul's Eccl. Soc. Trans, v, 117), c. 1 400 ; St. Mary at Hill {Medieval Rec. of a City Church, Early Engl. Text Soc), and St. Peter Cheap {Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxiv, 155), both 1431 ; St. Stephen Walbrook (Guildhall MS. 1056 [i]), c. 1440 ; St. James Garlickhithe (D. and C. VVestm. press 6, box 4, parcel 34, no. 4), 1449. The total value given in this last is over £,1"]^. 224 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY vestments, relics, and books. The number of chalices mentioned varies from five to twelve, and the other plate is proportionate in amount. All had many suits of vestments, differing in colour and material — white, blue, yellow, red, green, and black ; cloth of gold, damask, velvet, silk and satin, often embroidered with gold. They were well provided with books — the poorest had over twenty and the richest over forty. These included in one case^" 'a book of laws called decretals,' in another^" a Legenda Aurea, a French Bible, and another ' book of holy writ ' in French — both chained. In connexion with these translations of Scripture may be noticed a manuscript, now at the British Museum,"' which belonged to a London chantry priest of this period, containing the Gospels and Epistles for all the feasts of the year in English. These inventories, like the Gild Certificates of 1388 and many of the London wills, show the unceasing generosity of the citizens towards their parish churches, with its object of making the services ' more worthy ' and providing for constant prayers for both living and dead. In those respects no diminution can be traced even in the worst days of the late 14th cen- tury. But in others the religious life of London must have suffered in consequence of the bad character of many of the clergy and the disorder which accompanied the Lollard movement. A study of contemporary records and documents leaves a distinct impression that about the reign of Henry V the Church in London revived after a period of decay. Hence- forward till towards the end of the 1 5th century there is less evil-doing to chronicle, and instances abound of intelligent, sincere, and generous devotion among men of all classes. There is more than conventional religious phraseology in the prayers which conclude the letters of the mayor and aldermen to Henry V : ' We lowly beseech the King of Heaven, whose body refused not for our salvation worldly pain guiltless to endure,' to preserve the king ' in all worship and honour evermore ' ; ' the King of peace whose grace exceedeth the merit of them that pray . . . your kingly majesty stablish in all virtue and evermore keep ... in all joy and prosperity to His pleasance.' "^ Perhaps these letters were composed by John Carpenter, the famous town clerk who caused to be painted round the north cloister of St. Paul's a representation of the ' Dance of Death,' with explanatory ' poesie ' translated by Lydgate from the French, that men of ' all estates ' might be reminded to prepare for the end of this brief life."' The civic authorities appear to have been quite willing at this period to co-operate with the ecclesiastical in enforcing obedi- ence to the rules of the Church. They granted a request of the archbishop in 141 3 to impose a fine upon barbers who kept their shops open on Sunday and would not be deterred by excommunication : ' so greatly' had ' the malice of men increased ' that ' that which touches the body or purse ' was more dreaded 'than that which kills the soul.'"* In 14 17 they ordered that only the coarser kinds of bread should be made during Lent, and in 1444 that no butchers' or fishmongers' shops should be kept open on Sunday, because both '" St. Mary at Hill. '" St. James Garlicidiithe. "" Harl. 1 710. '" Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, iii, App. A. Cf. the other letters there printed. '" Stow, Surv. (ed. Kingsford), i, 109, 327 ; cf. ii, 346 ; Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Songs, Carols, Sec. (E.E.T.S.), 91. "' Riley, Mem. of Lond. 593 ; cf. Wilkins, Cone, iii, 352. The barbers continued disobedient ; ibid. 368. I 225 29 A HISTORY OF LONDON in the Old and New Testaments that day is said to be dedicated to God alone, and therefore should be solemnly celebrated with praises and prayers and other works of charity, and abstention from all servile work/'" The necessity for these ordinances shows that there was some disregard of the sanctity of the day ; and much lack of reverence for consecrated places is revealed by the accounts of various affrays which occurred during the 15th century in churches and churchyards. The most serious of these was in 1 417, when at Vespers on Easter Day the church of St. Dunstan in the East was the scene of a violent quarrel ending in the murder of an innocent citizen who interfered to make peace. The offenders were subjected to a severe penance, and the church was solemnly ' reconciled.' ^'^ The use of churches for secular purposes does not seem to have been regarded as wrong ; in the late 14th century there was a right of way through St. Michael le Querne, and the Bakers held their ' Hall-moots ' in St. Thomas of Acon.^°' During the 15 th century much money was spent by the citizens in rebuilding, enlarging, and adorning their churches. In some cases details of the work have been preserved. A bequest was made in 1420 for providing bells for St. Augustine's, and decorating the ceiling of the nave ' to the glory of God. '^" About 1427 the parish of St. Mary at Hill spent over ^90 on a new rood-loft, stalls in the quire, and a ' parclos ' between the quire and the chapel of St. Katharine. ''* St. Alphage "' and St. Michael Cornhill built new steeples; the first stone of St. Michael's was laid in 1421 by 'the reverend and discreet parson,' the churchwardens and many worthy men of the parish ' in the worship of the Holy Trinity and of Our Lady St. Mary and of St. Michael the Archangel and of all the holy company of heaven.' ''* St. Stephen's was rebuilt on the other side of the Walbrook, because the old site was too small for a church which would accommodate the number of people who resorted thither to hear divine service and pour forth their devo- tions. More than twelve foundation-stones were solemnly laid in 1429 by the mayor and six aldermen, the churchwardens, and others, among them the master mason of the work. Some of the money required was raised by selling images, old glass, &c., and in 1439 the senior churchwarden, who had given j^i3 6s. SJ. towards the making of the clearstory, held church plate worth over ^50 in pledge for sums he had advanced. The site was given by two aldermen, one of whom, a brother of Archbishop Chicheley, is described as the ' founder ' of the new church ; he also contributed largely towards the building, and provided all the timber for the two side aisles and the ' proces- sion-place.' ^" Instances might be given of similar liberality on the part of other citizens at this period,*"* among whom Sir Richard Whittington was pre-eminent in that as in other respects. His parish church, St. Michael "" Riley, op. cit. 644 ; Rec. Corp. Journ. iv, fol. 27 ; Chron. ofLond. (ed. Kingsford), 156. '" Wilkins, Cone, iii, 385 et seq.; Hist. Coll. ut sup. 115 ; Chron. of Lond. (ed. Nicol.is), 105. For other examples see Wilkins, op. cit. iii, 325, 388 ; Early Chan. Proc. bdle. 45, no. 48 ; Hale, J Series of Precedents, i, 39. '" Riley, op. cit. +17 ; Sharpe, Cal. Letter Bk. H, 207 ; cf. Cal. Letter Bk. G, 265 ; Prideaux, Mem. of Goldsmiths, ii, 357 ; Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, i, 312. '" Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 423-4. '" Chwdns'. Accts. '" G. B. Hall, Rec. of St. Alfkage, 3. "« Overall, Accts. cfSt. Michael Cornhill, 199. '" Cal. Pat. 1422-9, p. 492 ; Guildhall MS. 1056 (l). The latter contains many interesting details concerning the rebuilding ; it is the source of the information given by Stow, Surt'. (ed. Kingsford), i, 227-8, and by Milbourn, Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, v, 3 3 3-5 . For the ' procession-place,' cf. Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 157, 218. '^ Accounts of churches in Stow, Surv. passim. 226 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Paternoster, was rebuilt, and a college of five priests established there, which seems to have fulfilled the intention of its founder and become a centre of theological learning."' The foundation of this college led to a kind of appropriation to it of the church of St. Michael Paternoster, the office of rector being merged in that of master of the college."" That of St. Benet Fink to St. Anthony's Hospital was finally eff^ected in 1440."^ In 1445 '^^ Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's appropriated the church of St. Gregory to the use of the minor canons."^ St. Stephen's Coleman Street had been appropriated to the Priory of Butley since 1322. The king presented to it in 1436 on the assumption that it was in his patronage because royal licence had not been obtained for the appropriation,"' but in 1457 ^^^ church was definitely appropriated to the convent, the bishop ordaining that from henceforth it should be reckoned a parish church, with a perpetual vicarage."* The last appropriation of a London church was that of St. Bride in 1505 to Westminster Abbey ; the vicar's portion was to be ^16 a year and a house."^ The relations between parish churches and religious houses caused a number of disputes during the 14th and 15th centuries. In 1362 an agreement was made between St. Botolph's Bishopsgate and St. Mary of Bethlehem about the oblations in the chapel of the hospital;"* in 1364 and 1 374 the priory of Holy Trinity settled with St. Mary Graces and the Minoresses points in dispute over parochial rights due to St. Botolph's Aldgate."^ The parishioners of St. Katharine Cree "^ had been for centuries accustomed to worship at the altar of St. Mary Magdalene in the church of the priory of the Holy Trinity, till the canons, disturbed at their own devotions by the sound of voices, at length allowed a chapel of St. Katharine to be built in the precincts of the priory. Dissension arose with regard to the position of this chapel, and by an ordinance of Bishop Clifford in 141 4 it became a parish church served by the canons."' The vicar of St. Sepulchre obtained in 1422 an increase of his salary from ^5 to ^^20, as his parish contained 2,000 people ; the whole funds of the church amounted to ^60.^'''' The Prior of St. Bartholomew paid 20J-. annually to St. Botolph's Aldersgate, the inhabitants of the precincts of St. Bartholomew being bound to come twice a year at least to St. Botolph's ; "^ but when the rector of St. Alphage '" Stow, Surv. ; account of Whittington College in ' Religious Houses ' ; cf. accounts of the Grey Friars and St. Bartholomew's Hospital, and Diet. Nat. Biog. "" Cal. Pat. 1422-9, p. 274. '*' From 1 3 10, when the chapel of the hospital began to be built, there had been disputes with regard to parochial rights. See ' Religious Houses.' "' D. & C. St. Paul's, W.D. 13, fol. 223. '" Lond. Epis. Reg. Gilbert, fol. 2. '" Ibid. Kemp, fol. 53 ; Jrci. 1, 55. '«^ D. & C. Westm. Lond. B, box 4. '" D. & C. St. Paul's, A, box 6, no. 837. '" Guildhall MS. 122 (a transcript of a chartulary of the priory), fol. 726-33. See also fol. 756 and 859 for the care with which the parochial rights were reserved. '^ Presumably also of St. Mary Magdalene and St. Michael. "^' Cal. of Papal Letters, vi, 157; Lond. Epis. Reg. Stokesley, fol. no, 114; cf. 109 and Cal. of Papal Letters, vii, 46. The full account of a similar quarrel given in Mr. Atkinson's Hist, of St. Botolph AUgate, 35-40, is taken almost verbatim from Guildhall MS. 122, fol. 716 et seq., 760 et seq. For another between St. Martin in the Fields and St. Mary Rouncivall see Cal. of Papal Letters, vii, 238, 282. '" Cal. of Papal Letters, vii, 474. '" D. & C. Westm. Lond. Bj box 2, pt. ii. In 1424-5 and 1434 all the profits of the rectory of St. Botolph's, including a house, were let out by the D. and C. of St. Martin's to be farmed for periods of ten years at rents of 40 marks and ^^24 a year respectively ; ibid. pt. i. The D. & C. of Westm. farmed out St. Margaret's in 1416 and 1484 ; Westm. parcel 9 ; Sacrist Roll. 227 A HISTORY OF LONDON tried to establish a similar claim against Elsing Spital, the hospital was declared a parish by itself, exempt from parochial dues elsewhere."'' The last arrangement of the kind was made in 15 17, when the master of the Hospital of the Savoy agreed to pay the rector of St. Clement Danes 26s. Sd. annually, and to administer the sacraments to the inhabitants of the hospital, and in return was exempted from all parochial dues."^ A list compiled in 1428 "* shows that the value of London churches had greatly increased since the 1 3th century. Eleven were worth only £6 i 3J. 4^. (the ordinary salary of a chantry priest "') or less ; but over thirty were worth ^20 or more, and ten exceeded jCs^j while the majority were between j^io and X^20. Perhaps as a result of this increase in value the City livings seem to have been occupied after about 1420 by men superior in character and attainments to their predecessors, and the tradition, very noticeable henceforth, that a London rector ought to be a 'learned man,' probably arose during the 15th century. One of the earliest of this type was the famous William Lyndewode, rector of All Hallows Bread Street from 141 8 to 1433. Another was William Lichfield, rector simultaneously of All Hallows the Great and St. Mary Magdalen Old Fish Street, who wrote many books and composed 3,083 sermons; according to his epitaph he ornamented and enlarged his church and was z pastor vigil et studiosus, dear to the poor, an able adviser of those in doubt. "° An inventory made by the rector of St. James Garlickhithe in 1449, notes that he had given the church three ' cloths (pieces of tapestry .?), with the life of James and John,' the crucifix in the rood-loft, the fourth bell in the steeple, and two great pairs of latten candlesticks."^ Such gifts from the clergy to their churches were common during the 15th century."* The traffic in benefices was no longer a flagrant abuse,"*^ and there was probably a corresponding improvement in the behaviour of the clergy in other respects."' An official list shows, however, that between 1401 and 1440 one priest a year, on an average, was punished for immorality. The guilty man was taken by the Ward beadle to the ' Tun ' with minstrels playing ; next day he was brought before the mayor and aldermen, proclamation was made that no '" D. & C. St. Paul's, A, box i, no. 552. '" Lond. Epis. Reg. Fitzjames, fol. 1 18. "* Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. K, fol. ^zb et seq. For the values of some churches in the late 14th and early 15th centuries, cf. Cal. of Papal Letters, iv, 338, 380, 388, 426 ; v, 90, 264, 579 (of Cal. of Papal Pet. i, 467), 613 ; vi, 38, 72, 300 ; vii, 198, 223 ; Add. MS. 35096; and Harl. MS. 60, fol. 89, which gives that of sixty-one churches added on to a copy of part of Pope Nicholas' Taxation for London. It professes to supply the value of benefices not given in that Taxation, but the copy the compiler used must have been incomplete, for the values of some of the churches he gives are included in the Taxation under the heading of small benefices. It is undated, but is in a 15th-century hand ; the vicar-ige of St. Dunstan in the West, to which the first vicar was instituted about 1437, is mentioned, and that of St. Stephen, Coleman Street, which was ordained in 1457, is not. These documents differ considerably in the values assigned to particular churches, but all support the general statement above. '" Parochial Records, Fa/or Eccl. (Rec. Com.), and Chant. Cert. 34, passim. These are of course later than 1428, but many incidental references (e.g. Kingdon, Grocers^ Records, 78 ; Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. vi, App. 412 ; foum. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxiv, 250-1) indicate th.it in London 10 marks had become the usual salary before the end of the 14th century, in spite of the Constitutions making 7 marks the maximum ; Wilkins, Cone, iii, 135, 402 ; cf 335. '" Stow, i'arf. (ed. Munday, 16 18), 434 ; Hennessy, Novum Repert. Lyndewode also was a pluralist ; Cal. of Papal Letters, vii, 198. For other dispensations for non-residence or plurality, see vi, 510 (cf vii, 155) ; vii, 223, 435, 471 (cf. vi, 291, 300, 369). The rector of St. Nicholas Shambles was only a sub-deacon in 1424 ; ibid, vii, 362. The rectors of St. Andrew Hubbard and Holy Trinity were accused of immorality in 1421 and 1426 ; Sharpe, Cal. Letter Bk. I, 280, 282. '" D. & C. Westm. Press 6, box 4, parcel 34, no. 4. '" Parochial Records. ''^^ Fide supra, p. 217. '" This is based on the negative evidence of the Patent Rolls. 228 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY one in future should give him employment in the City, under pain of a fine twice as large as his salary, and then he was handed over to be dealt with by the ecclesiastical authorities."" In estimating the significance of this list the very large number of priests then serving in the City must be taken into account. In 141 9 most of the parish churches had two or three besides the rector, several had seven or more, a few as many as twelve. There must therefore have been at least 400 priests attached to parish churches in addition to those at St. Paul's and in the religious houses. These assistant clergy were divided into three classes : ' parish priests ' (those holding the cure of souls in the place of an absentee rector), stipendiaries, and chantry priests."^ The chantry priests were expected to help in singing the services, but were to a great extent independent of the rector, being appointed and paid by the administrators of the chantry property, by whom they might be dismissed for misconduct or neglect of their duty."^ The little evidence which exists as to the character of the London clergy from about 1440 to 1480 is chiefly in their favour. A long dispute about oiferings "' seems to have been carried on with much less ill-feeling than the similar one in the i6th century. The fact that residence was definitely required of the rector of St. Peter's Cornhill might be taken to indicate that non-residence was a prevalent evil, but official records show that very few City rectors held two livings in the diocese."* Sometimes when the rector was absent the priest left in charge farmed the revenues of the benefice."^ Disputes which arose in consequence of these arrangements led to suits in the Court of Chancery, the records of which also furnish details of other quarrels in which priests were concerned. For example, a church- warden of St. Andrew's Undershaft daily and hourly gave 'words of . . . rebuke maliciously' to the rector in the church; the rector waited till Lent, when the churchwarden had to come to him to be shriven, and then told him that he had no power to assoil him of such offisnces. This led to inter- ference by the bishop's court ; the churchwarden successfully sued the parson in the King's Bench for bringing into an ecclesiastical court an action which properly belonged to the king's court, and the parson appealed to the chancellor. A brewer brought an accusation of trespass against the rector of St. Margaret Lothbury, and had him arrested as he was kneeling before the high altar to say his devotions after High Mass on Whit Sunday ; ' divers worshipful men of his parish ' offered to be his sureties, but the mayor would not allow him bail ' of inward malice.' "* The facts recorded by the '*" Sharpe, Cal. Letter Bk. I, 279 et seq. ; Liber Albm (Rolls Ser.), 457 ; Riley, Mem. 566, n. ; cf. Sharpe, Cal. Letter Bk. H, 339. '" Add. MS. 35096. '" Wills of the 14th and 15th centuries; Parochial and City Records, /<;/;«« ; e.g. Cal. Pat. 1385-9, p. 451 ; 1 391-5, p. 185 ; Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. vi, App. 411 ; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxiv, 251 ; Overall, Accts. of St. Michael Cornhill, 207-8 ; Arch. 1,53; Sharpe, Col. Letter Bk. I, 129, 171. ^^ Vide infra. '** This statement is based on an analysis of the lists in Newcourt's Refertorium. A similar analysis gave a very different result for the early 1 6th century ; vide infra. "* Early Chan. Proc. bdle. 46, no. 382 ; cf. no. 316, and bdle. 43, no. 272, when the curate had the oblations due to the parson. In 1458 the vicar of St. Giles Cripplegate was presented as non-resident ; Visit, of Churches behnffng to St. Paul's (Camd. Soc), 108. Cf. Gee and Hardy, Documents Illustrative of Engl. Ch. Hist. 142. '*' Early Chan. Proc. bdle. 31, no. 340 ; bdle. 46, no. 207. For other cases see ibid. bdle. 16, no. 214 ; bdle. 45, no. 16; bdle- 46, no. 315. The pardon granted to a City rector in 1467 was probably, like that of Bishop Kemp in 1471, for political offences ; Cal Pat. 1467-77, pp. 42, 267. 229 A HISTORY OF LONDON chroniclers of this period concerning the London clergy are almost always in their favour. For example, when in 1446 the Prior of Kilmainham accused the Earl of Ormond of treason the king pardoned Ormond ' at the great instance and labour of divers preachers and doctors in London, as Sir Gilbert Worthynton, parson of St. Andrew in Holborn, and other,' ^" while after the second battle of St. Albans (1461) 'divers Clerks and Curates of the City ' went with the Duchess of Bedford and Lady Scales ' to entreat for grace for the City ' from the victorious Lancastrians."^ Some of the London clergy were zealous on behalf of education,"' but their efforts to increase the number of schools were opposed by Bishop Robert Gilbert (1436—48)."° Neither he nor his successor, Thomas Kemp (1450-89), appears to have been active as a diocesan. Both, like the other bishops of this period, were assisted by various suffragans. Between 1461 and 1470 the rectors of St. Botolph Bishopsgate, St. Christopher le Stocks, and St. Martin Ludgate were titular bishops of Down and Connor, Ardfert, and Sidon respectively ; and among the rectors of St. Christopher's (like St. Botolph's, in the patronage of the Bishop of London) during the next fifty years was a Bishop of Kildare and a Bishop of Gallipoli."^ The only religious foundations of this period in London were connected with certain fraternities whose activities were directed towards the main- tenance either of services in a particular chapel — as that of Jesus in the crypt of St, Paul's — or of a hospital or almshouse — as that for aged priests at St. Augustine Pappey, once the church of a tiny parish which had been united with All Hallows on the Wall about 1430."^ An important new parochial fraternity was founded in 1441 to maintain a chantry of two priests at St. Dunstan's in the West, where the services had been neglected since its appropriation to Alnwick Abbey. "^ In 1477 the fraternity of Our Lady and the parishioners of St. Martin Ludgate stated in a petition to the mayor and aldermen that the chapel over Ludgate, in which time out of mind services in honour of Our Lady had been held ' to the great rejoicing and comfort of all . . . coming and going through the gate,' had been pulled down by the executors of Stephen Forster, who had left money to rebuild the prison. They had not fulfilled their promise to rebuild the chapel, and now, if the City authorities gave consent, the fraternity intended to do so."* The existing London Parochial Records, several of which begin during the latter part of the 15th century, record the devotion of the Londoners to their churches at that period."' At St. Margaret's Southwark two silver '" Ciron. of Lot! J. (ed. Kingsford), 157 ; Hist. Coll. of a Land. Citizen (Camd. Soc), 187. '^ Chron. of Land. (ed. Kingsford), 173. '^^ Cal. Pat. 1436-41, p. 295 ; Sharpe, Cat. of WilU,\\, 508. With StafFord's will cf. those of Simon Eyre, 1459 (see Fraternity in Leadcnhall Chapel under ' Religious Houses ') and Hugh Brice, 1492 ; Cal. ii, 600. "" Lond. Epis. Reg. Gilbert, fol. 191 ; Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), v, 137. '" Stubbs, Reg. Sacr, zoo-%, passim ; Hennessy, Novum Repert. 1 11, 281-2 (cf. Newcourt, Repcrtorium, ii, 356), 292 ; cf. 349. Hennessy's list of suffragans is far from complete. '" See under ' Religious Houses,' for foundations of the first class St. Paul's, Leadenh.ill Chapel, the College in All Hallows Barking ; of the second St. Augustine Pappey (to the references there given add Lond. Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 321, and Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. K, fol. 53^^), St. Mar}^ Rouncivall, and St. Giles Cripplegate. "^ D. & C. Westm. Lond. box D-K. ''' Guildhall MS. I 3 1 1 , fol. 31. This MS. is a very interesting record book of the parish of St. Martin's. '" For Parochial Records used see App. The book of St. Margaret Pattens, partly printed in jlrch. Joum. xlii (1885), furnishes a connected list of ornaments, vestments, and books 'gotten and laboured to be had' by the rector and churchwardens of 1479-86. Cf. the inventory in j^rch. 1, 18. 230 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY bells for a banner were given in 1445, and in 1456 a suit of vestments costing J^iiJ ; the parish had a closet made for keeping this with other ornaments and jewels of special value. An inventory of 1485 mentions among other gifts a suit worth ^30 (that given forty years before was now valued at jTiio), ' cloths,' and seven out of the twenty books then owned by the church, one of the seven worth ^^20 and another £10. The accounts of St. Botolph's Aldersgate record from their beginning in 1466 a number of donations and bequests 'of devotion.' In 1482—3 'divers parishioners ' gave ^3 ' for making of a presbytery ' ; between 1485 and 1496 there were collections to buy two suits of vestments, one cloth of gold (it cost >C32, and ^37 3J-. lo^d. was collected), the other white damask (^23 ijs. 3^.), and to make two new windows in the Lady Chapel (jTi i is. 4r20 is. Sd., of which ^5 14/. 2id. was raised by selling the old cross, and £6 i^s. \d. was subscribed by the fraternity attached to the church. The wills enrolled in the Court of Husting between 1440 and 1490"^ almost all contain bequests for religious purposes,'" mostly to the parish churches and religious fraternities.'^' Probably the custom of adding the names of benefactors to the ' bede-roll ' of a parish or fraternity encouraged the citizens to leave gifts for such purposes ; sometimes such a commemora- tion is specially mentioned."' It has been suggested that the testators imagined they were making quite sure of an early release from purgatory, and the occasional instances of a rich man founding a chantry for a certain period of years only ■"'' perhaps support this view. On the other hand, the few surviving epitaphs of the period are strangely pathetic in their humility ; one quotes from a contemporary poem on Death : — ... In this passage the best song that I can Is requiem aeternam, now Jesu grant it me : When I have ended all mine adversitie, Grant me in Paradise to have a mansion, That shedst Thy Blood for my redemption. ^^ Many consist of nothing more than : ' Cujus animae propitietur Deus ' — ' on whose soul may God have mercy.' The religion of the Londoners of the 15th century had its darker side of fear. The City chroniclers clearly believed in the witchcraft imputed to Eleanor Cobham and her associates, one of whom was the rector of St. Stephen Walbrook ; he ' died in the Tower for sorrow.' '"'- Two years later a man was put on the pillory for traffic with a wicked spirit, ' which was called Oberycom ' ; ^"^ and one chronicle concludes with a half-told story of another "* Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 490-592. ™ For disputes about such wills see Early Chan. Proc. bdle. 16, no. 325 ; bdle. 18, no. 186 ; bdle. 47, no. 277 ; Hale, A Series of Precedents, 4 ; Price, Hist, of the Guildhall, 121. ''* Between 1440 and 1449 there are (not counting those for chantries or for the poor) twenty-one to churches and only ten to religious houses, and from 1 480 to 1485 the numbers are eleven and three respectively ; Sharpe, Cal. ii, 490-5 1 8, 578-87. Two out of these three happen to be to the orders of friars ; but there are not many bequests to these at this period. On the whole St. Thomas of Aeon seems to have been the favourite religious house, and next to it (not counting the Charterhouse, which was just outside London) St. Bartholo- mew's Smithfield. "' Ibid. 592 ; cf 508, 529, 551. """ Ibid. 496, 544, 546. "" Stow, Surv. (ed. Kingsford), i, 222 (cf. Songs, Carols, &c. [Early Engl. Text Soc], 88 ; Lansd. MS. 762, fol. 19^) ; cf those given in Munday's edition (l6l8) in huxXxi, passim. "' For details of this well-known story see Hist. Coll. of a Lond. Citizen, 183-4; -^^ ^'"Sf- Chron. 57-60 (both Camd. Soc.) ; Chron. of Lond. (ed. Kingsford), 148-9. '»' Hist. Coll. ut sup. 185. A HISTORY OF LONDON who, ' while men were at sermons the Sunday afternoon ' in Lent, was ' sore vexed and bound with the devil.' ^°* The Church history of London from 1440 to 1490 was uneventful. An elaborate plan was made in 1445 for securing a suitable rector for St. Peter's Cornhill. The mayor and aldermen were to appoint four of the secular clergy of London, men of high character and sound learning, who were to choose, ' according to their consciences,' four candidates for election by the Common Council, each of whom must be a secular clerk, a bachelor or doctor of divinity, and fit both in character and learning to undertake the cure.'"" The rectors were thus chosen till 1536.-°" The first of them was Thomas Gascoigne, Chancellor of the University of Oxford,^"* a strong opponent of the followers of Wycliffe, but also an advocate of much preach- ing, ready to denounce unsparingly the evils of the Church of his day.^°°^ Lollardry still had its martyrs. In 1448 a heretic was burnt on Tower Hill,^" and in 1462 another was condemned in the diocese of Lincoln who had formerly lived in London, where he had been imprisoned by the bishop and afterwards abjured.""* Reginald Pecock was master of Whittington College and rector of St. Michael Paternoster from 1431 to 1444.*'" In a sermon at Paul's Cross in 1447 he tried to show that the bishops might have good reasons for not preaching and for non-residence, and that the payments made to the pope after papal provisions were not simony. ^^^ The first of his three theses attracted most notice, for the Londoners of the 1 5th century attached great importance to preaching.-'^ About that time "' Henry VI was told that a number of famous London divines, among them the rectors of St. Andrew Holborn and All Hallows the Great, and Pecock's successor at Whittington College, were stirring the people to revolt by their sermons against the sins of the kingdom and its rulers. All of these boldly withstood Pecock, and Dr. Myllington of Cam- bridge denounced his sermon at Paul's Cross. "^^ But Pecock, now Bishop of Chichester,^'* continued his endeavours to convert the Lollards by arguing in favour of those practices of the Church which they chiefly attacked. ''' It is evident from many local allusions that his Repressor was addressed mainly to Londoners.'" His abjuration at Paul's Cross on 4 December 1457, when his condemned works were burnt, was witnessed by a vast multi- '"* Hist. Coll. of a Lond. Citizen, 239. There are many later examples of sorcery and the popular belief in it during the 15th and 1 6th centuries ; fide the instances given by Hale, A Series of Precedents . . . from the Act Bks. of Eccl. Courts in the Dioc. of Lond. passim. '"' Sharpe, Cal. Letter Bk. /, 92 ; Rec. Corp. Joum. iv, fol. 102 ; Letter Bk. K, fol. 227^; Three l^th-Cent. Ckron. (Camd. Soc), 91. Cf. Rec. Corp. Repert. iii, fol. 195^ and later entries passim. The advovvson of St. Peter's had been in the hands of the Corporation since 141 1. ""^ It was decided in 1478 to appoint the rector of St. Margaret Pattens in a similar way ; but the plan was not carried out in that case, apparently because the mayor claimed the right to present ; Letter Bk. L, fol. 107^, 145^. "* Locie Libro Feritatum (ed. Rogers), 232. ""^ Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Loci e Libro Feritatum, 188-98, and passim. *<" Chron. of Lond. (ed. Nicolas), 135 ; Three \lth-Cent. Chron. (Camd. Soc), 66. *** Line. Epis. Reg. Chedworth Mem. fol. 5 7 d. "' Hennessy, Novum Repert. "" Repressor (Rolls Ser.), ii, 615 et seq.; Gascoigne, Loci e Libro Feritatum (ed. Rogers), 44, 48, 208, &c. '^^ Fide supra, pp. 211, 223-4. F^r other bequests for sermons see Sharpe, Cal. of (Fills, ii, 589; Stow, Surv. (ed. Kingsford), i, 185. ■" Gascoigne (op. cit. 188) says in 1450, but two of those he names died in 1447 and 1448 respectively ; cf. Hennessy, op. cit. '" Gascoigne, op. cit. 44 ; cf. 40. '" Since 1450 ; Did. Nat. Biog. *" See Gairdner, Lollardy and the Reformation, i, 203 et seq. for a discussion of Pecock's arguments and an account of the circumstances of his fall. '" Repressor ofoi'ermuch blaming of the Clergy (Rolls Ser.), i, 28, 30, 90-1, 1 12-13, i9+> 215. 232 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY tude/'^ and one report says that the people were ready to cast him into the fire ; ^^' but another concludes : ' Yet many were infected with his pestilent doctrine, and continued in their error.'"' In 1467 an Essex heretic was burnt on Tower Hill, scandalizing the chronicler by his rudeness to the rector of St. Peter's Cornhill, who tried to convert him.^^" The same year many churches in the City were robbed of ' boxes with the sacrament.' It was thought to have been done by ' some fellowship of heretics,' but it was afterwards discovered that the thieves robbed ' of very need,' thinking that the boxes, which were only copper, were silver-gilt. One of them boasted that he had eaten ' nine gods . . . that were in the boxes. And that shamed some of them,' among them the smith who made their instruments to open locks. This man found himself repeatedly unable to see the Host when he went to mass, notwithstanding the help of good ale. Shortly afterwards he and three others were hanged, but before his death the smith made his confession, after which he was able to ' see that blessed sacrament well enow.' ' Lo, ye obstinate heretics,' concludes the London chronicler, ' that holdeth against confession, here is an example great enow to convert you.' '" It is evident from this and other occasional references that the existence of Lollards in considerable numbers was taken for granted at the time.^^^ An obscure dispute among the cordwainers at this period seems to have been of a semi-religious character. In 1464 it was forbidden to make shoes with peaks more than 2 in. long, and to make or sell shoes on Sunday or on Christmas Day, Ascension Day, or Corpus Christi.*"' This was further enforced by a papal bull. ' And some men said they would wear long peaks whether the Pope will or nill, for they said the Pope's curse would not kill a fly.' Shortly after some of the cordwainers got licences to make long peaks, and caused those men of their craft who had appealed to the pope to be troubled and in great danger.^^* In 1484 it was enacted by the Common Council that there should be no eating or drinking in alehouses on Sunday till High Mass was over at the parish church.^^^ The citizens were deeply interested in the foreign policy of Henry VII, and St. Paul's was the scene of several great functions, such as that of 6 April 1492, when the taking of Granada by the King of Spain was celebrated by a solemn procession and a 'noble sermon,' ^^"^ while in 1496 the mayor and aldermen assisted at the reception of the sword and cap of maintenance sent to Henry by the pope.*"" Among those involved in Sir William Stanley's conspiracy were the Dean of St. Paul's and the rector of St. Stephen's Walbrook, who were both condemned to death, but were pardoned. ^'^ A political appointment which cannot have been for the welfare of the ■" Gascoigne, op. cit. 214-17 ; Three l^iA-Cenl. Chron. (Camd. Soc), 71, 167-8 ; Jn Engl. Chron. (Camd. Soc), 75-7, &c. '" Gascoigne, op. cit. 216. "' Three l^th-Cent. Chron. (Camd. Soc), 168. "» Hist. Coll. of a Land. Citizen (Camd. Soc), 233. "' Ibid. 234-5. "^ For other cases of heresy between 1473 and 1479 see Chron. of Land. (ed. Kingsford), 186, 188 ; Chron. of Lond. (ed. Nicolas), 145 ; Fabyan, Chron. (ed. Ellis), 663 ; Hale, A Series of Precedents, 15. »-' Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), v, 5 66^5. '" Hist. Coll. of a Lond. Citizen (Camd. Soc), 238. '" Rec Corp. Letter Bk. L, 202^. "« Chron. of Lond. (ed. Kingsford), 197. ^" Ibid. 211. For other examples see 197, 259 ; and Arnold, Customs of Lond. (ed. Douce), p. xlii. "' Chron. of Lond. (ed. Kingsford), 203 ; Letters, l^c, Ric. Ill and Hen. Vll (Rolls Ser.), ii, 375 ; Hennessy, 'Novum Repert. 386. I 233 30 A HISTORY OF LONDON Church in the City was that of the Spanish ambassador as Archdeacon of London in i502.^-' In 1506 the king requested that the mayor and alder- men and the crafts and fellowships of the City should attend a service yearly in his chapel in Westminster Abbey on the day that the mayor took his oath, and at least six of the companies agreed.^'" By Henry's will"^ 10,000 masses were to be said for his soul in the City and Westminster, and his funeral procession was joined by ' all the priests and clerks and religious men within the City and without.'*'^ A set of Visitation Articles has been preserved which almost certainly belongs to the episcopate of Richard Hill, who succeeded Kemp in 1489, or to that of his successor, Thomas Savage."^' The first article inquires as to the safe keeping of the ' Body of Christ,' and ten others are concerned with the condition of the fabric of the church, vestments, &c. Nineteen have reference to the parochial clergy ; their proper fulfilment of their duties ; their dress and general behaviour, whether they haunt taverns, bear weapons, are not properly shaved or ' nourish ' long hair ; their conduct with regard to women ; whether they dare not ask for their rightful dues ' for fear of any slander of their own guilt,' or refuse to solemnize matrimony without receiving a special gift, or solemnize it without banns asked, or between non-parishioners. Ten articles guard against fraud in connexion with Church property, and the last sixteen concern the conduct of the parishioners. The absence of any reference to heresy in these Articles is noteworthy when we consider the number of persons charged with it in the bishop's Com- missary Court and the many recorded cases of public abjuration at this period. One man did penance for speaking disrespectfully of God and the saints ; -^* another, who was said to hold that the Sacrament of the Altar was material bread, and had called the Blessed Virgin a ' false quene,' and St. Peter and St. Paul ' false murderers,' abjured and was dismissed.-^' Two offences which sometimes gave rise to suspicion were non-attendance at divine service'''* and speaking lightly of the clergy and their powers.^" Joan Bowghton, a very old woman, was burnt in 1494 ; no exhortation would turn her from the ' nine articles of heresy ' which she held.'^* In 1496, during the mayoralty of Sir Henry Colet, nine heretics abjured at Paul's Cross ; *'' one was a glover of Cheapside. The last four stood ' with the books of their lore hanging about them,' and the books were afterwards burnt with the faggots they carried. They had asserted that the Sacrament of the Altar was but material bread, and that it was lawful for marriages to be »* Letters, t^c, Rk. II and Hen. VII (Rolls Ser.), ii, 378. **> Rec. Corp. Repert. ii, fol. \ob, 11. "' Printed 1775. Cf. i. and. P. Hen. Fill, i, App. 5725 ; and Parochial Records. "' Hall, Chron. I Hen. VIII. "^ Arnold, Customs ofLond. (ed. Douce), 273 et seq. They are given in the first edition of the Customs, 1503. Two episcopal visitations at Arnold's parish church of St. Magnus in 1495 and 1498 respectively are mentioned in the accounts of St. Mary at Hill ; Medieval Rec. of a City Ch. (Early Engl. Text Soc.), 214, 230. Another set of pre Reformation Visitation Articles is to be found in the Accounts of St. Michael Ccmhill (ed. Overall), 208 et seq. Triennial visitations appear to have been held regularly during the 15th century ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 63. '" Hale, A Series of Precedents, I. '" Ibid. 8-9. For other cases see 35-6. "* Ibid. 20, 64, 69. "' Ibid. 41, 67-8. *** Chron. of Lond. (ed. Kingsford), 200. Archdeacon Hale suggested that the records of these more serious cases were kept separately and are now lost ; vide A Series of Precedents, Introd. p. Ixi. "' The thirty heretics who are mentioned by the writer of this chronicle as having abjured at Paul's Cross between 1496 and 1506 are probably among those whose names are given by Foxe, op. cit. iv, 206. Both he and the chronicler name Myldenale, Sturdy, and the Prior of St. Osyth's ; Brewster and Sweeting may have been two of those who abjured in 1499 ; cf. Chron. of Lond. 226, and Foxe, op. cit. iv, 180— I, 214—16. 234 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY celebrated at all seasons.^*" There were twelve cases of abjuration in 1499 ; in eight of them the culprits were branded on the left cheek and ordered to wear all their lives a gown embroidered with a faggot.^" Next year two heretics abjured and an old man was burnt.^*^ Some time during the next few years a mysterious ' Lady Young ' was burnt, who was said to be the daughter of Joan Bowghton,"*' and in 1509 Elizabeth Sampson abjured. Her tenets are given in full in the Episcopal Register/** She had spoken against pilgrimages and images, and had denied not only transubstantiation, but also the truth of the Ascension of Christ and the possibility of a general resurrec- tion. Joan Baker, who abjured soon after, had said, when a man was lying on his death-bed and should have had the crucifix brought and laid before him, according to the custom of the City, that the crucifix was a false god ; she had also asserted that she could hear a better sermon at home than any doctor or priest could make, and she did not believe in the pope's power to grant pardon.'*^ In October 151 1 two Essex men were burnt in Smithfield. A correspondent of Erasmus, writing from London in No- vember, refers in exaggerated terms to these executions — ' The heretics cause many holocausts, and yet their numbers grow. The brother of my servant Thomas, blockhead as he is {stirpes verius quam homo), has founded a sect, and has his followers.' °*'' In 15 14 occurred the famous case of Richard Hun, and in 15 18 two relapsed heretics, who had abjured years before in the dioceses of Salisbury and Lincoln, were burnt in Smithfield.^*^ More than twenty Londoners are mentioned in the records of a period of persecution for heresy under Bishop Longland of Lincoln, before whom at least four of them abjured. Two were goldsmiths, one of whom had the Epistle of St. James ' perfectly without book,' but the rest seem to have been of humble rank. Some of them possessed Enghsh translations of the Gospels, the Apocalypse, and other parts of the Bible ; a bricklayer or tiler named Stacy, who lived in Coleman Street, sold a copy of the whole Bible for zos. All the others whose dwelling-places are given lived in the same part of the City, chiefly in the streets running north from Cheapside. One was the morrow-mass priest of St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street. Little is recorded of their doctrines. John Hacker of Coleman Street had predicted in 1520 that all the priests would be destroyed because they held against the law of holy Church and made false gods, and that when they and their gods were put down 'they should know more, and then should be a merry world.' -*^ He and Stacy and several "" Chron. of Lond. (ed. Kingsford), 208, 211. Cf. Relation of Island of Engl (Camd. Soc), 23. The morrow-mass priest of St. Mildred Poultry was charged with the same sacramental heresy in 1496 ; Hale, A Series of Precedents, 54-5 ; cf. 38. "' Chron. ut sup. 226 ; Foxe (op. cit. iv, 123) gives a larger number and says some were from Kent. ^" Chron. ut sup. 232 ; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 183. In 1506 there stood at Paul's Cross the Prior of St. Osyth's and five other heretics ; Chron. ut sup. 261. These were, however, probably all Essex men ; and it is quite likely that many of the others mentioned by the chronicler were not Londoners. All those given from the records of the Bishop's Court and the Episcopal Register lived in the City parishes. '*' Lond. Epis. Reg. Fitzjames, fol. 25 ; Fabyan, Chron. (ed. Ellis), 685 ; cf. Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 181 margin. "' Lond. Epis. Reg. Fitzjames, fol. 4. '" Ibid. fol. 25. Foxe (op. cit. iv, 174) gives a list of thirty-five others who also abjured during the next ten years, but docs not state how many of them were Londoners. He refers to the Fitzjames Register, but only the first two on his list are to be found in the existing Register. The second, Potier, was from Essex. •" Arnold, Customs cf London (ed. Douce), p. xlvi ; Foxe, op. cit. iv, 180-1, 214-16 ; Eras. Epist. (ed. Allen), i, 481. Cf L. and P. Hen. Fill, i, Pref p. Ixxx. "' Foxe, op. cit. iv, 207-14. See ibid. 206 for an incident said to have occurred in 1520. Ibid, iv, 221-44. Cf note in F.C.H. Bucks, i, 302. 235 248 A HISTORY OF LONDON others occur again in the records of a similar inquiry made in the diocese of London under Bishop Tunstall in 1527—8.°*' The pubHc abjurations at Paul's Cross appear ^°° to have ceased with the beginning of the episcopate of Richard Fitzjames (1506) ; 'a very wise man, a virtuous and a cunning.' ^" Colet had become Dean of St. Paul's in 1505, and it is usual to give him the credit for the revival in 1507 of the divinity lectures there ; "^ but Fitzjames, as Warden of Merton, had shown himself particularly anxious for the better education of the clergy,-" and the language of the ordinance indicates his active share in this reform.'^ Colet's own preaching, however, was of great importance ; he had crowded congregations, including many of the leading citizens (his father had been twice mayor), and adopted the method of giving courses of sermons on some connected subject, instead of taking isolated texts.'" In January 1508, at his expense, a Scottish divine interpreted St. Paul's Epistles in free lectures given twice a day at the Cathedral, which were listened to with great attention and approbation by ' a circle of learned priests.'"* The lead thus given by Fitzjames and Colet perhaps suggested the bequests for sermons to be found in two wills of 1509,'" one of them large enough to endow a readership in divinity at Whittington College, where already, in 1490, the members had founded a fraternity of St. Sophia for the reading of a divinity lecture."* According to Erasmus, Colet was never on good terms with Fitzjames, who cited him before Archbishop Warham for teaching that images ought not to be worshipped, giving a wrong interpretation of St. John xxi, 17, and saying in the pulpit that there were some who preached written sermons — ' the stiff and formal way of many in England' — thus indirectly reflecting on his bishop, who, from his old age, was in the habit of so doing. The archbishop pro- tected instead of judging Colet, and Fitzjames then vainly attempted to excite the court and the king against him."' Perhaps the bishop knew that the dean's sermons were resorted to by Lollards,'*" and suspected him of sympathy with some at least of their views. He may well have been anxious about the disturbing effect of Colet's teaching on his diocese, in which the clergy had become very unpopular. A dispute between the City rectors and their parishioners concerning the payment of offerings had begun before the end of the 15th century. The rectors were said to exact more than they could lawfully claim in lieu "' Harl. MS. 421, fol. i li et seq. For the cases of heresy given by Foxe during this period cf. Gairdner, The Engl. Ch. in the l6th Cent. 50-62. *" As far as can be inferred from the cessation of notices of them by the author of the Chronicle in Cott. MS. Vit. A. xvi, printed by Kingsford. Arnold (jCusto s of Land.) and Hills i^ongs, Carols, &c.. Early Engl. Text Soc, App.) never allude to them at all. '" Sir Thomas More, Dialogue, Bk. iii, cap. 15. Tyndale's Amtoer (Parker Soc), 168, practically grants this ; cf. quotations given by Wharton, De Episcopis. "' See article on St. Paul's, ' Religious Houses' ; and Lupton, Life of Colet, 138 et seq. «' Diet. Nat. Biog. ^ Reg. S. PauFi (ed. W. S. Simpson), 413. '" Erasmus (translated by Lupton), Lives ofVitrier and Colet, 25. '" Bern. Andrea, Ann. in Mem. oj Hen. VII (Rolls Sen), 105, 106. '" Sharpe, Cal of Wills, ii, 614, 619. '" Nevvcourt, Repert. i, 492. For other sermons connected with Whittington College, apparently revived in 1509, see ibid. ; cf. Chant. Cert. 34 (96). "' Erasmus, op. cit. 39-43 ; cf. Tyndale, Answer to Sir T. Morels Dialogue (Parker Soc), 168. See Engl. Hist. Rev. xvii, 303 ; Lupton, Life of Colet, 201. "^ Foxe, op. cit. iv, 230. 236 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY of tithes, and to demand illegally certain other offerings, among them mortuaries for persons who had died possessed of no property.^" In 15 14 Richard Hun, a well-to-do merchant tailor, unsuccessfully brought a suit oi praemunire against the rector of St. Mary's Whitechapel, who had sum- moned him before a spiritual court for refusing to give a mortuary for his infant child. Before this he had been charged with heresy ; the bishop stopped the proceedings against him while the lawsuit was pending,''^'^ but when it had been decided the heresy case was resumed. Hun was accused of having ' read, taught, preached, published, and obstinately defended . . . that . . . paying of tithes was never ordained to be due, save only by the covetousness of priests ; ' that bishops and priests were the Scribes and Pharisees that crucified Christ ; that they preached, but did not fulfil, the law of God, ' all things taking, and nothing ministering, neither giving.' These three articles of accusation merely indicate that Hun was one of the leaders of the anti-clerical party in the contest then raging with regard to offerings ; but the remaining two connect that contest with the old Lollardry : he had defended the heretic Joan Baker, and possessed forbidden books, including the New Testament in English and the works of WyclifFe. He admitted the substantial truth of these accusations and submitted to the bishop's charitable correction,*"* and was then sent back to the Lollards' Tower at St. Paul's, where, on the morning of 4 December, he was found dead, hanging by his silken girdle to a hook in the wall.^** There was great excitement in the City,^*^ and a coroner's jury returned a verdict of murder against Dr. Horsey, the bishop's chancellor, and two of his subordinate officials,^" all of whom would be associated with the unpopular proceedings of the ecclesiastical courts in enforcing the payment of the disputed offerings. The verdict seems to have been based on very insufficient evidence ; a thorough inquiry was made into the matter by the Lords of the Council,"" and Horsey was released after some time, without a trial, by the king's order. ^^** But he lived henceforth far from London, ' for very shame ' it was said.''^^ Meanwhile Fitzjames publicly condemned Hun as a heretic, and his body was burnt in Smithfield."" It is difficult, in the absence of contemporary evidence, to estimate the importance of this case, which soon after became the subject of party misrepresentation ; "' but it is clear that the officials of the episcopal courts, if not the City clergy as a body, were extremely un- popular at the time. Another interesting point is that of Hun's Bible, with its objectionable preface and its heretical annotations in his own hand, for some years later an Essex carpenter casually mentioned Hun as one of a '" Vide infra. '" More, Supplication of Souls (1529) in IForks (ed. 1557), 297. Compare his Dialogue, Bk. iii, cap. 15. '" Foxe, op. cit. iv, 183—4, ' Ex Reg. Fitzjames.' Not in the existing Register. '" Pamphlet (? 1539 ; for the date see note below) reprinted by Hall and Foxe. ^" Arnold, Customs of Land. (ed. Douce), p. xlix. '°' Arnold, More, and the pamphlet, ut sup. "' More, Dialogue, ut sup. '" Ibid. Cf. Supplication of Souls, 299 ; Tyndale, Answer to I/lore's Dialogue (Parker Soc), 166 ; and L. and P. Hen. nil, ii, I 313. "' Hall, Chron. 6 Hen. VIII. "" Arnold ; More, Dialogue, ut sup. ; Foxe, op. cit. iv, 185-90. Hun must be the heretic alluded to in L. and P. Hen. Fill, ii, 215. '" Cf. Fish, Supplication of Beggars (Early Engl. Text Soc), and the works of More already quoted. For a detailed discussion of the case, which, however, omits the important fact that it was an incident in the dispute about offerings, see Gairdner, The Engl. Ch. in the i6tl> Cent. cap. iii. 237 A HISTORY OF LONDON number of heretics who used to meet in London at midnight to study forbidden books."^ One eiffect of the ill-feeling in the City against the parsons and the ecclesiastical courts seems to have been an increase in the popularity of the friars and the Minoresses. In September 15 14 the Court of Aldermen con- sented to visit the house of the Grey Friars yearly on the Feast of St. Francis.'" Next year the City companies raised money for repaving their church,"* and Dr. Henry Standish, a provincial of the order, gained popularity in London by maintaining that the Act -" restricting benefit of clergy to those in orders was not against the liberty of the Church. A hot controversy followed, which seems to have had some connexion with Hun's case, partly because Dr. Horsey's privilege as a clergyman is said to have been used to keep him ' out of the hands of the temporalty,' "** but also because Hun's popularity may have been gained by his attempt to stop with a suit of praemunire pro- ceedings in one of the ecclesiastical courts whose power was threatened by the Act. Dr. Standish gave lectures in St. Paul's and elsewhere in support of his views, and was summoned before Convocation to answer a charge of heresy.-" He was chosen to preach the Spital sermon on Easter Monday both in 1517"* and 15 18.-" On the former occasion he wisely refused ' to move the mayor and aldermen to take part with the comminaltie against the strangers ' ; the riot on the following ' Evil May Day ' began in consequence of the Tuesday sermon, which was preached by a canon of St. Mary Spital.-^" The wills enrolled in the Court of Husting during the first twenty years of the 1 6th century-*^ give little indication of a lessening of devotion to the Church. Possibly some of the frequent bequests of money for pious or social purposes to the trade fraternities would have been made at an earlier period to purely religious organizations,"'^ but out of fifty wills of that period twenty contain bequests to parish churches and nine to religious houses, of which St. Thomas of Aeon is still the favourite. The devotion of the citizens at this period, however, was chiefly shown in the rebuilding and adornment of parish churches. This had been going on throughout the 1 5th century, but is a special characteristic of the first quarter of the i6th. Handsome gifts or large bequests towards it were made by the companies and by rich citizens, including several mayors ; the clergy and the poorer parishioners also shared in the good work. For example, when the church of St. Andrew Undershaft was rebuilt in 1520, every man put to his helping hand, ' some with their purses, others with their bodies.' -'* "■ More, Dialogue, ut sup. '" Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. M, fol. 224. ; cf. Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 186. '"* Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. M, fol. 237. For the other orders see also Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, i, 401 ; Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. N, fol. 1 83; Joum. xii, fol. 75; Repert. iv, fol. 122^. =" Stat. 4 Hen. VIII, cap. 2. '"« L. and P. Hen. Fill, ii, 131 3. '" Ibid. For discussions of the case see Gairdner, op. cit. 41—50, and Maitland, Canon Law in Ch. of Engl. 87. »" Hall, Chron. 8 Hen. VIII. '" Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. N, fol. 99. '»" Hall, Chron. 9 Hen. MIL '5' Sharpe, Cal. ii, 603-29. "* Cf. the action of Colet in making the Mercers' Company governors of St. Paul's School. The Gold- smiths' Company began c. 1493 to distinguish their 'testament lands' from their 'proper lands' ; Prideaur, Mem. of Goldsmiths, i, 31. For religious bequests of this period see ibid. 36, 37, 44. '^ Stow, Surv. (ed. Kingsford), i, 109 and passim ; ed. Munday, 472 ; Chwdns.' Accts., St. Andrew Hubbard 1,20-1, All Hallows London Wall 1528, St. Andrew Holborn (Bentley's Reg.) 1446-7 ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Kemp, pt. iii, fol. 12 ; Z-. and P. Hen. Fill, iii, 1034. 238 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY The preservation of the early churchwardens' accounts makes it possible to collect many details of the fittings, possessions, and services of the London churches, but as might be expected they do not reveal much which cannot find a parallel elsewhere.''" Mediaeval London, like other English cities, was divided into a great number of very small parishes ; hence the parish churches were of small size compared with the vast and roomy buildings often seen in continental towns.''*^ It frequently happened that the backs of houses abutting on a churchyard were built partly over it,'*' the projecting structure being supported on pillars and so forming a covered walk or cloister along one or more sides. ^" The 'cloister chambers' were sometimes occupied by chantry or other priests serving in the church.^^* Churchyard crosses were common in London,'*' and entries occur of the purchase of trees and shrubs ''" and of payments to gardeners for work done in the church-hawe.'" Sellers of fruit, sweetmeats, &c., were sometimes allowed to place their stalls near the church porch ; the money which they paid for this privilege was added to the church stock. ^''^ Most of the London churches consisted merely of a chancel continuous with the nave flanked by one or two aisles, and having their eastern parts screened off with oak parcloses from both chancel and nave, to form chapels.*'^ The number of chapels seems to have varied considerably in different churches, some having only one and others five or six ; one was almost always dedicated in honour of the Blessed Virgin. °" Above the high altar hung the box or vessel, suspended by cord or wire,"^^ containing the pyx with the reserved Sacrament ; the pyx was usually of silver.''^ There was sometimes a carved or painted ' table ' or reredos above the altar,'" and along the back of the altar ran a ledge or shelf, sometimes called a ' halpas ' or desk.''* The altar-cloths and frontals in the London churches were as a rule of consider- able value and richness ; for example, two of the eight frontals in St. Martin's Ludgate were of cloth of gold.''' The churches were rich in plate and other goods,'"" but the only peculiarities were the number of alms basins,'"' and the use of a basin hanging from the roof for a Paschal candle ; which last may perhaps indicate a special London fashion.'"' Every church had one or '^ Par. Rec. gen. »« Birch, Lend. Ch. 3 ; Arch. Journ. xxxvii, 7,66. '^^ Gent. Mag. Lib. 'Topog.' xvi, 18. >«' Ibid. "^ St. Martin Orgar Vest. Min. 1 574 ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 193 ; Stow, Surv. (ed. Munday), 47 1. •'' Arch, xiii, 199 ; Brooke and Hallen, Reg. of St. Mary Woolnoth, pp. 408-9 ; St. Botolph Aldersgate Accts. 1470; St. Marg.iret Westm. Accts. 1484; St. Margaret Southwark Accts. 1535 ; St. Andrew Holborn Rec. Bk. 1538 ; Stow, op. cit. 74. 2™ Par. Rec. gen. "' Ibid. "' St. Margaret Southwark Accts. 1497, 1520 ; St. Andrew Hubbard Accts. 1457, &c. ™ Birch, op. cit. 2-3. 29^ Par. Rec. gen. "' See Chwdns.' Accts. St. Margaret Southwark, 1525 ; St. Marg. Westm. 1546-8 ; St. Martin in the Fields, 1548-9 ; St. Mary Woolnoth, 1547-8 ; St. Stephen Walbrook, 1548-Q. ^ Par. Rec. gen. "' St. Margaret Southwark Accts. 1 449. "» ' A forme uppon the high altar under the juellis ' ; Vestry Min. of St. Christopher le Stocks (ed. E. Fresh- field), 6-]a. Now called the super-altar ; but the old super-altar was a portable consecrated altar-slab, not usually found in a parish church (J. T. Micklethwaite, ' Par. Churches in 1548,' Arch. Journ. xxxv, 385), though St. Christopher le Stocks had three {Vestry Min. (,%b). For mention of 'halpas' see St. Margaret Southwark Accts. 1453. ' Halpas' (Fr. 'haut pas ') also meant the altar platform or a gallery. '™ Inventory, n.d. in Vest. Min. Bk. See St. Margaret New Fish Street Rec. Bk. 1472 ; St. Margaret Southwark Invent. 1485, &c. ^"^ Some London churches were very rich in chalices. St. Martin Orgar had nine (Accts. 1469), and St. Margaret New Fish Street seven (Rec. Bk. 1472). '"' Micklethwaite, Ornaments of the Rubric (Alcuin Club), 39. "» Ibid. 54. 239 A HISTORY OF LONDON more vessels "" for holy water/"* and annual entries occur in the church- wardens' accounts of the purchase of holy-water ' sprinklers.' '°° The number of altar lights seems to have varied considerably ; at St. Botolph's Aldersgate there were six candlesticks, two large and four small, standing on the high altar ; '"^ but two appear to have been the more usual number. In the i 5th century smaller tapers in stands of wood, iron, or pewter, were occasionally placed on altars in addition to the principal tapers.'" Two standard candle- sticks sometimes stood to right and left of the high altar.'"* The position of the chancel arch was occupied by the rood-screen "" with its loft, from which, or from a beam above it, rose the great crucifix, with its attendant figures of St. Mary and St. John, dominating the nave. The rood-loft was really a music-gallerv, and usually contained the organ ''" if, as was generally the case, the church possessed one,*" together with a few desks for singers.'^- Along the handrail were candlesticks or basins and pricks for tapers. ^'' The rood-light or beam-light appears to have burnt incessantly, the parishioners contributing to its cost, which was, however, frequently met wholly or in part by a special endowment."* Rood-lofts were painted,"" and on festivals were decorated with banners.'*^ In St. Margaret's South- wark there was a bell in the rood-loft. Pulpits are occasionally mentioned in the parish records of this period.'" The images of which most frequent mention is made in the churchwardens' accounts are those of Our Lord, the Blessed Virgin, St. Anne, St. Katherine, St. Margaret, and St. George.'" Many of these images had one or more sets of appropriate vestments, and veils or cloths to hang before them at certain seasons.'^' In 1498 a parishioner of St. Margaret's Westminster presented ' a pair of coral beads gauded with silver and gilt, with a little ring with a knop of pearl . . . to be be hanged upon the image of St. Margaret';'-" and the image of St. George in that church had a complete suit of armour.'"^ At St. Alphage London Wall there were amongst the vestments ' three coats for Our Lady and a girdle,' and a 'coat' for the image of Our Lord ;'"^ and St. Margaret New Fish Street possessed ' two mantles for the image of Our Lady upon the Pillar, and two capes for the Good Lord.''-' In All Hallows Lombard Street'-* there was a ' table ' hanging in the body of the church with a picture of the Holy Trinity painted upon it, and there seems to have been a similar ^ Par. Rec. gen. For a good list of church plate and ornaments see St. Margaret New Fish Street Rec. Bk. 1472 (Guildhall MS. 1 174). See also Micklethwaite, Ornaments of tke Rubric (Alcuin Club). "' Called stoups, vats, stocks, or tubs. '°* Par. Rec. gen. ^ Accts. 1470. "" e.g. at St. Christopher le Stocks ; Vestry Min. 68j. *" St. Botolph Aldersgate Accts. 1485. "" Birch, op. cit. 2-3. "° See e.g. St. Margaret Westm. Accts. 1478. In this church there was a second and smaller organ in the choir. '" See below. "' St. Andrew Hubbard Accts. 1476, &c. '" Ibid. 1466, &c. '" Par. Rec. gen. ; Hale, J Series of Precedents, 2, 14, 37 ; Stow, Surv. (ed. Kingsford), i, 271 ; Chant. Cert. ii\, passim ; Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, passim. ^'* St. Margaret Southwark Accts. 1447, &c. "' Ibid. ; St. Stephen Walbrook Accts. I 5 19, &c. "' St. Andrew Hubbard Accts. 1480: St. Margaret Westm. Accts. 1460: St. Andrew Holborn Rec. Bk. 1506, 1525. "- Par. Rec. gen. "'See St. Margaret Southwark Accts. n.d. ; St. Margaret New Fish Street Rec. Bk. 1472, &c. '"Accts. 1498. '"Ibid. 1544. "-Accts. 1536. ''^ Rec. Bk. 1472. "' Erroneously called Allhallows Gracechurch in the MS. 240 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY picture at St. Margaret's Westminster.^'^' In St. Martin's Ludgate were pictures of the Salutation, the Coronation of the Blessed Virgin, and the Resurrection.'" St. Margaret's Westminster owned ' a stained cloth of St. Gregory's pity.''^* At St. Christopher's in 1483 there were twelve ' tables ' in various parts of the church, comprising a copy of the Ten Com- mandments ; some prayers of Our Lady and ' the Sauter ^^' of charity ' ; St. Gregory's pity; 'St. Crasynus' ;'^° 'St. Katherine of divers good prayers'; St. Anne ; St. James ; three pictures of St. Christopher ; and two of St. Sebastian.'" At St. Stephen's Coleman Street instead of the modern hymn book there was in 1466 'j Salve tabyll covered with a lynnen clothe. Item j nothir of the tunery .... Item j of the antymys of the cros and oure Lady and the responnys of the Trinite' and other like writings.'''' Some of the relics in the mediaeval London churches were curious. The church- wardens of St. Andrew Hubbard in 1495 purchased 'a relic of St. Andrew's finger ' for a penny.'" The relics of the church of St. Margaret New Fish Street included, amongst many others, portions of the burning bush and of Moses' rod, a piece of ' the stone whereon St. Mary Magdalene did penance,' part of the manger and crib that Our Lord was laid in, the stole, gloves, and comb of St. Dunstan, and a tooth of St. Bridget. The parishioners of St. Mary Axe were the proud possessors of ' a holy relic, an axe, one of the three that the eleven thousand virgins were beheaded withal.' "* In the chancel were seats for the clergy and sometimes for choristers."" In the middle stood a lectern,"' generally with a double desk on which lay the Antiphonar and Grail. The following is a typical list of books '" in use in a London church : four Antiphonars, four Grails, six Processionars, two Psalters, two Mass books, one Venite book, one old book for the organs, one Hymnal, three Manuals, and two Legends, ' one for the time and another for the saints.'"^ In the chancel, chapels, and body of the church were pews arranged in rows with wide passages between and a large clear space at the west end."' Men and women were divided, the men generally occupying the seats nearest the chancel, and the women those farther back.'*" It was customary for the vestry or churchwardens to decide what sittings the various members of the congregation should occupy.'" Pew rents were paid, varying in amount according to the position of the pew.'*^ In St. Andrew Hubbard a churching-pew was made c. 1466 ; '*' there was also a "*Accts. 1498. '" Inventory, ut sup. '** Accts. 1490 ; otherwise known as St. Gregory's mass from the image of Our Lord showing His wounds which appeared to St. Gregory at the consecration. ™ Psalter. ''"Variously called St. Rasamus and St. Erasmus. Cf Cal. Pot. 1467-77, p. 543. '" Rec. Bk. 1483. "* Micklethwaite, Ornaments of the Rubric (Alcuin Club), 45. '"Accts. 1495. '''i. andP. Henry Fill, i, 4993. '"See Par. Rec. gen. ^'^St. Stephen Walbrook Accts. 1485. In St. Christopher's there were several lecterns, large and small ; Rec. Bk. 1483. '"From the Accts. of St. Alphage London Wall, 1536. Some churches were much better supplied with books than St. Alphage : e.g. St. Margaret Southwark, which had thirty-eight volumes (Inventory, 1485), and St. Margaret New Fish Street, which had fifty-nine ; Rec. Bk. 1472. "'i.e. one a Temporal (book of lessons from Scripture ?) and the other a Legend (a chronicle of the lives of the Saints). '"Micklethwaite, in Arch. Journ. xxxv, 379 ; Par. Rec. gen. "° Par. Rec. gen. '" Fatry Mhi. o/St. Chrutopker le Stocks, 71-2 ; Par. Rec. gen. See W. J. Hardy, 'Seat Reservation in Churches,' Arck. liii, 95-106. '" Par. Rec. gen.- '" Accts. 1465-7. I 241 31 A HISTORY OF LONDON shriving-pew,^" and in i 5 1 1 some pews were put up in the rood-loft.'*' A churching-pew was set up in St. Margaret's Westminster in 1498.'*^ Lock- up pews were not unknown.'" The shriving pew or confessional, though probably not frequently found elsewhere, was common in London churches.'** The usual list of lights can be drawn up, such as the great paschal candle, which stood on a tall candlestick or was hung in a basin on the north side of the high altar, and was lighted with much ceremony on Easter-Eve, to burn at all the principal Easter services ; the hearse-light, used at Mattins and Tenebrae in Holy Week ; tapers carried in procession at High Mass or on special occasions ; '*^ torches used in the Corpus Christi processions ; large standing tapers placed round a corpse ; tapers burning before images ; and a candle used at baptisms.''" The Judas candle, the cross candle, and the Jesse candle are also mentioned.'"^ In some cases the body of the church was lighted for the morrow mass and other early morning services with candles or a candle lantern.'" Oil lamps were also used.''' Instances of churches possessing clocks occur at an early date.'"* In the tower there usually hung from three to six large bells and the sanctus bell.*" In Lent a veil was hung before the high altar, and there were veils for crosses and images at the same season.'"^ Every church had one or more hearse-cloths (palls), and notices occur of burial crosses (to be laid on the body),'" and of a bell for use at funerals.'"' The London churches were well supplied with vestments, many of which were very elaborate and costly. In St. Martin's Ludgate one complete suit, six single vestments, and three copes were of cloth of gold.'°^ St. Margaret's Southwark owned three copes of cloth of gold, and a number of gold-embroidered vestments.'^" As has been stated above, most London parish churches in the 1 5th and early i6th centuries possessed one or two organs ; '*' and the majority had also something in the way of a permanent choir,'^" led by one or more ' conducts.''^' The parish clerk was expected to be able to sing and sometimes played the '"Accts. 1499 ; so at St. Margaret Pattens c. 1 510 {The Sacristy, i, 259), and at St. Christopher's 1524 {Vestry M in. 72^), where it is called the 'shryvyng hous.' The ' shryvyng pew' at St. Michael Cornhill was taken down in 1548 {Chwdns.^ Accts. ed Overall, 69). J. T. Micidethwaite suggests that 'this was a new fashion then lately introduced, and that it was not allowed time to spread very far' ; Arch. Journ. xxxv, 381. "'Accts. 15 1 1. '"Accts. 1498. '" St. Andrew Hubbard Accts. 1530 ; St. Alphage London Wall Accts. 1535. In parish churches these pews were frequently chantry chapels, arranged for private services at their own altars, and for use as pews during public worship ; Arch "Journ. xxxv, 379. See St. Andrew Hubbard Accts. 1488. "* Micklethwaite, Ornaments of the Rubric (Alcuin Club), 47. "' See Rec. of St. Mary at Hill (Early Engl. Text Soc), 16. '^' Par. Rec. gen. ; Sharpe, Cal. of If ills, passim. '^' St. Stephen Walbrook Accts. 1474-82. The last probably means a branch candlestick made in the shape of the Jesse Tree. See Lee, Glossary ofLiturg. and Eccl. Terms, 168. "' St. M.trgaret Westm. Accts. 1464-8 ; St. Botolph Aldersgate Accts. 1464, 1468, 1492. "' St. Alphage London Wall Accts. 1528 ; St. Botolph Aldersgate Accts. 1468 ; Rec. of St. Mary at Hill (Early Engl. Text Soc), 71 (ann. 1429) ; St. Andrew Hubbard Accts. 1454. '^ Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 417 (ann. 14 1 9) ; St. Andrew Hubbard Accts. 1466-8. '" Par. Rec. gen. ''' Par. Rec. gen. "' St. Margaret Westm. Accts. 1474. "' St. Martin Ludgate Inventory, n.d. in Vest. Min. Bk. '" Inventory, n.d. in Vest. Min. Bk. **" Inventory, 1485. '*' St. Peter Cheap Accts. 1433 ; St. Margaret Southwark Accts. 1447 ; St. Michael Cornhill Accts. 1459 ; St. Andrew Hubbard Accts. 1460 ; St. Botolph Aldersgate Accts. 1464 ; St. Margaret Westm. Accts. 1466; St. Martin Orgar Accts. 1469; St. Stephen Walbrook Accts. 1481 ; St. Andrew Holborn Rec. Bk. 1518 ; St. Margaret Pattens Accts. 1525 ; St. Alphage London W.all Accts. 1530 ; &c. &c. "' St. Andrew Hubbard Accts. 1458, 1528 ; St. Stephen Walbrook Accts. 1525 ; St. Margaret Westm. Accts. 1536, etc. '" Par. Rec. gen. 242 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY organ ; extra clerks or singing-men were usually hired to assist at great festivals/" Rushes were strewn on the floor of the church, and were renewed several times during the year.'°^ Beneath the floor the bodies of departed parishioners were buried,'*' often in such large numbers and with so few precautions as to produce highly insanitary and dangerous conditions. To rectify this state of things to some extent frankincense, besides its use for ceremonial purposes, was burnt before or during the time of divine service.'" The churches were decorated with holly and ivy at Christmas ; with palm, flowers, box, and yew on Palm Sunday ; with garlands on Ascension Day, Whitsunday, and the patronal festival ; with birch, lilies, and fennel at Midsummer. Flags, torches and garlands of roses and woodruff were used on the feast of Corpus Christi. Banners, cross-banners, and streamers were also largely used.'*^ A holly-bush decorated with candles was hung up in St. Margaret's Westminster at Christmas.'**' Both there and at St. Margaret's Southwark there was an annual bonfire on the eve of the patronal festival.'™ The Easter sepulchre was usually a temporary structure erected for the occasion and then removed."' The pyx, or in some cases an image of our Lord, containing in its breast the reserved Sacrament,"^ having been placed within it on Maundy Thursday, the sepulchre was watched by two or more clerks until the dawn of Easter Day. These men received a small payment for their services, and were supplied with bread and ale. On Maundy Thursday the ceremony of washing the altars was performed."' A good many records of the hallowing of new fittings and ornaments are extant ; for example, there is an entry in the accounts of St. Botolph's Aldersgate for 1497 °^ ^^^ purchase of 'two ells of linen for an apron for the Suffragan for hallowing of the high Altar.'"* In 1558 the church- wardens of St. Stephen's Walbrook gave a detailed account of their expendi- ture on such an occasion. They bought frankincense, brown paper, wax, oil, cream, a pint of red wine, coals, water, two copes, and hyssop to wash the altars. A small sum was paid for the making of the cross in one of the altars ; and money was given ' to the Bishop for his pains and for his dinner the second day ; ' to his cross bearer ; and to the priests and clerks who assisted at the ceremony. The total expenses amounted to £1 i8j. 6^."° In 1522 the churchwardens of St. Margaret's Westminster bought ten yards of ' hair (i.e. hair-cloth) for closing in the altars after they were new hallowed.'"* Processions formed a prominent feature of church life in London at this period. The clergy and choir of St. Margaret's Southwark went in procession once a year to St. Mary Overy, where they made an offering of '" Par. Rec. gen. ; Christie, Parish Clerks, pms'm ; Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 613. '" St. Andrew Hubbard Accts. 15 17 ; St. Margaret Westm. Accts. 1488, &c. ^^ Par. Rec. gen. '" Ibid. '»» Ibid. '«» Accts. 1488-96. "" St. Margaret Southwark Accts. 1459, &c.; St. Margaret Westm. Accts. 1484. "' But cf. Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 626. '" See St. Alphage London Wall Accts. 1536. '" Arnold, Customs ofLond. 228. "* St. Botolph Aldersgate Accts. 1468, &c. '" Acas. 1559. See also St. Peter Cheap Accts. 1555 for a similar account, and Rec. of St. Mary at Hill (Early Engl. Tejit Soc), 403. ^'^ Accts. 1522. See St. Margaret Southwark Accts. 1462. 243 A HISTORY OF LONDON 75^/. known as the 'smoke-farthing' or' smoke-money.'"' The parishioners of All Hallows Barking had a special procession, and owned a ' pageant ' and ' harness for the Resurrection,' which they let out on hire to other parishes."* General processions, in which all the clergy of the City took part, were very frequent during the reign of Henry VIII,"' for example in 1522 Bishop Tunstall directed that processions with prayers and litanies should be held on account of the plague,'^" and at the time of the birth of Edward VI solemn processions of clergy and laity took place in the City.'" In St. Paul's Cathedral, and in most if not all the parish churches, the ' boy-bishop ' was elected on the eve of St. Nicholas from amongst the choristers, and after singing the Vespers of his saint went in procession with his company of children through the cathedral precincts, or the parish, as the case might be. He appears to have remained in office until after Holy Innocents' Day, on the eve of which festival he solemnly blessed the people after service. *^^ Many churches possessed vestments and ornaments for the boy- bishop.'** For example, at St. Alphage London Wall there were ' for the bishop at St. Nicholas' tide, two mitres, two crosses, one staff, one cope, one vestment for the child, and two old copes.' "* Besides what was collected in the church and at the door,'^° money for the use of the church was sometimes gathered in other ways. The re- building of the steeple and aisles of St. Andrew's Holborn in 1446-7 was paid for partly by money ' gathered by the men and women of the parish in boxes at ales, shootings, and common meetings ' held weekly while the work was being carried on.'*° Children held dances and May-games for church expenses,'" and licences were granted to different parishes for ' stage-plays ' to be held in the churchyard or elsewhere for the same purpose.'** St. Mar- garet's Westminster had a dragon of its own, which no doubt played an important part in such dramatic performances.'*' There are abundant traces in the parochial records of the ceremonies connected with the Palm Sunday Procession."" ' The Passion of the Lord ' was sung at St. Margaret's Westminster, and probably at most of the London churches.'" There are frequent references to the hiring of priests and singing-men to help with the Palm Sunday services."- At St. Andrew "' St. Margaret Southwark Accts. 15th and 1 6th centuries. For the prcxression on Corpus Christi Day see Stow, Surrey (ed. Kingsford), i, 230-1. "' L. and P. Henry VIII, ii, 115. "' Hall, Chron. passim ; Wriothesley, Chron. (Camd. %oc.), passim. ^ Lend. Epis. Reg. Tunstall, fol. 50. "' Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 64-9. ^^ J ourn. Brit. Arch. Assoc, (new ser.), xi, 30-48, 231-56. For an account of City customs on other festivals see Stow, Surv. (ed. Kingsford), i, 101—2. ''^ St. Martin Orgar Accts. 1469 ; St. Margaret New Fish Street Rec. Bk. 1472 ; St. Margaret Southwark Inventory, 1485 ; St. Martin Ludgate Inventory, n.d. in Vest. Min. Bk. ; St. Botolph Alders- gate Accts. 1505, &c. *** Accts. 1536. ^ St. Andrew Hubbard Accts. 15th century ; St. Margaret Westm. Accts. 1460, &c. ''^ Rec. Bk. 1446-7. '"St. M.irgaret Southwark Accts. 1452; St. Margaret Westm. Accts. 1498, 15 18; St. Botolph Aldersgate Accts. 1535, &c. '^ St. Andrew Holborn Rec. Bk. 1493, &c. ; St. Margaret Southwark Accts. 1445, &c. ; St. Botolph Aldersgate Accts. 1532 ; St. Margaret Westm. Accts. 1528 ; Corp. Rec. Repert. v, fol. \\b ; vii, fol. 228, 297 ; viii, fol. 35 ; Letter Bk. O, fol. 61^. "^ Accts. 1490-2. '" See Blunt, Annotated Bk. of Common Prayer (2nd ed.), 96. '" Accts. 1510 ; see Blunt, loc. cit. '" Par. Rec. gen. 244 Tlic » REFERENCE. «r gitiro on ihr mjp. ihuw -if Collinulv fK-i Afhl «hj|--!i Uing uivIcclinKl Uia)fi ve indK jt<-(UJr rl.n.nsl ,ll,< «tom|'j ,.t<- 23. Si. Chii>lo|,hrr It Sl«ki. 24. Si. Clement EailtKtdp. 25. Si D>on>v BMLchurih. 26. St. Dun>Un m ihc LtA. 27. Si Edmund Ihc King. 28. Si. Eihclkurga 29. Si Evn 30. Si. Faith 31. Si Gdlorl Frnihurch (All HaHovi. Si.Mirv) 32. Sl.Grufge Bululch Unr. 33. Si Cicgofy. 34. Si. Helen 35. Si. Jn«..>k. 37. Si. John the E*jngrlilh.W. 72. Sl. M.)>.d.c. 75. Sl MrcKlel Ic Qoaoc 76. Sl. Michocl Ro,al or PjUTnoilcr 77. Sl. Mictjcl Wood Sirccl. 78. Sl. Mildred Bred Siiccl. 79. Sl. MJdrcd PoJlr,. 80. Sl. N«l.ot.u Aeon 81. Sl. N.CI.0U Coldbc,. 82. Sl. NKkol., OI.VC. 83. Sl. Nrclrolu ShimUo- 84. Si 01.«c 11«1 SlrcO. 85. Sl OU.e Je»i, or Upwcll, 86. Sl, OI.VC S.Iva Sirccl. 87. Sl, PancTU Sopcr Lone, 88. Sl, Pclct Cheap, 89. Sl, Pdr* Comhill, 90. Sl. Pan Paoli Wharl, 91. Sl, PdcT Ic Pool, 92. Sl, SiciAcn Coleman Sireet, 93. Sl, Sicphci. WallrooL, 94 Sl Swnhin 95. Sl, Thom*i Ar«.llc, 96 Hoi, Tnnny ihc Liillc 97 Sl VcdaJ ol FoJel, 98. Sl, Bololpb Aldcctalc, 99. Sl, Bolol^ Aldsaic 100. Sl, Bmolph Buliopigalc, 101. Sl Giles Cnpplc^aie, 102. Sl, Pdd ad Vincola, 103. Sl ScpiiltKre (Sl EJmund,! EccLiiiASTic.M M \p II: Sketch Map tLLvn^KATixc the EccLUiATnc^L AsFtcr or rat. City or Lonimn uforc the Reformation r^ ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Hubbard payments were made for ' making clean the churchyard ' before- hand/'^ and for ' a frame and workmanship on the church door for Palm Sunday.' *'* St. Margaret's Southwark possessed 'a stained cloth of Jerusalem ' which was used on that occasion only.'^^ At St. Stephen's Walbrook and St. Mary at Hill,'*''' the accounts preserve the cost of the hair, beards, and hair-pins for the 'prophets,' with many other details. Two or more * pulpits ' were erected and a frame supporting a ' cloth of arras,' ^" and a sermon was preached on the occasion. At St. Alphage London Wall in 1546 an entry occurs in the churchwardens' accounts of payments ' to Hale for his labour about the prophets, for bread and wine for the choir,' and ' to the children that were prophets.''^' There is an earlier notice of a sermon at St. Alphage on Palm Sunday.'^' The morrow mass and chantry priests were expected to take part in singing the ordinary services. Sometimes the duties of the various priests and clerks were defined by regulations made by the vestry.*"" In other respects the London parishes were strictly organized by the end of the 15th century ; not only were all parishioners expected to attend their own church and con- fess to their curate, but they must pay the amounts at which they were assessed by a committee of the vestry for the clerk's wages,*"^ the rood and other lights, &c., on pain of being cited by the churchwardens before the bishop's Commissary Court.*°^ Part III — From 1521 to 1547 There is little material^ on which to base an estimate of the extent to which London was prepared about 1521 to welcome the religious changes of the next forty years. Some evidence exists with regard to the character of the clergy and the attitude of the citizens towards them. In 1522 out of fifty-two priests holding City livings six were ' doctors ' and thirty-three magistri, while out of ninety-five other priests sixteen were magistri^ From this it may be inferred that a large proportion of the London beneficed clergy and some of their numerous assistants possessed the amount of learning required at that period for a university degree. Grocyn had been vicar of St. Laurence Jewry ; John Yonge, another learned friend of Colet and Erasmus, held three City rectories in succession. But both were pluralists, like many of the London clergy at this period. Yonge was Master of the Rolls and frequently an ambassador, while another City rector, John Taylor, was Clerk »" Accts. 1468. '" Accts. 1485. '" Inventory, 1485. "* St. Stephen Walb. Accts. 1519-31 ; Rcc. of St. Mary at Hi// (Eiily Engl. Text Soc), 327, 354, &c. '" Possibly like the one at St. Margaret's. '" Accts. 1545-6. ^^ Accts. 1536-7. "^ St. Christopher le Stocks (f^est. Min. ed. Freshfield, 70) ; St. Margaret Lothbury (Christie, Parisi Clerks, 21-2) ; St. Michael CornhlW {Chwdm'. Accts. ed. Overall, 208) ; St. Stephen Coleman Street {Arch. 1, 49> 5'» 53)- Sometimes there were rules affecting the churchwardens and the wardens of the fraternity ; Overall, op. cit. 200 et seq. ; Arch. 1, 48, 54. '"' The assessments for these were sometimes the pew rents (St. Christopher le Stocks, Vest. Min. 71, 77), sometimes reckoned on house rents ; Christie, op. cit. 20 ; St. Margaret Southwark Accts. 1525-6, &c. *"' Hale, A Series of Precedents, passim. ' Valid conclusions can hardly be drawn from the works of Hall and others who wrote after the revolution had begun. 'Harl. MS. 133." 245 A HISTORY OF LONDON of the Parliament. Plurality and employment in such secular occupations led to much non-residence/ the result of which, said Colet, was that ' all things now-a-days are done by vicaries and parish priests, yea and those foolish also and unmeet and oftentimes wicked, that seek none other thing in the people than foul lucre, whereof cometh occasion of evil heresies and ill Christendom in the people ' ; ' vile and abject persons ' were left to ' exercise high and holy things,' while their superiors were occupied in worldly affairs.* There is no doubt that these statements were true in the case of the London assistant clergy. In 1481 money was bequeathed to found a community of the seven chantry priests in the church of St. James Garlickhithe, because they associated with laymen and wandered about instead of dwelling among clerks as was fitting.^ Five years later a complaint was laid before Convoca- tion that learned preachers at Paul's Cross, among them two of the Grey Friars and some of the City rectors, had declaimed against ecclesiastical persons in the presence of laymen, ' who are always prejudiced {infesti) against the clergy.' It was found on inquiry that London priests had been accustomed to have their meals {communas) in eating-houses [pandoxatoria) and even in taverns, where they would sit nearly all day. The bishops exhorted them to have their meals together in parties of twelve or thirteen, and to cut their long hair and cease to wear clothes like those of laymen {togis . . . per totum apertis).^ The matter led to new statutes for the reformation of the dress, &c. of the clergy,^ but no lasting improvement ensued, for at the visitation of St. Magnus already noticed ^ it was presented ' that divers of the priests and clerks in time of divine service be at taverns and ale-houses, at fishing and other trifles';* and one of the reforms desired by the 'commons of the City ' about 1500, was that henceforth no citizen should receive ' any priest in commons or to board by the day, week, month, or year,' other than a ' priest retained with a citizen in familiar household.' This recommendation was made ' to the intent that the order of priesthood be had in due reverence . . . and that none occasions of incontinence grow by the familiarity of secular people.' "* Definite evidence of clerical immorality at this period is to be found in the records of the bishop's Commissary Court," and violent behaviour and other misconduct on the part of priests was not unusual.'* The extent to which the priesthood had lost the respect of the lower classes is illustrated by the case of a parishioner of St. Botolph's Aldgate, who abused the curate, telling him to ' leave his preaching,' and received the Sacrament in his hand, saying that he could do so lawfully 'as well as the curate.' '* Hall states that the ' Newcourt, Refertorium, passim ; Diet. Nat. Btog. ; Hale, A Series ofFrecedents, 72 ; Harl. MS. 133 (in fifteen out of seventy-six parishes an unbeneficed 'curatus' was employed by the rector or vicar, who must therefore have been absent for at least a part of the year, and six out of ninety-five assistant clergy held bene- fices ; cf. Arnold, Customs of Lond. 278); L. and P. Hen. Fill, i, 611, 1356; frequent mention of the 'parish priest' in parochial records of this period. * Sermon before convocation in 1512, printed by Lupton, Li/e of Colet, 297, 300. ' Cal. Pat. 1476-85, p. 252. * Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 618-19. ' Ibid. 619-20. ' Supra, p. 234. ' Arnold, Customs of Lond. 278. '" Arnold, op. cit. 89. " Hale, A Series of Precedents, 22, 28, 39, 42, 75, 76, 80, 83 ; cf Stow, Survey (ed. Kingsford), i, 190. " Hale,op. cit. 61 (cf. 37), 66, 78 ; L. and P. Hen. nil, i, 1783,2034; ii, 3842 ; iii, 278 (l 4) (cf Hall's statement that ' certain young priests ' were concerned in the riot on ' Evil May Day'), 492 (20), 619, 3586 (6). For unsatisfactory relations between clergy and their ecclesiastical superiors see Hale, op. cit. 13, 34, 42, 82, 85. Perhaps the demand for competent priests exceeded the supply, for in 151 1 one was sued because he left St. Swithin's without finding another to celebrate ; ibid. 89. " In 1509 ; Hale, op. cit. 82 ; cf. 68. 246 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY clergy, following the example of Wolsey, ' waxed so proud, that they wore velvet and silk . . . kept open lechery, and so highly bare themselves . . . that no man durst once reprove anything in them for fear to be called heretic, and then they would make him smoke or bear a faggot.' '* If the speech and the letter of Bishop Fitz James given in the pamphlet (apparently written several years later) ^^ about Hun's case are genuine, or even based on genuine documents, he believed the City at that time (15 14) to be full of ' heretical pravity.' These may have been the ' perilous and heinous words . . . surmised by him to be spoken of the whole body of the City touching heresy specified in a copy of a letter supposed to be written ' by him, of which the Court of Aldermen complained in 1517.'" Heresy, however, was a vague term ; Dr. Standish, rigidly orthodox as he was in creed,'^ was charged with heresy when he defended the Act limiting the privileges of the Church courts,^^ and examples of its use to describe various kinds of misconduct connected with religion are to be found in the records of the Commissary Court of London. ^^ What the bishop probably meant was that the City was full of ill-feeling against the clergy ; that he did not mean that it was full of people who believed Lollard doctrine is clear from the pains he took to convince the citizens that Hun really held heretical opinions in matters of faith.-" On the other hand there is no doubt that Lollardy still existed in London, and that a part was played in the coming revolution by the obscure 'sect' whose members lived chiefly in the streets to the north of Cheapside.^^ Their influence was from below, and its working can be but dimly traced ; from above the influence of Colet and his friends must have been great among the more educated. The number of entries concerning ecclesiastical matters in Arnold's Customs of London shows that laymen unconnected with Lollardy were much exercised by the state of religion in the City. Specially signifi- cant is a statement, supported by quotations from the Fathers, of ' The office that belongeth to a bishop or a priest.' ^^ It seems probable that Colet, appealing for reform as one ' sorrowing the decay of the Church,' ^^ was repre- sentative of the citizens to whom by birth he belonged, men whose generous devotion was beyond question, but who held to an ideal sadly far from realization in the character and work of the London clergy of their day. Much of the above description of the state of affairs on the eve of the Reformation would apply to other parts of south-eastern England as well as to London ; but there was a local complication of great importance — the relations between the London parochial clergy and their people were embit- tered by a long-standing dispute about the payment of tithes. One character- istic of the ecclesiastical history of the City is the recurrence of such disputes '* Chronicle, lo Hen. VIII ; cf. 22 Hen. VIII. The pride of the clergy is one of the four chief evils denounced by Colet in his Convocation sermon of i 5 1 2 (Lupton, Life of Colet, App.) . It can be shown that almost every statement he then made applied to London clergymen of this period. For the ' great pensions assigned of many benefices resigned' (op. cit. 296), cf. Lond. Epis. Reg. Fitz James, fol. 61, with Arnold, Custom! of Lond. 228. " The B.M. ed. (Pressmark 64.95, '» ^7) ™"st be later than the death of Tyndale (1536) ; but there may have been an earlier one. "^ Rec. Corp. Repert. iii, fol. 17^. " Diet. Nat. Biog. " I'ide supra, p. 238. " Hale, op. ch. passim. '" More, Dialogue, bk. iii, cap. 15 ; Foxe, op. cit. iv, 185 et seq. " Vide supra, pp. 234-8. " Op. cit. 207. Cf. the anecdote about confession on p. 223, and other entries passim, and the poem on the Duty of Prelates in the commonplace book of another citizen ; Songs, Carols, &c. (Early Engl. Text Soc), 81. ■ '' Convocation Sermon, ut sup. 303. 247 A HISTORY OF LONDON about once every hundred years, from the 13th to the 19th century.''* The arrangement made by Roger Niger has already been described.^* It was not working well by the middle of the 14th century, for in 1354 and 1355 suffragan bishops granted forty days' indulgence to those parishioners who paid, their full dues to the rector of St. Pancras Soper Lane," and in 1356 the Archbishop of Canterbury issued mandates concerning the payment of obla- tions in the City parishes within his jurisdiction. -° By 1367 the matter had become serious enough for the archbishop and the Bishop of London to intervene by a joint commission of inquiry." A dispute was settled in 1397 by Archbishop Arundel, whose constitution was confirmed in 1406 by a papal bull. It appears that as Roger Niger's constitution had only men- tioned rents up to 40J., some whose houses exceeded that value had refused to offer more than id. The archbishop accordingly decreed that \cl. was to be paid for every ioj. rent up to any amount on Sundays and solemn days and double feasts, especially those of apostles whose vigils were fasts.** In addition to these offerings the citizens were supposed in theory to pay ' personal tithes ' on their gains by trading.-' It is doubtful how far this was ever actually done, but the ecclesiastical authorities vigorously upheld the principle in 1425, when the warden of the Grey Friars, William Russell, was treated as a heretic for maintaining in a sermon that personal tithes were not due to the curates of parish churches by God's law, but could be lawfully disposed of in other ' uses of piety.''" About 1449 a fresh quarrel began. The point now at issue was the number of days on which offerings were to be made, some citizens asserting that Archbishop Arundel's constitution was invalid, and that according to Roger Niger's they were only bound to offer on Sundays and on the feasts of apostles whose vigils were fasts. '^ A certain Robert Wright was sued for his unpaid offerings, and the Court of Common Council decided that he should be defended at the cost of the City if the case were carried to the Roman court.'* Early in 1453 the Bishop of London, speaking 'not without bitterness of heart,' asked for the opinion of the Upper House of Convoca- tion, and the bishops named six of the wisest clergy of the province to take counsel with the mayor and others chosen by the City.'' But the case was carried to Rome, whither the mayor and aldermen sent ' orators ' to plead the cause of the citizens,'* who were to procure recommendations from the friars or other notabilities.'" These men were, however, detained by the Bishop "' Much information about these disputes is to be found in a treatise by Brian Walton printed in Brewster's Collectanea Eccl. (1752), and in Moore's Case respecting the Maintenance of the Lond. Clergy (1812). " Vide supra, p. 187. *' Par. Rec. Bk. ; the entry is partly printed by Malcolm, Lond. Redivivum, ii, 166-8. " Cant. Archiepis. Reg. Islip, fol. 125. " Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 6j. " Ibid. 231 ; Cal. of Papal Letters, vi, 107. " See the discussion of this question by Lyndewode, Provinciale (ed. 1679), ^'-"' ^^ concludes that pirsonal tithes were due under the London system as much as under that which prevailed in other parts of England. ' Privy tithes' were reckoned as a part of the income of the rector of St. Magnus in 1494, with other casual dues ; Arnold, op. cit. 228. Cf. the mention of them in the 'composition' as to be left to the 'good devotion and conscience' of the parishioners; ibid. 72. ^° Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 439 et seq. See the section on ' Religious Houses.' " Bull of Pope Nicholas in Arnold, Customs of Lond. 58 ; Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. K, fol. 274. The bull mentions nineteen days in dispute ; cf. the 'composition' (Arnold, op. cit. 71) and the list in Letter Bk. O, fol. 145/'. " Rec. Corp. Journ. v, fol. 58, 79^. " Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 562-3. " Rec. Corp. Journ. v, fol. 87 snd passim. " Ibid. fol. 90^. 248 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY of Cologne '^ for at least ten months, and before they arrived in Rome Pope Nicholas, by a bull issued in August 1453, decided the case against Wright, and definitely fixed the number of offering days. The decision was not accepted by the City, and a 'composition' made in 1457 ^^^° failed to put an end to the dispute, though the king's council had meanwhile intervened." A riot occurred at St. Dunstan's in the West,^^ while a sermon preached by a White Friar at Paul's Cross, blaming 'priests that had temporal livelihood,' made men ' to muse passing sore.' The City clergy, however, successfully opposed the friars, and obtained a papal bull against their ' heresy.' *' At last, in March 1475, ^^^ ^'^7 finally decided to obey the bull, which was to be sealed by the archbishop and the Bishop of London.*" Offerings at the rate of id. in 10s. rent were to be made for thirty" feast days in the year, besides Sundays, and curates were to read the bull in their churches four times a year.*" This settlement, however, ignored the question of the payment of per- sonal tithes, and gave no directions regarding rents of less than los. or between IOJ-. and 20s., &c. Rent was in fact usually reckoned by the noble (6s. Sd.), on which it became customary in parishes within the walls to pay 14^'. a year,*^ amounting to 3;-. 6d. in the pound instead of the 3J. 5^. of the bull. The subject was evidently one of great interest when Arnold was compiling his Customs of London ;** he gives in full the bull of Pope Nicholas and the ' com- position' of 1457,*^ ^^^ declares that 26s. 'id. ought to count as zos. in assessing the offering.*^ The visitation articles of that period *^ include two respecting due payment of tithes and one inquiring ' whether the curate refuse to do the solemnization of lawful matrimony before he have a gift of money, hose or gloves.'*^ A curate was brought before the bishop's court for this in 1498,*' and the custom is referred to in a list of reforms which the ' commons of the City ' desired about that time, which also recommended negotiation with the curates on the whole question.^" A serious case occurred in 1500 in the parish of St. John the Baptist, Walbrook ; ^^ the vicar of Allhallows Barking was brought before the bishop's court for illegally demanding a mortuary, and there were instances of refusal to give offerings in 1509 and 1510.^" Colet in his Convocation sermon in i 5 1 2 included among the evil results of covetousness 'suing for tithes, for offering, for mortuaries,'" and a draft petition to the king, apparently belonging to this period, particularly mentions among the wrongful demands made by the curates the demand of mortuaries for persons who had '* Rec. Corp. Journ. v, fol. c)()b, lizb. " Arnold, op. cit. 71 ; Journ. v, fol. 156^ ; vi, fol. 96. '* Early Chan. Proc. bdle. 1 1, no. 219. Another case connected with this dispute is in bdle. 66, no. 304. " Hist. Coll. of a Lond. Citizen (Camd. Soc), 228 et seq. ; Three i^th-cent. Chron. (Camd. Soc), 180. See section on ' Religious Houses.' *" Rec. Corp. Journ. viii, fol. 95 ; Letter Bk. L, fol. 109 ; Arnold, Customs of Lond. 178. *' See note 31. " Other details of this controversy are to be found in the bull and 'composition ' (Arnold, op. cit. 65 et seq.) ; Letter Bk. K, fol. 274, and other entries in the City records, passim. See Index to Journals, vol. i. " Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. O, fol. \\ob. Cf. the account given by Arnold of the income of the rector of St. Magnus. Three cases of refusal to pay, on various grounds, are recorded as early as 1480-2 ; Hale, Series of Precedents, i, 7, 10. *' Cf. the entry on fol. 43 of the somewhat similar commonplace book, B.M. Lansd. MS. 762. " Op. cit. 57-73. ■'* Ibid. 178. " Vide supra. " Arnold, op. cit. 274-5. " Hale, op. cit. 64. '" Arnold, op. cit. 86, 89. " Rec. Corp. Rep.ert. i, fol. 71^, 89. " Hale, op. cit. 75, 83, 87. " Lupton, Life of Colet, App. 296 ; cf. p. 303, and &ongs, Carols, &c. (Early Engl. Text Soc), 82. I 249 32 A HISTORY OF LONDON no property." The case of Richard Hun arose from his refusal to give a mortuary for his infant child." A committee had been appointed by the Court of Aldermen in 1501 to confer with the curates,"^ and occasional entries in the City records show that vain negotiations were going on." Early in 1 5 1 8 it was proposed to appeal to the Court of Rome, and in Sep- tember six of the City clergy were chosen to represent their fellows,^* including Dr. John Yonge, Bishop of Gallipoli — Fitz James' suffragan, who was also Archdeacon of London and Master of St. Thomas of Aeon — and Rowland Philips, a famous preacher who had just been made rector of St. Michael Cornhill."' The negotiations which followed *° seem to have failed because the clergy would not give up their demand for personal tithes ; but in 1520 various preachers at Paul's Cross were reported to have said that the citizens need not pay these, but were 'discharged' if they paid 14^. for each 6s. %d. rent." In August 1527 a committee of citizens appointed to present to the mayor and aldermen ' enormities generally prejudicial to the common weal ' complained of the rectors' excessive demands, and suggested that the bull of Pope Nicholas should be not only read openly four times a year, but trans- lated into English and set up in every church.*^ The bishop and archbishop were asked to intervene, but apparently were prevented from considering the question.^' In 1529 the Common Council, having first taken steps to ascer- tain the value of each living, and obtained from the clergy a full statement of their case, effected a temporary settlement." The clergy had ignored the bull, and said that every householder had once been bound to pay \d. for every loj. rent on 100 days in the year (i.e. 4^. 2d. in the pound per annum), but that as this was ' noyous ' to their parishioners the curates had agreed that IS. 2d. a year should be paid on every noble (i.e. 3J-. 6d. in the pound), and this they had been receiving time out of mind, while ' well-conscyoned ' men ' in times past ' had also paid personal tithes." But the Act of Common Council decreed that payments should be made according to the bull — \d. for every ioj. rent on each of eighty-two offering days, 2d. a year from persons paying less than los. rent. This decision seems to have put an end to the attempts of the rectors to secure more than was their due under the agreement of 1475 ; up to 1529 it was the citizens who wished to abide by the bull of Pope Nicholas, but when the controversy reappears in 1532 the rectors are defending and the citizens attacking it. Among Bills read once in the House of Commons " Original at P.R.O. ; calendared twice in L. and P. Hen. Fill, i, 5725 (2) ; ii, 1315 ; cf. ibid, i, 5725 (l), of which the original has not been found. " Vide supra, p. 237. ^ Rec. Corp. Repert. i, fol. 8o3, 83^. " Ibid, i, 132 ; ii, fol. 156 ; iii, fol. 134, 183^, 210b. " Ibid, iii, fol. 196^, 235*. '^ Hennessy, Novum Repert. ; Diet. Nat. Bug. ^ Rec. Corp. Repert. iii, fol. 272 ; v, fol. io63, 109, ill^, 117, 127^ " Ibid. V, fol. 154.. " Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. O, fol. 47, 49. ° Ibid. Repert. vii, fol. 248, 253 ; for other notices of the controversy see Repert. viii, fol. 1 1 ; Letter Bk. O, fol. i24(^. " Repert. viii, fol. igi, 21, 27^; Letter Bk. O, fol. 140^ at seq. 142, 143, 144^, 145. Cf. Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, i, 384-5. " Of the sixteen other articles contained in the document six were concerned with details of assessment, six with other sources of profit — mortuaries, offerings of those who were not householders, offerings of wax and money at ser\'ices in commemoration of the dead — two with the parson's rights in the churchyard. It was demanded that the parishioners should repair the chancel as of old (cf L. and P. Hen. Fill, iv, 2619), and that no person should make a will without inviting the curate to be present. 250 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY that year was one concerning tithes in London/" and a quarrel between the rector and parishioners of Allhallows Lombard Street was discussed by the aldermen, who refused to help either side, declaring that the matter was not determinable in their court, but should be remitted to the laws." The parishioners sent a petition to Cromwell, stating that before the episcopal constitution confirmed by the bull of 1453 only \zd. in every loj. of rent had been paid/' The inhabitants of the City were compelled to submit to the imposition of \\d. in every 6j-. 8^., but those of the suburbs had always successfully resisted it. Rents were double what they had been in 1453, ^"^ there had been much building of new houses, especially in their parish. The City rectors kept no hospitality and were non-resident, and they enforced their claims under the bull with great rigour. But the bull was obtained without royal licence, and the petitioners dare not obey it for fear of incurring the danger of praemunire. Some of the parsons who had sued their parishioners for tithes had lately, fearing the consequences of putting the bull into execution, ceased their suits and agreed to receive \id. in lOJ."^ About 1533 a partisan of Cromwell wrote a treatise on the question of offerings, arguing that rectors could only claim tithes of the fruits of the earth, and that their maintenance in towns must be left to the consciences of their parishioners. Therefore the ' rich living ' which they had in London was only ' by the consents of the people ; ' they had also procured more money in many ways, by fees for burials, &c., and ' privy tithes of whatso- ever they can get,' even of ill-gotten goods. He thought that all the City curates should be paid a fixed salary of 20 marks (;ri3 6j. %d.) a year by the Corporation, the money to be raised by a uniform assessment of 2j. in the pound rent, while they might receive more of ' private devotion.' ^'' In 1534 the whole question was submitted to the arbitration of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, the Bishop of Winchester, Cromwell, and the two Chief Justices, who fixed the rate at 2J-. 9^'. in the pound. This decision was enforced by royal proclamation in 1534 and 1535, and in 1536 by an Act of Parliament which sanctioned it till other arrangements should be made by the king's authority." Its effect may be illustrated by the case of St. Magnus, the richest rectory in the City, the value of which was over jTioo in 1494, and ^67 \zs. id. in 1535." The holders of the very poor livings must have suffered greatly. There were, however, not many of these" ; in 1535 most were worth between ^^lo and ;(^2o, and eleven over >C30.^^ The rectors complained that because the Act of 1536 mentioned only house rent the citizens refused to pay on their shops, &c., that rents were *^ L. and P. Hen. nil, vi, 120. " Rec. Corp. Repert. viii, fol. 260. '* No evidence has been found in support of this assertion. '' L. and P. Hen. Fill, v, 1788. '" P.R.O. Tract. Theol. and Pol. vol. ii, fol. 43 et seq.; cf. L. and P. Hen. Fill, x, 248. " Stat. 27 Hen. VIII, cap. 31 ; Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. P, fol. 31, 34, 341^, 37, 41;^, 42, 60, 86, 1 18, 173^; Repert. ix, fol. 50^, 5 I ; Z. and P. Hen. Fill, vii, 425 ; viii, 453 (2). The Common Council agreed that the ' suitors ' who by their agitation had obtained this victory for the City should be rewarded with monej procured by a payment of \d. in every 10/. rent to be made by all householders. " Arnold, Customs of Lond. 228 ; Falor Eccl. (Rec. Com.), i, 373. "In 1 5 1 3 seven and in 1 5 1 7 twelve had been exempted from payment of a subsidy on account of their poverty (Lond. Epis. Reg. Fitz James, fol. 47, 120), and in 1535 there were fifteen whose value was less than j{^lo, and four less than £(> 13/. \d., the ordinary salary of a chantry priest. " Falor Eccl. i, 370 et seq. This return is, however, very inaccurate as regards the City of London. 251 A HISTORY OF LONDON apparently reduced by various devices to evade payment of the full amount, and that the wives of householders, in accordance vv^ith the mayor's interpre- tation of the arbitrators' award, did not pay the id. a year which was the customary offering of communicants who were not householders or who occupied houses of less than ioj. rent. They also desired that the tithes should be at the rate of 7.s. qd. in the pound in all parts of the City and suburb. The aldermen accused the rectors of bringing ' unlawful suits ' for tithes, but themselves decided in several cases that payment must be made for shops, &c. In 1543 two Bills were before Parliament, and in 1545 an Act was passed providing for the enforcement of a decree to be made by the archbishop and others. On 24 February 1546 these arbitrators ordered that tithes should be paid for all shops, &;c., that they should be paid on the real value of the property, ' without fraud or covin,' and that the wives of householders must pay the 2d. at Easter ; but, on the other hand, that sums less than 2j. 9^. in the pound should be paid in those places where such lower rate had been accustomed. The aldermen directed that this decree should be printed, and that every parish church should have a copy. It finally superseded the bull of Pope Nicholas, as that had superseded the constitution of Roger Niger." Thus during the early years of the Reformation period the citizens were alienated from their clergy by this dispute. That period began in 1521,'' when on Sunday, 12 May, ' one Luther . . . was openly declared an heretic at Paul's Cross, and all his books burned.' " The sermon was preached by Bishop Fisher of Rochester ; ^' Wolsey sat in great state, with the ambassadors of the pope and the emperor, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of Durham, at his feet." Perhaps this pomp was intended to impress on the citizens the enormity of Luther's heresy, but it was more likely to arouse sympathy with him on account of Wolsey's unpopularity.^" Bishop Fitz James died in January 1522." His successor, Cuthbert Tunstall, appointed by Pope Adrian VI at the request of the king,*^ was a man of high character and much learning,** but his constant employment as an ambassador and statesman ** can have left him little leisure for the guidance of his diocese at that critical time. In 1523 the rector of St. Michael Cornhill, Rowland Philips, distinguished himself in Convocation by his oppo- sition to Wolsey's demand for a subsidy ; *^ and the bishop at the opening of Parliament made an eloquent speech, in which he extolled justice.** But the most remarkable event of the year, an anticipation of one of the chief '' L. and P. Hen. Fill, xi, 204; xv, 722 ; Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. Q, fol. 75^, 82, 83^, \oob, iwb, 1533 ; Repert. x, fol. 202^, 295^, 3231^, 326^, 328(5, 334,^ ; xi, fol. 55 (cf L. and P. Hen. Fill, vi, 1315), 75, 2451^ ; Burnell, Land. Tithes Jet, App. ii ; cf. Four Supplications (Early Engl. Text Soc), 84-8. Cases of refusal to pay in 1547 were settled by the aldermen in accordance with the decree ; Rec. Corp. Repert. xi, fol. 309, 324;^. " Henceforth to 1547 events will be given as far as possible in strict chronological order. " Arnold, Customs of Lend. (ed. Douce), Hi. '^ Works (Early Engl. Text Soc), 311. " L. and P. Hen. Fill, iii, 1274 ; cf. Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 690. '^ See Hall, Chron., passim. A dispute concerning parochial property in London was referred to the Cardinal Legate about this time ; Rec. Bk. St. Pancras Soper Lane. A dispute between the rector and parishioners of St. Mary Axe in 1523 was, however, settled by the Archbishop of Canterbury ; Parochial Rec. St. Andrew Undershaft. " Newcourt, Repert. i, 25 ; cf. Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 634 ; Stow, Surv. (ed. Kingsford), ii, 135. *' Z. and P. Hen. Fill, iii, 2032, 2057, 2202, 2264, 2367, 2600. «' Diet. Nat. Biog. ^ Hall, Chron. ; L. and P. Hen. FIJI, passim. " Diet. Nat. Biog. ^ L and P. Hen. Fill, iii, 2956 ; cf. Hall, op. clt. 252 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY changes made in the English Church at the Reformation, was a diminution of the number of festivals observed in the City. The Court of Common Council agreed that all the dedication feasts of churches should henceforth be kept on 3 October," and letters were issued by the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London sanctioning the change. The archbishop's letter, addressed to the preacher at Paul's Cross, stated that he had come to the above decision ex instantiis et supplicationibus of the clergy and people of the City parishes within his jurisdiction, and for other reasons.*^ The bishop's is much longer,^' and gives in full the reasons for the change. He said that the frequent feast days, instead of being spent in prayer, fasting, or pious meditation, were profaned by empty talk, dancing, drinking, and debauchery. Consequently it had seemed good to the mayor, aldermen, and commonalty to restrict [refrenare) the great multitude of feasts, especially those of the dedications of churches, which even more than the rest were spent by idle young people in voluptatibus, and they had recently urged him as their pastor to find a remedy for the evil. He, reflecting ' that the Sabbath was made for man,' and having consulted his brethren the canons of St. Paul's, now decreed that the dedication feasts should henceforth all be kept on 3 October. Their celebration at any other time he expressly forbade on pain of excommunication.'" In the autumn of 1523 William Tyndale came up to London from Gloucestershire. He applied vainly to the bishop for a chaplaincy, but was helped by a rich cloth merchant named Monmouth, who had heard him preach at St. Dunstan's in the West. In Monmouth's house he lived for six months ' like a good priest ' ; ' he studied most part of the day and of the night.' When he went abroad Monmouth gave him ^10 to pray for the souls of his father and mother, and he got ;^io more from others." Thus it was largely the charity of Londoners which made possible the translation and printing of the new English version of the Bible. Tunstall was employed in political business during the greater part of 1525, but he was also zealously endeavouring to check the spread of Lutheranism.'* It is probable that the rapidity with which some of the new opinions were adopted in the City was largely the result of the close connexion of its merchants with those of Flanders and the cities of North Germany. Luther's books were introduced into London by the corporation of the Steelyard or Hans, merchants, and the somewhat similar settlement of English merchants in Flanders protected Tyndale and his followers, and disseminated their works. '^ Early in 1526 proceedings were being taken by commissioners appointed by Wolsey as legate against some Hanse merchants accused of heresy. One of the articles of inquiry was why the mass of the body of Christ, which the fellows of the Steelyard used to celebrate in their parish church, AUhallows the Great, had been discontinued. All the accused " Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. N, fol. 243^ ; cf. Repert. vi, fol. 28. *' Ibid. Letter Bk. N, fol. 246. *' Wilkins, Concilia, 'in, 701-2 ; also in Letter Bk. N. ^ Cf. the decree of Convocation abrogating certain holy days in 1536 ; Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 823. °' Strype, Mem. i (ii), 364. " Letter of Erasmus to Tunstall, L. and P. Hen. Fill, iv, 1841. For a great 'general procession' this year, after which Wolsey granted ' plenary remission ' to the people in St. Paul's, see Momim. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 191 ; Wriothesley, Chron. (Camd. Soc), i, 14 ; and cf. Strype, op. cit. i (ii), 367-8. '' Fide infra, and"cf. L. and P. Hen. Fill, iv, Introd. pp. ccclxvi et seq. 253 A HISTORY OF LONDON had read or possessed Lutheran books ; one thought that a priest in mortal sin cannot malce [non conftcit) the Sacrament of the Altar ; two had eaten flesh on fast days ; one said that the pope has no more power than other bishops.'* On a rainy Sunday in February two of these Easterlings,'' with Dr. Robert Barnes (an Austin Friar from Cambridge) and two others, bore faggots at St. Paul's : Wolsey was present in state, with eleven bishops, and Fisher again preached against Luther's opinions.'^ Another foreigner was enjoined a similar penance ; he did not believe in purgatory, objected to prayers for the dead, and said that images should not be honoured, that fasting was not obligatory, that no prayers but the Paternoster should be used and it was better to pray privately than in church, that prelates were Antichrists, and that preachers should have meat and drink but no money." Some months later Barnes was visited at the house of his order in London by Essex Lollards, to whom he sold at about 3J. each copies of Tyndale's New Testament, which was ' of more cleaner English ' than the ' old books ' of the Gospels and some Epistles they already had.'* They found with him ' a merchant man reading in a book, and two or three more.' That autumn Bishop Tunstall, preaching at Paul's Cross, denounced Tyndale's work as ' naughtily translated.' Humphrey Monmouth afterwards declared that till then he had not ' suspected . . . any evil by him,' and that shortly after he burnt all the letters, treatises, and sermons of Tyndale's which he had.'' In October the aldermen were directed to search for books of heresy,^"" and the bishop ordered his archdeacons to summon all persons to deliver up copies of the new translation, which had been dispersed throughout his diocese in great numbers."^ Tunstall was also connected with the efforts made during the following winter to destroy the New Testaments in the hands of the printers in the Netherlands."^ In 1527 a Cambridge scholar named Thomas Bylney, who had found peace in the doctrine of justification by faith, '°^ preached in London against the worship of saints and the reverence paid to their images. Another Cambridge man, Thomas Arthur, exhorted the people at St. Mary Wool- church to pray for those in prison for preaching the true gospel ; he also held it wrong to pray to the saints."* They both seem to have been arrested soon after. A third Cambridge student and priest, Richard Bayfield, a monk of Bury, was said to have praised their lives and maintained their doctrines, declaring that hundreds of men were ready to preach the same, and that ' he was entreated by his friends ... to abide in the City, against his will, to make the [bishop's] chancellor, and many more, perfect Christian men ; for as yet many were pharisees, and knew not the perfect declaration of the Scripture.' He proposed to read a common lecture every day at St. " L. and P. Hen. Fill, iv, 1962. " Possibly four were of the Steelyard ; cf. the authorities given. ^ Hall, Chron. ; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 192 ; Stow, Annals. For Barnes cf Foxe, op cit. v, 416- 1 9, and Diet. 'Nat. B'tog. ^' L.andP. Hen. Fin, iVi, 1^22 (wrongly dated) ; iv, 2073. Cf. iv, 2169, and Foxe, op. cit. iv,App. 751. '' Strype, Mem. i (ii), 54-5 ; L. and P Hen. Fill, iv (2), 4850. " Strvpe, Mem. i (ii), 366 ; cf. L. and P. Hen. Fill, iv (2), 4693. "" Re'c. Corp. Letter Bk. O, fol. i -jb. '"' Lond. Epis. Reg. Tunstall, fol. 45 (Engl, trans, in Foxe, op. cit. iv, 666) ; cf. Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 706. '"' L. and P. Hen. Fill, iv, 2642, 2649, 2652, 2677, 2721, 2778, 2797, 2903, 2904. "" Letters from him to Tunstall, in Foxe, op. cit. iv, 633 et seq., 757 et seq '"* Lond. Epis. Reg. Tunstall, fol. 1331^, 1351^ ; printed in Foxe, op. cit. iv, App 254 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Vedast's.^"' Bylney, Arthur, and a London layman named Foster were brought before Wolsey in November, but after their first examination the cardinal left the bishops to proceed as his commissioners against them and other heretics, — Tunstall, however, protesting that he wished to deal with delinquents in his own diocese by his ordinary jurisdiction. Bylney and Arthur were with some difficulty persuaded to abjure, and were condemned to do penance at Paul's Cross ; Foster, who was probably a Lollard, since he had said that a priest could not consecrate the body of Christ, also abjured. ^°^ During March 1528, when Tunstall was engaged in a visitation of the City, he was asked by Wolsey to investigate charges against several Lon- doners of being concerned with the spreading of heretical opinions in the University of Oxford. Since last Easter a large number of books, mostly by foreign reformers but including WyclifFe's works and the English New Testament, had been sold to students by Thomas Garret, formerly curate of Allhallows Honey Lane. A London stationer named Gough, Dr. Forman, rector of Allhallows, and his servant John Goodale were also said to be involved. Tunstall reported that he could find no evidence against Gough or Goodale, nor anything amiss in the sermons of Forman, who, however, confessed that he had Lutheran books, but only in order the more readily to impugn their doctrine. He was forbidden to celebrate mass or to preach for retaining those books after their condemnation.^*"^ Garret recanted ; he had held the same opinions as Bylney, and had denied the value of pardons (indulgences), and called bishops ' pharisees.' ^"^ Geoffrey Lome and Richard Bayfield, who also recanted about this time, held similar opinions. Lome was usher of St. Anthony's school, and also, apparently, servant to Dr. Forman ; he had sold New Testaments and forbidden books in the City, the universities, and elsewhere, and translated part of Luther's works into English.'"' The examination of another heretic, Robert Necton, is valuable as showing the large numbers of forbidden books then being imported into England, one ' Dutchman ' having offered him two or three hundred New Testaments for sale. Among the purchasers were two London merchants as well as ' divers persons of the City.' ''" Necton was connected with a group of heretics who were undoubtedly Lollards. Several of these had been accused before the Bishop of Lincoln in 1521,"' and they still lived in Cole- man Street and about Cheapside. Stacey now kept a man in his house ' to write the Apocalypse in English,' John Sercot, a grocer, bearing the expense. Their chief teacher, ' old Father Hacker,' had learnt his heresies from the father-in-law of a man burnt about 1514. The head quarters of the 'sect' were in Essex, the London members being comparatively few."^ Another ™ Foxe, op. cit. iv, 681 ; v, 43-4. '°* Lond. Epis. Reg. Tunstall, fol. 130^ et seq. (printed in Foxe, op. cit. iv, App.) ; Strype, Mem. i (i), 108 ; cf. Hall, Chron. 19 Hen. VIII ; Foxe, op. cit. iv, 621-32. "" Foxe, op. cit. V, App. vi ; L. and P. Hen. VIII, iv (2), 4175. It is probable that the Bishop of Lincoln's information was correct ; cf. Strype, Mem. i (ii), 64. "" Foxe, loc. cit. "" Foxe, op. cit. iv, 682, v, App. i, and p. 41 ; Strype, Mem. i (ii), 64. "" Strype, Mem. i (ii), 63-5 ; cf Foxe, op. cit. v, 27,42, and Tunstall's letter to Wolsey in the Appen- dix. Apparently the wholesale price was ()d. and the retail from is. ?>d. to zs. %d. each. "' Vide supra, p. 235. '" Harl. MS. 421 ; parts printed by Strype, Mem. i (ii), 50 et seq. and summarized in i (i), chaps, vii and viii, and in L. and P. Hen. Fill, iv, 4029, Sec. There is also an elaborate set of articles against an unnamed parish priest 'of the City in L. and P. Hen. Fill, iv, 4444. A HISTORY OF LONDON sufferer during this period of persecution was Humphrey Monmouth, who was imprisoned in the Tower. His petition explaining his motives in helping Tyndale stated he had done the same and more for many others, and apparently he satisfied the Council of his orthodoxy, for there is no record of his having abjured, and nine years later he died a rich alderman. An accusation of heresy seems at this time to have greatly impaired a merchant's credit and position in the City, for Monmouth laid special stress on the ' sorrow and shame ' it caused to him : since Christmas he had done but one-twentieth of his usual trade."' But though novelties in doctrine were still unpopular, there were signs that anti-clerical feeling was increasing in London. According to Hall, when news came of the pope's imprisonment, in 1527, 'The commonalty little mourned for it, and said that the Pope was a ruffian and was not meet for the room ' ; and few either among priests or people obeyed Wolsey's order to fast."* There had been no improvement in the relations between the clergy and citizens. The rector of St. Mary Aldermary resigned in 1526, on the advice of the archbishop, in consequence of a quarrel with his parishioners ; the curate of St. Christopher's declared that though an accusa- tion brought against him was false he would certainly be found guilty by a City jury."" In August i 527 the tithe controversy was ' like to grow to a mar- vellous great grudge in the whole City ' unless Tunstall's ' great wisdom ' could find a remedy. The Common Council in 1529 granted none of the demands of the rectors, though on the other hand it is noticeable how anxious they were to secure peace at the ' blessed time ' of Easter and to emphasize their resolve, ' as good Catholic and true Christian men,' not to withhold anything which it could be lawfully proved they owed ' to God and Holy Church.' "* Several cases of heresy are assigned by Foxe to 1529. The popular"^ rector of St. Martin Outwich got into trouble by praying publicly for the soul of Richard Hun ; three priests, one connected with St. Mary at Hill, abjured various heresies."^ One of Hacker's disciples, a leatherseller named John Tewkesbury, was persuaded by Tunstall to recant ; his opinions were those of his Lollard associates, but he had also adopted those of Tyndale as expounded in the Wicked Mammon, of which he had sold copies to others."' An attempt had been made to stop the production of heretical books by arresting some of the English settlers at Antwerp, among them a 'mass priest of St. Botolph's in London ' and a London mercer.^'" Tunstall, who in 1529 was again sent abroad on an embassy, tried to check the dissemination of Tyndale's translation by a gentler method. Augustine Packington, a London merchant living in Antwerp, hearing that he wished to buy up the Testa- '" Str)-pe, Mem. i (i), 488 ; (ii), 363. '" Hall, Chron. 19 Hen. VIII. The Londoners do not seem to have realized the ecclesiastical importance of the antipapal proclamation of Sept. 1530 (see Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. O, fol. 199^), though it was 'much mused at' ; Hall, Chron. 22 Hen. VIII. '" Z. and P. Hen. Vlll, iv, 2619 (for instances of Wolsey's interference with Warham's jurisdiction in the City see ibid, iv, 193, and Strjpe, Mem. i [ii], 48), 2754 ; Hennessy, Novum Repert. '" Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. O, fol. 49 et seq., 1453. Vide supra, p. 250. '" Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. N, fol. 245*, 301 ; O, fol. 15* ; L. and P. Hen. Vlll, iv, 3862. "' Foxe, op. cit. V, 27, 28. "^ Ibid, iv, 689-93. He afterwards asserted that he had been compelled to abjure, but the account given by Foxe of his trial by no means supports this statement. »" L.and P.Hen.Vm,iw, 4511, 4693, 5137, 5192, 5275, 5402, 5461, 5462, 5493; cf. Strype, Mem. I (ii), 63. 256 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY merits, offered to manage the transaction for him. Hall gives an amusing account of the affair, in which the bishop appears as the dupe of Packington and Tyndale, who printed a new and better edition with Tunstall's money, so that ' more New Testaments came thick and threefold into England.' In May 1530 those bought by Tunstall, with many other books, were burnt at Paul's Cross.^-i The ten years that had passed since the similar scene in 1521 had been full of ecclesiastical events, but it does not appear from the parochial and other records that the ordinary religious life of the Londoners was as yet affected. Rebuilding and decoration of churches was still going on, and new crosses and images were being set up both within and without the churches."'^ Out of nineteen wills enrolled in the busting made between 1521 and 1529,^" fourteen contain bequests for religious purposes. Seven provide for the maintenance of chantries, and seven for obits. It was customary for friars to receive legacies for attending the funerals of rich men,^^* but the three other bequests to religious houses are all to hospitals — the Pappey, Elsing Spital, and St. Bartholomew's. All but three of the numerous bequests to the livery companies are charged with some religious observance. Early in 1530 Tunstall was translated to Durham ; ^" his successor, John Stokesley, according to Hall ' a man of great wit and learning, but of little discretion and humanity,' ^^' was abroad at the time of his appointment, working hard to get opinions of foreign universities against the validity of the king's marriage,'" and was not consecrated till November."* In March 1531 the bishops summoned before them the rector of St. Antholin's, Dr. Crome, who was suspected of erroneous opinions ; he appealed to the king ' as the archbishop's sovereign ' (Convocation had just made a qualified acknow- ledgement of the royal supremacy), and successfully demanded to be examined in his presence.'^' Crome had probably not long held a City living,'^" but he was already well known."' According to the Imperial ambassador, one of the charges against him was that he said the pope was not head of the Church, and the king declared that was no heresy, and set him at liberty, ordering him to make a public profession of orthodoxy in other matters. It was thought that he owed his release partly to the favour of Anne Boleyn. The ' erroneous opinions' he had to disavow concerned purgatory, the invocation of saints, pilgrimages, fasts, sacramental grace, the use of images, prayers for the dead, good works, the right to preach even when forbidden by bishops, and the "' Hall, Chron. For other information concerning the circulation of parts of the Bible translated by Tyndale and other forbidden books in 1529-30 see Foxe, op. cit. iv, 676, 677, App. 765, 778 ; L. and P. Hen. y^III, iv, 6402 (2) (wrongly dated), 6487 ; Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 727 ; Strype, Mem. iii (ii), 200-2 ; Hall, Chron. 22 Hen. VIII. "' For examples see Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 649 ; Rcc. Corp. Repert. viii, fol. 95^ ; Stow, Surv. (ed. Kingsford), i, 209 ; Foxe, op. cit. iv, 620—1 ; Chwdns.' Accts. St. Martin in the Fields, 1525. '"Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 630, 633-7, 6+i""57 ^49- The only wills enrolled which were made between 1530 and 1534 are five dated 1532 and 1533 ; these include one bequest for the maintenance of two chantry priests in St. Paul's and another for an obit in St. Laurence Pountney ; ibid, ii, 637-8, 646, 650. '" Cf. ibid, ii, 649, with the four wills in L. and P. Hen. Fill, iii, 3175 ; iv, 952, 1204, 201 5. '" Did. Nat. Biog. "' Chron. 22 Hen. VIII ; cf. ibid. 8 Hen. VIII. '" L. and P. Hen. Fill, iv (3), passim. "^ Hennessy, Novum Repert. "° Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 725 ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, v, 148 ; Strype, Mem. iii (il), 193. "" Diet. Nat. Biog. Hennessy's list for St. Antholin's is certainly wrong. '" He had preached before the king in the Lent of I 5 30, and had been among the divines who met at Westminster in the following May ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, v, p. 318 ; Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 737. I 257 33 A HISTORY OF LONDON duty of kings and rulers de necessitate salutis to give their people the Scrip- tures in the vulgar tongue. He contrived, however, to reconcile statements which satisfied the bishops with others which he had already made in his sermons, and declared that, whatever people might say, he was ' neither abjured nor yet perjured.' ^'* A printed copy of his confession of faith was circulated at his desire by his parish priest at St, Antholin's ; it seemed to one of the more extreme reformers (James Bainham, who thought Crome and Latimer the only persons who preached the word of God 'sincerely, after the vein of Scripture ') ' a very foolish thing,' "^ Crome's case was one incident in a period of persecution which cul- minated in the winter of 153 1—2 and ended after the execution of Frith in 1533. Sir Thomas More is mentioned in connexion with most of the cases recorded,'^* but it is clear that Stokesley was also responsible. Of those who are said by Foxe to have abjured during the years 1530—2"'' four were certainly Londoners, and over twenty others may have been. Among them is Thomas Philip, a point-maker, who had been a member of Hacker's ' sect ' in 1528 ; but it would appear that he really refused to abjure, and appealed like Crome to the king. He confessed only to having had for twenty years ' the New Testament of the old translation , , , taken out of St. Jerome's translation,' and afterwards stated that the bishop could prove nothing against him, and that ' all the people , . . shouting in judgement openly witnessed his good name and fame, to the great reproof and shame of the said bishop,' If this really occurred popular feeling must have been veering to the side of those accused, even justly, of heresy — for there is little doubt that most of the charges against Philip were substantially true. In spite of his appeal to the king he was excommunicated and remained a prisoner in the Tower."" Hugh Latimer, a Cambridge scholar holding a living in the country, was in London in 1531, having been summoned, like Crome, to answer tor his opinions before Convocation. ' Certain mer- chants,' with the consent of the parson and curate, persuaded him to preach at St, Mary Abchurch, though he told them he had only a licence from the university, not from the bishop. Stokesley accused him of contempt for his authority, "^ — which is not surprising, as in the course of his sermon Latimer had exhorted ecclesiastical judges to be charitable, suggesting that if St. Paul had been living then he might have borne a faggot at Paul's Cross."' In December 1531 the punishment of heretics by burning was resumed after thirteen years of disuse. The victims, Richard Bayfield and John Tewkesbury, had both abjured before Tunstall."' Bayfield had since I '" L. and P. Hen. Vlll, v, 703 ; Foxe, op. cit. iv, 699. Two versions of this declaration are extant, one of which is evidently that made before his parishioners at St. Antholin's ; Foxe, op. cit. v, App. xvi ; Strype, Mem. iii (i), 158 ; (ii), 192. '" Foxe, op. cit. iv, 699 ; cf. v, 32, and Orig. Letters (Parker Soc), i, 208. '" Cf. with those mentioned that of John Petit, which belongs to this period ; Narratives of tie Reforma- tion (Camd. Soc), 25 et seq. ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, vii, 923 (iii) (xx) ; Foxe, op. cit. iv, 586. "* Foxe, op. cit. V, 29-39. "Mbid. 29, and App. ii ; cf. iv, 235, 585, and Harl. MS. 421, fol. 13. For his after history see Narratives of the Reformation (Camd. Soc), zj ; A letter of a Tonge Gentylman (B.M. Pressmark G, 11990), p. xiiii ; L. and P. Hen. nil, vii, 923 (iii) (xlv) ; Hall, Chron. 30 Hen. VIII. '" L. and P. Hen. VIU, v, 667. "' Latimer appears, from Bainham's statement quoted above, to have delivered other sermons on the same lines. "' Vide supra, pp. 255, 256. 258 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY been abroad, and had brought over many forbidden books during the last year ; "'' on 20 November he w^as condemned as a relapsed heretic, a few days later publicly degraded from the priesthood, and on 4 December burnt in Smithfield.'" On the first Sunday in Advent the preacher at Paul's Cross forbade, on the authority of the bishop, the selling or reading of thirty books, nearly all written in English."^ Tewkesbury, who was burnt as a relapsed heretic on 20 December,^*' may be said to be the last Lollard who suffered that penalty. James Bainham, a lawyer of the Middle Temple, was burnt in Smithfield in April 1532 ; he had been induced to abjure and do penance, but had repented almost at once and was rearrested. Latimer, who had been induced to make before the bishops a confession of faith similar to Crome's,^** visited him in Newgate and reproved him for ' vanity ' and lack of faith in being troubled because his wife would be disdained as the widow of a heretic.'" In 1 53 1 several of the London clergy got into trouble, in one case, at least, for serious misconduct,'*' and many were involved in an extraordinary riot which occurred when the bishop summoned them to St. Paul's to assess the amounts they were to contribute to the grant made by Convocation. According to Hall at least 600 assembled, and when certain were called by name into the chapter-house a great number of others, ' stomached and comforted' by 'temporal men,' forced their way in after them. They protested that 20 nobles a year [^b 13^. 4^d.) was 'but a bare living for a priest ; ' 'let the bishops and abbots, which have offended, pay.' Some of the bishop's servants who gave the priests ' high words ' were buffeted and stricken, so that the bishop began to be afraid and ' prayed them to depart in charity,' with a pardon for their violence. Afterwards, how- ever, several priests and laymen were arrested on Stokesley's complaint, and sent to various prisons. Another account states that the affair had been planned beforehand, that the rioters were armed, and that they attacked the bishop's palace besides assaulting him and his servants in the chapter- house.'" The position of the London clergy had been greatly affected by the fate of Wolsey : ' when he was fallen they followed after.' '** The tithe contro- versy had entered a new phase, the citizens attacking and the curates defending the 15th-century settlement.'*' In April 1532 the bishops stated that clergymen had been treated with violence by ' ill-disposed and seditious ' laymen ; ' injured in their own persons, thrown down in the kennel in the "» Foxe, op. cit. iv, 682-8. '" Wriothesley, Chron. (Camd. Soc), i, 17 ; cf. Rec. Corp. Journ. xiii, fol. 289^. '" Three itfth-cent. Chron. (Camd. Soc), 89. Cf the list of books brought over by Bayfield. Foxe, op. cit. iv, 684. '"Ibid. 692-4. The 'purser' mentioned by Wriothesley and in MoHaw. fraw. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 195, was probably Tewkesbury, as was the 'haberdasher' of Harl. MS. 421, fol. 1 2d. and the ' pouchmaker ' of the chronicle printed in $ongs, Carols, Sec. (Early Engl. Text Soc), App. 162. '" Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Tunstall, fol. 142. "^ Foxe, op. cit. iv, 697-705, App. 770 ; Wriothesley, Chron. (Camd. Soc), i, 17. The Grey Friars' Chronicle (Monum. Franc, ii, 194) says that two others were burnt with him. "" Stow, Surf. (ed. Kingsford), i, 347 ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, v, 559 (34) ; Accts. of St. Andrew Hubbard, I 53 1-2 ; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 194. '" Hall, Chron. 22 Hen. VIII ; Foxe, op. cit. v, App. iv. The mayor and aldermen assured the bishop of their willingness to assist him ' concerning the rebellion late made by the priests ' ; Rec. Corp. Repert. viii, fol. 178. "' Hall, Chron. 22 Hen. VIII. '" Fide supra, pp. 250-1. 259 A HISTORY OF LONDON open street at midday, even here within your city.' "° In February the priory of Holy Trinity Aldgate had been surrendered by the canons to the king, their founder and patron.^" It was thus the first to fall of the London religious houses, though the tiny hospital of St. James in the Fields had been suppressed the October before. No attempt seems to have been made to save it, in spite of its close connexion with the City."^ The Court of Aldermen proposed in January 1533 to repeal the Act of 1445 concerning the appointment of the rector of St. Peter Cornhill,"' and succeeded in inducing the Common Council to put it aside ' for this time only,' that they might give the benefice when next void to a man nominated by Anne Boleyn."* The question of the divorce was being discussed in the London pulpits early in 1532."^ In August a chaplain of Queen Katherine's named Thomas Abell was sent to the Tower for writing a book in her defence ; Dr. Cooke, Forman's successor at Honey Lane, was also a prisoner there at the time, and apparently there was some connexion between the two. In October a ' secret search ' was made in the City by order of the Council, and some persons were arrested ; but a week later the Londoners were re- ported to be quiet, ' except the simple people, who will not give over their babbling tales.'"" In his sermon on Easter Day 1533 the prior of the Austin Friars recommended his astonished and scandalized congregation to pray for Queen Anne, whose marriage to Henry had taken place secretly in January."^ Among the steps taken to suppress the ' murmuring ' in the City was the silencing of all preachers not licensed by the bishop, who was one of the chief promoters of the divorce, and some London clergymen got into trouble for their connexion with the ' rumour . . . concerning this great matter.' "' Among them was Henry Gold, rector of the important parish of St. Mary Aldermary, who was one of the followers of the Nun of Kent. On 23 No- vember he stood with her on a stage at Paul's Cross while the preacher declared their crafty and superstitious doings, and in April 1534 he was executed at Tyburn."' Anne Boleyn obtained the rectory of Aldermary for Dr. Crome, and marvelled at his hesitation in accepting it, since in her opinion the furtherance of virtue, truth, and godly doctrine would be much increased by his residence there."" In October 1533 images were being taken from their places and cast out of the churches as stocks and stones of no value. Some pricked them with their bodkins ' to see whether they will bleed or no,' and many other "° Gee and Hardy, Documents, &c., 1 74. For ecclesiastical disorder and sacrilege this year cf. L. and P. Hen.Vlll, V, 1454, and Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 195. '" See article on ' Religious Houses.' For the fate of the priory church see Stow, Surv. (ed. Kingsford), i, 142 ; cf Pari. R. 25 Hen. VIII (10) ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, vii, 147 (15), 419 (28), 587 (10), 923 (i, ix, xii, xxxvii, xxxviii), 1 601 (34-5) ; viii, 962 (26). '"As late as 1525 a serjeant had been punished 'for arresting the prior of Christ Church, being an alderman' ; Rec. Corp. Repert. vii, fol. 33. '" Fide supra, p. 232. '" Rec. Corp. Repert. viii, fol. 268^ ; Journ. xiii, fol. 354. '" L. and P. Hen. Fill, v, 879 ; cf 1 142. ^^ Proc.ofP.C. (Rec. Com.), vii, 343 ; L. and P. Hen.Vlll, v, 1256, 1432, 1458, 1467, 1596. "" Ibid, vi, 391, 541 ; cf vii, 15. '" Ibid, vi, 1 381 (cf 131 1), 1370, 1672 ; vii, 143. '" Ibid, vi, 1460 ; vii, 17, 70, 72, 138, 303, 522, 523 ; Wriothesley, Ciron. i, 23-4 ; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 196-7 ; Lond. Ciron. 9, in Camden Misc. iv ; Hall, Chron. ; Songs, Carols, &c. (Early Engl. Text Soc), App. 163, 164. "« L. and P. Hen. Fill, vii, 693. 260 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY ' damnable abusions ' were permitted in London.'" The new opinions had evidently gained ground in the City, those who held them relying to a certain extent upon royal protection in return for their support of the king in the matter of the divorce. Barnes had been living unmolested in London since 1531,'*^ and Latimer's experiences in 1532 had little effect in silencing him, for the next year Stokesley twice found it necessary to forbid his preaching.'*^ John Frith, a brilliant young scholar who had been abroad with Tyndale, and since his return in 1532 had been imprisoned in the Tower, was allowed to go out at night to ' consult with godly men,' and thus had an opportunity of disseminating his opinions with regard to purgatory and transubstantiation ; concerning the latter he had a notable controversy with Sir Thomas More. Cranmer and Gardiner vainly endeavoured to convert him, and the Council handed him over to Stokesley, who, ' after much disputing,' sorrowfully condemned him. He was burnt in Smithfield on 4 July 1533 together with a young London tailor, Andrew Huet, ' simple and utterly unlearned,' who had adopted his opinions and could not be persuaded to recant. According to Hall,'" Dr. Cooke, rector of AUhallows Honey Lane, and the Master of the Temple ' willed the people to pray no more for them than they would pray for dogs, at which uncharitable words Frith smiled and prayed God to forgive them, and the people sore grudged at them for so saying.' '^* It appears from a document which cannot be later than June 1535 that a society of ' Christian brethren ' was formed in the City for the spreading of Lollard opinions on the Eucharist. Priests holding those opinions were to be paid by regular subscriptions and sent into all quarters of the realm, and ' they had already 2,000 books out against the blessed sacrament in the commons' hands, with books concerning divers other matters.' ''' In the case of Richard Hilles some record has been preserved of the experiences of an ordinary citizen who early became interested in the ' new opinions.' In 1532, when he was in the service of a merchant tailor, he wrote a treatise on Abraham's justification by works, about which another young man had asked his opinion. This treatise fell into the hands of the Bishop of London, and Hilles's master and another ' honest merchant ' urged him to revoke, asking if he thought he was wiser than all other men. He refused, and though loath to lose his services his master dared not keep him for fear of the bishop, and no one else would employ him. He and his mother appealed to Cromwell, who apparently induced his master to take him back, for three years later he was living unmolested in London and had been admitted to the Merchant Taylors' Company.'" '" L. and P. Hen. Fill, vi, I 3 1 1. '" Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Gairdner, Hist, of Engl. Ch. In \6ti Cent. 125-6. '" L. and P. Hen. Vlll, vi, 1214. '" For convenience salce the writer of the Union of the two noble . . . families will be thus quoted till the end of the reign, but it must be remembered that after 1532 that Chronicle was partly the work of Richard Grafton, though founded on Hall's notes. ^'^ Foxe, op. cit. V, App. xxii ; L. and P. Hen. Vlll, vi, 403, 661 ; Narratives of the Reformation (Camd. Soc), 25-8 ; ¥i.^\\,Chron. 26 Hen. VIII (the narrative is misplaced by Hall) ; Wriothesley, Chron. (Camd. Soc), i, 22 ; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 195 ; ^ Letter of a Tonge Gentylman, ut sup. ; Diet. Nat. Biog. "" Foxe, op. cit. V, App. xiii ; cf L. and P. Hen. Fill, xi, 1097, 1250. "' L. and P. Hen. Fill, vi, 99, 100 ; Clode, Early Hist, of the Merchant Taylors, ii, 63-4 ; cf 58-236, passim. For the case of the town cleric who threatened to commit suicide if the king set forth the Scripture in English, see Hall, Chron. 25 Hen. VIII ; Foxe, op. cit. iv, 705, App. 772. For Stokesley's opposition to any such translation see Narratives of the Reformation (Camd. Soc), 272. 261 A HISTORY OF LONDON This story shows how holders of the new opinions looked to Cromwell for protection against Stokesley. There is little doubt that if the bishop had been able he would have continued his policy of persecution, and that the absence of cases of heresy during the next five years was due to causes beyond his control. Among these were the Acts concerning heresy passed early in 1534."* This legislation had been preceded by apetition in which the House of Commons accused the clergy of causing persons to abjure or burning them 'for pure malice,' and of taking tithes and offerings unjustly. ^^' About 1533 a partisan of Cromwell wrote a treatise on the disputed question of offerings, in which he accused the London clergy of condemning men for heresy without proof of their guilt. It cannot be said that this statement is warranted by the facts in any known case ; but there seems to be no doubt that from the days of Hun onwards there was a connexion between the ill-will which characterized the dispute about offerings and that due to the frequent recurrence of prosecutions for heresy. The settlement of that dispute in 1534—6 was distinctly unfavourable to the clergy."" The year 1534 is chiefly notable for the definite repudiation of papal authority. It was decided that the pope was no longer to be prayed for at Paul's Cross,"^ and sermons were preached there against his headship of the Church."^ In April all the London clergy and citizens were required to swear to be true to Queen Anne, and to regard the Lady Mary as a bastard ; among those sent to the Tower for refusing was Dr. Nicholas Wilson, rector of St. Thomas Apostle."' In May Cranmer began a provincial visitation, during which he obtained the signatures of the London clergy to the declara- tion made by Convocation that the pope had no greater jurisdiction bestowed on him by God in Holy Writ than any other foreign bishop. The master of Whittington College signed with a qualification which appears to mean that he threw the responsibility on Cranmer, but otherwise no objection seems to have been made."* Stokesley, however, protested against the archbishop's interference with his jurisdiction."^ Meanwhile the exempt religious houses were being visited by the king's commissioners ; no difficulty appears to have arisen in connexion with those in London,"* with the important exception of the Charterhouse, where the monks could hardly be induced even to take the oath of succession."' The Observant Friars at Greenwich, who were well known in the City,"' also resisted ; in August their order was suppressed,"' and some of the friars were sent to the London house of Grey Friars, where "^ L. and p. Hen. Fill, vii, 54 (33), 399 ; and cf. 60. "' Ibid. 399. "" For further particulars about the treatise and for details of the settlement, see p. 251. '" L. and P. Hen. Fill, vii, 48. '" Hall, Chron. 25 Hen. VIII ; cf. Strype, Mem. i (i), 231. For the continuance of preaching about the divorce, see L. and P. Hen. Fill, vii, 266, 369, 463, 464. '" Hall, loc. cit. ; Wriothesley, Chron. (Camd. See), i, 24 ; cf. L. and P. Hen. Fill, vii, 392, 522, 702 ; X, 308 ; xii (2), 952 ; Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. P. fol. 37-8 ; Repert. ix, fol. 57^. '" Lond. Epis. Reg. Stokesley, fol. 44-5 ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, vii, 589 (7), 1025. '" Lond. Epis. Reg. Stokesley, fol. 47 ; cf L.and P. Hen. Fill, vii, 1683. Cranmer cited Stokesley for admitting during the visitation an illiterate man as rector of St. George Botolph Lane ; but nothing further was done in the matter, and the archbishop must have been misinformed, since the new rector was a bachelor of divinity and appears to have been instituted in 1533 ; Epis. Reg. fol. 50 ; Hennessy, Novum Repert, '" See article on ' Religious Houses,' passim. '" L. and P. Hen. Fill, vii, 728 ; .Gasquet, Hen. Fill and the Engl. Monasteries, 59-62 ; Gairdner, Lollard-i and the Reformation, i, 421-4 ; Hendriks, The London Charterhouse, 1 19-26. '"' L. and P. Hen. Fill, v, 1525 ; Strype, Mem. i (ii), 193. '" Wriothesley, Chron. (Camd. Soc), i, 25. 262 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY it is said they were treated worse than they would have been in ordinary prisons."" In January 1535 people were ordered to give up all books defending what Stokesley called the ' intolerable and exorbitant primacy ' of the pope, and there were many sermons against it.^*^ Next month the bishops formally renounced the jurisdiction of the see of Rome.^'* But the chief interest of the year centres in the fate of those who denied the royal supremacy, among them the Carthusian monks, Bishop Fisher, and Sir Thomas More. It is unnecessary here to recount a story so well known. '*' The priors of three Charterhouses and two other clergymen were executed as traitors in May, and three more monks in June ; Fisher was beheaded in June, and More in July. It was suggested that the monks might be induced to acknowledge the royal supremacy by the preaching of divines who had accepted it, but who in other respects were conspicuously orthodox (' of the popish sort '; ; among them are mentioned the rectors of St. Mary Woolchurch and St. Michael Cornhill,^'* and the Bishop of London."' Two accounts state that the jury could not agree to condemn the Charterhouse priors till overcome by Cromwell's threats,"' and it was reported abroad that the whole City was displeased at their execution."^ The narratives of the London chroniclers, however, give no indication of sympathy with any of the victims except Fisher, who was ' of very many men lamented.'"* Wriothesley's account is quite colourless, and Hall thought the monks deserved their fate."" In May the bishop and Dr. Barnes were together commissioned to examine some foreign Anabaptists who had taken refuge in England. Thirteen or fourteen of them were condemned to be burnt, two, a man and a woman, suffering at Smithfield on 4 June ; the rest were sent back to the Continent. ''" The weakening of ecclesiastical authority was already encouraging the promul- gation of strange heresies in England as in Germany and Flanders,'" but there is no evidence as yet of popular sympathy with those who maintained them. The parish priest of St. Mary Woolchurch got into trouble for speaking, in July, against Dr. Barnes, who had made two ' abominable sermons ' in City churches.'"^ Stokesley was bold enough to withstand Cromwell with regard to the sermons at Paul's Cross. John Hilsey, provincial of the Dominicans and one of the royal commissioners to visit all the friars in England, was to have preached on one occasion, but the bishop desired him to subscribe "" See account of the Grey Friars in 'Religious Houses ' ; cf. L. and P. Hen. Fill, vii, 1607. '" Ibid, viii, 48, 55, 121. "'Ibid. 190. '*' See Gairdner, Hist, of Engl. Ch. in l6th Cent. 156-60 ; Lollardy and the Reformation, passim ; Gasquet, Hen. VIII and the Engl. Monasteries, 59 et seq.; Hendriks, The London Charterhouse, 130 et seq. ; Diet. Nat. Biog. ; documents in L. and P. Hen. Fill, vii and viii, passim. "* Possibly also St. John Baptist Walbrook ; cf. Hennessy, op. cit. '" L. and P. Hen. Fill, viii, 600 ; cf vii, 1090 ; xi, 186. "* Hendriks, op. cit. 144-6, with authorities cited ; cf Wriothesley, Chron. (Camd. Soc), i, 27. '" L. and P. Hen. Fill, viii, 726 ; cf 786, 846. '«' Hall, Chron. 27 Hen. VIII ; cf L. and P. Hen. Fill, viii, 1075. '*' Cf Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 197 ; Songs, Carols, &c. (Early Engl. Text Soc), App. 165 ; Lond. Chron. 9 in Camd. Misc. iv. One of the Charterhouse monks, who obtained a City living, kept the arm of the prior as a relic ; Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 185 ; Stow, Annals, 1547. 190 Wriothesley, Chron. (Camd. Soc), i, 28 ; Stow, Annals ; Songs, &c., ut sup. ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, viii, 771, 826 ; cf 846, &c. ; and Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 779. '" L. and P. Hen. Fill, viii, 1129. '" Foxe, op. cit. V, App. xxiv. 263 A HISTORY OF LONDON certain articles, without which he should not preach in the diocese ; "* he would not ' conform himself in praying for the souls departed as Mr. Latimer, Crome, and others did.' Stokesley also refused to have printed, even at the king's request, a notable sermon he had himself preached at the Cross against the pope's authority and the vaHdity of the king's first marriage. According to the Imperial ambassador the bishop did not preach as a rule, on account of his stammering and bad speaking ; he now offered, however, to preach every other Sunday while Parliament was sitting if the king pleased, but said he could not write out from memory an unpremeditated ' collation ' which had lasted an hour."* On 2 October Stokesley received notice from the archbishop that he was to cease from visitation and from the exercise of his jurisdiction, by order of the king, who had determined to visit all the religious houses and clergy as supreme head of the Church."' Like other bishops,"* he soon obtained a partial withdrawal of this inhibition ; "^ but Cromwell's objects — the assertion of the theory that the bishops only exercised jurisdic- tion by the will of the king, and the carrying out of an inquiry into the condition of all the religious houses — were attained. In October St. Paul's and all religious places in the City, exempt and not exempt, were visited by the king's commissary, Dr. Thomas Legge, a married layman."' Wriothesley mentions the removal of relics, as ' Our Lady's girdle at Westminster, which women with child were wont to gird with, and Saint Elizabeth's girdle, and in St. Paul's a relic of our Lady's milk which was broken and found but a piece of chalk. ' "^ Early in 1536 Stokesley 's rights were again in question ; Hilsey visited the Crossed Friars, forbade several of them to hear confessions, and set John Cardmaker (afterwards well known as an extreme reformer), and others in their places. "°° Apparently the appointment of preachers at Paul's Cross was taken out of the bishop's hands about this time."" The archbishop preached on 6 February against the papal supremacy, and was followed by Hilsey (now Bishop of Rochester), the Bishop of Lincoln, and Tunstall, whose audience included many bishops and noblemen, and tour ot the still unconvinced monks of the Charterhouse.""' On the first three Sundays in Lent the pulpit was occupied by Shaxton, Latimer, and Capon, three new bishops ; -°^ Latimer declared that ' bishops, abbots, priors, priests, and all were strong thieves ; yea, dukes, lords and all.'""* The Imperial ambassador thought that the king's object in ordering these sermons was to persuade the people there was no purgatory, that he might seize the property of religious foundations which kept up masses for the dead.*"* Only one house in London, Elsing Spital, was dissolved in consequence of the Act of this year, but Wriothesley remarks : "' L. and P. Hen. nil, vii, 1643 (? wrongly dated); cf. ix, 526. Stokesley's victory was short lived, for a few months later Hilsey had even gained a voice in the appointment of preachers at the Cross ; Wriothesley, CAron. (Camd. Soc), i, 104 ; cf. L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiii (2), 695, 829 (2), 830 (5). Wriothesley calls this period (1536-8) ' the schism and division time' ; op. cit. loy ; cf. 104. "* L. and P. Hen. Fill, viii, 1054, 1019 ; cf. 527 (? wrongly dated), 1045, 1 105. '" Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 797. "* L. and P. Hen. Fill, ix, Introd. p. xv et seq. and (lassim. '" Lond. Epis. Reg. Stokesley, fol. 48. ''* Ibid. '" Chnn. (Camd. Soc), i, 31. "° L. and P. Hen. Fill, x, 462 ; cf. 346. "' L. and P. Hen. Fill, x, 120 ; Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 104 ; cf L. and P. Hen. Fill, xi, 186. »<" Cf L. and P. He'.: Fill, ix, 989. "" Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 33-5. »< L and P. Hen. Fill, x, 462. '^ Ibid. 282 ; cf 308. 264 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY ' It was pity the great lamentation that the poor people made for them.'^"' At the end of April, however, the king ordered the preachers to avoid new opinions except as regards the primacy of the pope ; '""' relying upon this support, Stokesley endeavoured to prevent some of the more extreme reformers from preaching, but they declared that they were authorized by Cromwell.""' ' Virtue and holiness ' were diminished, it was said, in consequence of the religious controversy ; the people, taught to despise purgatory, were begin- ning to disregard heaven and hell, and they were so exasperated by foolish contentions that 'the quietness of the City' was endangered.^"' The Ten Articles, drawn up by the bishops and on the whole conservative in tone, were issued in July ; "" and the king directed the bishops to allow no preaching till Michaelmas except by persons for whom they could themselves be answerable, recalling all previous licences.^^^ Stokesley, thus enabled to regain partial con- trol over the pulpit at Paul's Cross, sent to Cromwell, with whom he seems to have kept outwardly on good terms, a list of those he thought fit to occupy it, at the same time interceding with him on behalf of Rowland Philips, the aged rector of St. Michael Cornhill, who had probably got into trouble for preaching against the new doctrines."' Cromwell accepted the nominations, to the disgust of the more zealous reformers, who described men like Philips as ' seditious preachers.' ^" The first set of royal Injunctions was issued in September ; the London chronicler Wriothesley specially notices those enjoining ' virtuous living ' on the clergy, and commanding them to teach their parishioners the Lord's Prayer, Ave Maria,"* Creed, and Ten Commandments in English.*^' The rector of St. Michael Wood Street was accused of speaking of them con- temptuously ; "° the rector of St. Margaret Lothbury, being asked, ' What is this that is set up on the church door ?' answered, 'A thing to make fools afraid withal,' and scornfully smiled and went away. He also kept the feast of St. Margaret in spite of its abrogation that year."^ It appears from Hall's account of the murder of Robert Packington as he was going to the ' morrow mass ' at the church of St. Thomas of Aeon in November that the clergy were still unpopular. The murderer confessed his crime many years later as he was about to be hanged for felony ; but Hall says that since Packington, who was one of the members for the City, had denounced the ' covetousness and cruelty of the clergy, he was had in contempt with them, and therefore most like by one of them, thus shamefully murdered, as you perceive that Master Hun was.'"' In 1536 the chief matters of controversy were the ancient customs and ceremonies of the Church ; examples of the attitude of both parties in London on one such point, the use of special lights, occur during '<« Chnn. i, 43. '" L. and P. Hen. Fill, x, 752, 831, 922, 929 (2). '"' Ibid, xi, 52 ; cf. x, 1201. *" Ibid, xi, 156 ; Strype, Mem. i (i), 452. "» Wilkins, Conci/ia/m, 817 (cf. 825) ; L. and P. Hen. Vlll, xi, 376 ; Wriothesley, Chron. (Camd. Soc), i, 54. For the Articles and the Injunctions cf. Gairdner, Lollardy and the Reformation, li, 310-19 ; The EngL Ch. in xdth Cent. 177-8. "' Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 807. "' L. and P. Hen. Vlll, xi, 186 ; cf viii, 600, 602. '" Ibid, xi, 325. "* This is not mentioned in the copy of the Injunctions in Cranmer's Register ; Gee and Hardy, Documents. "' Wriothesley, Chron. (Camd. Soc), i, 55. "« L. and P. Hen. Fill, xi, 1425. *" Ibid, xiii (l), 1492 ; Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 823. "" Chron. 28 Hen. VIII ; Wriothesley, Chron. (Camd. Soc), i, 59 ; Stow, Annals; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xi, 1097 ; cf 1419 an"d ix, 346, 382, and Narratives of the Reformation (Camd. Soc), 296-7. I 265 34 A HISTORY OF LONDON the year. A mercer left property to the churchwardens of St. Thomas Apostle to find yearly the paschal light and also tapers to stand before the high altar at Christmas.^^' Richard Hilles, on the other hand, refused to make the usual annual payment for the rood and sepulchre lights, having by this time come definitely to the conclusion that all ' external observances ' in worship were vain devices of men, unpleasing to God. His fellow parishioners ' after some months' time, when they began to have some hope of a change of affairs,' laid an information against him before Bishop Stokesley, who ' ordered them to be quiet for a short time (at least so it was told me) and that all things would at last turn out as they could wish.' ''' Perhaps the hopes of the conservative party were raised by the tem- porary change of policy which followed the ' Pilgrimage of Grace.' It is doubtful how far the Londoners shared the grievances of the northern rebels. One cause of the original rising in Lincolnshire was the report that all jewels and church goods were to be seized ; ^'^ some of the London parochial records""' show that large sales of church plate were made in 1534—8 by the churchwardens and parishioners. At St. Christopher le Stocks some was sold in 1534 and more in 1536 ; at St. Andrew Holborn the churchwardens of 1537—8 sold plate worth over £2°^ without consent of the parson and parish. These sales, which are quite exceptional in their amount, are the first sign of a coming change in the outward manifestations of religious life with which those records are concerned. In December 1536 a London shoemaker said to a ' northern man ' : ' Ye shall pay but 6d. for your shoes, for ye have done very well there of late ; and would to God ye had come an end, for we were in the same mind that ye were.'"' During the rising certain members of the Council were directed ' to have special respect to London and its neighbourhood,' "* and a week after it began, in October 1536, the mayor proposed to the Court of Aldermen that all the priests and friars in the City should be ordered to give up what armour and weapons they had.'" But the king blamed those who had preached against ceremonies for causing the rebellion ; on 16 November three or four men ' who went up and down the country ' spreading the new opinions were arrested and imprisoned in London, and Dr. Barnes was sent to the Tower the day after he had preached at the funeral of Packington.^-* These strong measures acted as a restraint on others ; even Latimer moved his hearers to unity, 'without any special note of any man's folly.'*" Those on the conservative side became bolder for a time ; at Paul's Cross in Lent "' Sharpe, Ca/. of iVills, ii, 692. The two other enrolled wills made between 1535 and 1538 contain charitable bequests only ; ibid. 643, 650. '" Orig. Letten (Parker Soc), i, 230-1. "' L. and P. Hen. Fill, xi, 534, 656, 828, 854. '" Festry Min. of St. Christopher le Stocks (ed. Freshfield), 66 ; Bentley's Register, St. Andrew Holborn ; Chwdns. Accts. St. Botolph Aldersgate, 1534-5 ; .^rci. Joum. xlii, 330. "' L. and P. Hen. Fill, xii (i), p. 95. Cf. xiii (2), 1202. Possibly some sympathy with their cause may have prompted Wriothesley's prayer that God would pardon the souls of the twelve rebels executed at Tyburn in March 1537 ; Chron. (Camd. Soc), i, 62. He records however without comment the terrible number of executions which followed during the next few months. Hall speaks of the ' ignorant and rude ' people of the north as 'traitorous rebels,' deluded by the 'false fables and erroneous lies' of their priests. '» L. and P. Hen. Fill, xi, 580 (3). "' Rec. Corp. Repert. ix, fol. 200. Cf L. and P. Hen. Fill, xi, 559. The mayors of 1535-6, 1536-7, and 1537-8 were all nominated by the king ; Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 31, 57, 67. "' Wilkins, Condlia, iii, 825-6 ; L. andP. Hen. Fill, xi, 1097, 1 164 (cf vi, 1059), 1220, 1250, p. 718 ; cf. 1 1 1 1, 1246, 1355, and Foxe, op. cit. v, App. xiii. "' L. and P. Hen. Fill, xi, 1374. 266 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 1537 a bishop opposed the doctrine of faith without works and upheld the rule of celibacy for the clergy ; at St. Bride's in June a Carmelite friar, licensed by the bishop, omitted to mention the royal supremacy and de- nounced another preacher who had called Our Lady ' a maintainer of bawdery.' ^~^ Richard Grafton, a member of the Grocers' Company, was corresponding with Cromwell in August 1537 about a version of the whole Bible in English, which had been printed at the expense of himself and another London merchant. Coverdale's version of 1535, dedicated to the king, had been for some time allowed to circulate ; but Grafton now obtained for the new one, founded on those of Tyndale and Coverdale, the approval of the archbishop, and it was published with a royal licence. His enterprise seems to have been largely a commercial speculation. In asking Cromwell to command all curates of the ' papistical sort ' to buy a copy, he hinted at the large numbers of such to be found in the diocese of London.''^' Alderman Monmouth died in November, having left ^10 to Dr. Barnes, and arranged that his funeral should be unlike any hitherto known in the City, and that sermons were to be preached in the place of masses sung for his soul.^'° In June the Grocers' Company had nominated Thomas Garret, the heretic of 1528 who had once been curate there, to the rectory of Allhallows Honey Lane ; but the Merchant Taylors' Company in December nominated to that of St. Martin Outwich Dr. Wilson,^" formerly rector of St. Thomas Apostle, who had been deprived of his living and kept in the Tower for more than two years for refusing to acknowledge the royal supremacy ; he had ' dissembled the matter ' and received a pardon in May.*''*' The same impression of the existence of much diversity of opinion in London is given by a letter written by the French ambassador in February 1538.^'* Probably the short period of reaction came to an end about August 1537. The next year saw the most decided changes which had yet taken place in the religious life of the City. The first of these was the destruction of some images, which began during a new visitation of the monasteries. The rood of Boxley in Kent, with its device of ' old wire and rotten sticks ' by which the eyes and lips had once been made to move, was exhibited by Bishop Hilsey at Paul's Cross on 24 February, and after his sermon, which was clearly meant to prepare the Londoners for a general destruction of such images, it was broken in pieces by ' the rude people and boys.' ^^* The "' L. and P. Hen. Fill, xii (i), 530 ; (2), 65. For preaching in July see xii (z), 258. In September Stokesley complained in reply to a royal request for a nomination to a prebend that he was destitute of learned men, having no fitting promotion for them ; ibid. 720. For other examples during the period of Cromwell's power of similar requests made to the patrons of London benefices see L. and P. Hen. Fill, iv (3), 5410 ; V, 1227, 1270 ; ix, 992 ; xii (l), 874 ; (2), 62I ; xiii (l), 669, 682, 745. Such requests could hardly be refused, and must have been an effective method of increasing the power of the reforming party and depressing their opponents. "^ L. and P. Hen. Fill, xii (2), 512, 593, App. 35 ; Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Gairdner, Hist, of Engl. Ch. in \fith Cent. 188-92 ; Lollardy and the Reformation, ii, 280-3 '■> Kenyon, Our Bible, 218-19 ; Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 74. "° Strype, Mem. i (ii), 368 ; cf. Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 72. Cf. the very different arrangements made, partly at the suggestion of the mayor, at the death of Queen Jane ; State Papers Hen. Fill, \, 574 ; Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. P, fol. 135*. "' Hennessy, Novum Refert. '" Hall, Chron. 25 Hen. VIII ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xii (i), 1330 (64). '" Corresp. politique deMM.de Castillon et de Marillac (Inventaire Analytique des Archives), 22 ; cf. p. 41. •" Wriothesley, Chnn. (Camd. Soc), i, 75-6 ; Lond. Chron. 11 \xiCamd. Misc. iv ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiii (i), 231, 339, 348,407 ; (2), 880 ; Orig. Letters (Parker Soc), ii, 606. 267 A HISTORY OF LONDON crucifix which had stood in the churchyard of St. Margaret Pattens for more than thirty years, the offerings made to it being employed towards the re- building of the church, was destroyed during the night of 22—3 May. More than twenty men confessed that they had helped to pull it down, as they had heard through 'Mr. Cromer' (? Dr. Crome) and the bishop of Worcester (Latimer) that the Lord Privy Seal had commanded that it should be removed.^" It would seem from a sermon preached at the end of May by the curate of St. Benet Gracechurch that some images at St. Paul's were broken up about this time.^^^ He begged the people to pray to saints, and, railing against 'young wits,' told them how St. Austin landed with a cross of wood and a picture of Christ — thus further scandalizing some of his hearers, who remembered that St. Austin was the ' legate of a reprobate master, the pope.' On Trinity Sunday he preached that St. Paul went about to prove predestination, but could not attain to it."^ The fact that his parishioners complained of him to Cromwell seems to show that in one London parish at least there was a majority in favour of the new opinions. But possibly the conservative party was especially weak at that time, since their protector, Stokesley, was himself in danger. He was arrested at the end of May, under the Statute of Praemunire, because he had admitted two brethren and a nun into the Bridgettine convent of Syon, in accordance with a i 5th-century bull setting forth the rules of their order. He at once threw himself on the king's mercy, and was pardoned in July."' It is probable that the pardon was bought by the cession of some valuable property to the king and Crom- well. A letter from Stokesley to the latter concerning this matter refers to the existing religious disorder, saying that Bishop Hilsey appointed the preachers at the Cross, ' and all others preach that will.' ^^' Some effects of this disorder are illustrated by the case of John Forde, the rector of St. Mar- garet Lothbury who had scorned the injunctions of 1536. He now refused to begin mattins sooner to give time for a sermon, would not preach him- self, on one occasion retired to the vestry to avoid hearing a sermon, and on another went on with his mass in the middle of a sermon to prevent it from being finished.'*" The unequal contest still raging between Stokesley and Cromwell is illustrated by the reply of a woman to a servant of the Marquis of Exeter, who had said that heretics would soon be tied together, sacked, and thrown into the Thames by the bishop's authority — ' We care not for the Bishop of London, thanked be God and our gracious King.'*" This anecdote occurs in a deposition which, with others taken that autumn, shows that Stokesley's opponents were then trying to ruin him by finding proof of his treasonable communication with those whom the king chose to consider his enemies.'*^ In July more ' notable images ' were brought up to London and burnt,'*' and in August, by Cromwell's orders, the famous rood at the north door of "' Rec. Corp. Repert. x, fol. 34.^; Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 81 ; Lend. Chron. 13 in Camd. Misc. iv ; Stow, Sart'. (ed. Kingsford), i, 209 ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiii (2), 596. "' Cf. Land. Chron. 13 in Camd. Misc. iv, 'Our Lady of Grace' : see Hale, A Series of Precedents, 81. This may have been the im.ige hidden by 'they of Pauls,' and discovered in 1547 ; Wriothesley, op. cit. ii, i. "' L. and P. Hen. Vlll, xiii (i), nil. '» Ibid. 1095, 1096, 15 19 (3) ; ibid. (2), 803. »' Ibid. (I), 1499, 1500 (cf. 1096) ; (2), 119. »° Ibid. (I), 1492 ; (2), 13. "' Ibid. (2), 820. '" Ibid. (2), 695, 830 (5, vii) ; cf. 248, 797, 803, 828, 829 (2). '" Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 83 ; Land. Chron. 13 in Camd. Misc. iv. 268 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY St. Paul's, and the figure of St. Uncumber, 'with her gay gown and silver shoes,' were taken down ' because the people should do no more idolatry ' to them."** Cromwell also ordered the destruction of the windows in the church of St. Thomas of Aeon which illustrated the life of the archbishop, and of the picture of the death ot St. Thomas over the altar, ' where the saying was that he was born also ; so that there shall no more mention be made of him never.' ^" His image, however, was not removed from the common seal of the City till September 1539.^*' It would seem that in this matter the citizens were less ready than usual to obey the royal command ; and it is possible that many felt aggrieved at the dishonour done to the memory of one of the City's most famous sons, whose protection had for so long been invoked by the inscription on that seal : ' Me que te peperi ne cesses Thoma tueri.' '*^ The new royal Injunctions were published in London in September. Wriothesley specially mentions those which ordered that the Bible in English should lie in a convenient place in every church for the parishioners to read it, that all lights in the churches should be taken down save those in the rood-loft, before the Sacrament, and about the sepulchre, and that a register of weddings &c. should be kept in each parish.'** Another London chronicler,''*' besides the clause forbidding lights to be set before images, mentions that commanding every man, woman, and child to learn the Pater- noster, Ave,"" and Creed in English. The Injunctions were triumphantly shown to Richard Hilles by the churchwardens of his parish, but he still refused to contribute to the cost of the rood and sepulchre lights, hoping that those also would be forbidden before long. In the end his mother appeased 'the fury of the dogs' by paying the sum required."^ Wriothesley says that in 1538 the Te Deum was sung in English in the City ' after sermons made by Dr. Barnes . . . and other of their sect, commonly called of the papists the new sect.' '^^ This anticipation of the change to be made ten years later in the language of divine service is interest- ing, but it is probable that it was confined to a few churches. Another event, the abolition, on the authority of the mayor, of the ancient customs connected with the feast of St. Nicholas and the ' boy-bishop ' must have seemed far more important at the time."' The year 1538 is also remarkable for an outbreak of persecution. The first victim was Friar Forest of Greenwich, whose ' heresy ' was a denial of the royal supremacy. Once a well-known preacher at Paul's Cross, he had been imprisoned with his fellow Observants, but had at last ' denied the Bishop of Rome by an oath given by his outward man, but not in the '" L. and P. Hen. VIII, xiii (i), 1393 ; (2) 209 ; Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 84 ; LonJ. Chron. 13, in Camd. Misc. iv. The ballad given by Foxe (op. cit. v, 404-9), written probably in Sept. or Oct. 1538, contains allusions to most of the images destroyed in London during the year. '" Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 86 ; L. and P. Hen. VIII, xiii (2), 523 ; see also ibid, viii, 626. A general proclamation for the abolition of images and pictures of St. Thomas was made in Nov.; Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 89 ; L. and P. Hen. VIII, xiii (2), 848. "^ Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. P, fol. 197. "' Stow, Surv. (ed. Klngsford), i, 315. '*' Chron. (Carad. Soc), i, 85. '" Land. Chron. 14, in Camd. Misc. iv. ™ The Ave is not mentioned in the copy of the Injunctions in Cranmer's Register ; Gee and Hardy, Documents, 2'j6 ; cf. supra, p. 265. '^' Orig. Letters (Parker Soc), i, 231-2. '*' Chron. (Camd. Soc), i, 83. '" Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. P, fol. 1721^ ; cf. Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 92. The royal proclamation abolishing this custom in other parts of Enghnd was not issued till I 541 ; Wilkins, Cone, iii, 860. 269 A HISTORY OF LONDON inward man,' and early in 1538 was living, an old man of nearly seventy, at the Grey Friars in London. He had urged men who came to confess to him to remain steadfast in the ancient faith, and when brought before Cranmer confessed to certain ' articles of heresy ' which he was ordered to abjure at Paul's Cross, When the appointed day came he stood ' stiff and proud in his malicious mind ' and would not read his abjuration, and on 22 May ' he was hanged in chains by the middle and armholes all quick ' over a fire and burnt to death. It is to be feared that the opinion of some Londoners was expressed in the doggerel set up over the gallows : — Forest the friar That obstinate Har That wilfully shall be dead, In his contumacy The Gospel doth deny The King to be supreme head.^'* On the other side the most prominent heretic of this period"^ was John Nicholson alias Lambert, a London schoolmaster.''" The king argued the question of transubstantiation with him in the presence of a great assemblage, including several bishops and the lord mayor and aldermen, but he refused to recant and was burnt in Smithfield on 22 November.^" It would appear from Wriothesley's account that Lambert held other opinions akin to those of the Anabaptists, more of whom had come in from abroad since 1535. On I October the king appointed a commission including the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, Dr. Crome, and Dr. Barnes,"' to proceed against them ; three were condemned to death, one of them a woman, and on 29 November two were burnt in Smithfield and one at Colchester. On 24 November Bishop Hilsey showed at Paul's Cross the famous relic known as the Blood of Hailes, declaring that it had been proved not to be blood at all. At the same time four Anabaptists, three men and a woman, ' all Dutchmen born,' bore faggots as heretics, the others being ordered to ' avoid the realm.' ^^' In December a Whitechapel bricklayer named John Harrydaunce, who had been preaching to large audiences from a tub in his garden, bore a faggot at Paul's Cross with two other persons, one a priest, and two men are said to have been burnt at Smithfield."" '" L. and P. Hen. Fill, v, 1525 ; vii, 1607 ; xiii (l), 1043 ; ibid. Introd. p. xvi et seq. ; Hall, Ckron. 30 Hen. VIII ; Wriothesley, Chron. (Camd. Soc), i, 78-80 ; Lond. Chron. 12 in Camd. Misc. iv ; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 201. '" The only other cases between 1536 and 1538 appear to be those of a priest who did penance in Nov. 1536 for celebrating at his mass with ale (Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 58), a man sent to the bishop by the Court of Aldermen with a copy of his indictment for heresy in June 1537, and a stationer accused in August 1538 of saying the mass was idolatry ; Rec. Corp. Repert. ix, fol. 253, Letter Bk. P, fol. 153 ; see Sharpe, Lend, and the Kingdom, i, 422. "^ He had been connected at Cambridge with Bylney and Arthur, had afterwards been chaplain to the English merchants at Antwerp, and had twice before been in danger for his opinions. '" L. and P. Hen. Fill, x, 462 ; xiii (2), 834, 849, 851, 852, 899, 924 ; Hall, Chron. 30 Hen. VIII; Wriothesley, Chron. (Camd. Soc), i, 88 ; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Sen), ii, 202 ; Foxe, op. cit. v, 181 et seq. (But cf. Gairdner, Lollardt and the Reformation, i, 342.) One result of his trial may have been the proclama- tion made that month that no one, on pain of death, was to reason of the mystery of the Sacrament of the Altar except those learned in divinity in the universities ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiii (2), 848 ; Wriothesley, op. cit i, 89. '^' Wilkins, Cone, iii, 836. "' L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiii (2), 899 ; Wriothesley, Chron. (Camd. Soc), i, 89, 90 ; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 202. A proclamation of Feb. i 539 pardoned those led astray by them ; Wilkins, Cone, iii, 842. 860 Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 82-3, 93 ; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 202. For Harrydaunce, who had begun his preaching in 1537 and resumed it in 1539, see L. and P. Hen. Fill, xii (2), 594, 624 ; xiv (2), 42 ; Rec. Corp. Repert. ix, fol. 2611J. 270 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Thus the year which had seen so many rehgious changes permitted or encouraged by authority ended with a period of persecution of those who went too far. Most of the victims, however, were foreigners, and their cases are of little importance in London ecclesiastical history compared with another contemporary event — the suppression of the London religious houses. The royal policy during the years 1537-9 was to induce as many as possible of the heads of such houses to surrender them to the king. In London no difficulty appears to have arisen in carrying out this policy. It is probable from the small numbers who signed the deeds of surrender — in several cases considerably fewer than those who acknowledged the king's supremacy in 1534 — that means had been taken to reduce the number of inmates ; and men who could be trusted to be amenable to the king's desires had been placed at the head of several of the more important houses : for instance, Hilsey was prior of the Black Friars. There does not seem to have been any attempt on the part of the citizens to protest against the Dissolution ;^" the only definite evidence that some of them regretted it is to be found in the works of Stow, who was only a boy in 1538. In August the lord mayor. Sir Richard Gresham, wrote to the king concerning the three hospitals of St. Mary, St. Bartholomew, and St. Thomas, and the abbey of St. Mary Graces on Tower Hill, ' founded of good devotion by ancient fathers,' and endowed with great possessions for the relief of the poor, ' and not to the maintenance of canons, priests, and monks to live in pleasure, nothing regarding the miserable people lying in every street.' He asked the king to order that the mayor and aldermen should from henceforth manage those houses and their revenues for the benefit of the poor. It is thus clear that the City authorities were aware of the approaching surrenders some months before they actually took place.^*^ The first was that of St. Thomas of Aeon, in October ; the White, Austin, Black, Grey, and Crossed Friars surrendered in November ; and the nunnery of St. Helen, the abbey of St. Mary Graces, the Minories, and St. Mary Spital before the end of March 1539. The Act securing to the king the pr"iperty not only of all monasteries which had surrendered since 1536, but of all which in future should ' happen to be dissolved, suppressed, . . . given up, or by any other means come ' into his hands, was passed the following summer ; in the autumn and winter came the surrender of the priories of St. Mary Overy and St. Bartholomew, the hospital of St. Thomas in South- wark, and the great abbey of Westminster. Thus by February i 540 there remained only the collegiate churches and chapels and a few hospitals, such as St. Mary of Bethlehem, the Savoy, and St. Katharine's.^^'* No notice seems to have been taken of Gresham's letter, and early in 1539 the Common Council decided to send a formal petition to the king, asking not only for the three hospitals and the abbey on Tower Hill for the poor, but also for the preservation of the four great churches of the friars for the purposes of worship, on account of the infection and other inconveni- ences likely to arise ' by reason of the great multitude of people ' daily resort- ing to the small parish churches, much to the annoyance of the parishioners. '" Stokesley seems to have foreseen with equanimity the approaching fall of the great abbots ; Hall, Chron. 27 Hen. VIII. '" Strype, Mem. i (i), 409 ; cf. L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiii (2), 13, 72. "' See the section on ' Religious Houses ' passim ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiii (2), 1 3 ; Wriothesley and Hall, Ckron. passim. 271 A HISTORY OF LONDON The petition states that the friars, who were ' founded by the Bishop of Rome his usurped authority, and not of God's Word,' had procured them- selves ample churches in the City, where at all hours there were masses, to which infected persons ' did commonly . . . resort, without danger of others.' God had been pleased to reveal to the king ' the truth of His blessed word ' and the ' simulate sanctity ' of the friars, and he ' according to their demerits, like a most godly, catholic, and virtuous prince ' had ' extirped and extinct ' them, ' to the great exaltation of Christ's doctrine and the abo- lition of Antichrist their first founder.' Their churches, now vacant, were the largest in the City except St. Paul's, and most fit ' for God's word to be preached in and God's scripture to be read in.' The early masses there had been convenient for those who were unable ' to tarry the parish mass,' which did not begin till six or seven o'clock. For lack of these and other services which had been attended by visitors to London, in Parliament and term time the parish churches would be 'pestered with people ' (as St. Paul's already was), ' and the parishioners put out of their pews.'"* The petition was not granted, and it is to be feared that one result of the fall of the London religious houses was that many of those who had gone there to worship gave up the practice of frequent attendance at divine service which the petition seems to indicate was almost universal in 1538. A tendency in the same direction may be traced in the decision made in December 1539 that in future the mayor and aldermen should only go in state to St. Paul's on the day the lord mayor took his oath, All Saints, Christmas, the Epiphany, and Candlemas Days.-" The year 1539 marks a turning point in the history of the Reformation. The changes which had followed one another in rapid succession abruptly ceased. The ' diversity of preachers ' also ceased, though several of the leading reformers were not silenced without severe persecution. Hilsey and Stokesley died in 1539, and next year Cromwell and Barnes were executed, so that by the autumn of 1540 the chief actors too were changed. The position early in 1 5 39 is indicated by three documents — the proclama- tion issued on 26 February, a paper composed as a vindication of the changes hitherto made by the royal authority, and a private letter written from London on 8 March by four men of the reforming party."" Taken alone, the last would indicate a much greater advance in the direction desired by its writers than either of the others. It says that though ceremonies were still tolerated, ' for the sake of preventing any disturbances,' explanations of them were ordered, but the explanations it gives as examples arc far less con- servative in tone than the official ones. It also says that persons had freely preached before the king about the marriage of priests, and that the mass ' is not asserted to be a sacrifice for the living and the dead, but only a repre- sentation of Christ's passion.' There seems to be no other evidence that this doctrine was then generally taught or believed in London, but as regards ceremonies there may have been little diversity of opinion among the leaders '" Memoranda . . . relating to the Royal Hospitals, App. i. The first part of this long and very interesting document, of which only a few of the chief points are given above, is almost verbally the same as Greshara's letter (Strype, Mem. i [i], 4.09), the most important alteration being that of the phrase ' to live in pleasure ' into ' carnally living as they [the monks, &c.] of late have done.' '" Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. P, fol. 207;^ ; cf supra, pp. 232-3. "* Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 8-I.2 ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiv (l), 402 ; Orig. Letters (Parker Soc), ii, 624. 272 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY of the party of reform. The whole question was intimately connected with that of the relation between ' faith ' and ' works ' in the Christian life ; although the doctrine of justification by faith alone was probably held by very few, yet since its exposition by Bylney in 1527 its leavening influence is clearly traceable, at first chiefly with regard to one class of ' good works,' pil- grimages and off^erings made to special images. On the destruction of all such images in 1538 a new phase of the controversy began with the greater prominence of disputes about the value of fasting, confession, and even prayer, but most of all in 1539 about the use of ceremonies.''" The reforming party clearly hoped that the kind of preaching ordered by the royal proclamation was intended to lead up to the abolition of ' super- stitions ' in the use of ceremonies, as Hilsey's sermon had done to that of ' idols ' a year before. The reaction, however, began almost immediately. On 3 1 March Cromwell declared that he would defend the teaching of ' certain new preachers, as R. Barnes and other ' even with the sword ; ^** but little more than a month later Henry's actions showed clearly enough that those ' new preachers ' were no longer to be free to expound their doctrine in the City. A man was hanged for eating flesh on Friday ; the king him- self received holy bread and holy water every Sunday, and daily used ' all other laudable ceremonies,' and in all London no man dared speak against them on pain of death.^*' The Act of Six Articles was passed in June. Wriothesley speaks of the enforcement of the celibacy of priests as ' a godly act,' "° and according to him only four of the clergy in Convocation refused to sign the articles — Bishops Shaxton and Latimer (both of whom resigned their sees at the beginning of July) and the rectors of St. Mary Aldermary and St. Peter Cornhill, Dr. Crome and Dr. Taylor. The two City parsons do not seem to have been punished, though Crome was summoned before the Lord Chancellor and Cromwell, and was reported to have resigned."^ Nor was there any immediate inquiry into offences against the Six Articles."^ In spite of his own danger Crome boldly preached on Relic Sunday against the- 'craft of lie-mongers ... in barbers' shops, in taverns, and at bishops' boards," who slandered ' the good men who had lost their promotions.' He would not allow the feast of the Relics to be kept at his church, and it was reported! that a week later, preaching at Allhallows Bread Street, he said that he found no vestments, tapers, torches, or masses mentioned in the gospel, and nothing in the mass of Christ's institution except the holy consecration which was only for them that were alive 273 169 870 "' In at least three London churches a new form of words for blessing the holy water had already been introduced, and not long after a City rector was accused of having said the ' butcherly ceremonies ' were to be abhorred ; Foxe, op. cit. v, 448, 447. '^^ L. and P. Hen. Fill, xv, 498, i (60) ; cf 939 and Corresp. politique de MM. de Castillon tt de Marillac (Inventaire Analytique des Archives), I go. "" L. and P. Hrn. Fill, xiv (i), 967. Ibid, xiv (i), 922 ; Gee and Hardy, Documents, Sec, 303 ; Wriothesley, CAron. (Camd. Soc), 1, 101-3. "' L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiv (i), 12 19. Possibly both were imprisoned for a short time ; see ibid. (2), 444, and Foxe, op. cit. v, 45 i ; but cf. Orig. Letters (Parker Soc), ii, 614. '" In July a priest did penance for attacking exorcism, but this was not specially connected with the Six Articles ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiv (i), 12 19. "^ This deposition was made on I 3 Aug. before the mayor and others ; no result of the proceedings has been found, but in November Melanchthon had heard that Crome had been imprisoned, like Latimer and Shaxton ; Foxe, op. cit\ v, App. .\vi ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiv (2), 41, 444 ; cf 379. I 273 35 A HISTORY OF LONDON Bishop Stokesley died on 8 September. According to Richard Hilles, ' being much harassed by Cromwell, he died miserably . . . almost worn out with grief.'"* But nothing shows more clearly the change which had taken place during the last year than Wriothesley's manner of recording this event. Stokesley, to whom in 1538 the king had been 'better than he deserved ' in granting him a pardon, was now ' the greatest divine that ever was counted in this realm,' and it was partly through his ' great learning and knowledge ' that ' the great heresies that were likely to have grown in this realm was at this Parliament ended.' He had a magnificent funeral at St. Paul's ; after the requiem mass a sermon was preached by his suffragan. Bishop Hodgkin, in praise of his steadfast orthodoxy and his learning.-" His successor, Edmund Bonner, was an able lawyer and an experienced diplomatist, but wanted tact and good manners, theological learning, and holiness of character."^ His religious convictions were at this time, it would appear, by no means settled. He had been zealous in repudiating the pope's supremacy, had been on friendly terms with Grafton when he was printing his Bible in Paris, and, according to Foxe, had blamed Stokesley for troubling poor men who had the Scripture in English, and promised to have at least six of those Bibles set up in St. Paul's."' His answer, given in June 1540, to a set of questions on the sacraments was made ' salvo judicio melius (sic) sententiae cui me prompte et humiliter subjicio,'"* and he seems to have taken little or no share in the controversies of that year. He returned from France in March,"' and on 4 April was consecrated in a chapel in the bishop's palace by Gardiner, assisted by Sampson and the Bishop of Hereford ; -*" thus from the beginning he appears to have been definitely connected with their party, and he may have owed to its victory a grant he obtained in July of ' the old rent of Paul's,' appointed only for the repairs of that church. Thus the cathedral was robbed that the bishop might pay his first-fruits to the Crown ; it is also stated that the king had ' divers ways derived great revenues and profits ' out of the see since the death of the last bishop.*" The impression left by a study of contemporary records is that in force of personality Bonner was by no means equal to Stokesley, and that the real inheritor of the latter's position as the leader and protector of the followers of the ' old learning ' in London was Stephen Gardiner, whose diocese of Win- chester included Southwark and half of London Bridge, He had been much employed on diplomatic business abroad since his consecration in November 1531 ; but after his return from Germany in 1539 he remained for the most part in England for the rest of the reign,-*- living chiefly at his palace in Southwark, and exercising much influence in the religious affairs of the City. Wriothesley's first notice of his activity is a pleasant one. On the dissolution of the London religious houses four of their churches became parochial, while the quire of that of St. Bartholomew's Priory was given to *^' Orig. Letters (Parker Soc), i, 231. *" Wriothesley, Chron. (Camd. Soc), i, 105-7. '^' Diet Nat. Biog. ; Gasquet and Bishop, EJa: VI and the Bk. of Common Prayer, 86 ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xvi, 640. The allegations of the latter may be untrue, but Wyatt was too clever to invent anything absurdlv inconsistent with his enemy's known character. "' Foxe, op. cit. V, 78, 149-62, 410-13. '" L. and P. Hen. Fill, xv, 826. "' Corresp. poMtque de MM. de Castillon et de Marillac, 162, 169, 172. -^ Lond. Epis. Reg Bonner, fol. 131. "' L. and P. Hen. Fill, xv, 942 (21). =" Ibid, passim. 274 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY enlarge the adjoining parish church, and the abbey church of Westminster was made the cathedral of the new diocese. At St. Helen's the whole church became parochial ; the chapel of St. Bartholomew's Hospital remained a parish church for the inhabitants of the precinct ; ^^^ after prolonged negotiations the parishioners of St. Alphage obtained the south aisle of the church of Elsing Spital, the north aisle and their own church being pulled down."^* St. Mary Overy in Southwark became, under the name of St. Saviour's, the church of a new parish including those of St. Mary Magda- lene and St. Margaret. Wriothesley says that ' the good bishop of Winchester' helped the parishioners to buy this, ' the largest and fairest church about London'; the parochial records show that he gave £2^ 13J. i id', himself and obtained subscriptions from others. On Candlemas Eve 1540 the Sacrament was solemnly brought from St. Margaret's to St. Mary Overy ' to join the same parishes together.' ^*^ The ecclesiastical history of London during the next few months is difficult to separate from the political history of England. A controversy between Gardiner and Barnes on the problem of justification by faith was closely connected with the contemporary political events which ended in the fall of Cromwell, for Barnes had helped to negotiate the marriage of King Henry with Anne of Cleves, and Gardiner was Cromwell's chief opponent. Thomas Garret, rector of Allhallows Honey Lane, and William Jerome, vicar of Stepney, were prominent among the ' seditious preachers ' associated with Barnes, while Gardiner was supported by the Dean of St. Paul's (Richard Sampson, Bishop of Chichester) and Dr. Nicholas Wilson of St. Martin Outwich. At the beginning of the year the reforming party expected much from the influence of the new queen ; books of every kind were allowed to be exposed for sale, and ' good pastors ' were ' freely preaching the truth.' In fact it was the opposite party that was being persecuted, for a learned friar named Watts, who had lectured against the new opinions to great audiences in London during the summer of 1539, had been put in the stocks and imprisoned by order of the archbishop. Gardiner had been for months excluded from the Privy Council, and it was said that this was because he had spoken against the appointment of Barnes as ambassador.*"** Barnes and his friends, however, must have been disappointed when Gardiner and Dr. Wilson were appointed to preach before the king.^*'' Gardiner also preached at Paul's Cross on 15 February, and warned his hearers against the abuse of Scripture and the doctrine of justification by faith alone ; Barnes answered this attack in a sermon at the Cross a fortnight later with personal abuse of Gardiner, for which the king "■' Stow, Surv. (ed. Kingsford), ii, 28 ; i, 171 ; ii, 24. '^ Ibid, i, 294 ; Rec. Corp. Repert. ix, fol. 204 ; x, fol. 21, 85^ ; Letter Bk. P. fol. l8li5 ; L. and P. Htn. VIII, X, 1087, cap. 27 ; G. B. Hall, Rec. of St. Alphage, 8, 12 ; S.P. Dom. Edw. VI, v, 19 ; Chwdns.' Accts. St. Alpkige, 1535-6, 1536-7, 1537-8. There is an inventory at the end of this volume (Guildhall MS. 1432 [i]) of the goods removed from the old church to the new. ''^ Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 113 ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xv, 498 (3), cap. 64 ; Dollman, The Priory of St. Mary Overy, 8 et seq. ; Chwdns.' Accts. St. Margaret Southwark, 1539-40. ^^ Orig. Letters (Parker Soc), ii, 614, 627, 628 ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xv, 31, 438 ; xiv (2), 750 ; Gardiner, A Declaration of such true articles as George Joye hath gone about to confute, fol. x. The interesting details about Watts and the Londoners have been omitted in the text because no authority has been found for them beyond the .statements of John Tunstall reported in L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiv (2), 750. ^*' Wriothesley, loc. cit ; Gardiner, op. cit. fol. h/b. 27 /3 A HISTORY OF LONDON reproved him sharply, and ordered him to ask. the bishop's pardon. After some hesitation he signed a full recantation ; Jerome and Garret also signed it, and all three were ordered to preach at the Spital in Easter week.''*' The accounts of their sermons are conflicting, and it would seem that they contrived to give many people the impression that their recantations were genuine. But Henry learnt that his orders had not been obeyed ' sincerely,' and on the following Saturday not only the three preachers but ten or twelve citizens and some foreign Anabaptists were committed to the Tower.''^ Cromwell had apparently regained his influence when Parliament met on 1 2 April, and several of these men were released. The three preachers, however, still remained in the Tower, while the bishops contended about their doctrine ; and on 3 May two foreigners and an Englishman, all de bien basse condition, were burnt in Southwark for heresy against the Sacrament of the Altar.^*" A few days later a rich and popular citizen named Farmer was condemned by the Court of King's Bench to perpetual imprisonment and the forfeiture of all his goods for giving food and monev to a priest who had been his chaplain and who was in prison for upholding the authority of the pope, while two other rich citizens, apparently ot the same opinions as Farmer, secretly left the kingdom with their property. People were being imprisoned ' every day ' for eating flesh in Lent or not receiving the Communion at Easter ; but apparently they were not severely dealt with, and it is probable that members of the reforming party were just then in less danger than their opponents."^' Barnes seems to have been allowed to go out of prison to visit his friends ; he was still carrying on a ' fierce controversy ' with Gardiner, but, ' although many persons approve my state- ments, yet no one stands forward except Latimer,' ^'^ On 29 May the two most prominent members of Gardiner's party in London, Dr. Sampson and Dr. Wilson, were both committed to the Tower, charged with having sent alms to three priests, named Powell, Fetherston, and Abell, who had been in prison for six years ; and the keeper of Newgate was arrested for having allowed Powell and Abell to go out under bail. Wilson was also accused of treasonable communication with a chaplain of Bishop Tunstall's who had fled to Scotland after advising religious houses not to surrender, and he admitted that he had only satisfied his conscience about the Dissolution by throwing the responsibility on the king. Sampson's fall must have been quite unexpected, for he had just resigned the deanery of St. Paul's on his pre- ferment. ^'' Cranmer now began to preach at St. Paul's doctrine quite '*' Gardiner, op. cit. fol. v, et seq. (the account in Foxe, op. cit. v, 430-3, is derived from this) ; Orig. Letters (Parker Soc), i, 317 ; ii, 631 ; i. and P. Hen. Fill, xv, 312, 335, 429 ; Foxe, op. cit. v, App. vii, viii, xxi ; Hall, Chron. 31 Hen. VIII ; Corresp. politique de MM. de Castillm et de Marillac (Inventaire Analytique des Archives), letters dated 7 and 12 Mar. and 10 Apr. This correspondence will henceforth be quoted as Marillac, Corresp., with the date ; all the letters are summarized in L. and P. Hen. Fill. '*' Wriothesley, Ckron. (Camd. Soc), i, 114 ; Z,. and P. Hen. Fill, xv, 414 ; Foxe, op. cit. v, App. xxi ; Orig. Letters (Parker Soc), i, 210, 215 ; ii, 632 ; Gardiner, op. cit. fol. ix^, x; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 203 ; Hall, Chron. 31 Hen. VIII ; Marillac, Corresp. 10 Apr. For events of 11 and 12 Apr. see Wriothesley, op cit. i, 115 ; cf Brinklow's Complaint 0/ Roderick Mors (Early Engl. Text Soc), 29. '** Marillac, Corresp. 24 Apr. and 8 May ; Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 118 ; Orig. Letters (Parker Soc), i, 200 ; Stow, Annals. *" Marillac, Corresp. 21 May ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xv, 615, 650, 730, 939, 1005 ; xvi, 947 (73) ; Hall, Chron. 32 Hen. VIII ; Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 119 ; Stow, Annals. "' Orig. Letters (Parker Soc), ii, 617. '" The French ambassador heard that he had been made bishop of the new see of Westminster only two hours before he was arrested ; cf. L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiv (2), 429 ; xv, 831 (13). 276 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY contrary to Gardiner's, and it was rumoured that Latimer would again be given a bishopric. On i June Cromwell appeared to the French ambassador to have the advantage,^*** but ten days later he was sent to the Tower, and Gardiner remained victorious. Hall says that many Londoners lamented for him, but more rejoiced ; they banqueted and triumphed together that night. The Bill of Attainder which condemned him to death specially mentions his support of the ' new preachers.' ^^° His fall was the signal for an outbreak of persecution. In London four or five of the chief ' preachers of the gospel ' were imprisoned. Crome is said to have interceded successfully with the king,^^° and a general pardon was granted for offences committed before i July ; it was not, however, to extend to Anabaptists or to persons holding heretical opinions about the Sacrament of the Altar, and many others were excepted. Latimer was released, but he was forbidden to preach or to come within some miles of the City.^" Acts of Attainder were passed against Powell, Fetherston, Abell, Barnes, Garret, and Jerome,"'* who were executed together on 30 July, three as traitors and three as heretics. According to the French ambassador the people murmured so much that if they had had a leader there might have been grosse sedition. On the other hand, Hilles could only conjecture that the king ordered the execution of the three preachers in order to acquire fresh popularity for financial reasons. This admission of the general unpopu- larity of the preachers is the more significant since Hilles says that they had not spoken against the Six Articles since that Act came into force. The simultaneous punishment of papists and Lutherans probably seemed far more strange to a foreigner like the ambassador and to later historians than it did to the Londoners of 1 540. It is noteworthy that at their execution Barnes and his friends were careful to say nothing against any of the doctrines asserted in the Act of Six Articles, to denounce the 'abominable and detestable opinion' of the Anabaptists about the Blessed Virgin, and to state their theory of justifi- cation in terms far more guarded than those they had formerly used in their sermons. '"'' Prominent citizens who held the ' new opinions' must have been feeling their position dangerous ever since Easter. Hilles went abroad on the pretext of carrying on his trade; Bishop Gardiner failed to get evidence against him,'"" but some persons were arrested in Southwark, and a man was burnt there on 7 July for sacramental heresy.'" An inquiry under the Act of Six Articles was made in London about the same time. It seems probable that Hall's well-known description of the 'first quest ' ''"^ refers to this ; according "' Z,. and P. Hen. Fill, xiv (2), 748, 749 ; xv, 125, 719, 747, 758, 831 (13) ; Marillac, Corresp. I June ; Or'ig. Letters, i, 2 1 1 ; Hall, Chron. ; Stow, Annah ; Diet. Nat. Biog. For Abell cf. supra, p. 260. '" Marillac, Corresp. 11 June ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xv, 498 (i, 60), 765, 929, 939 ; Hall, Chron. 32 Hen. VIII ; Foxe, op. cit. v, 399. "^ Orlg. Letters (Parker Soc), i, 208. Possibly Hilles was mistaken in placing this occurrence before the general pardon, and it really belongs to the persecution under the Act of Six Articles in July. '" Ibid. 207, 215 ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xv, 498 (ii, cap. 49) ; cf. xiv (i), 867. »» Ibid. XV, 498 (i, 57, 58). "' Marillac, Corresp. 29 July, 6 Aug.; Orig. Letters, i, 209-1 1 ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xv, 981 ; xvi, 106 ; Hall, Chron. 32 Hen. VIII ; Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 120 ; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 203 ; Foxe, op. cit. V, 434 et seq. "" Orlg. Letters (Parker Soc), i, 198, 232. "" Ibid. 200 ; Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 119. "" It is generally assumed that this occurred in 1539, because Hall says it was a 'short time after ' the Act. But in February 1539-40 no preacher had yet been molested {Orig. Letters [Parker Soc], ii, 614), and the writ in Letter Bk. P (see below) agrees with Hall's account of the king's intervention. Cf the allusions in Foxe, op. cit. v, 443, and Marillac, Corresp. 6 Aug. 1540. See note 305 below. 277 A HISTORY OF LONDON to him the jury of citizens extended their investigations much beyond the scope of the Act, to include misdoings which they termed ' branches ' of it ; they indicted ' of mahce ' a large number of persons, and if the king had not granted his pardon many would have been burnt. , On i August the inquiry was stopped by the king's order.'"' Foxe's account ' of the Troubles at London in the time of the Six Articles''" gives the names of just over two hundred 'persons presented^ with the causes of their persecution.' More than half of these were indicted for offences altogether beyond the scope of the Act.'"^ Some were said to have 'maintained' Barnes and other preachers, others to have disturbed divine service by ' brabbling of the New Testament ' or ' with loud reading of the English Bible ' ; while the commonest offences were contempt of ceremonies, neglect to come to confession or receive the sacrament at Easter, and non- attendance at church or irreverent behaviour there. Only sixty-one were said either to be ' sacramentaries ' or to have behaved in a way which might possibly have led to their punishment under the first of the Six Articles ; while offences against the other five Articles are even less numerous. Most of the cases would twenty years earlier have been dealt with by the ordinary ecclesiastical courts. On 4 August 1540 Thomas Epsam, a monk of Westminster, who had been imprisoned in Newgate for more than three years, refused to take the oath of supremacy : ' Wherefore his monk's garment was plucked from his back and he repried till the king knew his malicious obstinacy ; and this was the last monk that was seen in his clothing in England.''"* On the same day about ten persons were executed for treason, in most cases for denying the royal supremacy, having been condemned by Act of Attainder.'"^ But this wholesale execution, which seems to have been the result of a determination to empty the prisons,'"* completes the list of Henry's victims during that terrible summer ; the four Londoners — Farmer, Dr. Wilson, Bishop Sampson, and the keeper of New- gate — who had been imprisoned through Cromwell's influence were released.'"* The next five years were comparatively peaceful. The uncertainty as to what was to be considered erroneous teaching existed no longer, and heretics "" Hall, Chron. 31 Hen. VIII ; Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. P, fol. 2191J. This gives a copy of a writ to the bishop, mayor, and other commissioners under the Act, ordering them to send information immediately of all that had been done by virtue of that commission, and meanwhile to cease proceedings. The return to this writ was made by the mayor and the recorder. As Hall does not mention the bishop or his officials in connexion with the inquiry it would seem that this attempt to root out heresy by extending the already extra- ordinary powers given by the Act was mainly the work of the City authorities. Holinshed reprints Hall's account, with some significant omissions, but there seems to be no other authority for it. The silence of the two contemporary chroniclers — Wriothesley and the author of that printed in Camd. Misc. iv — is remarkable, and so is that of Grafton, who must have been partly responsible for the account in Hall (cf. Gairdner, Lollardy and the Reformation, ii, 201-2), and whose chronicle for this period is in other respects almost verbally the same as Hall's. '°* Foxe, op. cit. V, 44.3 ; cf. iv, 586 et seq. "* The similarity of these to the ' branches ' mentioned by Hall, together with the fact that the recanta- tions of two of the clergy named took place in 1543, seems to show that although Foxe gives 1541 as the date, the cases collected either occurred at various times or are, with the exception of a few at the end of the list, actually those of the persons indicted in 1540. Cf the references to Calais and the Lord Chancellor on p. 451 with L. and P. Hen VIII, xv, passim, and Hall, ut sup. ^« Hall, Chron. 32 Hen. Mil ; Stow, Annals. '"' Ibid. ; Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 121 ; Orig. Letters, \, 211 ; Marillac, Corresp. 6 Aug. ; L. and P. Hen. nil, XV, 498 (i, 56-9 ; cf ii, cap. 49). '"' Marillac, Corresp. 23 June. ^ L. and P. Hen. VIII, xv, 1005 (cf. xvi, 947 [73]) ; Orig. Letters, i, 21 1 ; Hall, Chron. 32 Hen. VIII ; Foxe, op. cit. V, 452. 278 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY could no longer count upon the support of the king or his ministers. The attempts to prevent the circulation of heretical books were resumed, but the use of translations of parts of the Church services did not meet w^ith much ■opposition from the rulers of the Church, w^ho themselves authorized the use of the English Litany.'*"'^ The demoralizing effects of theological strife continued ; there was an increasing lack of reverence for sacred things, and a decay of the virtue of charity. Bonner's attempts to find a remedy for these evils were quite ineffectual, nor did he win the confidence of those citizens who believed further changes to be necessary. But he proved a hardworking bishop, successful enough in the management of ordinary diocesan affairs. Between August 1540 and his departure abroad early in 1542 he seems to have restored order in the diocese and regained the control over his clergy which Stokesley had lost. The responsibility for various repressive measures rests partly with him and partly with the king. In October 1540 he forbade any one, except rectors, &c., in their own churches, to preach without his licence.'^" This inhibition was specially directed against John Wyllocke, probably the ' Scottish friar ' mentioned by Foxe ^^^ as having been imprisoned in the Fleet for preaching against confession, holy water, praying to saints, purgatory, and the celibacy of the clergy. Meanwhile Dr. Crome continued to preach 'with more zeal than ordinary,' and pointed out that those who believed in masses for the dead could not well approve of the destruction of the monasteries. The king appointed commissioners to examine him, and they drew up a declaration for him to read at his next sermon, stating that although masses were profitable for the souls departed, yet the monasteries had been ' lawfully and justly suppressed.' His manner of reading it was unsatisfactory, and he was forbidden to preach any more.'^* There is no mention of Bonner in con- nexion with this case; but in 1541 he took action against Alexander Seton, a Scottish divine who had preached at St. Antholin's with the consent of the rector ' against free will and good works.' ^^^ Foxe is the only authority for the proceedings of the ' quests ' under the Act of Six Articles which took place in i 541—2. The commission for the first is dated 29 January 1541, and ' sundry persons ' were imprisoned for a time. Bonner was present at the next, held at the Guildhall in July. Foxe represents him as urging the reluctant juries to present offenders, but this is hardly consistent with their request that the parsons and curates of every parish should give them in- structions, which the recorder refused to allow. At last one jury presented a lad of about eighteen named Richard Meekins,*^* ' an orphan of London,' who had learnt from Dr. Barnes the Lutheran doctrine of the Eucharist. Under the Act no abjuration could save the prisoner ; but he ' died like a true Christian man,' confessing that he believed the Sacrament ' to be the very Body of Christ,' and speaking 'much good of the Bishop of London and of the great charity that he showed him.' "' A pewterer named Daye was ""* rUe infra, p. 283. ™ Wilkins, Cone, iii, 855. '" Op. cit. iv, 586 ; V, 448. One or two other Scots seem to have been prominent among the few London clergy who still maintained the ' new opinions.' '" Foxe, op. cit. V, App. xvi ; Orig. Letters (Parker Soc), i, 211-15. For two cases of 'seditious preaching' in 1541 see Proc.ofP.C. (Rec. Com.), vii, 182, 285. '" Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 132 ; cf. Foxe, op. cit. v, 446, 448-51. '" Foxe, V, 440-2, App. ix. "' Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 126; Hall, Chron. 32 Hen. VIII; Orig. Letters, i, 221 ; cf. Rec. Corp. Repert. x, fol. 21415. - 279 A HISTORY OF LONDON 'condemned for auricular confession ' early in 1542, and remained a prisoner in Newgate for three years.^'^ In December 1540 Melanchthon's letter to Henry VIII against the Act of Six Articles had been published in London, and the Privy Council im- prisoned several booksellers, including Grafton, for selling it and other 'seditious books.' '^^ In 1541 and 1542 the bishop took further steps to prevent the sale of forbidden books.*'' But Bonner was not, like Stokesley, afraid to allow the ' simple people ' to study God's word for themselves. In 1540 he had several Bibles set up in St. Paul's, with a notice over each, admonishing readers to use them in a proper spirit, to make no expositions, and to be specially careful not to read aloud during service or sermon. This admonition was disregarded by ' divers wilful and unlearned persons,' including a young man named John Porter, who was imprisoned by order of the bishop, and, according to Foxe, died in Newgate. Bonner then warned readers that if the offenders persevered in their folly he would take down the Bibles : ' which ... I should be right loth to do.' "' The short-lived bishopric of Westminster (December 1540 to March 1550) is of little importance in the ecclesiastical history of London. The proposed elevation of Sampson to it never took effect, and the bishop ultimately appointed, Thomas Thirlby, was abroad as an ambassador during the greater part of his episcopate. His diocese included the two parishes in West- minster, St. Clement Danes, and St. Mary le Strand,'*^" and he was patron of eleven City rectories, ten of which had been in the gift of the abbey. Of the City livings affected by the Dissolution twenty-two, including these ten, remained in the hands of ecclesiastics ; the Crown kept eighteen, thus enormously increasing its influence over the religious affairs of the City, and ten others passed to laymen.*^' The rectory of St. Mary Colechurch came to the Mercers' Company in 1541, when they bought from the king, through Sir Richard Gresham, the church of St. Thomas of Aeon ; it became their chapel, that built for them a few years before by Sir John Allen being made into shops.'"^ In August 1540 the Common Council had offered the king 1,000 marks for the houses and churches of the friars; Gresham reported that the king called the citizens ' pynche-pence,' and negotiations dragged on for some years.'" In February 1542 began the fall of the colleges of secular priests in London. But the dissolution of St. Martin le Grand seems to have attracted little attention ; a royal free chapel, perhaps it "° Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 37 ; Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 156. For a case of heresy in 1543 see Foxe, op. cit. V, App. xv. '" Proc. o/P.C. (Rec. Com.), vii, 100, 104, no ; of. L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiv (2), 315 ; Foxe, op. cit. V, 350. 4»2. '" Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 2\b ; Foxe, op. cit. v, App. x ; cf. note, ibid. 831. '" Foxe, op. cit. V, 451-2, App. xiv ; H. Brinklow, Complaint (Early Engl. Text Soc), 54 ; cf Wilkins, Cone, iii, 856, 863 ; Proe. of P.C. (Rec. Com.), vii, 181, 185 ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xvi, p. 309 ; Marillac, Coiresp. II May 1 541. ™ L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiv (2), 429, 430 ; xvi, 333, 379 (30, 35) ; cf. Diet. Nat. Biog. and the account of Westminster Abbey in this volume. '" L. and P. Hen. Fill, xvi, 503 (33) ; Hennessy, Novum Repert. "' L. andP. Hen. Fill, xvii, 283 (55) ; Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 129 ; Stow, Surv. (ed. Kingsford), i, 269 ; cf. the account of the chapel of St. James Cripplegate (Lamb's chapel) ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xii (i), 311 (28) ; xiv (l), p. 610 ; xviii (l), 346 (66) ; Nevvcourt, Repert. i, 369 ; Stow, op. cit. i, 316 ; Gent. Mag. Lib. ' Topog.' XV, 291 et seq. '" Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. P, fol. 220^; Repert. x, fol. 200 ; Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, i, 406. Wriothesley's information (op. cit. i, 1 29) must have been incorrect, but cf. Piideaux, Mem. of the Goldsmiths, i, 50. 280 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY had always stood somewhat aloof from the general religious life of the City.^-* Bonner's episcopate was not, like the two preceding, one long struggle against innovations in religion. The injunctions of i 542 show that attempts were made to reform practical abuses, though the bishop had little sympathy with those who desired changes in doctrine. This was probably the attitude of many of the citizens, and there is some evidence in the years 1 541—2 of a revival of devotion, or at least of certain of its outward manifestations. A great drought was followed by pestilence in 1540, and the mayor and the bishop ' caused general procession to be once in the week through the City.' '"° The citizens still made much use of images to aid their devotions ; this practice was encouraged by both Gardiner and Bonner, and ' although by the virtue of the king's injunctions divers idols be taken away,' yet Bonner 'shamed not ... to set up other in their places.' '^^ But in accor- dance with the king's orders issued in October i 541,'" the shrine of St. ' Art- nolle ' (probably Earconwald) and the gallery where the rood of the north door had stood were taken down in St. Paul's, and in Westminster the yet more famous shrine of St. Edward the Confessor.'^^ Alderman Wilford was accused by another man of being a ' maintainer ' of the Bishop of Rome's arms in the window of his parish church, and at the same time the Lord Chancellor was consulted about ' the picture of the Bishop of Rome standing upon the Cross in Cheap.' *^' Much light is thrown upon the state of religion in I 542 by Brinklow's tract called The Lamentation of a Christian agai?ist the City of hondonl^^^ It appears that ' the great part of these inordinate rich stiffnecked citizens ' would not have the English Bible in their houses nor allow their servants to read it. They not only held processions ' once or twice in the week, crying and calling to creatures and not the Creator,' but bestowed ' great substance ' upon chantries and obits,'" though innumerable poor were forced to go from door to door, and to sit in the streets begging. Brinklow declares that many things were done in London contrary to the royal Injunctions ; Bonner's Injunctions issued in this year'^^ begin by commanding the clergy to keep those of the king, and to provide them- selves with copies both of them and of The Institution of a Christian Man. Each parson, vicar, and curate was to study every week a chapter of the Bible, with the help of some approved commentary. Non-residence was per- mitted only on the king's dispensation and the provision of an approved curate, and no one under the degree of a bishop was to preach in another man's cure without special licence. Preachers were not to rehearse sermons of '" See the article on ' Religious Houses.' '-' Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 123 ; cf. Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 2\b. "« Brinklow, Complaint (Early Engl. Text See), 61 ; cf. 87. "' Foxe, op. cit. V, 463 ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xvi, 1258 (from Foxe ; the letter is in the Epis. Reg. fol. 32). "' Lond. Chron. 16 in Camd. Misc. iv ; cf. MaiilLic, Corresp. 29 Oct. The image of 'Our Lady in the Pew ' at Westminster was taken down in Oct. i 54.5 ; Jets of P. C. i, 261. "' Rec. Corp. Repert. x, fol. 236^. "" Reprinted by the Early Engl. Text Soc. '" Cf. the eleven wills made between 1539 and 1546 in Sharpe, Cat. of Wills, ii, 645-8, 650, 655, 660, 662, five of which provide for prayers for the soul of the testator, one contains a legacy to the rector of St Peter Cornhill, another one for lights at Allhallows Staining, while four have no religious bequests. The Chantry Certificates (Roll 34, no. 29, 93, 94) mention four wills of this period providing for chantries or obits to be maintained for a limited time. ^' W'ilkins, Concilia, iii, 864. I 281 36 A HISTORY OF LONDON other men made within the last 200 years ; they were to recite distinctly the Gospel or the Epistle for the day, and explain it ' after the mind of some Catholic doctor allowed in this Church of England,' the mention of ' any opinion not allowed,' in order to refute it, being reserved for special preachers. They were to stir their hearers ' to obedience of good works and prayers,' to explain the meaning of any notable ceremony used that day in the church, and instruct them what the Church specially prayed for that day. As occasion served, they were to declare the efficacy and signification of the sacraments. Every preacher was to beware not to 'feed his audience with any fable, or other histories ' which he could not show to be written by ' some allowed writer ; ' and none were ' to rage or rail, . . . but coldly, discreetly and charitably ... set forth the excellency of virtue, or to sup- press the abomination of sin and vice.' Twice a quarter the curates were to declare to their parishioners the seven deadly sins and the ten com- mandments. Every clergyman was to be ready to teach all children of the parish who came to him for instruction, as best he could, ' taking moder- ately therefor of their friends that be able to pay ; ' they were at least to learn to read English, that they might the better ' know how to believe, how to pray, how to live to God's pleasure.' Curates were to endeavour to make peace in case of any discord among their parishioners, and to set an example of forgiveness. No priest was to use unlawful games, or to fre- quent ale-houses or light company ; a severe reference is made to priests who ' used to go in an unseemly and unpriestly . . . apparel, with unlaw- ful tonsures, carrying . . . armour and weapons.'"'^ The curates were to exhort the laity to abstain from ' swearing and blaspheming of the holy name of God, or any part of Christ's most precious body and blood,' from evil speaking, slandering and lying, from talking and iangling in church during divine service or sermons, and from immorality, gluttony and drunkenness, and were to present offenders at the visitations. It was ' a practice universally reigning ' for young people to resort to ale-houses on Sundays and holy days, and play at bowls, with great swearing and drunken- ness ; tavern-keepers were forbidden to allow this, on pain of excommunica- tion. In April I 541 measures had been taken to discover those who had not confessed to their own curates during Lent,''* and now the bishop ordered that as some who despised their own curates or wished to hide their 'lewd and naughty living ' were accustomed to be confessed by other priests, no one should be ' admitted to God's board ' who had not confessed to his own curate. Another injunction ''° forbade any 'common plays, games or inter- ludes ' to be acted in churches or chapels. In April 1 543 twenty joiners were imprisoned for having made a * disguising ' on Sunday morning. ' The licentious manner of players ' and the eating of flesh in Lent were such common misdemeanours in the City that '^' This is illustrated by a case in the bishop's court that year, when a priest of St. Antholin's parish was warned ' quod de cetero induat se et incedat veste clericale et decenti,' on peril of suspension ; Hale, A Series of Precedents, J 3 1 . "' Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 19. ^^ Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 39 ; incompletely printed by Wilkins. The fact that disobedience was to be reported to the bishop's officials may indicate that this was an att.ick on a long-established custom. The plays acted in the churches can hardly have been those lately discussed by Convocation as being performed in London 'in verbi Dei magnum dedecus et contemptum ' ; Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 861 ; cf Acts of P.C. i, 103-4, '°9> '22. Other acts of this Convocation might be compared with the London Injunctions. 2S2 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY year, that the mayor and aldermen complained to the Privy Council of the offenders, most of whom were connected with the court. ''^^ The Privy Council also examined and imprisoned a large number of booksellers, one being Richard Grafton, for printing or circulating unlawful books.'" Among these were probably the works of Thomas Becon, a priest who had recanted three years before but had continued to write under an assumed name. On Relic Sunday he recanted at Paul's Cross, cutting in pieces with his own hands eleven of his books. Two other priests recanted at the same time. One of them, Robert Wisdom, nephew of a citizen and curate at St. Mary Aldermary under Dr. Crome, had twice before been suspected of heretical opinions. In his sermons he had denied man's free will, and spoken against prayers to saints.'^* In I 544 seven persons, one of them Bishop Gardiner's secretary and the others all priests, were executed for denying the royal supremacy,'*^' and John Heywood recanted at Paul's Cross his ' erroneous opinion ' that the Bishop of Rome was supreme head of the universal Church of Christ on earth. ^^^ The curate of St. Martin Iremonger did penance for absence from a general pro- cession and for neglecting to hear confessions in his parish, by walking in the next procession without a surplice, bearing a lighted candle. Cases of clerical neglect of duty seem to have been dealt with very lightly at this period, even when the nature of the offence made it highly probable that the priest held some at least of the ' new opinions.' '" The great ecclesiastical event of i 544, the introduction by authority of the use of part of the Church services in English, had long been anticipated in London. The Te Deum had been sung in English as early as 1538.'*^ In May 1542 the curate of St. Mary Colechurch was forbidden for the present to administer any sacrament verbis vulgaribus. Next January, how- ever, Richard Grafton and Edward Whitchurch were granted the privilege of printing the mass-book, grail, antiphoner, hymnal, portas, and primer, in Latin and English, which had formerly been printed abroad,'**^ and in June 1544 the king 'set forth a Litany in English,' to be sung in every parish church in England, ' which was the godliest hearing that ever was in this realm,' says Wriothesley. Several of the London churches bought new ' processionar books ' in i 545. On St. Luke's Day ' Paul's quire sung the procession in English by the king's injunction.' ''^ '" Z,. and P. Hen. Fill, xviii (i), 327 ; Jets of P.C. i, 103-4, >°^> '°8> '°9> ''O; ''2> "4> '^z, 125; Stow, Annals; cf. the royal proclamation allowing 'white meats' to be eaten; Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 52^. In February a 'lewd person' had been punished for misbehaviour in church ; Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, i, 422 ; Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. Q, fol. 102. ^" Acts of P.C. i, 107, 115, 117, 120, 125, 126, 128; d. L. and P. Hen. VIII, xTt (z), ^16 ; Hale, A Series of Precedents, 133. "' Foxe, op. cit. V, App. xii, xxii* ; Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 142. Cf Strype, Mem. i (ii), 463 et seq. ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xi, 136-8 ; Diet. Nat. Biog. '^' Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 206 ; Stow, Annals. For Larice, who three years before had been rector of St. Ethelburga (Hennessy, Novum Repert.), cf. Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. ^ib. '*" Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 148 ; Foxe, op. cit. v, 528, 834. '" Hale, A Series of Precedents, 136 ; cf the case on p. 129, the result of which is given in Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 18. ^^ Fide supra, p. 269. It was also sung in English in 1543, when the offender was told to observe the accustomed order until ' aliter habuerit in mandatis ' of the iiing or his council ; Hale, op. cit. 133. "' Hale, op. cit. 131 ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xviii (l), 100 (31). "' Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 148, 161 ; Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 86g ; Lond. Chron. 17 in Camd. Misc. iv ; Par. Rec. St. Alphage, St. Andrew Hubbard, St. Mary Woolnoth, St. Margaret Westminster, St. Martin in the Fields. 283 A HISTORY OF LONDON The surrender in i 544 of the chapel of Rouncivall near Charing Cross by the fraternity which had kept up the services there/*' like that of St. Martin le Grand, forms a link between the earlier confiscation of monastic property and that of the endowments of chantries, &c., in 1548. Another such link was the seizure of a famous steeple in St. Paul's Churchyard in 1545 ; the king granted it to Sir Miles Partridge, who was currently said to have won it from him at dice.^" Henry was in great need of money that year, and in January a proposal was made to seize the silver plate of the parish churches, but as it was thought that this might seem ' somewhat strange ' to ' men that either want experience or a right judgement of things,' another plan was adopted ; Parliament ' committed to the king's order ' certain colleges, chantries, and hospitals, and an inquiry was ordered regarding those in the diocese of London. Meanwhile the clergy had been required to pay in July an instalment of the last subsidy which was not due till Christmas. It is to be feared that the royal proceedings had a demoralizing effect on other persons who had dealings with Church property ; several London parishes were selling their plate, and in 1545 it was necessary for the Common Council to pass an Act regulating the conditions on which leases could be made of property belonging to the City churches."^ In December i 544 ' books of heresies ' against all the sacraments, abusing the Bishop of Winchester and other learned men, had been found in London. In January 1545 some cases of reading forbidden books came before the Court of Aldermen. An inquiry held in the spring under the amended Act of Six Articles is notable for the case of Anne Askew, who came from Lincolnshire but seems to have had friends in London. On 20 March Bishop Bonner persuaded her to sign a declaration that she believed Christ's Body and Blood to be really present in the Sacrament. Notwithstanding this, on I 3 June she and two others were ' indicted for sacramentaries,' but the jury found all three not guilty, and they were discharged.'" Vigorous measures were taken by the Government during the spring and summer of 1546, when the Earl of Hertford was abroad and the conservative party was dominant in the Privy Council. Dr. Crome, now, according to the Imperial ambassador, ' a grave old doctor, much liked by the king,' was ordered, in consequence of a sermon against the received doctrine of the Eucharist, to sign certain articles and declare his belief at Paul's Cross. He took counsel with Latimer and others, and his sermon was so unsatisfac- tory that he was again imprisoned, when he seems to have submitted almost at once, and on 27 June made a ' plain recantation ' at the Cross. He gave information which led to the arrest of others, and a persecution began which was continued for several months, in spite of signs of discontent in the City '" L. and P. Hen. VIII, xix (2), 590 ; 'Our Lady's Tabernacle' there had been already transferred to St. Margaret's Westminster (Chwdns.' Accts. 1540-2), and St. Martin in the Fields now obtained a cope and other ornaments ; Chwdns.' Accts. 1544. '" Lend. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 70, job ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xx (l), 620 (46) ; Rymer, Toedera, xv, 71 ; Lond. Chron. 18 in Camd. Misc. iv ; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 235 ; Stow, Sutf. (ed. Kingsford), i, 330. "' L. and P. Hen. VIII, xx (l), 16 ; ibid. (2), 850 (4) ; xxi (l), 302 (30) ; cf. 309 ; Gee and Hardy, Doc. Sec, 329 et seq. ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 121 ; Hall, Chron.; Rec. Corp. Repert. xi, fol. 184 ; journ. XV, fol. 96 ; S.P. Dom Edw. VI, v, 19. A large exchange of property between the king and the bishop was made this year ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Grindal, fol. 343 et seq. Cf. Bonner's letter in State Papers Hen. VIII, i, 762, and L. ar.dP. Hen. VIII, xxi (i), 148 (134), 716 (16). ^*' Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 208 ; Rec. Corp. Repert. xi, fol. 1 36, 1 37^ ; Foxe, op. cit. v, 538 et seq.; Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 155. 284 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Most of the Londoners whose cases are recorded had some connexion with him, but three priests are mentioned independently — the curate of St. Katha- rine Coleman, Robert Wisdom, and the rector of St. Peter Cornhill. In June Anne Askew, Dr. Shaxton, sometime Bishop of Salisbury, a London lawyer named White, and an Essex tailor, were indicted at the Guildhall, confessed their heresies, and were condemned to be burnt. The next day Shaxton and White were converted to ' the true belief,' by the efforts of Bonner and ' other doctors,' but Anne Askew was taken to the Tower, where she was tortured in order to make her accuse other ladies of sharing her opinions. The Imperial ambassador wrote at the beginning of July that a great examination and punishment of heretics was going on, no class being spared ; the pardon of those who recanted had had a very good effect upon the common people, who were greatly infected. On the 1 2th an Essex priest, and Crome's friend Lascelles, a lawyer, con- fessed their heresy at the Guildhall and were condemned ; Blage, a favourite of the king, who was also condemned, received a pardon just in time. Dr. Shaxton preached at the execution of Anne Askew and her three companions, Anne, undaunted by all her suffering, commenting on his arguments as he proceeded. Their constancy probably did much to encourage others. Less than a week later the servant of a citizen confessed to the same heresy, but seems to have escaped execution. By the middle of September the Imperial ambassador thought the king was more inclined to favour the Protestants than he had been a year before, and although on the 26th a number of heretical books were burnt at Paul's Cross, the persecution ceased with the return of the Earl of Hertford and the Lord Admiral to court at the beginning of October. The majority of the people seemed to the ambassador to belong to ' these perverse sects,' and they did not conceal their wish to see the Bishop of Winchester and other adherents of the ancient faith sent to the Tower.'" A change had taken place since 1540, which was not merely in the attitude of the Londoners towards persons accused of heresy. Feckenham, afterwards Abbot of Westminster, preaching at Paul's Cross in January 1547, lamented that ' sanctimony of life is put away, with fastings on Wed- nesdays and Saturdays, and beads. And therefore good men dare not now use them for fear they should be laughed to scorn.' '^° The cause of this change is not so clear. Perhaps there had been a gradual leavening of opinion by the ideas already expounded in the sermons of men like Latimer, and there is little doubt that the ' forbidden books ' had a large circulation in London, and that the English Bible was studied by people of all classes in spite of the Act of 1543 forbidding women, apprentices, servants, and others of low degree to read it. Many, no doubt, who had disliked the ' new learning ' in the time of its triumph would be far more "' Jets of P.C. i, 394-509, passim ; Strype, Mem. iii (l), l6l et seq. (cf. L. and P. Hen. Fill, xxi (l), 776) ; L. and P. Hen. Fill, xxi (i), 813, 1027, 1180, 1383 (49, 71, 72) ; State Papers Hen. Fill, i, 842-50, 866, 878 ; Foxe, op. cit. v, 543-53, 564-6, App. xvi, xvii, xviii ; Ca/. Spanish State Papers, viii, 262, 266, 291, 320, 370, 386 ; Rec. Corp. Repert. xi, fol. 275^, 277 ; Wriothesley, Chron. (Camd. Soc), i, 166-70, 175; Narratives of the Reformation (Camd. Soc), 40-5, 300-11 ; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 211, 212; Hall, Chron.; Diet. Nat. Biog. "° S.P. Dom. 16 Jan. 1546-7. But cf. Hooper's opinion in Jan. 1546 ; Orig. Letters (Parker Soc), i, 36. 28s A HISTORY OF LONDON ready to consider the arguments in its favour when its followers were suffering from persecution. Whatever the cause it seems certain that by the end of 1546 the majority of the citizens were prepared, if not to welcome, at least not to oppose, the changes which began soon after. Another point worthy of notice in connexion with the persecution of 1 546 is that all who suffered are said to have held erroneous opinions concerning the Eucharist. Up till 1543 those who denied transubstantiation were usually men in obscure positions, and till 1531 a connexion can be traced between all but one of them and the ' sect ' of Lollards which existed in the City before 1 52 1. In 1540 only 61 out of the 200 persons whom Foxe mentions as having been persecuted under the Act of Six Articles seem to have been ' sacramentaries.' Robert Wisdom's recantation in 1 543 contains nothing about the mass. Dr. Crome's declaration of 1541 only mentions it in connexion with the efficacy of prayers for the dead, while his recantation of 1546 is entirely concerned with it, and includes an assertion that the bread and wine becomes the very Body and Blood of our Saviour.'^^ It seems clear that either the leaders of religious thought in London had learnt to think differently on this matter, or public opinion had altered so much that they dared to teach openly what they already thought. The parochial and other records, however, indicate that the outward manifestations of religion were as yet little affected. The ' general processions* described so fully by the chroniclers as marking almost every occasion of joy or humiliation were different in two respects, the absence of monks and friars and the language of the prayers ; but the description of that which celebrated the peace made with France in June i 546 would otherwise serve for them all. Every parish church sent its silver cross, which was followed by the clerks in rich robes, and the priests in copes. After these came the quire of St. Paul's with their crosses and copes, then the bishop bearing the Sacrament of the Altar under a rich canopy, bareheaded, his cross and mitre borne before him, with torches about the sacrament. The lord mayor and aldermen fol- lowed, with all the crafts of the City in their best liveries. Stow notes that ' this was the last show of the rich crosses and copes in London, for shortly after they, with other their churchplate, were called into the king's treasury.' '°* In 1546 the City at last succeeded in its efforts to preserve some of the property of religious houses for charitable uses, and obtained from the king the precinct of the Grey Friars with the buildings upon it, the hospital of St. Bar- tholomew ^" with its church and some of its endowment, the income from the rectories of St. Nicholas Shambles, St. Ewen's, and that part of St. Sepulchre's which lay within Newgate, and also the management of the hospital of St. Mary of Bethlehem, which had not been suppressed. The dwellers within the latter hospital became parishioners of St. Botolph Bishopsgate, and the rest of the area affected was formed into two parishes, the churches of St. Nicholas and St. Ewen being pulled down. The arrangements made show what provision was considered desirable for the needs of both large and small parishes at that period. The vicar of St. Bartholomew's, who was to have "' See the recantations, &c., in Foxe, op. cit. iv and v, and L. and P. Hen. Fill, passim. '^- Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 163-4 ! Mcnum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 210 ; Stow, Annals. '^^ This had been refounded in 1544 by letters patent, but apparently the arrangement failed — probably the endowment was insufficient. For the earlier re-foundation see the section on ' Religious Houses.' 286 REFERENCE, The litM of poriih churchM me indicilcd by a >quvc crou + , the numbers appended relaring lo llic actomi>an)'ing lilt Tboje belonging lo the Deanery o( Bow (peculiar! of the Arehbishop of Conleitury) aie marked by a circle round the ao» Si. , Outside the aru ^own in the map, but within the ban, were the patuh cKutcJm of St. Andrew Holborn. Si. Duniian in ihc Wc*t. and St. Bride. 1 Si, Allan. ? All HaIIowi Bailing. 3. AN Hallowi Bread Slrccl. 4 All HJIow. Iht Oral. S All H..llo»> Honey Utx. fi. All H.llow. Iho Um. 7 All H.llow> LomWd Sum. 8, All Hillowi London WJI. 9. All Hallows StAming. 10. Si. Alphago. 11. Si. Andrm HolUd 19. Si. Andrew Undn>l,.ll. 13 Si. Andrew b; ihc M'ardrolc. 14. S S.Anne and Agnc lb. Si. Anlholin. 16. Si. Auguilinc. 17. Si. BarlWomew ILuhange. 1R. Si, Benel Finl. 19. St, Bene! GracecJiureh, m. Si, Benel Paul, tt'harl. 21. Si. Benel Shcrehog. 9?. Si. Bololpl, BUIinjigale. 93. 24. Si. Clemenl Caitchcafi. n. Si Dionir Baikeliorcli. 95. Sl- Duntlan in Ihe Eail, 97. Si, Edmund ihe King. 28. Sl. Ejkelburga. 99. Sl. Anne Blacklrian 30. Sl. Failh, 31 Sl. Gabnel Fenchureti. 32. St. Ceeirge Bololph Line 33. Sl. Gregory. 34. Sl. Helen. 35, Sl. Jame. Carllekhilbe, 36. Sl |o1.n ihe Bafli.l. Wall,r,..k 37 Sl. John ihc Evangclitl. 38 Sl. John Zacharv, 39 Sl. Kalhaiine Colman 40 Sl. Kalhannc Crrc. 41 Sl. Laurence jcwr>.. 4? St. Laurence Pounlney. 43 Sl. Leonard Eailcheap 44 Sl. Leonard Foiltf 45 Sl. Magnu.. 4b Sl. Margaret Ulhbury, 47, Sl. Margarcl More*. 48 Sl, Margaret New Fiih Sirc*.|, 49. St, Margaret Patient. 50 Sl Martin liemongcr. 51 Si Maltin Ludgaic 59 Sl, Martin Otgai, 53. St, MaiUn Outwicb, 54 St. Manin Vmliy- 55 Sl- Mary Ahehurch. 56, Sl. Mary Aldnmanbury. .57, St. Mary Aldcrmary, 58. Chrirtchurcb Newgate 59. St, Mary Bolhaw 60. 5l. Mary le How. 61. Sl, Mary Colcehorch, 6? St. Mary at Hill. 63. Sl. Mary Mounthaw. 64. Sl, Mary SonteTKl. 65. Sl. Mary Staining 66. Sl. Mary Woolchoreh, 67 Sl. Mary Woolnoth. 68. Sl. Mary Magdalen M.Ik Sited 69 Sl. Maty Magdalen Old Fol. St 70 St, Matthew Friday Streel. 71 Sl. Michael Baitihaw, 79. St, Michael Cornh.ll 73, Sl, Michael Crooked Unc 74. St, Michael Qacenhilhe, 75, Sl. Michael le Qucrne, 76 St, Michael Royal or Palern,..ter 77 Sl, Michael Wood -Siicet. 78 St, Mildred Bread Sireel, 79. St. Mildred Poultry, BO. Sl Nichola. Aeon, 81. St, Nichola. Coleabbey, R9 Sl. Nicholar Olavc, 83. Sl. Jame. Duke'. Place, 84. Sl, Olave Hon SttcTl, 85. St, Ola.e Jewry. 86. Sl, Olave Silver Strwl, 87. Sl, Pancra. Soper Lane. 88. St. Peter Cheap. 89. St. Pelcr Cornhill. 90. St. Peter Paul'. Wharl, 91. Sl Peter le Poor. 92. St. Stephen Coleman Slieel, 93. Sl. Stephen Walbrook, 94. Sl. Swilhin, 95. Sl Thoma. Apoille 96. Holv Tr.nii, the Little, •97 Sl Vcda.l or FoJer. 98. St, Botolpb Aldefigale, 99. Sl Bololph Aldgale, 100. St, Bololph Bi.hop.gale. 101. Sl. die. Cnpplegale, 102. Sl, Peter in the Tower. 103. Sl, Sepulchre, 104. Sl, Bartholomew ihe Crcal, 105. St, Bailholomew the Lc. 106. Holy Trinil, Minotie.. M*p HI ; Skltch Map t.> Illustrati: the Ecclesiastical AsPtcr of THt CiTV of Losdon iiumsfi thf. Ptmou BirwtEN THt Rkpormation and the Great Finfc ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY charge only of the inhabitants of the close and the poor in the hospital, was to receive £ii 6s. Sd. yearly, with a suitable house, and to be assisted by another priest called a hospitaller in visiting and ministering to the poor people there. The other parish was to be called Christ Church ; its vicar received j£26 I3J-. 4^. with a suitable house ; he was expected to be able to preach, while apparently the vicar of St. Bartholomew's was not. Six other priests were to be attached to the church ; one, called the visitor, to attend to the prisoners in Newgate, and five to help the vicar. All the assistant clergy were to be paid, appointed, and if necessary dismissed, by the mayor and corporation.^'* The spiritual needs of the inhabitants of what had been the precincts of three religious houses were thus provided for ; in some parts of the City no similar arrangement was made, and the matter grew serious as more houses were built within such precincts. For example, at Holy Trinity Aldgate the people ' became utterly destitute of any parish church,' so they made themselves parishioners of St. Katharine Cree ; but they must have been always treated as outsiders, since more than eighty years later, when they built the church of St. James Duke's Place, they could be described as * without benefit of a parish church of their own.' '" The Grey Friars' church probably needed some reparation, for, like those of the Austin and Black Friars, it had been used as a storehouse for wine and herrings ; ^^* but it was re-opened on 30 January 1547. The Bishop of Rochester preached that day at Paul's Cross, ' and declared the king's gift to the City of London for the relieving of the poor people.'^" Unknown to the citizens who listened to his praises. King Henry was even then dead. A heavy indictment of the immediate results of his policy is contained in his own speech to Parliament in December 1545. He lamented the lack of charity among his hearers, — ' one calleth the other Heretic and Anabaptist, and he calleth him again Papist, Hypocrite, and Pharisee,' — and the misuse of the Bible, which was ' disputed, rhymed, sung, and jangled in every Alehouse and Tavern.' ' The clergy . . . inveigh one against another ; . . . few . . . preach truly and sincerely the Word of God,' while the laity ' rail on bishops, speak slanderously of priests, and rebuke and taunt preachers.' * Virtuous and godly living was never less used, nor God Himself amongst Christians was never less reverenced, honoured, or served.'^'' Part IV — From 1547 to 1563 We obtain some idea of the size of the London parishes at the begin- ning of the reign of Edward VI from the Chantry Certificates of 1548.^ From these it appears that the majority of the parishes within the walls had from 200 to 400 ' houselling people,' i.e. communicants, three had 100 or "" Rec. Corp. Repert. xi, fol. 240, xii (2), fol. 319^, 3383, 34.23 ; Memoranda .... relating to the Royal Hospitals, App. ii-v ; Stow, Sart'. (ed. Kingsford), i, 316-19, 343. "' Stow, iurv. (ed. Dyson, 1633), 146-9. Cf. the case of Blackfriars ; ibid. ed. Kingsford, i, 341. For the history of another precinct see Tomlinson, The Minories, 164 et seq. The Bishop of London was given jurisdiction over the exempt precincts in 1550 ; Rymer, Foedera, xv, 224. '" Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 208. The White Friars' church was pulled down in 1545 ; ibid. 209. '" Wriothesley, Chron. (Camd. Soc), i, 177. '"' Hall, Chron. 37 Hen. VIII ; cf I atimer. Sermon on the Plough (preached in January 1548). ' Chant. Cert. 34.' There are complete returns for 99 out of 107 City parishes. 287 A HISTORY OF LONDON less, and three over 800. The parishes without the walls were far more populous, all but one having over 800 and St. Sepulchre's 3,400. St. Mar- garet's with 2,500 was the largest in Westminster. The certificates mention eighty-nine rectors and vicars and forty-four curates or priests placed in charge by non-resident incumbents, but the total number of priests serving in London at this time was probably about four hundred, excluding those serving at St. Paul's." The distribution of the priests, however, was very unequal, for at St. Laurence Jewry, with only 148 communicants, there were a vicar, ' his curate in his absence,' and six chantry priests, while at St. Stephen's Coleman Street, with 880 communicants, there were only the vicar and a stipendiary priest. In some instances the parishioners leased the parsonage from the incumbent, as at St. Andrew Hubbard (worth about j^2o a year), where the parishioners paid the rector {jj ioj. and defrayed the salary of the curate and other charges. According to the certificates non-residence was a prevalent evil, at least 10 per cent, of the City rectors being permanently absent and about 20 per cent, more only resident for part of the year.' There were great differences of opinion amongst the citizens on religious matters at this time, and consequently many irregularities were committed. On ID February 1546—7 the curate and churchwardens of St. Martin Ire- monger were charged before the Council with having made unauthorized alterations in their church. They had removed all the images and pictures, substituting texts of Scripture, and had set up the king's arms in the place of the crucifix on the rood-loft. They urged in excuse that some of the par- ishioners ' committed idolatry ' to the images. The Council accepted their submission, but ordered them to restore the crucifix immediately.* Free discussion and preaching about the sacraments, the use of images, &c., was permitted until June i 547, when some effort was made to restrain it.' In the autumn took place a royal visitation of the Church, with the issue of a set of Injunctions. Bonner and Gardiner protested against these, and both were imprisoned for a time.' The changes made in the arrange- ments and equipment of London churches in consequence of this visitation can be illustrated from the parochial records.' The Paraphrases of Erasmus were bought in 1548, and in some cases were chained to a desk in the church. Most of the London parishes * seem to have possessed a Bible since 1539. It may be inferred from the wardens' accounts that every church had a pulpit for preaching, the only expenditure of that kind 'This calculation is based on the pension lists of 1555 (Add. MS. 8102). The names of over two hundred pensioners are given, exclusive of those who had died since 1548. To this must be added incumbents. ' Chant. Cert. 34 ; Chwdns.' Accts. S/. Mary-at-Hill (Early Engl. Text Soc), 41 1 ; St. Andrew Hubbard, 1548-50. * Acts ofP.C. ii, 25. Cf. Foxe, op. cit. vi, 61. See also Corp. Rec. Repert. xi, fol. 338 ; Foxe, op. cit. V, 704-5. ' VVriothesley, Chron. (Camd. Soc), i, 184 ; Odet de Selve, Corretp. (Inventaire Analytique des Archives), 24 Apr., 23 May, 16 June, 1547. Important extracts from these letters are translated by Gasquet and Bishop, Edxv. VI and the Bk. of Common Prayer ; Stow, Annals ; Foxe, op. cit. vi, 24 et seq., 58. * Lend. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 2491^, 250, 266 ; Acts of P.C. ii, 125, 517, 131, 157 ; Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 185 ; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 2 1 5 ; Stow, Annals; De Selve, Corresp. 27 Sept. ' The following churchwardens' accounts, more or less complete for this period, have been consulted : St. Alphage, Sa Andrew Hubbard, St. Botolph Aldersgate (these give summaries of receipts and expenditure, and but few details), St. Margaret Pattens, S/. Mary at Hill, St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street, St. M.iry Woolnoth, St. Matthew Frid.iy Street (from Christmas 1547), Sa Michael Cornhill, St. Stephen Walhrook (from Lady Day 1548), St. Marg.iret Westminster, St. Martin in the Fields, St. Olave Southwark. See Appendix. ' The only possible exception among those mentioned in the last note was St. Olave Southwark. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY recorded being for repairs or for the provision of what we should now call a lectern in the body of the church. The greatest changes, however, were the abolition of the ever-burning light on the beam of the chancel screen before the rood,' and the destruction of the rood itself and all other images and pictures. The vague language of the Injunctions was interpreted in many London parishes as commanding this, and in September 1547 the destruction began, either under the direction of the rector or churchwardens, or by unauthorized persons under pretence of obeying the Injunctions. The imprisonment of Bishops Bonner and Gardiner was supposed to be connected with their objections to these proceedings, and their remonstrances may have had some effect, for on 18 September Lord St. John wrote to the mayor that the Council had decided that all images and pictures to which no offering or prayer was made should ' stand still for garnishing of the churches,' and should be set up again if they had been taken down by ' any negligent person ' not authorized to do so by the royal commissioners or the parson of the church. The images taken down by the parson or churchwardens must not be set up again, but he or they should be examined and reproved for ' doing more than was given authority to do.' ' Stories made in glass windows ' which included representations of Becket or of a pope were to be altered as inexpensively as possible. It is clear from the action taken in consequence of this letter that the feeling in the City for or against the images was very strong. On 22 September it was decided that every alderman should go ' in the most secret manner ' to each church in his ward, accompanied by the parson or curate and two or three honest parishioners, and, having shut the doors ' to the intent there shall not be any congregation,' make full notes concerning the images which had been or were in the church ' and what misdemeanours were done in taking them down,' reporting the result of his inquiries at the next Court of Aldermen. Less than two months later it was decided to abolish all images in churches ; but the feeling in the City continued to be such as to make it advisable to take down those in St. Paul's by night. The pictures and images remaining in the parish churches were whitewashed,^" and texts of Scripture painted upon the church walls which might be interpreted as forbidding the use of images. Preachers reiterated this doctrine, and after a sermon by Bishop Barlow at Paul's Cross ' the boys broke the idols in pieces.' " It is noticeable that the London parishes in general were now following the example set earlier in the year by St. Martin Iremonger, in some cases even to the placing of the king's arms on the rood-loft. Perhaps because of the necessity of re-glazing, there was much hesitation with regard to pictures in stained glass. About a third of the accounts consulted mention expenditure, usually small, on new glass for the windows in 1547 or 1548 ; ' The churchwardens sold during the next year a good deal of ' old wax,' no longer required for the rood and sepulchre lights. '° The parish records corroborate the other authorities by showing that at St. Olave Southw.irlc and some of the City churches the images were not all taken down till November or later, but modify Wriothesley's statement that all were then broken up by showing that some were sold. " Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. Q, fol. z\ob, 214 (summaries of this and of other important entries concerning ecclesiastical affairs at this period are given by Dr. Sharpe in Lond. and the Kingdom, i, cap. xv); Acts ofP.C. ii, 518; De Selve, Corrc//. 27 Sept. 21 Nov.; Motium. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 215; Wriothesley, Chron. u, 1 ; Stow, Annals. The order to the bishops to take down all images in every church in England was not issued till February 1547-8. Priests were publicly insulted in London in Nov. 1547 ; Acts of P. C. \\, '^ii. I 289 37 A HISTORY OF LONDON but more money was spent in this way later, although it is improbable from the amounts given that a general destruction of all such pictures took place in many churches during the reign." The churchwardens endeavoured to meet the extraordinary expenditure of these years by selling such church goods as they considered no longer necessary. Some even obtained small sums for the images and pictures. Many sold by weight quantities of old iron and latten — the disused candlesticks and lamps of the paschal and other lights, &c. An existing set of answers from forty-two City parishes to the inquiry ordered by the king's Council in October i 547 shows that since 1544 much plate also had been sold or pawned, only two of the parishes being able to state that they had thus disposed of no- thing more valuable than latten, while, with one notable exception (St. Martin Outwich), they had all received large sums, from ^3 15J. to over >Ci°°5 ^'^^ plate. The dates of the sales are not always clear, but at least fourteen, and probably over twenty, were in 1547. The receipts from these varied between ^9 gs. id. and over £jj, most being over jTzo. In eleven out of the fourteen cases detailed lists of articles sold are given : chalices (St. Edmund's Lombard Street had sold three), censers, ships for incense, and processional crosses all appear, severally or together, in more than half of these lists. The money had generally been spent on ' reparations ' of the church, which included ' white liming,' painting, and glazing.^' In January 1 548 the aldermen decided to ask for a proclamation to stop the disregard of fast days and the irreverent railing against the Sacrament of the Altar ; in February they resolved to enforce that against unlicensed preachers, and in May they complained of the ' demeanour of certain preachers and other disobedient persons.' '* Meanwhile Latimer, in January 1 547—8, preached a series of sermons denouncing the sins of the citizens. ^° There was at this time a great influx into England of foreign reformers, whose teaching was henceforth an important religious influence.^' In the course of the year many ancient religious ceremonies were discontinued ; e.g. the Whitsuntide censing at St. Paul's, for which sermons were substituted ; " the use of candles on Candlemas Day, ashes on Ash Wednesday, and palms on Palm Sunday ; the watching of the Sepulchre, and the Corpus Christi procession. Tabernacles were taken down and silver monstrances and pyxes sold.^* But no alteration yet made by authority can have affected the religious life of every individual citizen so much as the introduction into the English ' Order of Communion,' issued early in March, of a form of general confes- sion, leaving private confession to a priest to be used by ' those that would,' " Par. Rec. ut. sup. ; S.P. Dom. Edw. VI, v, 19 ; Ch. Gds. (Exch. K.R.), 4. The latter give much information about parochial expenditure from 1547 to 1552. " Par. Rec. and Ch. Gds. (Exch. K.R.), ut sup. ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 2673 ; S.P. Dom. Edw. VI, V, 19. The latter can be dated between 10 Oct. and 28 Dec. 1547 by internal evidence and a comparison as regards names, amounts, S:c. with the Par. Rec, Ch. Gds. and Hennessy, Novum Repert. 83, 86. " Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. Q, fol. 230 ; Repert. xi, fol. 377, 379^, 395, 399, 433^ ; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 215-16. " Monum. Franc, ii, 215 ; Stow, Annals ; Latimer, Sermon on the Plough. ■' De Selve, Corresp. 21 Nov., 5, 23 Dec. 1547; Orig. Letters (Parker Sec), i, passim; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 2; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 215. See W. Page, Hist. Introd. DeniTiations and Naturaii- zations (Huguenot Soc). " Corp. Rec. Repert. xi, fol. 431. " See Par. Rec. gen. ; Ch. Gds. (Exch. K.R.) ; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 216-17. 290 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY but no longer an indispensable part of preparation for Communion.^' The ' Order ' also provided for Communion in both kinds by the laity ; some parishes bought in that year a new cup, larger than their old chalice or of a different shape ; St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street sold two chalices to pay for it. The appearance of this book, which supplemented but did not supersede the old Latin missal, was probably interpreted in London as giving further sanction to the use of English in divine service. The churchwardens' accounts for 1548 show that while almost all the parishes bought five or six copies of the Psalter in English, some of them also paid for English versions of whole services, including the mass, mattins, and evensong. They thus corroborate the statement of the chronicler that ' Paul's quire with divers other parishes sang all the service in English, both mattins, mass, and evensong; and kept no mass, without some received the Communion with the priest.'"" In September the aldermen decided that the Mass of the Holy Ghost before the election of the mayor on Michaelmas Day should be solemnly sung in English, the Communion being administered to two or three of the priests.''^ It was during this year that a great change was made in the routine of services in London churches by the discontinuance of the special daily or weekly masses — the ' Morrow Mass,' 'Our Lady Mass,' and 'Jesus Mass.' ^^ The most important of these, the ' Morrow Mass,' which was said very early in the morning, had made it possible for every man, however busy, to be present on any day at divine service. Up till 1538 'great multitude of people ' were accustomed to avail themselves of this privilege ; ^' it is not known whether it had since begun to be neglected. But the question whether this change in the religious life of London took place gradually between 1538 and 1548 or suddenly in 1547—8 does not affect its significance : it marks the ending of the period during which attendance on weekdays at divine service was customary. The task of the Commissioners appointed early in i 548 to carry out the Act for the dissolution of chantries was one of great difficulty ; for in London the endowments of the chantries and obits and lights were usually a charge upon property left to the rector and churchwardens of a parish or to a City company.^* The companies solved the problem by paying to the king until 1550 annual sums equivalent to those with which they had formerly main- tained the chantries, &c., and then compounding all future payments for a lump sum of jTi 8,744 i u. 2^.^° The Corporation bought from the king the Guildhall Chapel and its lands,*^ and vainly endeavoured to save from confiscation the property of the gild of parish clerks, which, after a long contest, failed to make good its claim to be regarded as a ' mystery.' It refused, however, to be dissolved ; and in April 1553 the aldermen agreed to a new set of ordinances for it." The dissolution of the chantries considerably " There is an entry in the Jccts. of Si. Michael Cornhill ioi 1548 (ed. Overall, 69), about taking down the ' shriving pew,' but it seems to be exceptional. "* Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 2 ; cf. Monum. Franc, ii, 2 1 6, and Stow, Annals. ^' Rec. Corp. Repert. xi, fol. ^Jlb. '" Par. Rec. ^ Fide supra, p. 272. "' Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, passim. " Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, i, 424, and, in addition to the references there given, Corp. Rec. Repert. xii (l), fol. 2i;3 ; (2), fol. 485 ; Stow, Annals. '^ Corp. Rec. Letter Bks. Q, fol. 244 ; R, fol. I ^h, 6^i. -'Corp. Rec. Repert. xii (l), fol. 49^, 163 ; xiii, fol. ji, 41^, 56 ; Christie, Par. Clerks, 91, 113. For particulars respecting some of the colleges and fraternities now dissolved, see ' Religious Houses.' 291 A HISTORY OF LONDON impoverished the London parish churches. The certificates show that when the chantry expenses had been paid the churchwardens had * remaining clear' varying amounts up to nearly ^^50. Many obits for instance were paid for out of property which was regarded as belonging to the Church, and the value of which was much larger than the expenditure required.'^ It was found very difficult to separate the chantry property from that of the Church, and unless the evidence was very clear all had to be surrendered. Lawsuits for the recovery or defence of Church property began at once, and were numerous during the next few years.^' Later, until a special Act of Parliament was passed in the 17th century to protect them, the parishes and companies were frequently accused of holding 'concealed lands.' ^^ Various means were adopted to augment the diminished parochial funds. Church plate and ornaments were sold in large quantities, and in spite of prohibitions from the Council,'^ these sales continued until the confiscation of Church goods in 1552.'' The land immediately surrounding the churches was leased for building purposes,^' and the attempt to convert Church property into money was carried to an unjustifiable extent ; brasses were torn up, monuments destroyed, tombs opened and desecrated, and churches pulled down.'* Throughout the autumn and winter of 1548 the subject of the mass was discussed with great freedom and much bitterness on both sides.'° Occa- sional acts of violence took place in London. In September a boy was sentenced to be whipped in the church of St. Mary Woolnoth for having thrown his cap at the blessed Sacrament at the time of the elevation ; and in October two persons were committed to ward for throwing down altars in St. Leonard's Eastcheap.'* On 23 September a proclamation was issued forbidding all preaching ; " but it does not appear to have been long in force, as on St. Martin's Day (i i November) the Bishop of St. David's preached a controversial sermon at Paul's Cross.^' On 21 January 1548-9 the First Prayer Book of Edward VI was issued, together with the Act of Uniformity, which enjoined its use in every parish church by the following Whitsuntide.'' The old Church books were to be sold. There is evidence that in several churches this latter part of the order was carried out ; *° but whilst every church bought some English books, it does not appear from the churchwardens' accounts " that the Prayer Book " For examples see St. Andrew Hubbard Accts. 15th & l6th cents, and Stow,Suit>. (ed. Kingsford), i, 197. " St. Andrew Holborn (Bentley's Reg.) ; Par. Rec. passim. '" St. Stephen Walbrook Accts. 1563 ; Milbourne, Hist, of St. Mildred Poultry, 8 ; Over.,11, Anal. Index to Rememb. 1 12-16. " Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 269^. " Par. Rec. gen. ; Ch. Gds. (Exch. Y^.^.), passim. " Stow, op. cit. i, 196 ; cf. Cobb, i^otes on the Ch. of St. Ethelburga, 23. " Par Rec; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 215-19 ; Stow, op. cit. i, 204, 207, 243, 322, &c. ; Stow, Annals; Chant. Cert. 34, no. 159. " See Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 216-18 ; Wilkins, Concilia, iv, 28 ; De Selve, Corresp. 397, 453, 473 ; Wrlothesley, Chron. ii, 4 ; Gasquet and Bishop, Edzvard VI and the Bk. of Com. Prayer, App. v ; Orig. Letters (Parker Soc), passim — see Chronological Index. ^ Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. Q, fol. z^ob ; Repert. xi, fol. 47 3^. " Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. Q, fol. 25 23. ^ Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 218. " Stat. 2 & 3 Edw. W, cap. I. See First Prayer Bk. ofEdw. VI (Parker Soc), Preface. ^° Chwdns'. Accts. 1549-50, St. Laurence Jewr)', St. Mar>- Colechurch, St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street, St. Martin in the Fields, St. Olave Southwark, St. Andrew Hubbard, St. Margaret Pattens, St. Alphage London Wall, St. Botolph Aldersgate. " See Accts. ut sup. and Accts. of St. Stephen Walbrook, St. Andrew Holborn, St. Margaret Westminster, St. Faith, St. Helen Bishopsgate, St. Ethelburga, St. Saviour Southwark, St. Pancras Soper Lane, St. Peter Cheap, All Hallows Staining, St. Martin Orgar. 292 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY was invariably one of them. In July 1549 the king complained that the book was not universally accepted ; *^ and in December he ordered the Bishop •of Westminster to deface all the old service-books, so that none but the Book of Common Prayer could be used.*^ The new book was used in St. Paul's in Lent," perhaps owing to the influence of William May, the reforming dean. The Church books in use in London at the end of the reign were ' a Bible of the largest volume,' the ' service-book ' (i.e. the Book of Common Prayer), the English Psalter, the Paraphrases, the Communion-book, and the Ordinal ; but few churches seemed to have possessed copies of more than three of these.*' A fresh commission was issued in February i 548—9, for a survey of Church goods. Inventories were to be made, and the sale or embezzlement of Church property was forbidden." During the spring several Anabaptists were tried for their heretical opinions. Three, one of whom was a London butcher, did penance at Paul's Cross ; and a fourth, Joan Bucher, sometimes called Joan of Kent, was handed over to the secular arm as a lapsed heretic,*^ and was burnt at Smithfield in the following year.** On Whitsunday the clergy of St. Paul's officiated in surplices and either hoods or tippets," and the chantry priests ' were put to their pensions or to be at liberty.' ^° No processions were held on the feast of Corpus Christi, but many of the people kept it as a holiday, and in some churches there was service." Many of the clergy, while using the Communion Office, approxi- mated as closely as they could to the old service ; and these attempts to Romanize the new book received the countenance and support of Bishop Bonner. The Council on 24 June wrote to him, saying that they had discovered that in St. Paul's Cathedral the Apostles' Mass, Our Lady Mass, and other like services were continued under the names of the Apostles' Communion, Our Lady's Communion, &c. ; and forbidding the celebration of any but the plain Communion service in the new book. Celebrations were to be held at the high altar only, and at the same hour as the old High Mass, unless the people desired also an early celebration before the day's work began.'' This letter the bishop forwarded to the dean and chapter without remark. A month later the Council again accused Bonner of being the cause why the Prayer Book was used so little and in such an unsatisfactory manner, and warned him of serious consequences to himself unless a speedy improve- ment took place." He was ordered to preach at Paul's Cross in favour of the new settlement of religion." He obeyed, but failed to satisfy the authorities, and in September was summoned before Cranmer, Ridley, and others, to " Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 271^. " Ibid. fol. 2723, 273. " Wrlothesley, CArort. ii, 9. " Par. Rec. ut sup. *' S.P. Dom. Edw. VI, vi, 25 ; St. Martin in the Fields Accts. 1549-50. *' Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 219 ; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 10, 12 ; Wilkins, ConciRa, iv, 42 ; Orig. Letters (Parker Soc), 65. " Acts ofP.C. iii, 19 ; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Scr.), ii, 227 ; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 37. "When the Archbp. of Canterbury celebrated in St. Paul's, 21 July 1549, vestments were v/orn ; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, i6-i8. *" Ibid. 14 ; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 220. " Monum. Franc, loc. cit. The same confusion prevailed on the feast of the Assumption, 1 5 Aug.; ibid. 222. " Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 1 683, 21 83. " Cardwell, Doc. Annals, i, 66. " Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. zzob, 221. A HISTORY OF LONDON answer for his conduct." The trial went against him, and he was deprived of his bishopric and imprisoned in the Marshalsea." By an Act of ParHament " of this year the clergy were released from the obligation of celibacy, but it does not appear that very many of them availed themselves of the opportunity to marry/* If we may rely on the statistics in Bishop Bonner's Register, only eight persons were ordained in the diocese of London between 13 March 1546-7, and 3 March 1548—9, and of these only five were made priests, two being ordained deacons, while one was admitted to the first tonsure only." It would seem that the English form of ordination ** was first used in London by Bishop Ridley, 23 June 1550, when twenty-five persons were ordained deacons." In the autumn of 1 549 a second royal visitation of the Church was made, and a fresh set of Injunctions issued. These were intended principally to check the tendency to Romanize the Book of Common Prayer,*' the use of the old ceremonies being entirely prohibited.*' The altars in many of the parish churches were now removed, and replaced by Communion tables. A few churches seem to have sold their chalices, or converted them into Com- munion cups, and in some instances new Communion cups were purchased. In every church apparently the rood with its attendant images was taken down, but in some cases the rood-loft was not removed till much later, and in other cases not at all." The churchyard crosses of St. Stephen's Walbrook, St. Alphage London Wall, and St. Margaret's Westminster were taken down and sold in or before 1550. In many cases the walls of the churches were whitened and portions of Scripture painted upon them ; in St. Margaret's Westminster, for example, the whole of the sixth chapter of St. John was written up in the quire. Floral decora- tions were generally discontinued, and lights were done away with. There is ample evidence that the Holy Communion was celebrated in the London parish churches, but great irregularity appears to have prevailed as to the number of celebrations " and the ritual observed." The following incident illustrates the bigotry which prevailed at this time. The old May- pole from which the church of St. Andrew Undershaft took its name had not been used since 15 17," but was still in existence. In 1549 the curate of St. Katharine Cree gave it as his opinion that ' this shaft was made an idol by naming the church of St. Andrew with the addition of " under-that-shaft," ' and the May-pole was accordingly destroyed.** " S.P. Dom. Edw. VI, viii, 57. ^ Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 220 et seq. Bishop Gardiner was deprived 14 Feb. 1 550-1 ; Stow, 4nn. ; Wriothesley, Chton. ii, 45-6 ; Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 228-30 ; Acts of B.C. iii. " Stat. 2 & 3 Edw. VI, cap. 2 1 . " Out of six registers examined, four contain no mention of priests' marriages between 1547 and 1553 ; in the Reg. of St. Pancras Soper Lane there are three entries of such marriages, and in that of St. Peter Cornhill there is one. " Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 175-6. ** Issued Feb. 1549-50. " Lond. Epis. Reg. Ridley, fol. 319. ^ See Gasquet and Bishop, Edw. VI and the Bk. of Com. Prayer, 299, &c. " Cardwell, Doc. Annals, 63. "Corp. Rec. Repert. xii (2), fol. 476^; Allhallows Staining Accts. 155 1 ; St. Olave Southwark Vest. Min. 1552, &c. " Cf. Chwdns.' Accts. for entries of the purchase of bread and wine for this service. ^ e.g. at St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street the communicants seem to have knelt during the administration, mats being provided for that purpose (Accts. 1551-2) ; but at St. Andrew Holborn (Accts. 1550) and at St. Olave Southwark (Accts. 1552-4) forms were purchased and placed round the Communion table. There was much controversy on this subject ; see Orig. Letters (Parker Soc), 591, &c. *' On account of the riot of ' Evil May-day ' in that year. ^ Stow, Surf. (ed. Kingsford), i, 143. 294 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY The fall of Somerset gave rise in the City to rumours that the old religion was to be restored, but the Council hastened to correct this mistake."^ The clergy were ordered to surrender all the old Church books still remaining, that the use of the Prayer Book might be enforced.™ A proclamation was issued in London forbidding ' tipplers ' to keep open doors on Sunday in service- time.'^ Early in February 1549-50 Bishop Bonner was brought from the Marshalsea, where he had met with very rough treatment,'^ and his case was reconsidered by the Council. Cranmer's previous sentence was confirmed, and Bonner was once again relegated to prison. '' He was succeeded in the see of London by Ridley, Bishop of Rochester,'* greatly to the joy of Hooper, who had been preaching and lecturing in London for a year past in favour of the reformed doctrines, and hoped to find a supporter in the new bishop." One of the first public acts of Ridley after his installation was to receive the Holy Communion at St. Paul's, 19 April 1550 : on that occasion he ordered the ' light of the altar ' to be extinguished before he came into the quire. '° On 5 May Bishop Ridley began his first visitation." His Injunctions amounted to little more than an enforcement of the royal Injunctions of 1549. He urged the use of the Communion table in place of the altar, and gave very definite instructions as to placing it ' so that the ministers with the communicants may have their place separated from the rest of the people ; ' '* and made searching inquiries with regard to preaching and the use of the Book of Common Prayer.'^ A proclamation for the observance of the Sabbath in London was issued on 4 May 1550,*° and another later in the year,*^ both devised with a view to promoting the attendance of the laity at Mattins and Evensong. In 1553 the performance of plays and interludes before 3 p.m. on Sundays and feast-days was forbidden.^^ Under Ridley's auspices the sermon began to take a very prominent place in the religious life of the City. Preachers were plentiful in London,'' and in such men as Hooper and Coverdale the bishop found able supporters of the reformed doctrines.'* St. Barnabas' Day was kept as a holy day. During the following night the high altar in St. Paul's was pulled down, a veil was hung across at the foot of the altar steps, and a Communion table placed before it.'^ Corpus Christi was not kept, and as in the previous year the people were divided as to the observance of the festivals of the Blessed Virgin.'* Owing to the renewed persecutions in the Netherlands large numbers of Protestant refugees came over to England in 1550, and on 24 July the king «' Acts ofP.C. n, 332, 336. '» S.P. Dom. Edw. VI, ix, 57. " Corp. Rec. Repert. xii (i), 231. " Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 226. " Jets ofP.C. ii, 380, 385-6 ; Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, i, 440 ; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 33. '* Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 275-7. " Orig. Letters (Parker See), 75, 79, 185, 635, &c. " Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 227. " Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 38. " Works o/Bp. Ridlef (Parker Soc), 319, 324 ; see Lond. Epis. Reg. Ridley, fol. iijb, 288. " Visitation Articles of the Bp. of London, B.M. ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Ridley, fol. 304^. The see of West- minster was now united with that of London, Thirlby, Bishop of Westminster, being translated to Norwich ; Orig. Letters (Parker Soc), 185 ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 363/5, 365^. *° Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. R. fol. 69. *' Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 229. «' Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. R. fol. 246. " Orig. Letters (Parker Soc), 485. '* Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 40, 41 ; Acts ofP.C. iii, 89. ^ Monum. Franc.-{Ko\\i Ser.), ii, 228 ; Stow, Annals. " Ibid- 29s A HISTORY OF LONDON granted a charter founding the 'Church of the Strangers' in London, of which John Alasco was appointed superintendent. The west end of the church of the Austin Friars was assigned for the use of these foreigners," the remainder of the church being appropriated for use as a storehouse by Sir WilHam Poulett.** In January 1550— i the king issued a commission to thirty-one persons, amongst whom was the Bishop of London, to deal with heretics, especially Anabaptists, and with all persons, whether lay or clerical, who opposed or refused to use the Book of Common Prayer/' A Dutch surgeon in the City was tried for holding the Arian heresy, and proving obstinate was handed over to the secular arm and burnt, 24 April 1551.'° In February 1 55 I— 2 some inhabitants of Southwark were brought before the authorities, charged with having heard mass.'^ Early in March 1550— i orders were issued that, the king having immediate need of money, all the Church plate and bells still remaining should be surrendered into his hands.'" In January 155 1—2 the Custos Rotulorum of each shire was ordered to hand over to the king's com- missioners the former inventories of Church goods.'' On 10 June 1552 a commission was issued to inquire what Church goods still remained in the parish churches.'* Certificates having been returned, the work of spoliation was carried out in London in May 1553.'^ The commissioners were ordered to leave in each church at least one chalice, and such other ornaments as they thought needful. For example, in St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street they left one Communion cup and paten, one Communion cloth, a Bible, four English Psalters, the Paraphrases, the organ, and five bells. '^ Great changes took place in St. Paul's Cathedral in 1551 and 1552. The Communion table was moved from place to place ; the side altars, chapels, and tombs were pulled down or defaced, and the use of the organ was discontinued. '^ In April I 55 I the lord mayor was called before the Council and charged to do what he could to remedy the prevailing disorder in the London parish churches. '^ There was great restlessness and discontent in the City, and the depreciation of the coinage in May did not tend to soothe the feelings of the citizens, who were ripe for rebellion." In the summer there w^as a terrible outbreak of the sweating sickness, and fear drove men once more to church, to join in public prayers for deliverance,^'* but ' as the disease relented the devotion decayed.' "^ Riots and frays in churches ^"' became so frequent that in February 155 1—2 it was found necessary to issue a proclamation to restrain them.^"' Pigeon-shooting was practised in the *' Pat. 4 Edw. \'I, pt. V, m. 3 ; W. Page, Hist. Introd. ; Denizations and Naturartzations (Huguenot Soc.), xxviii. As a result of this charter all foreign Protestant churches in England and English churches abroad were placed under the Bishop of London. ^ Stow, op. cit. 66. *' Cardwell, Doc. Annals, i, ()l, ex Reg. Cranmer, fol. job. ^ Wilkins, Cone, iv, 44 ; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 47. " Corp. Rec. Repert. xii (2), fol. 4503. " Acts ofP.C. iii, 228 ; Arch, xviii, 73. ^^ Acts ofP.C. iii, 467. " Pat. 6 Edw. VI, pt. vii, m. 12 d. ; S.P. Dora. Edw. VI, xv, 76 ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Ridley, fol. 292. " Monum. Franc. (Rolls Set.), ii, 239 ; Stow, Annals ; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 83-4 ; Machyn, Diary. ** A full account of the proceedings of these commissioners may be found at the P.R.O. — Exch. K.R. Church Goods. " Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 230-2, 237 ; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 47. ^ Acts of B.C. iii, 256. " Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 48-9 ; Acts ofP.C. iii, 390, 425. "" S.P. Dom. Edw. VI, xiil, 30 ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Ridley, fol. 289^. "" Stow, Annals. '"• Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 229, 233. '"^ Gasquet and Bishop, Edw. VI and Bk. of Com. Prayer, 265 ; Close, 6 Edw. VI, pt. viii, m. lo*. 296 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY churches, and horses and mules were led through them as if they had been stable-yards."* The revision of the first Prayer Book was already in hand, and in October 1551 a commission was appointed to revise the Canon Law. In both undertakings Bishop Ridley took a prominent part."' The second Prayer Book of Edward VI was issued in April 1552, and appended to it was the Ordinal. In the accompanying Act of Uniformity "^ the laxness of the laity in attending public worship was severely censured. An Act "^ was passed at the same time enjoining the observance of Sundays, Lent, and the feasts of the Apostles and Evangelists. Bishop Ridley forbade the keeping of St. George's Day as a holy day in London this year,"' and a May-pole which was set up in Fenchurch parish was destroyed by order of the lord mayor."' During the summer of 1552 the old house of the Grey Friars was converted into the school known as Christ's Hospital, nearly 400 children being admitted in November ; whilst a number of sick and poor persons were provided for in St. Thomas's Hospital, which had been purchased by the City in 1551.'" At the election of the lord mayor, 29 September 1552, a sermon was preached ' instead of the Communion of late years accustomed ;' "' and fresh rules were laid down as to the services to be used when the mayor and alder- men went to St. Paul's."^ The new Prayer Book was used in St. Paul's for the first time on All Saints' Day, the bishop wearing his rochet, and the dean and prebendaries their surplices."' A difficulty arose in connexion with the Church of the Strangers with regard to the clause in the second Act of Uni- formity, which directed that every citizen should attend his own parish church, and Bishop Ridley held a conference with John Alasco on the subject. Meanwhile the strangers were allowed to attend their own church."* At the beginning of 1553 religion was at a very low ebb in London. Probably the citizens were disheartened by the bare and meagre character of the services and by the wholesale robbery of the churches. ' For lack of devotion ' very few parishes had any procession on the Rogation days,"' and no sermon was preached at Paul's Cross on the Monday or Tuesday in Whit- sun week."^ The Bishop of London, in obedience to a mandate from the king, required all his clergy to subscribe to the newly-devised Articles of Doctrine, to which the majority consented ; and also bade them to cause the Catechism to be taught by schoolmasters throughout the diocese."^ In June 1553 ^^^ ^^"g granted to the mayor and corporation nearly all the property of the late Savoy Hospital, for the maintenance of the hospital at Bridewell."' On 19 July 1553 Queen Mary was proclaimed at the cross in Cheapside, ' and from that place,' says Machyn, ' they went unto Paul's, and there was '"* Close, 6 Edw. VI, pt. viii, m. lo*. "" Acts ofP.C. iii, 382. ™ Stat. 5 & 6 Edw. VI, cap. i. '»' Stat. 5 & 6 Edw. VI, cap. 3. "" Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 236. "" Machyn, Diary (Camd. Soc), 20. "° Sharpe, LonJ. and the Kingd. i, 449-50 ; Stow, Annals ; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 76, 79, 81 ; Lond, and Midd. Arch. Soc. Proc. 1905, p. 327 ; Speed, Chron. 813-14. '" Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 77. ™ Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. R, fol. 212^. '" Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 238 ; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 78. '" Acts ofP.C. iv, 160-1. The same difficulty recurred in Elizabeth's reign ; see below. "° Monum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 239. "" Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 84. '" S.P. Dom. Edw. VI, xviii, 25 ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Ridley, fol. 297-300. This was apparently the Catechism published in this year, and generally ascribed to Bishop Ponet ; see Dixon, Hist, of Ch. of Engl, iii, 528-30. '" Pat. 7 Edw. VI. Printed in full in Gtnt. Mag. Lib. ' Topog.' xv, 182-9. I 297 38 A HISTORY OF LONDON the TV Deum laudamus, with song, and the organs playing, and all the bells ringing through London, and bonfires, and tables in every street.' "' The queen on her entry into London on 3 August was greeted by the citizens with tears of joy and shouts of ' God save her Grace ! ' '^"° Two days later Bishop Bonner was released from prison and escorted by ' divers bishops,' with ringing of bells and enthusiastic welcomes from the citizens, to his palace near St. Paul's. Dr. Cox, Dean of Westminster, was at the same time committed to the Marshalsea.'" Bishop Ridley, who had compromised himself by speaking in favour of Lady Jane Grey,^*" was already imprisoned in the Tower.^" On 8 August the body of Edward VI was removed without cross or light from Whitehall to Westminster, and there buried, the EngHsh Communion Office being used, and a sermon preached by the Bishop of Chichester.^^* The queen, however, attended a requiem mass for her brother.'" On Sunday, i 3 August, there was a riot at Paul's Cross. Mr. Bourne, who was preaching by the queen's command, alluded to the ' unjust imprison- ment ' of Bishop Bonner by the late king ; whereupon he was dragged out of the pulpit by some members of the audience, one of whom threw his dagger at him.'-* In consequence of this scene the queen issued a proclama- tion, warning the citizens to keep their servants and children in order at their peril, and forbidding any one to preach or lecture without royal permis- sion.'" Various ' seditious preachers ' were imprisoned,'-^ and the parson of St. Ethelburga's was set in the pillory with his ears nailed to it for speaking against the queen on this occasion. '^^ The preacher at Paul's Cross on the following Sunday was strongly guarded, and there was no further breach of the peace.''" Bishop Bonner on 1 8 August received from the queen letters forbidding controversial discussions and private interpretation of Scripture. ''' Within a few weeks of Mary's accession mass was restored in several ot the London churches,"" ' not by commandment, but of the people's devotion.''^ The Latin service ' after the Use of Sarum ' was said in St. Paul's before the end of August, and preparations were made to replace the high altar."* The cross in Cheapside was repaired,"^ and mass was said as of old at the election of the lord mayor on Michaelmas Day."* At the queen's coronation the old service was used, and crosses were carried in procession through the streets, all the clergy '" and choristers of St. Paul's being in attendance."' At the "' Machyn, Diary (Camd. Soc), 37. SeeMonum. Franc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 242 ; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 88-90. '"" Monum. Franc, ii, 244 ; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 93-5. The cause of Lady Jane Grey appears to have been very unpopular amongst the citizens ; see Stow, Annals. '"Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 93-6 ; Machyn, Diary, 39. For Bonner's formal restoration, see Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 331. '•'Stow, Annalj ; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 88 ; Hist. MSS. Com. Ref. iii, App. 237. '" Acts ofP.C. iv, 302 ; Monum. Franc, ii, 243. '"Machyn, Diary, 39 ; Monum. Franc, ii, 245. '"Stow, Annals. "' Monum. Franc, loc. cit. ; Machyn, Diary, 4 1 ; Stow, Annals. "'Acts ofP.C. iv, 317 ; Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. R, fol. 2693, 270 ; Journ. xvi, fol. 261*. ^''^ Acts ofP.C. iv, 321-2, 429. '"Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 100. He was deprived in 1554 ; Hennessy, Noz'um Repert. ^^ Monum. Franc, loc. cit. '" Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 402. "'Machyn, Diary, 42. '"Wriothesley, Chron. ii, loi ; Machyn, Diary, 43-4. '" Stow, Annals ; Monum. Franc, ii, 247, &c. "^ Machyn, Diary, 43-4. "' Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingd. i, 459 ; Corp. Rec. Repert. xiii. fol. %\b ; Christie, Parish Clerks, 126. "' Except those who were married. ^'^ Monum. Franc, loc. cit. ; Machyn, Diary, 44-6 ; Stow, Annals. 298 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY opening of Convocation on 7 October the Mass of the Holy Ghost was sung at the high altar in St. Paul's ; ''' but the new Communion Office was still in use in some churches.'*" An Act was now passed repealing all the statutes of Edward VI with regard to religion, and restoring the status quo at the time of the death of Henry VIH. The old service was to be used on and after 20 December 1553.^" On I 5 September the commissioners for London who had removed the Church goods in the previous reign were ordered to return them to the parish churches from which they had been taken ; '*- and in the course of the next two years the old condition of things was rapidly restored in the London churches."'* The altars were replaced ; new Latin books, vestments, and ornaments "* purchased ; texts of Scripture erased from the walls ; '*^ and images of the patron saints set up.'" The roods were not restored until a special order for their erection had been given in 1555.'" The churches were once more decorated at the great festivals. The royal arms, which in some cases had been set up on the rood-loft '*' or over the altar,"' were effaced. In every church the ceremony of watching the sepulchre was resumed, and in some cases the morrow mass was restored.'^" There are instances of gifts of vestments and ornaments made to churches at this period ; '" and the copes of cloth of gold which had been seized by Edward VI were as far as possible restored by Queen Mary to their respective parishes.'*^ The church- wardens of St. Stephen Walbrook '" and St. Margaret Westminster "* sold their Communion tables, but instances of the sale of Church goods purchased during the reign of Edward VI are very rare. It seems probable that the citizens took into account the possibility of yet further changes in religion, and thought it wiser to retain the ' new service-books,' which in any case would not have sold for much. Processions were resumed, and the ancient ceremonies were once more used at funerals instead of the sermon which for some time past had taken their place.'" Meanwhile, even before the royal Injunctions to that effect were issued in March 1553-4, steps were being taken in London to deal with the married clergy. In December 1553 they were forbidden to minister or to say mass ; '** and in the latter part of the following February Bishop Bonner deprived all those within his diocese of their livings.'" All the great ^^Monum. Franc, loc. cit. ^^ 'Narratives of the Reform. (Camd. Soc), 178. "' I Mary, Stat. 2, cap. 2, printed in Gee and Hardy, Documents, 377; Machyn, Diary, 50; Corp. Rec. Repert. xiii, fol. 105^; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 105. '" Acts ofP.C. iv, 348. '" Par. Rec. '" Generally not very valuable. '"The sixth chapter of St. John on the high-altar ' table ' at St. Margaret Westm. was replaced by a painting of the Crucifixion ; Accts. 1554-6. ""^ See Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 134. '"Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 131. See St. Pancras Soper Lane Reg. 1555 ; St. Martin Orgar Vest. Min. 1555. The cost was very considerable, especially in cases where the rood-loft itself had been destroyed ; hence possib'y the delay. "* St. Margaret Westm. Accts. 1556-8. '"St. Mary Magd. Milk Street Accts. 1553-4. ''"St. Olave Southwark Vest. Min. Dec. 1553; St. Stephen Walbrook Accts. 1556; St. Botolph Aldersgate Accts. 1555-6 ; St. Andrew Holborn Rec. Bk. 1557-8. '^'St. Martin Orgar Accts. 1554-5 ; St. Botolph Aldersgate Accts. 1555-8. '"Machyn, Diary, 165. '"Accts. 1554-5. They had already sold the Communion cup ; Accts. 1553-4. '"Accts. 1554-6. '" Machyn, Diary, 46-50 ; Monum. Franc, ii, 248, &c. "' Machyn, Diary, 50. '" Cardwell, Doe. Annals, i, 109 n. ; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 1 13. 299 A HISTORY OF LONDON dignitaries of St. Paul's, except the Archdeacon of Essex and the chancellor, resigned or were deprived. The parson of St. Leonard Eastcheap, being an ex-friar, in addition to deprivation was sentenced to make a public confession before the congregation, bearing a lighted taper in his hand.^°' The failure of Wyatt's rebellion in February 1553—4 was followed by a proclamation ordering all strangers to leave the realm, on the ground that they spread false doctrines amongst the queen's subjects,^^' and the citizens were warned to behave themselves dutifully in matters of religion.^**' The clergy of the London diocese were bidden to certify to the bishop the names of any of their parishioners who failed to communicate during Lent,*" and warnings were issued in March to those parishes which had not yet provided the books and ornaments necessary for the celebration of mass.**" An inquiry was made as to the names, condition (whether married or single), and where- abouts of religious persons in receipt of pensions."' At Easter all the old ceremonies were once more observed.*** The restoration of 'the old religion' apparently met with the approval of the citizens as a whole, though there were instances of opposition here and there. For example, various per- sons were charged with speaking against the queen ; *" a priest bearing the Sacrament on Corpus Christi Day was attacked by a joiner ; "' and some unknown offender hung up on a gallows in Cheapside a dead cat dressed as a priest with a mock wafer between its paws. A large reward was offered for the discovery of the perpetrator of this last outrage, but apparently without success.*" In May the parish clerks ' kept their mass in Guildhall Chapel in their procession according to the old usage ' with much state and ceremony;*" and other civic processions took place.*" On 24 May Bishop Bonner received a letter from the king and queen urging him to deal severely with heretics.*'" A month later a priest was imprisoned for singing the English Litany in his church at Charing Cross. *^* John Hill, a cutler, was brought before Dr. Feckenham in July for heresy, but recanted.*'' In September Bonner held a visitation of his diocese. He commanded the clergy not only to restore the old ceremonies, but to explain them fully to the people, that all might understand the inner meaning. The clergy were to wear their proper dress, and to be pure and honest in speech and action. Churchwardens were ordered to supply their churches with the necessary books and ornaments, a list of which was given. Confession and regular attendance at church were enjoined on the laity.*" Shortly afterwards the bishop issued a special mandate for the removal of passages of Scripture from the church walls. *^* '" Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, loi ; also Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 347^, 348^ ; Machyn, Diary, 69, 73 ; Mcnum. Franc, ii, 254. '^ Corp. Rec. Joum. xvi, fol. 283 ; Letter Bk. R, fol. 288. '*" Corp. Rec. Repert. xlii (i), fol. 13 I. '" Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 341. '" Ibid. fol. 345 ; Cardwell, Doc. Annals, \, 115. '^ Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 363. '" Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 113-14. '" Machyn, Diary, 60, 64, 69, 71. '^ Ibid. 64. '" Ibid. 59 ; Corp. Rec. Repert. xiii (l), fol. 147, &c. '*' Ibid, xiii, fol. 156^ ; Machyn, Diary, 62 ; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 1 15. "* Machyn, Diary, 62-5, 75. '" Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 363 ; Wilkins, Cone, iv, 102. '" Narratives of the Reformation (Camd. Soc), 288. "' Monum. Franc, ii, 252. '^ Injunctions giten at tie Visitation, Sec, 1555 (B.M.). ''* Cardwell, Doc. Annals, i, 135 ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 357^. 300 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Before the end of 1554 England was received back into unity with Rome, and the state of the Church was, by Mary's second Act of Repeal, restored to what it had been in 1529.^" The Heresy Acts were also revived. ^^* Cardinal Pole, who had now taken up his residence at Lambeth,'" was present together with the king and many nobles at Paul's Cross on Advent Sunday, when Bishop Gardiner preached an eloquent sermon on the reconciliation between England and Rome.'™ Mass was celebrated in the cathedral on this occasion with great solemnity, the mayor, aldermen, and companies being present.'" At St. Nicholas' tide an order was issued forbidding the election of boy- bishops, but in some few parishes it was disobeyed, and the old ceremonies were revived."" A small company of men and women assembled in the churchyard of St. Mary le Bow on the night of i January i 554-5, and there, led by Thomas Rose or Rosse, a minister, they had the English service. They were arrested and imprisoned, Rose being sent to the Tower.''' On St. Paul's Day (25 January) there were processions in London, and bonfires were ordered to be lighted in token of thanksgiving for the restoration of Catholic unity. '*' Four days later followed the appointment of commissioners who sat in St. Mary Overy for the trial of heretics.''^ The first to suffer for conscience' sake was John Rogers, once vicar of St. Sepulchre's, and prebendary of St. Paul's. He was burnt at Smithfield on 4 February,'** and on the 8th Laurence Saunders, rector of AUhallows Bread Street, was burnt at Coventry."^ Bishop Bonner strongly urged the laity of his diocese to become ' reconciled ' before Easter, and made special provision for the satisfying of any doubts or scruples which they might have, warning them that only a limited time could be allowed them in which to make up their minds. '^^ He also warned the clergy that they were expected to induce all their parishioners to make their confession at Easter.'" In March Thomas Tompkins, a weaver of Shoreditch, and William Hunter, a London apprentice, were burnt for heresy at Smithfield ; '*' and in May, John Cardmaker, at one time vicar of St. Bride Fleet Street, and John Warne, an ' upholder ' '*' of Walbrook, suffered the same punishment."" Meanwhile the Protestant party were guilty of various outrages. An image of St. Thomas the Martyr over the door of a church in Cheapside was mutilated ; '" two of the friars from Greenwich were pelted with stones ; "^ a pudding was offered to a priest while going in procession on '" Stat. I & 2 Philip and Mary, cap. 8, printed in Gee and Hardy, Documents, 385. '"* Stat. I & 2 Philip and Mary, cap. 6, printed ibid. 384. '" Machyn, Diary, 76. '" Sanders, j4ngl. Schism, bk. iii, cap. ii ; Wriothesley, Ckron. ii, 1 24-5. '" Machyn, Diary, 77. '™ e.g. St. Andrew Holborn and St. Nicholas Olave ; ibid. 78. '" Machyn, Diary, 79 ; Acts o/P.C. v, 88. '" Corp. Rec. Journ. xvi, fol. 32 13 ; Letter Bic. S, fol. 13^ ; Machyn, ZJijry, 80 ; Monum. Franc, ii, 256. '" Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 126. "* Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, i, 474 ; Machyn, Diary, 81. "^ Ibid. 82 ; Diet. Nat. Biog. Saunders had formerly been reader in Lichfield Cathedral. "* Cardwell, Doc. Annals, i, 137 ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 371-2 ; see .^ profitable and necessary doctrine, &c., set forth by Bp. Bonner, 1555. '^' Cardwell, Doc. Annals, i, 141. "' Machyn, Diary, 83 ; Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, i, 474. "' Upholsterer, or cloth-worker. "" Sharpe, loc. cit. ; Machyn, Diary, 88 ; Monum. Franc, ii, 257. '" Machyn, Diary, 82 ; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 127. ^^ActsofP.C. v," 169. 301 A HISTORY OF LONDON Lady Day ; "' and on Easter Day a priest who was administering the Sacrament in the church of St. Margaret Westminster was attacked and severely wounded in the head and hand."* His assailant, an ex-monk who had married, had his hand struck off and was afterwards burnt as a heretic."^ In May Bishop Bonner was urged to deal severely with heretics who refused to recant after due instruction,"* and a month later a proclamation was issued forbidding the importation of books written by the foreign reformers."^ In July a London apprentice and John Bradford, a preacher, were burnt at Smithfield."' Ridley, late Bishop of London, was burnt at Oxford on i6 October 1555.^"'' Shortly before his death he wrote a farewell letter ""' in which he bitterly upbraided the citizens of London for having relapsed into ' idolatry.' The pope's bull of plenary indulgence to all who were penitent was read in Latin and in English at Paul's Cross on Sunday, 15 September 1555.''°^ In November Bishop Gardiner died of gout at Whitehall. His bowels were buried before the high altar in the church of St. Mary Overy Southwark, and dirge and requiem mass were said for him in every parish church in London.'"' There seems to have been some fear on the part of the authorities lest the frequent executions of heretics should rouse the citizens to opposition ; for in January 1555—6 the Council charged the lord mayor to see that the victims were well guarded, and to punish any who should ' misuse themselves either by comforting, aiding or praising the offenders.' "'^ On the occasion of the burning of seven persons at Smithfield on 27 January an order was issued overnight that no young person should be present. An immense crowd witnessed the scene, and doubtless there was thought to be danger of an uproar on the part of the apprentices.'"'^ Before the death of Archbishop Cranmer copies of his recantation were printed in London ; but the Council promptly put a stop to their circulation, binding over the publishers to give them up to Mr. Cawood, the queen's printer.'"* Cardinal Pole was consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury on Sunday, 22 March 1555—6, and on the following Wednesday he received the pall in the church of St. Mary le Bow, which was hung with cloth of gold and rich arras for the occasion.'" At Eastertide the church of St. Bartholomew the Great was ' set up with black friars. Friar Penryn being head thereof,' '°* and soon afterwards the hospital of the Savoy was re- established. •°' The persecution of heretics was carried on with great vigour during the spring of 1556.'" It appears to have had the natural effect of alienating the '" Monum. Franc, ii, 257 ; Sharpe, op. cit. i, 473 ; Machyn, Diary, 87. Machyn says a man 'hanged two puddings ' about the priest. "^ Machyn, Diary, 85 ; Monum. Franc, ii, 257. '" Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 127-8 ; Jets ofP.C. v, 1 15, 1 18. "* Lend. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 363. "' Cardwell, Doc. Annals, i, 175 ; Corp. Rec. Journ. xvi, fol. 338. '" Machyn, Diary, 90 ; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 1 29 ; Stow, Annab. "" Machyn, Diary, 96. "" Reprinted from Coverdale in Ridley's Works (Parker Soc), 395 et seq. "" Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 396^, 398, 399 ; Machyn, Diary, 94 ; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 130. *°' Machyn, Diary, 96-7 ; Stow, Annals. '" Acts ofP.C. v, '224. "" Machyn, Diary, 99-100 ; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, I 32. '« Acts ofP.C. V, 248. "'Machyn, Diary, 102 ; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 134. ""Wriothesley, loc. cit. "» S.P. Dom. Mary, ix, 8. "° Michyn, Diary, 104-5, 108 ; Wriothesley, Ciron. ii, 134-5 ; Stow, Annab. 302 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY citizens from the ' old religion ; ' ^" and it was probably with the object of stimulating their ardour that the commissioners in the summer of this year ordered that processions should be held in every parish on Sunday, Monday, Wednesday, and Friday in each week ; school-children, apprentices, priests and laymen all to take part, and one member of every household to be present on pain of a fine of 1 2d?^'^ A full pardon was granted to various condemned persons who with the fear of death before them abjured their heretical opinions."' In November 1556 the church of Westminster was restored as a Benedictine Abbey with fourteen monks under the rule of Abbot Feckenham, late Dean of St. Paul's."^* The saints' days in this year were duly observed with mass and processions,"^ and in most parishes ceremonies connected with the boy-bishop were carried out after the ancient fashion."' Early in 1557 the Bishop of London and his fellow-commissioners received fresh injunctions to search for heretics and heretical books, and to deal with all persons who refused to hear mass or go in procession, as also with any who withheld lands or property belonging to the Church."^ Cardinal Pole also issued instructions, which were read in English at Paul's Cross, with regard to confession and fasting ; "^ and in March there was published a royal proclamation against riots and disturbances in churchyards."' In April the London clergy were commanded to send to the commissioners from time to time the names of any amongst their parishioners who absented themselves from church, neglected any of the prescribed rites and ceremonies, or in any way showed signs of 'heresies, loUardies, and other enormities.'^-" Various persons were burnt at Smithfield and Islington, some being Londoners, and others brought from Essex and other parts of the diocese.^" A great number of sermons were preached during 1557 at Paul's Cross and elsewhere, all of which seem to have been well attended and much appreciated.^'^ The various civic and ecclesiastical processions took place with great pomp and ceremony. ^^' Miracle plays were also resumed,"''* but these were only allowed under strict supervision.''^' On the occasion of the victory of St. Quentin there was a solemn procession with a sermon at Paul's Cross, followed by bonfires and feasting ; "-* but the rejoicings seem to have been enjoined rather than spontaneous, the Council instructing the bishop to '■persuade the people by processions, bonfires, and such other joyful tokens, to give thanks to the Lord.' ™ The Spaniards, with whom London was over- run at this period, were not popular with the citizens. Strenuous efforts were made to establish good order in ecclesiastical affairs throughout the City, *" See S.P. Dom. Mary, vii, 28. "' Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 136 ; Monum. Franc, ii, 259 ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 403. '" Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 430-1. The Lollards' Tower in St. Paul's was used as a prison for heretics brought to London for trial ; Monum. Franc, ii, 260 ; M.achyn, Diary, 118 ; Stow, op. cit. (ed. Kings- ford), ii, 19, &c. "* Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 407 ; Machyn, Diary, 118-19 ! Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 136; Stow, Annals ; see the article on * Religious Houses.' '" Machyn, Diary, 113, 119, &c. "'Ibid. 121. So in 1557 ; ibid. 160. '"Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 425-6. ""Ibid. fol. \\\b, 412, 416. '"Corp. Rec. Journ. xvii, fol. 27^. -"Lond. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 419. "'Machyn, Diary, 130-1, 137, 139, 152, 157, 160; Wriothesley, Chron. ii, 137, 139. '"Machyn, Z)/« Stow, Mem. 139. " Zurich Letters, \, passim. " Ibid, i, no. Ixxxii. Various London ministers were from time to time warned to wear the surplice, and it appears that as late as 1581 complete conformity in this respect had not been obtained ; Churchwardens' Accts. St. Alphage London Wall, 1573-4 ; St. Martin Orgar, 1574, 1581 ; Strype, Aylmer, cap. v ; see also Visitation Articles of Archd of London, 1584, B.M. Pressmarit, 5155, c, i. " Zurich Letters, i, no. Ixxxii. *• See Neal, Puritans, i, i8i. Bishop Sandys also at one time thought lightly of the importance of the rise of Puritanism ; see Zurich Letters, i, no cxxiv. " GrindaFs Rem. (Parker Soc), 199 ; an ex parte statement reprinted from ji Part of a ^' ■ =P''>ten. " S.P. Dom. Eliz. cxcii, 35. ™ Vest. Min. 1592. " St. Stephen Walbrook Vest. Min. 1591 ; St. Margaret Lothbury Vest. Min. 1591. A HISTORY OF LONDON hiding-places of priests,*^ and it was tound that some lodged with private persons of various ranks in London and Westminster/^ and others in common inns/* Clerkenwell being described in 1586 as 'a very college of wicked Papists.' '^ Amongst those who gave relief to these priests were Henry Vaux/^ the Countess of Pembroke, Lord Compton," and numbers of London citizens.'^ Recusancy appears to have prevailed to a considerable extent among the medical men of London. In 1580 the bishop was ordered to call before him such physicians practising in the City as were known to be obstinate in matters of religion/^ and in 1588 the Ecclesiastical Commissioners demanded from the College of Physicians a list of recusant doctors/"" while two medical men were included in a list of ' strangers that go not to church ' in 1581."^ The sufferings of the recusants with whom the London prisons were for some years crowded appear to have been considerable. Whenever it was possible the imprisoned priests celebrated mass for their fellow captives, and their co-religionists in London eagerly availed themselves of any opportunity of joining in these services. ^"^ Priests still at liberty would also go to the prisons for this purpose, and marriages of Roman Catholics took place there.'"* Consequently restrictions were placed on the intercourse of the prisoners with their friends ; "* attempts to relieve them with food and money were dis- couraged ; '"^ and, worst of all, spies were sent into the prisons with orders to represent themselves as suffering for religion, and so worm their way into the confidence of the genuine recusants with a view to giving information against them."" Nor was imprisonment the worst punishment that Romanists, especially priests, had to fear. Torture was not infrequently applied to in- duce them to confess supposed plots. "^ Between 1578 and 1585 eighteen priests and three Roman Catholic laymen were executed in London."* No severities availed, however, to put an entire stop to the celebrations of the mass, which continued to be held in various London houses;"' whilst in the last years of the 1 6th century both Jesuits and secular priests abounded in the City, where they were active in 'reconciling' the laity."" In 1594 it was even reported that mass was said daily at the Court."' With regard to the state of the Church of England itself at this period, its clergy, its services, and its customs, much valuable information exists in the parochial and Corporation records and elsewhere. Between 1559 and 1570 dis- pensations were granted to seventeen London rectors and vicars to hold two or more benefices together."^ In 1579 the Privy Council ordered inquiries to be made in every parish in the archdeaconry of London as to whether the '' Acts of P.C. xiii, 151, 153, 164 ; S.P. Dom. Eliz. clxii, 51 ; clxxvii, 48 ; clxxviii, 72, &c. " Ibid, clxxvii, 48 ; clxxxviii, 37 ; cci, 53 ; ccvi, 34, &c. ^ Ibid, clxxviii, 72 ; clxxxviii, 37. '* Ibid, cxciv, 62. ^ Ibid, clxxviii, 72. ^' Ibid, clxxxviii, 37. °* Ibid, ccxxxviii, 62, 126, 139, &c. " Jets of P.C. xii, 129. ™ Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. viii, App. 227. See also Rep. vii, App. 642, and S.P. Dom. Eliz. cxlvi, 137. "" B.M. Lansd. MS. 33, no. 59. '"- S.P. Dom. Eliz. clii, 54 ; Acts of P.C. xiii, 360 ; xxx, 539 ; S.P. Dom. Eliz. civ, 27 ; ccxvii, 61, &c. "" Acts of P.C. xiii, 353 ; Cecil MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com.), vi, 419 ; x, 280. "" See Acts of P.C. xiii, 275 ; Chamberlain, Letters (Camd. Soc), 69, &c. '"' Acts of P.C. xii, 282 ; xiii, 275, 326-7. "^ S.P. Dom. Eliz. ccxliii, 38, 88 ; ccxlviii, 43 ; Cecil MSS. iv, 402, 429, 432, &c. '"' Ibid, i, 296, and S.P. Dom. for the years 1574-99. '" Rishton, Cotitin. of Sanders, bk. iv, cap. ix-xii. "" S.P. Dom. Eliz. ccxli, 35 ; ccxlviii, 99, &c. "" Ibid, ccxli, 41 ; ccxlviii, 102 ; cclii, 80 ; Acts of P.C. xxvi, 74 ; Cecil MSS. ix, 3 iS, &c. '" S.P. Dom. Eliz. ccxlviii, 99, 102. "' S.P. Dom. Eliz. Ixxvi. 316 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY minister served the cure himself and resided in his parish, and whether he said divine service in the church and administered the tw^o sacraments, and if not, who did it for him."^ The clergy at this time were divided into preach- ing and non-preaching ministers, and the sermon and lecture were yearly becoming a more prominent feature in the church services. There can be little doubt that the diversity of religious opinions which prevailed in London at the beginning of the 17th century was in no small part due to this latter fact. As has been shown, the clergy of the day held widely differing views on subjects of great importance, and they readily availed themselves of the opportunities afforded them of instructing their parishioners, each accord- ing to his own ideas. In 1567 so many persons were found to be preaching without any licence from the bishop that an order was issued by the lord mayor in the queen's name for their arrest and imprisonment,"* while the bishop charged his clergy to allow no one to preach in their churches who could not produce a written licence."^ An account of an interview between the bishop and Mr. Pattenson, a suspended minister who had been arrested for preaching without permission, throws some light upon the preacher's point of view. When asked by the bishop who had licensed him to preach, Mr. Pattenson replied that he regarded the charge given him at his ordination as a sufficient licence ; and that as to preaching elsewhere than in his own cure, he con- sidered that his cure was wherever he met with a congregation willing to hear him."* There were many different opinions as to the advantages and disadvantages of ' preaching ministers.' Thomas Sampson,"^ prebendary of St. Paul's, wrote to Burghley in 1 574 lamenting that there were ' many congregations or parishes which have certain reading priests as ministers, but are utterly destitute of pastors, preachers, and such as are both able and diligent to instruct them.' He regretted that so many ' most painful and profitable ministers ' were ' molested and hindered by the severe exacting of the law ' regarding the Book of Common Prayer."* On the other hand the Privy Council in January 1579-80 wrote to the bishop in strong condemna- tion of the way in which certain preachers ' do only apply themselves to the office of preaching, and . . . separate themselves from the executing of the one part of the office of a priest, which is as well to minister the Sacraments as to preach the Gospel . . . Some are . . . termed reading and ministering ministers, and some preachers and no-Sacrament ministers.' "' A week later the articles of inquiry above alluded to were issued, and London churchwar- dens were required to state whether their minister himself preached or lectured in his church, or whether he employed a substitute, and if so, whether the latter not only preached, but also administered the two sacra- ments in his own or any other church.^'" In 1581 a great effort was made to supply London with good and learned preachers, and the lord mayor was directed to raise contributions for the purpose from the different City parishes. ^-^ A committee was ultimately appointed to arrange the matter,^-^ but not until after considerable delay, the lord mayor having objected to '" Strype, Jy/mer,csip. iv. '" Corp. Rec. Letter Rk. V, fol. 105^ ; Journ. xix, fol. 48. '" GrindaPs Rem. (Parker Soc), 293. "" S.P. Dom. Eliz. xliv, 20. '" Rector of Allhallows Bread Street, temp. Edward VI. "' Cecil MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com.), ii, 73. '" Jets ofP.C. xi, 367. "" Strype, Aylmer, cap. iv. "' Anal. Rememb. 364-5 (i, 248-9). ''' Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. Z, fol. 194^ ; see St. Stephen Walbrook Chwdns.' Accts. 158 1-2. A HISTORY OF LONDON additional expense being incurred,'-' on the ground that a large number of lectures had already been founded in the City parishes, besides those at the Temple, the Inns of Court, St. Paul's Cathedral, and Christ Church New- gate.'-* The objection was a perfectly just one; lectures had already been established in many of the most important churches, e.g. at St. Botolph's Aldersgate in 1569,'" at St. Peter's Cornhill in 1574,^-^ at St. Anthohn's, certainly in the reign of Edward VI, if not earlier,'" at St. Saviour's South- wark,''' at St. Christopher's,'^^ and at St. Margaret's New Fish Street,''" before 1578, and at St. Martin Orgar before 1580.'" In January 1586—7 Archdeacon Aylmer, in accordance with the decree of Convocation (1586), relative to the better education of the clergy, sent for the London ministers, especially those who were not preachers, and enjoined them each to have a Bible in English and Latin, a copy of Bullinger's Decades, and a paper book, in which to write one sermon every week, to be shown quarterly to an examiner. Meanwhile every non-preaching minister was to procure at his own cost a preacher to deliver a sermon in his church once a quarter, and licensed preachers were to preach sixteen times a year."* Whether as a result of these injunctions or not, a great influx of preachers into London took place during the next two years."' Some of these were not ordained at all, some had ' no sufficient warrant,' some had been ' detected ' in other countries, and some stirred up the people to innovations."* In March 1588—9, the archbishop and bishop once more forbade the clergy of London to allow any unlicensed person to preach or lecture in their churches, and also cautioned them against allowing any private assemblies for worship in their parishes. The injunctions were ordered to be read at morning prayer, copied into the church book, and fastened up in each church."" It is hardly too much to say that no rule whatever was followed in the London parish churches during this period as to the number of services or the hours at which they should be held. At St. Olave's Southwark morning prayer began at 8 a.m. on Sundays and holy days and at 6 a.m. on week- days."* A sermon was preached regularly once a quarter,"^ and in 1587 the vestry decided that the minister should deliver a lecture during the summer months every Sunday and Wednesday, and during the winter on Wednesday and Friday."' At St. Alphage London Wall there was a sermon once a month, the preacher being paid 3J. 4^. on each occasion,"' and a lecture was founded there before 1 594.'*" In i 579 it was decided by the vestry of St. Peter's Cornhill that morning service on Sundays and holy days should begin at 8 a.m. in the summer and 9 a.m. in the winter.'*' At St. Margaret's New Fish Street the hour for morning service was nine,'*' from 1582 onwards a lecture was read in the church on Monday from 5 to 6 p.m.,'*' and in 1591 '" The Bishop of London wrote to Burghley that he could not persuade the Corporation to act, and that the Council had better write direct to them, else ' a good purpose shall be overthrown by might of Mammon ; ' B.M. Lansd. MS. 33, no. 23. '" Anal. Rememb. 365-7 (i, 250, 255-6, 291) ; S.P. Dom. Eliz. cxlvi, 134. "' Chwdns.' Accts. 1568-9. ''« Vest. Min. 1574. '" Par. Rec. 'Case of Mr. Bell,' &c. •" Vest. Min. 1578. '« Par. Rec. 1576-7. '=» Chwdns.' Accts. 1577-8. '" Ibid. 1579-80. "' Strj'pe, Aylmer, cap. vii. •" St. Margaret's New Fish Street Vest. Min. 1589. "' Ibid. '" Ibid. "'Vest. Min. 1572, 1577. '" Chwdns.' Accts. 1562-4, 1564-6. "» Vest. Min. 1587. ™ Chwdns.' Accts. 1574-86, &c. '" Vest. Min. 1594. "' Ibid. 1579. '" Ibid. 158*. '« Ibid. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY a lecture on Sunday at the same hour was added/" The accounts of St. Martin Orgar show a payment of £^1 in i 579—80 to ' him that read our lectures.' In 1 580-1 £1 \s. %d. was paid to various preachers for twelve sermons, and there is no mention of any lecture. From that time onwards there was a regular annual payment of /^4 5^. for seventeen sermons preached in the course of each year.^*^ The well-known lectures at St. Antholin's were read on two week-days in 1576, and daily from 1581, if not earlier.^" At St. Giles' Cripplegate a lecture was read at 6 o'clock in the morning.^" The number of afternoon and evening lectures increased rapidly towards the close of the 1 6th century. ^*^ Still more irregular were the celebrations of Holy Communion. At one church there were from nine to twelve celebrations every year^*'* ; at another there were seven in 1577—8, and ten in subsequent years ^^° ; at another the number of celebrations varied from three to nine ^" ; while at St. Andrew's Holborn, in 1583—4, there were twenty-eight. ^^^ Nor does any rule seem to have been followed in the selection of the days for these services, except that Easter Day was always one.'" In St. Stephen's Walbrook there were ' Communion pews ' in the chancel.'^* The ' quire ' of AUhallows the Great was ' seated for communicants ' in 1574.'" In 1564 the 'long forms in the church ' of St. Andrew Holborn were ' new made for communicants,' and in 1583—4 pews were constructed for them ' round about the high chancel,' and a new carved Communion table, with two ends to draw out and lengthen it, was set up.'*^ There are entries in the accounts of St. Andrew Hubbard,'" St. Margaret's New Fish Street,"^ and St. Olave's Southwark,''' of the purchase of mats, or lengths of matting, to lay round the Communion table ' for folks to kneel on.' By the end of the i6th century the great majority of the London churches, if not all, were provided with at least one'"" Communion cup, as distinguished from the ancient chalice,'" with or without a cover, and with one or more patens. '^^ The vessels were for the most part of silver, seldom gilt, and in some cases the patens were of pewter."' The sanctus bell was used throughout this period,'^* apparently not for its original purpose, but to summon people to church.'" At a time when preaching was coming so much into vogue the pulpit naturally became a more important part of church furniture than it had previously been ; '^^ it was not unusual for London churches to have two, '" Vest. Min. I 591. '" Chwdns.' Accts. ''" Par. Rec. ' The case of Mr. Bell,' &c. "' S.P. Dom. Eliz. cliv, 53. At St. Margaret's Lothbury morning prayer, followed twice a week by a lecture, was read at 5 a.m. ; Vest. Min. 1573. "' This is clearly shown by the largely increased expenditure for ' candles for the lecture ' in the Chwdns.' Accts. of most parishes. '" St. Alphage London Wall, Chwdns.' Accts. "° St. Margaret's New Fish Street Chwdns.' Accts. '" St. Stephen's Walbrook Chwdns.' Accts. '"' Rec. Bk. 26 Eliz. '" See Chwdns.' Accts. generally. '" Chwdns.' Accts. 1575. '" Vest. Min. 1574. "« Rec. Bk. 6, 25 & 26 Eliz. ''' Chwdns.' Accts. 1562-4. '" Ibid. 1578-9. '" Ibid. 1583-5. '«» Many churches had two. ""' For the difference between the two, and other details about Elizabethan church plate, see J. F. Russell, ' Notes on Elizabethan Communion Plate,' Arch. Journ. xxxv, 44. '" Par. Rec. gen. "" e.g. at St. Martin's Ludgate, and St Alphage London Wall. '"St. Botolph Aldersgate Chwdns' Accts. 1569; St. Margaret's New Fish Street Accts. 1578; St. Margaret's Westm. Accts. 1602-4, ^'^• '" St. Bartholomew by the Exchange Vest. Min. 1567 "* See St. Saviour's Southwark Vest. Min. 1604. 69 A HISTORY OF LONDON one fixed against the wall and the other movable. ^^' As well after as before the Reformation it was usual for men and women to have separate pews,^** sometimes marked with the names of the seat-holders.' In some cases special seats were also provided for the children of seat- holders,'^" for girls and unmarried women,"' for boys,'"- and for servant- maids.'" Knights, ladies, and burgesses also had their special pews.'^* In 1601 a pew was constructed in the church of St. Martin Orgar for the lord mayor, and one for my lady in the body of the church.'" Difficulties some- times arose amongst the seat-holders. The vestry of St. Margaret's New Fish Street, in 1597, ordered 'that no man or woman should be placed in any pew of the church without the special liking and consent of six of the Ancients of the parish being at home.' If the six were equally divided the parson was to have the casting vote : ' and then if the parties to be removed will not be ordered, they shall pay to the poor man's box 20s., if it be a man or a widow ; and [if] she be a man's wife and will not be ordered, then she shall be removed out of all pews, and have no place in the church.' '" Pew rents were graduated according to the position of the pews ; those nearest to the chancel paying the most.'" At St. Andrew's Holborn seats for the poor at the lower end of the church were first made in 1578."* Towards the end of the i6th century it became customary for the pews of the aldermen and richer parishioners to be lined, padded,' trimmed,' and provided with hassocks.'" At St. Margaret's Westminster the vestry, in 1592, decided that no pew-holder convicted of any notable crime should be allowed to retain his seat.'*" Order was kept in church during service by the clerk, sidesmen, and churchwardens.'^' The clerk of St. Margaret's New Fish Street was instructed, in 1606, to ascertain ' what servants do sit with their caps on, or do sleep during the sermon,' to admonish them, and ' with a wand to correct their stubbornness.' '^^ There were, however, more serious offences against reverence and order than these. For example, in 1595, the vestry of St. Olave's Southwark decided that for the future no sexton should inhabit the church, and that the present sexton should be told to remove his family therefrom.'*' In June 1576 one John Peacock was ordered to clear away '" St. Stephen's Walbrook Chwdns.' Accts. 1565-7 ; St. Alphage London Wall Accts. 1579-80 ; St. John's Walbrook, Accts. 1595-6 ; St. Andrew's Holborn, Rec. Bk. i+, 25 Eliz. At St. Andrew's Holborn a movable font or basin was in 1572 substituted for the old stone font, and the churchwardens were cited before the bishop for making the change ; Rec. Bk. 14, 20, 22 Eliz. "* St. Peter's Cornhill Vest. Min. 1580; St. Olave's Southwark Vest. Min. 1567; Chwdns.' Accts. 1585-7 ; St. Margaret's New Fish Street Vest. Min. 1582, &c. '*' St. Olave's Southwark Chwdns ' Accts. 1587-9. "" St. Margaret's New Fish Street Vest. Min. 1598. '" St. Peter's Cornhill Vest. Min. 1580 ; St. Margaret's New Fish Street. Vest. Min. 1594, 1608, &c. "* St. Botolph Aldersgate Chwdns.' Accts. i 571-2, 1596. "' St. Margaret's New Fish Street V^est. Min. 1594. In St. Margaret's only four pews were allotted to servant-maids, and there is a note, ' All the rest of the maids [to stand] at their mistress's pew-doors.' In 1599 four deal boards were laid in the body of the church for the maids to kneel upon (Accts. 1599). The servant-maids at St. Saviour's Southwark stood in the aisle (Vest. Min. 1610). '^' St. Botolph Aldersgate Vest Min. 1601 ; St. Margaret's Westm. Chwdns.' Accts. 1596-8. '"» Vest. Min. 1601. '" Ibid. 1597. '" Ibid. 1582, &c., &c. "» Rec. Bk. 20 Eliz. '"St. Martin's Orgar Chwdns'. Accts. 1601-2 ; Vest. Min. 1592 ; St. Stephen's Walbrook Accts. 1577, 1583, 1591, &c. '*° Vest. Min. 1592. '*' St. Margaret's New Fish Street Vest. Min. 1606, 1612, &c. For interesting rules about behaviour in church, see St. Botolph's Aldersgate Chwdns'. Accts. 1595-6 (D. and C. Westm. Lond. B. pt. ii). '*' Vest. Min. 1606. '*' Vest. Min. 1595. In St. Margaret's Lothbury in 1585 the widow of the late clerk was living in the vestry ; Vest. Min. 1585. Washing &c. was carried on in the churchyard ; Vest. Min. 1584. 320 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY certain ' filthy annoyances ' from the chapel behind the high altar in St. Saviour's Southwark, which he rented. He ignored the injunction, and in the following December the vestry were informed that he was still using the chapel as a ' swine-stable.' "* His lease was cancelled in consequence,^*' but was renewed in 1579 on the understanding that he would keep the chapel 'sweet and clean.''*' There are a few instances, besides fines for Sabbath-breaking,'" of the exercise of that ' godly discipline,' '** which was so fast dying out in the EngUsh Church. In 1569 the churchwardens of St. Olave's Southwark purchased 'a penitent stool for the church '; "" and in 161 9 the church- wardens of St. John's Walbrook paid a charge in the archdeacon's court for the bringing of a woman into public penance in the church."" At some churches ' token money ' was collected once or twice in the year and given to the parson. This was the case for example in 1559—62 at St. Olave's Southwark, where the money was gathered at Easter ; '" and at St. Margaret's Westminster, where it was collected regularly at Easter and Trinity from 1566 onwards."^ Tokens were in use at St. Botolph's Aldgate in 1597,"' and at St. Margaret's Lothbury in 1584."* Considerable sums were spent by some parishes on their church music, payments being made to organ-makers, ' organ-keepers,' organists, ' conduckes,' '^^ players on wind- instruments,"' and singing-men, who were frequently hired to assist at great festivals.'" Owing to the prevailing custom of burying within the City churches it was found necessary to strew herbs "* on the floor, and sometimes even to use frankincense, juniper, or ' perfume ' to purify the air."' The use of rushes to cover the floor ^°'' was continued till about 1583, when they were gradually superseded by matting, which was renewed once or twice a year.*""' Floral decorations do not appear to have been used in most churches during Eliza- beth's reign. At St. Martin Orgar holly and ivy were usually bought for the purpose at Christmas, and ' boughs and birch ' were set about the church on Midsummer Eve.^°^ St. John's Walbrook was decorated with ' rosemary and bays' at Christmas 1597 ; ""^ and St. John Zachary with birch boughs in 1593 ; ^"^ but for the most part the practice seems to have been dropped at the Reformation, and not revived till the beginning of the 17th century. The sermons at Paul's Cross were still a prominent feature of London Church life. In spite of the danger resulting from the insanitary condition '" Vest. Min. 1576. This chapel had been let out for the benefit of the parish school in 1 5 59. Vest. Min. "« Ibid. 1577. '^Mbid. 1579. '''See below. "' Bk. of Com. Prayer 1549, Commination Service. "' Chwdns.' Accts. 1568-70. '="' Ibid. 1619-20. '^' Ibid. 1558-62. '" Ibid. 1566, &c. ■» Bodl. Lib. Rawlinson MS. D, 796, a, fol. 1 19-20. '" Vest. Min. i 584. '" This official appears to have fulfilled the functions of choir-master, and sometimes those of organist as well. In some churches there were two or even three ' conduckes.' "" At Christ Church Newgate, which was noted for the elaborate character of its music. '" Chwdns.' Accts. gen. '" St. Margaret's New Fish St. Chwdns.' Accts. 1596 ; St. Stephen's Walbrook Accts. 1583, &c. "'St. Stephen's Walbrook Chwdns.' Accts. 1574, 1577, 1581 ; St. Martin's Orgar Accts. 1578; St. Margaret's Westm. Accts. 1592-4, &c. '"» St. Stephen's Walbrook Chwdns.' Accts. 1584, &c. ™' Ibid. 1590 ; St. Martin's Orgar Accts. 1583 ; St. Margaret's New Fish St. Accts. 1582, &c. "" Chwdns.' Accts. 1574-87. "" Ibid. 1597-8. '" Ibid. 1593-4 ; see also Chwdns.' Accts. of St. Botolph's Aldersgate, 1597. I 321 41 A HISTORY OF LONDON of the churchyard, pointed out by Latimer in 1552/°^ large crowds of citizens attended the Sunday sermons ; and on all important occasions the lord mayor and aldermen were present. Seats were provided for these dignitaries, but the accommodation for the City officers in attendance on them was insufficient till in 1567 the City undertook to enlarge their bench 'so that they may quietly sit there during the time of the sermons.' -"' At the same time it was ordered that the gutter which had hitherto discharged rain-water on the heads of these minor officials should be diverted.-"^ In 1569 a ' house ' ^"^ was erected by the lord mayor for the wives of the City magnates 'to sit in at the sermons' ; ^"^ and it was ordered that on the Whitsun holy days in that year ' not only my Lord Mayor and Alderman to be there in scarlet for Whitsun Sunday and Monday, and in violet of Tues- days, but their wives also to be there ... in such apparel as they lik.e.'^'° The scene must have been a brilliant one, especially on such a day as 8 September 1588, when at the great thanksgiving at Paul's Cross for the defeat of the Armada, there were ' openly showed eleven ensigns, being the banners taken in the Spanish navy ; ^" and particularly one streamer wherein was an image of our Lady with her Son in her arms, which was held in a man's hand over the pulpit.' ^'^ Few things serve to illustrate the growth of Puritan influence in London more forcibly than the change which took place with regard to the observance of Sunday. From time immemorial English people ' had been accustomed to consider that at the close of divine service the religious duties of the day were at an end.' ^'^ As has been shown above, effiDrts had been made during the reign of Edward VI to enforce a stricter order of things, but without much success. When Elizabeth came to the throne ' stage-plays and interludes ' were performed in London on Sundays in private houses as well as in theatres ; *^* bear-baitings took place ; *^° and on Sunday evenings the Exchange was enlivened by the music of the City waits."' But long before Dr. Bound published"" his book on Sunday observance a great change had come over the City in this respect. In 1574 an order was issued that plays were not to be performed on Sunday except by licence from the lord mayor, and never during service-time, as it was thought that {inter alia) they caused the citizens to absent themselves from church. -^^ In 158 i, and again in 1583, the performance of plays, interludes, bear-baitings, &c., on 'the Sabbath-day' was altogether prohibited.-" About the same time carriers were forbidden to pass through the City on Sunday, while shops and ale-houses were ordered to be closed during divine service."" Certain drapers of Birchin Lane, Lombard Street, and Cornhill having disre- garded this last injunction, their neighbours lodged a complaint against them "Mn a sermon on the third Sunday in Advent, 1552, quoted by J. H. Marldand, Remarks on Engl. Churches, 184. *"' Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. V, fol. 139^. *"' Ibid. "" i.e. permanent covered seats. *"' Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. V, fol. 224, 227^, 237, 274^. "•> Ibid. 236. "' See S.P. Dom. Eliz. ccxv, 54. "' Nichols, Progresses of Eliz. ii, 537. *" Gardiner, Hist, of Engl, iii, 247. '" Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. V, fol. 216. '" Ibid. Z, fol. 271^. "^ Corp. Rec. Repert. xvii, fol. 300 ; Sharpe, Lond. anil the Kingdom, i, 501-2. "'In 1595. "* Corp. Rec. Liber Legum X, 363. Jets ofP.C. xiii, 270 ; Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. Z, fol. 271^. Corp. Rec. Journ. xxi, 325 ; Letter Bk. Z, fol. 72. 322 119 US ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY in the lord mayor's court. ^-^ In 1583 the lord mayor requested that the order regarding carriers might be extended to the suburbs ; '" and in the following year he issued a proclamation on the subject of Sabbath-breaking. In this document he lamented the ' profanation ' of the day by the citizens ' in working, buying, selling, keeping open shops, making open shows, and using other unholy exercises ; ' he warned them of the wrath of Almighty God, and the probable withdrawal of His blessings from the City ; and finally forbade all secular employments on the Sabbath-day, and urged every person ' to do that service unto Almighty God which is requisite for observation of the same ' upon pain of imprisonment.^''* From this time strict order was observed on this point in the City, and in 1587 the justices of the peace of Surrey were enjoined to take steps to procure a similar state of things in Southwark, where obedience was not readily yielded. ^^* A fine of bd. was imposed on those convicted of working on Sundays or holy days,**'^ and on those who came late or not at all to church.*'^ It was customary for the Privy Council to meet for business after service on Sunday, and this practice appears to have continued : ^" but there was a growing feeling that business should not be transacted, nor public gatherings, except for worship, held on that day.^-' After the accession of James I there appears to have been a change of feeling in London on this subject. In 1614 the lord mayor wrote to the Lord Chamberlain that he had been ' much maligned ' for endeavouring to keep the Sabbath day holy."^' The publication of the ' Declaration of Sports ' in 1 6 17 naturally encouraged those who held the less austere view,"*" and in 1629 the lord mayor complained that Sabbath-breaking was again very common in London. Buying and selling were carried on : inn-holders suffered markets to be kept by carriers in most rude and profane manner in selling victuals to hucksters, chandlers, and all other comers ; carriers, carmen, cloth-workers, water-bearers, and porters carried their burdens ; watermen plied their fares ; drinking and swearing were common.''^ Warrants were issued for the arrest of all such offenders, but this the Bishop of London seems to have regarded as an encroachment on his jurisdiction."'* With the triumph of the Puritans came severe laws for the stricter observance of Sunday,""' and fines for any breach of the Sabbath were once more enforced."'* The observance of Lent and of the weekly fasts was during the reign of Elizabeth a matter rather of political than of ecclesiastical interest. This is clearly shown by the Act "'^ of 1562, which required the 'fish days' to be kept ' for the benefit and commodity of this realm, to grow as well in main- «" Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. Z, fol. 21 1. ™ S.P. Dom. Eliz. clxiv, 28. »" Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. Z, fol. 387^. '" Acts of P.C. xv, 271. '"St. Olave's Southwark Chwdns.' Accts. 1589-91 ; St. Margaret's New Fish St. Vest. Min. 1594, &c. "" St. Margaret's New Fish St. Vest. Min. 1606 ; AUhallows the Great Vest. Min. 161 5. "' Acts, of P.C. passim. "' Corp. Rec. Journ. xxiii, fol. 198^; Letter Bk. BB, fol. 42 ; Gardiner, Hist, of Engl. \, 173. "' Anal. Rememb. 359 (iii, 159). Various parishioners of St. Benet's Paul's Wharf were fined about this time for breaking the Sabbath ; Chwdns.' Accts. 1614-16, 1618-19. "° Gardiner, Hist, of Engl, iii, 247-8, 251-2. "' Lamb. Lib. Misc. MS 943, p. 129. «» Ibid, in dorso "^ B.M. Pressmark 517, k, 11 (16) ; S.P. Dom. 26 June 1657. '^' St. Botolph Aldersgate Chwdns.' Accts. 1657-8, &c. ^" Stat. 5 Eliz. cap. 5, sec. 14-23. 323 A HISTORY OF LONDON tenance of the navy, as in sparing and increase of flesh victual.' By this Act Wednesday, in addition to Friday and Saturday, was made a fast day, and a penalty of ^^3 or three months' imprisonment w^as imposed for a breach of the law, while the person in whose house the offence was committed was to be fined £2."^^ Licences issued by the ecclesiastical authorities for the eating of meat were to hold good, and due provision was made for the needs of the sick, but for a licence issued by the State a payment was to be made ranging according to the rank of the person from £1 6s. Sd. to 6s. %d. The enforce- ment of this law was a matter of considerable difficulty, especially in London, and the records of the Privy Council throughout the reign of Elizabeth show that the Government had to exercise constant pressure on the City authorities to prevent the unlawful consumption of meat during Lent.''" The number of butchers licensed to sell meat and poultry in Lent was strictly limited,-^' and frequent complaints were made about unlicensed butchers.*'' The appointment of these privileged butchers was an invidious task which the lord mayor sometime shirked, leaving it to the Council."" Not even the French ambassador was allowed to buy from an unlicensed butcher, and the amount he might receive weekly was carefully stated by the Council.'" A search was ordered to be made several times a week ' at dinner and supper time ' through all the inns and eating-houses of the City to discover offenders,"* and the officials of the Fishmongers' Company, who had a natural interest in the carrying out of the law, were associated with those of the Butchers in preventing the unlicensed sale of meat."' Whatever may have been the success of the regulations for the observance of Lent, the transformation of a religious duty into a matter of political and social expe- diency is thoroughly characteristic of the Elizabethan settlement. The early years of the 17th century were marked in London by a temporary reaction in favour of reverence, solemnity, and careful observance of ritual in worship. This was probably due in the first place to the influ- ence of Richard Bancroft, who, after holding for seven years the bishopric of London, became Archbishop of Canterbury in 1 604. In both capacities he made great effiDrts to ensure the due observance of fasts and festivals ; to secure instruction for the young and ignorant by means of catechizing ; to have the parish churches throughout his diocese and province repaired and beautified ; and to restore to the services of the Church that beauty and dignity which had been to a great extent lost since the Reformation."* In spite of the opposition of the Puritans, which found expression in the Millenary Petition of 1603,"° these efforts were largely successful. The "* The Wednesday fast was abolished in 1585 (Stat. 27 Eliz. cap. 1 1), and in 1593 the penalties for eating meat on fast days were reduced ; Stat. 35 Eliz. cap. 22. ''^ Jets of P. C. passim, esp. xiv, 309-10 ; xxxi, 1 76-7. "* Ibid, xvii, 83-4 ; xxiv, 71-2 ; xxv, 176. "* Ibid, xviii, 375-6 ; xx, 322-3, &c. One butcher was licensed in each liberty besides those in the City (ibid, xv, 418) ; and in 1 593 the Lieutenant of the Tower and other holders of franchises were taken to task for issuing licences on their own account. "" Ibid. XX, 271 (Feb. 1590-1). At first the licences were issued free of charge, but in 1593 it was decided to charge j^io for each, the money to go to the ' maimed and impotent soldiers ' ; ibid, xxiv, 92—3. "' Ibid, vii, 330 (Feb. 1566-7) ; ix, 300 (Mar. I 576-7) ; xii, 329 (Feb. 1580-1). '" Ibid. XX, 273-5 (F^'^- I59O-0- •" Ibid, xxiv, 1 1 2-1 3, 134 (Mar. 1592-3) ; xxv, 270 (Mar. I 595-6), &c. '" Heylin, Presbyterians, 376 ; Bp. Bancroft's Visitation Articles, 160 1. *" Gardiner, Hist, of Engl, i, 148. 32 + ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY parish records of London show that much was done between 1605 and 1638 to improve the condition of the churches, many of which were rapidly faUing into decay. Large sums were spent on substantial repairs,''" and many churches were decorated with painting and gilding inside and out at great expense."" The Communion tables, in some instances at all events, were moved from the body of the church into the chancel ; "' and provision was made for communicants to kneel during the administration of the Sacrament.'"' Bishop Bancroft in his third visitation, 1604, insisted upon their kneeling as a necessary condition of reception.''^'' There is ample evidence that between 1603 and 1640 a great and general increase took place not only in the number of celebrations of Holy Communion held during the year, but even more in the number of those who communicated."^ The old custom of decorating churches with evergreens, &c., on great festivals was revived. ''''' Gifts of church plate and ornaments were frequently made at this time,"' whereas such a thing had hardly been known during the preceding fifty years, possibly owing to the feeling of insecurity produced by the spoliations of Edward VI. In 1633 an order was issued that Communion tables were not only to be set altar-wise in the chancel, but also to be railed in to prevent desecration. This injunction was obeyed in a good many London churches, but not very promptly."* In December 1604 Bancroft, then Archbishop of Canterbury, required all curates and lecturers, on pain of dismissal, to subscribe to those articles which were imposed by the new canons, acknowledging the king's supremacy and declaring the Book of Common Prayer and the Thirty-nine Articles to be in accordance with the Word of God. The beneficed clergy were also to subscribe, or at least to conform, on pain of deprivation."^ It appears that only four or five London ministers were deprived at this time."° As a consequence of the Roman Catholic conspiracy of 1605 new laws against recusants were issued in the following year, ordering all to conform '"See Chwdns.' Accts. St. George Botolph Lane, 1606, 1629, 1638 ; St. Martin Orgar, 1615 ; St. Alphage London Wall, 162^ ; St. John Zachary, 1624 ; Christ Church Newgate, 1605, &c. "' St. George Botolph Lane Vest. Min. 1637 ; St. Stephen Walbrook Chwdns.' Accts. 1600. For cata- logue of churches with particulars of repairs and beautifying at this period see Stow, Surt'. (ed. Dyson, 1633), 819, &c. "' See St. John Walbrook Chwdns.' Accts. 161 2 ; St. John Zachary Accts. 1614 ; St. Katharine Vest. Min. 1623. "' St. John Zachary Chwdns.' Accts. 1600, 1634; St. Stephen Walbrook Chwdns.' Accts. 1630 ; St. Jjhn Walbrook Chwdns.' Accts. 1600 ; St. Benet Paul's Wharf Chwdns.' Accts. 1638 ; St. Katharine Vest. Min. 1623, Lond. Epis. Reg. Bancroft, fol. 337, &c. "° Visitation Articles, 1604. ''^ This is proved by the fact that where there was little or no change in the number of celebrations there was a great increase in the suras expended on bread and wine. The average number of celebrations at this time appears to have been twelve per annum. Chwdns.' Accts. generally. See Hutton, His(. of Engl. Ch. 1625-1714, pp. 61, 103. '" Chwdns.' Accts. Allhallows Honey Lane, 1641 ; St. George Southwark, 1624 ; St. Clement Eastcheap, 1636 ; St. Benet Paul's Wharf, 1610 ; St. Stephen Walbrook, 1633, &c. *" St. Andrew Undershaft Rec. Bk. 1637 ; St. Benet Paul's Wharf Chwdns.' Accts. 1607 ; St. Antholin Vest. Min. 1648 ; St. Botolph Aldersgate Vest. Min. 1622 ; St. Peter Westcheap Vest. Min. 1621 ; All- hallows Barking Chwdns.' Accts. 1631 ; St. Saviour's Southwark Vest. Min. 1626 ; St. Martin Ludgate Vest. Min. 1612. '" e.g. St. George Botolph Lane Vest. Min. 1637 ; St. Michael Wood Street Chwdns.' Accts. 1637 ; St. Benet Paul's Wharf Chwdns.' Accts. 1638 ; Allhallows Barking Vest. Min. 1638 ; Hist.MSS. Com. Rffi. iv, App. 80. '" Wilkins, Concilia, iv, 409 ; Gardiner, Hist, of Engl, i, 195-200. See Christ Church Newgate Vest. Min. 1609. "° See Hennessy; Novum Repert. 325 A HISTORY OF LONDON and to communicate.^" Various London Romanists suffered confiscation of property under these laws,"* whilst others submitted.-" In 1610 Bishop King received a circular letter from Archbishop Bancroft, commanding that all recusants should be excommunicated forthwith.'*" Shortly after- wards efforts were made to prevent celebrations of the mass being held in Newgate,'" and to check the resort of English people to those held at the houses of the foreign ambassadors ; ■" and the lord mayor set on foot a campaign against the popish recusants of London,"*' who were at this time very numerous.'" On one occasion the Spanish ambassador interfered on behalf of his persecuted co-religionists and rescued thirteen priests.'" The cessation, in 1614, of the war with Spain led to a reaction against extreme Puritanism,-" and comjjarative peace descended upon the English Church.'" About this time a Baptist congregation returned from Holland and settled in London.'** The Dutch Church in the City was rapidly growing in importance. Many of its members were wealthy and able men, and all were zealous in religion.'*' They were favoured by James I, and the authority of their ministers in matters of internal discipline was upheld by Bishop King.'™ The members of the French Church on the other hand were for the most part very poor ; '" in 1621 collections were ordered to be made in every parish church in the province of Canterbury for their relief.'" Selden's book on tithes, published in 161 8, helped to foment the dis- pute between the London clergy and their parishioners on that subject. The citizens had endeavoured to cheat the clergy of their dues,'" and between 1 61 5 and 1 62 1 a good deal of litigation took place ; "* but the matter does not seem to have been of very great interest or importance. In 1634 difficulties once more arose, the City clergy complaining that the existing system reduced many of them to poverty.'" The matter was referred to the king for arbitration,"* and the Privy Council issued an order laying down rules to be observed for the future.'" In the reign of James I a grant of incorporation was made to the parish clerks of London. Each was required to be able to sing the Psalms and to write.'" The ' tuning' and the dictating of the Psalms became an important feature of the worship in London churches later on, under the Presbyterian system ; '" and a new translation, by William Barton, minister of St. John Zachary, was published by order of Parhament in 1648.'*° »" Gardiner, Hist, of Engl, i, 286 ; ii, 15-21. '" S.P. Dom. Jas. I, xxviii, Nov. 1607 ; xxxi, Feb. 1607-8 ; xlviii, Oct. 1609 (Docquets) ; lii, 22, 28 ; liii, 28, 41, &c. "' Ibid. XXXV, 29 ; xxxvii, 10. **° Lamb. Lib. Wharton MS. 595, p. 126. '«' S.P. Dom. Jas. I, Ixi, 99. *" Ibid. 60. '^ Corp. Rec. Rememb. iii, 66, 67. '" S.P. Dom. Ja5. I, Ixxi, 64 ; Corp. Rec. Rememb. iii, 74. »" S.P. Dom. Jas. I, Ixxiv, 58 ; Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. v, App. 464. '«= Gardiner, Hist, cf Engl, ii, 253-4. "' Ibid, ii, 28, 252. S6S w Wilson, Hist, of Dissenting Ch. i, 30. *" Corp. Rec. Rememb. iii, 75, 76, 80. '•" Lond. Epis. Reg. Grindal, fol. 376,*. »"' S.P. Dom. Jas. I, cxxii, 44. *" Ibid. I 36. "' Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. iv, App. 1 1 7. "' Corp. Rec. Repert. xxiii, fol. 174 ; xxvi, pt. 2, fol. 360 ; xixiv, fol. 177^ ; Journ. xxx, fol. 320 ; X xi, fol. 72, 121^ ; Letter Bk. GG, fol. 54, 185^, 207 ; B.M. Lansd. MS. 162, no. 57. »" S.P. Dom. Chas. I, dxxxv, 4, 5 ; Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. MM, fol. 118, 159. '"' Ibid. fol. 1593, 160, 1723 ; Journ. xxxvii, fol. I I et seq., 34 ; xixviii, fol. 168. '" Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. OO, fol. 68/5. '" S.P. Dom. Jas. I, Ixvii, Dec. 161 1 (Docquet). '"' See St. Peter Westcheap \'est. Min. 1651 ; St. George Southwark Chwdns.' Accts. 1640-60. •* Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. vi, App. 79, 108 ; vii, App. 19. Lords' Journ. vii, 627 ; viii, 236 ; x, 17S. 326 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Bishop Montaigne issued in 1621 'a precept for putting off hats at service-time ' ; '" and six years later he gave further orders concerning irreverent behaviour in church. ^^^ Like Bancroft, he insisted strongly on the duty of kneeling to receive the Sacrament, and on the keeping of holy ■days.'''^ He was also careful to obey Bancroft's injunctions about ex- communicate recusants,'^* refusing to grant burial in consecrated ground even to some ninety-five persons who were killed by the falling of a house in Blackfriars in which they had assembled to hear a sermon by Drury the Jesuit.'^^ The king in 1624 gave a special charge to the lord mayor to look to the repair of St. Paul's Cathedral, and to see that the order given two years previously, by which catechizing was to be substituted for lectures on Sunday afternoons, was carried out.^*' This latter charge does not seem to have been obeyed ; the question was one on which Londoners felt very strongly,-" and in 1629 quite half the churches still retained their Sunday afternoon lecture.^^* The year 1625 was marked by a terrible outbreak of plague in London. The churchwardens' accounts of that year contain entries of the purchase, in obedience to an order from the lord mayor, of pitch, frankincense, and coarse myrrh to burn in the streets ; and of expenses in connexion with the visiting of smitten families, the removal of the sick to pest-houses, and the burial of the dead.^*' Syon College was founded in the following year by Thomas White.*'" In 1628 Laud became Bishop of London. Less than nine months after his consecration he received an abusive document, which proved to be the first of a long series of bitter libels ; ^'^ but though, in accordance with the wishes of his clergy, he aimed at the suppression of non-conformity, he seems to have set about his task with moderation, courtesy, and patience."'^ He busied himself with the duties of his office and with social reforms, and was active in the restoration of St. Paul's.^" He was, however, an object of intense hatred to the Puritan party,*'* as much probably on account of his political views as because of his churchmanship. Shortly after he became Archbishop of Canterbury the king, in 1633, gave him instructions with regard to certain orders to be observed by the bishops of his province. These orders were aimed chiefiy at lecturers ; steps were to be taken to en- sure their conformity, and catechizing instead of a lecture on Sunday afternoon was again insisted upon. Each bishop was to send in an annual report of the state of his diocese.*'^ The first report from London (1634) was con- sidered by Laud to be satisfactory, the cases of non-conformity being very '" St. Bartholomew Exchange Chwdns.' Accts. 162 i ; St. Bcnet Paul's Wharf Chwdns.' Accts. 162 I. '" S.P. Dom. Chas. I, xliii, 20 ; Ixxv, 87 ; St. Benet Fink Chwdns.' Accts. 1628. '*' Visitation Articles, 1627. '" Lamb. Lib. Wharton MS. 595, p. 126 ; see Visitation Articles, 1627. "' Stow, Surv. (ed. Dyson, 1633), 380-7 ; S.P. Dom. Jas. I, cliv, 2. In the Par. Reg. of St. George Southwark, 1623, is mentioned 'a Browning (ik) or Anabaptist,' who, dying excommunicate, was buried by some of his own sect in St. George's Fields. ''" Corp. Rec. Rememb. vi, 44. »" B.M. Tracts 499 (2), 62. "* Lamb. Lib. Gibson MS. 942, fol. 14-16. '™ Chwdns.' Accts. St. Stephen Wal brook, 1625 ; St. George Southwark, 1625. **° Pat. I Chas. I, pt. vii, no. 10. '" Laud, Dwry, 29 Mar. 1629. '" Hutton, Hist^o/Engl. Ch. 1625-1714. p. 32. "^ Ibid. "* Laud, Diary, 28 Feb. 1632-3 ; Troubles and Trial, cap. v. '" Rymer, Foedera, xix, 470-2. 327 A HISTORY OF LONDON few ; "* but two years later the Bishop of London reported that words had been pubHcly spoken by Dr. C. Burgess and pamphlets issued against bishops and the existing form of Church government.^" This may have been partly due to the fact that in 1635 the London ministers and lecturers had been required to subscribe certain articles which must have gone sorely against the conscience of the Puritans amongst them, including the state- ment that bishops zxt '■ jure divino."^'^^ Laud, foreseeing serious trouble if the ill-feeling were not checked, determined to visit the diocese himself."^* In 1637 twenty-five London ministers were summoned before the chancellor of the diocese for ' some inconformity ' ; the bishop reported that lectures ' continue many, but there is great care to keep them in order.' ""' The feeling against bishops, and in particular against Laud, was rapidly growing in the City. Libels against the archbishop were scattered broadcast in the streets and pasted upon posts and on the cross in Cheapside.'"^ He was openly accused of persecuting the saints ; and the case of Bastwick, Burton, and Prynne in 1637 roused the populace yet more against him, though his part in that affair was but small. '"^ Immediately after the dissolution of Parliament in May 1640 the storm broke. Lambeth Palace was attacked by a furious crowd of Londoners, and the White Lion and King's Bench prisons were broken open.'"' The entry of Prynne and Burton into the City ' was made one long triumphal proces- sion.' ^"^ During a session of the Court of High Commission at St. Paul's a mob of Brownists,'"^ nearly two thousand strong, burst in and tore down the benches in the consistory, shouting ' No Bishops ! ' '"^ Convocation, con- tinuing to sit under the title of Synod after the dissolution of Parliament, passed a new set of canons and the oath known as the ' Et cetera Oath,' which roused a fierce protest from some of the London clergy.'"^ In December a petition for Church reform and the abolition of episcopacy, said to have been signed by 1 5,000 Londoners, was presented to Parliament, which had met in November.'"' This blow was aimed at Laud, who was bitterly hated by the citizens ; and it was quickly followed by his impeach- ment.'™ In November 1640 a proclamation was issued ordering popish recusants to repair to their homes and not to come within ten miles of London.'^" On 16 January 1640— i the House of Lords issued an order, to be read in all the London parish churches, forbidding innovations in worship ;"* a few days later the Commons ordered that all images, altars, crucifixes, &c., should be destroyed. Communion tables moved out of the chancels, the Lord's day strictly kept, and preaching substituted for catechizing on Sunday after- noons ; and in April 1 642 a committee was appointed to remove ' all monu- ments of superstition and idolatry ' from Westminster Abbey and the London "* Rymer, Toedera, xix, 590. '" Ibid, xx, 109. "' Lamb. Lib. MS. 595, p. 133. "' Rymer, Foedtra, XX, no ; see Lind, Diary, 17 May 1636. "*' Rymer, Foidera, xx, 196. ^'" Laud, Troubles and 7r;V, cap. v. "' Laud, Diary, June-Aug. 1637. '"' Laud, Diary, May 1640 ; Corp. Rec. Rememb. viii, 229 ; Journ. 29, fol. 84^, 85 ; Lamb. Lib. Misc. MS. 943, fol. 1 17-19. '°* Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, ii, 134 ; Clarendon, Hist, of the Rebellion, iii, 64. '" For some account of the Brownlsts at this time see ' Brownists, 1 64 1,' in the Guildhall Lib. '"" Laud, Diary, Oct. 1640. ™ Lamb. Lib. Misc. MS. 943, fol. 595 ; Wharton MS. 577, fol. 261. *" Commons' Journ. ii, 49 ; B.M. Harl. MS. 379, fol. 77 ; St. Stephen Walbrook Chwdns.' Accts. 1640. '™ Sharpe, op. cit. ii, 135. "° Corp. Rec. Journ. xxxix, fol. 147. '" Lords' Journ. iv, 134. 328 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY churches."'' As a result of these proceedings the Communion rails were removed from various churches/" whilst a wholesale destruction took, place of all such ornaments as were considered to savour of popery/'* For example, the vestry of St. Pancras Soper Lane decided that the picture over the font, any inscriptions on gravestones tending to superstition, all the crosses set upon the walls and on the candlesticks by the pulpit, and the sacred mono- grams by the Commandments should be demolished ; and that the images over the church porch should be removed and destroyed. The silver flagon was to be put aside, the marks on it (i h s and a cross inclosed in a circle) being superstitious and Jesuitical."^ Ultimately the marks were erased and the flagon once more brought into use."* Two surplices and a tippet, put aside in 1641, were sold, together with the altar rails, in 1644."^ At St. Laurence Jewry some of the stained-glass windows containing figures were removed and plain glass substituted."* These windows were probably broken up , but those belonging to St. Peter's Cornhill, which contained figures of Moses and Aaron, were kept by the glazier who took them down, and were replaced in 1660."' At Christ Church Newgate the pulpit-cloth and certain superstitious vestments were put aside and finally sold.''" ' The Jesuits' arms' were removed from St. Mary Abchurch in 1644.^" Meanwhile the excitement in London was intense, even women taking part in petitioning Parliament against ' superstitious bishops ' and popish practices.'^'' The ' Protestation ' in favour of the reformed religion was introduced in May 1641 into the Court of Aldermen, where it received willing assent.''^ The lord mayor ordered a house-to-house visitation throughout the City for the purpose of inducing all the inhabitants to sign it.'^* The apprentices received it with enthusiasm,'" and its subscription in the parish of St. Thomas the Apostle was the signal for a riot in the church, the Communion rails being torn down and burnt, and the parson threatened with death should he dare to use a surplice.'"^ Similar scenes occurred in the churches of St. Saviour Southwark, St. Olave Southwark, and St. Magnus ; the rails were destroyed, communicants insisted on having the Sacrament adminis- tered to them whilst seated, and the clergy were threatened with violence.'" In November 1 641 Westminster Abbey was attacked by a mob of apprentices, who '" Commons' Journ. iii, 57. '" St. Botolph Billingsgate Vest. Min. 1640 ; St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street Vest. Min. 1641 ; St. Mar- garet New Fish Street Vest. Min. 1642 ; St. George Southwark Chwdns.' Accts. 1641-2 ; St. Pancras Soper Lane Vest. Min. 1 644 ; Hist. MSS. Com. Ref. vi, App. 90. "' St. Benet Paul's Wharf Chwdns.' Accts. 1643 ; St. John Walbrook Accts. 1643 ; St. Mary Abchurch Accts. 1643 ; St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street Vest. Min. 1645 ; St. Swithin Accts. 1645 ; St. Ethelburga Accts. 1644 ; St. Michael Crooked Lane Accts. 1643-6, &c. '"Vest. Min. 1 64 1. "° Ibid. 1642. The flagon at St. Michael Bassishaw was similarly treated ; Chwdns.' Accts. 1643. »" Vest. Min. 1642. "» Ibid. 1641. '" Ibid. 1643, 1660. "» Ibid. 1645. "' Chwdns.' Accts. 1644. "* /^ true copie of the Petition of the Gcnlkzvomen, &c. B.M. Pamphlets, E. 134 (17) ; Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. V, App. 6. '" Corp. Rec. Repert. Iv, fol. 133. "' Corp. Rec. Journ. xxxix, fol. 203/J ; xl, fol. zb ; Letter Bk. QQ, fol. 3. Lists were made in some parishes of the parishioners who had signed ; see St. Margaret New Fish Street Chwdns.' Accts. 1645 ; St. Pancras Soper Lane Vest. Min. 1641 ; St. Mary Abchurch Vest. Min. 1 64 1-2 ; St. Katharine Cree Vest. Min. 1641 ; St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street Vest. Min. 1641. '" Trevelyan Papers (Camd. Soc), iii, 217. '^^ Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. iv, App. 80-1 ; Commons' Journ. ii, 194 ; LorJs' Journ. iv, 295. '" Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. iv, App. 73, 75, 89, 90 ; Lords' Journ. iv, 270-1, 277, 318, 321, 323. I 329 42 A HISTORY OF LONDON were driven off by the Archbishop of York and his servants, and it was found necessary to station a company of soldiers in the building to protect it."' Opinions differed as to the representative character of these rioters, some declaring that the feeling of the citizens was more truly expressed by the action of the mayor and aldermen, who four days previously '•' had welcomed and entertained the king, and had declared their loyalty to him.'^" The agitators now formally demanded of Parliament that the persons of the Roman Catholic lords should be secured and the bishops deprived of their votes.'^^ The lord mayor and the recorder disapproved of this petition,'*' but their objections were ignored. The Common Council elected in December 1641 was strongly Puritan, and it was undoubtedly more truly representative of the citizens as a whole than the last.^^' In February the bishops were deprived of their votes in Parliament ; this proceeding was hailed in some London parishes with bell-ringing and bonfires.'" Still greater were the rejoicings when, on i September 1642, the Commons finally resolved to abolish bishops altogcther.^'^ Laud, however, suspected that the ringing and bonfires on this occasion were not spontaneous, but ordered by Pennington, the Puritan lord mayor,''* who seems to have been determined to make himself practically head of the Church in London, and obtained from Parliament the right to appoint the preachers at Paul's Cross.'" He gave great impetus to the bitter persecution of the loyal clergy in London,''* which lasted for the next ten years, resulting in the expulsion of the majority from their livings.'" Lack of space forbids any detailed descrip- tion of their sufferings. Accused, often by their own parishioners, of speaking in favour of the royal cause,'*" of joining the king's army,'" of preaching popish doctrines and performing superstitious ceremonies (especially bowing to the altar),'*" of introducing 'innovations,''*' of Arminianism,'** of non- residence, extortion, and intemperance,'*' they were either ejected or forced to resign their livings, and were in many cases reduced to extreme poverty.'** Some, e.g. Mr. Stone, parson of St. Mary Abchurch,'*^ and Mr. Spenser, minister of St. Thomas Southwark,'** were imprisoned. Dr. Beale, Dr. Martin, and Dr. Sterne were committed to prison upon an information from the House of Commons in 1642.'*' Five years later Dr. Martin petitioned the House for relief, to save him from starvation. They replied that they would grant him liberty on bail if he would take the Covenant. This, having sworn allegiance to the king and being a member of the Church of England, he refused to do,'°° but begged the House to ' think of some other '" S.P. Dom. Chas. I, cccclxxxvi, no. "' 25 Nov. ^^ S.P. Dom. Chas. I, cccclxxxvi, 29. "' Commons' Joun. ii, 314. ; Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, ii, 147-51. '" S.P. Dom. Chas. I, cccclxxxvi, 63. "* Corp. Rec. Journ. xl, fol. 21-23 ; Sharpe, op. cit. ii, 152. Laud, Diary, 6 Feb. 1 64 1-2. "* Ibid. I Sept. 1642. "* Laud, Troubles and Trial, cap. xvi. "' Lords' Journ. v, 404 ; Commons' Journ. iii, 165. '^ His:. MSS. Com. Rep. v, App. 78. "' See J General Bill of Mortality, &c. (B.M. Pressmark, 669, f. 10, no. 103), and A Just Correction, &c (B.M. Pamphlets, E. 370, no. 18), where names and particulars of ejected clergy are given. Cf. Hennessy, Nov. Repert. "" Lords' Journ. v, 635, 663 ; vi, 25, &c. "' Ibid v, 618, 634. '" Ibid. V, 635, 665 ; Commons' Journ. ii, 35, &c. '" Lords' Journ. v, 667 ; Commons' Journ. ii, 354 ; Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. vi, App. 40. '" Lords' Journ. v, 665. "^ Commons' Journ. ii, 139 ; Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. vi, App. 40 ; Lords' Journ. iv, 664 ; v, 616, &c. "* Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. v, App. 73, 77 ; Lords' Journ. vi, 7, &c. "' Ibid, iv, 664. '" Ibid. V, 692. =»' Ibid. V, 364, &c. «» Dr. Sterne .ilso refused. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY way to satisfy their displeasure rather than to order him to perpetual imprisonment, even to death, and that by want and famine.' ''' Dr. Layfield, vicar of AUhallows Barking, was expelled from his living in 1643,^°^ i" spite of the fact that the vestry and churchwardens of the parish, acting without his knowledge, presented a certificate to Parliament on his behalf, denying in uncompromising terms every accusation against him, and speaking of him with the utmost affection and respect.'" In some cases the wives and children of the ejected clergy suffered severely. Mr. Ecoppe, rector of St. Pancras Soper Lane, was driven out of his rectory and forced to flee from London, leaving his wife and children homeless and penniless. They were relieved for a time by the collectors for the poor, and were subsequently persuaded to leave the parish ; but it seems that the mother died, and a year later ' William Ecoppe, the infant of Mr. Ecoppe, being brought home to the parish, was put back again to its grandmother,' to whom the churchwardens promised is. bd. a week for its keep.'^* The children were still dependent on charity in 1650."^ In September 1641 the Commons passed an order making it lawful for the parishioners of any parish to set up a lecture and to elect and maintain at their own charges an orthodox minister, to whom the parson was expected to yield the pulpit without demur on certain occasions ; '^^ this measure greatly increased the difficulties of the parochial clergy.'" Parliament in the same year passed fresh and severe laws against popish recusants,'"* and in 1643 the cross in Cheapside was demolished at the request of the citizens 'in regard of the idolatrous and superstitious figures thereabout set and fixed,' '^^ and the ' Book of Sports ' was publicly burnt.'"" Paul's Cross was also destroyed in this year.'" St. Paul's, Westminster, and Lambeth were robbed of their copes'" and 'all such matters as were justly offensive to godly men.''"' The members of Parliament on their way to hear a sermon in Christ Church Newgate in January 1643—4 passed in Cheap- side a huge bonfire consisting of crucifixes, pictures, and other ' popish relics.''" In May the committee for abolishing superstitious monuments removed and sold all the copes, vestments, and surplices they could find at Whitehall.'"^ These iconoclastic proceedings naturally led to great confusion, ' every man taking liberty to do what was right in his own eyes,''" and Parliament was obliged to turn its attention to the question of setting up some form of Church government. The Covenant, signed in September 1 643 by the Commons and the Assembly, was in February 1643—4 ordered to be sub- scribed by every person over eighteen years of age. The parochial records «' Lords' Joun. ix, 1 1 7. '" Ibid, v, 287. '" AUhallows Barking Vest. Min. l64l(?). Dr Layfield was restored to his parish in 1662. "* Vest. Min. 1643-5. '" Ibid. 1650. '« Commons' Journ. ii, 283. '" Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. iv, App. 103 ; Commons' Joufn. ii, 294, 464, 485, 543, 595, 632, 774, 794, 807, &c. ; Par. Rec. gen. '*' S.P. Dom. Chas. I, cccclxxxv, 83. "' Corp. Rec Letter Bk. QQ, fol. 72^ ; Journ. xl, fol. 583 ; Commons' Journ. iii, 45. In I 581 the figures round the cross had been objected to, and had been secretly removed ; but others had apparently been set up in their place. Maitland, Hist, of Lond. i, 266. Cf. Chamberlain Letters (Camd. Soc), 102. ''" Maitland, op. cit. i, 371 ; Besant, Lond. in time of Stuarts, 14. "' Wheatley, Lond. Past and Pres. iii, 62. ^" Commons' Journ. iii, 1 10. '" Ibid. 341, 368. '" Corp. Rec. "Journ xl, fol. 84^-86 ; Perfect Diurnal, no. 26, p. 265. '" Commons' Journ. iii, 503 ^" Lords' Journ. vii, 2^3. A HISTORY OF LONDON give some account of the taking of the Covenant in different London parishes. A copy of it was hung up in some churches, and hsts were made of those parishioners who had taken it, as well as of those who refused.'" A temporary scheme was devised for the ordination of clergy, with a view to supplying the many vacant posts. Committees of ministers in London and elsewhere were appointed to examine candidates and to ordain them by the imposition of hands.'*' In January i 644-5 ^^^ "^^ °^ ^^^ Book of Common Prayer was forbidden, and the Directory for Public Worship enacted for use in its stead.'" This did not, however, solve all problems. In March 1644—5 ^ number of well-known Puritan ministers presented to Parliament a petition describing the lamentable state of confusion and evil in the disorganized Church, and begging that with the Directory there might also be published ' some effectual course to keep back ignorant and scandalous persons from the sacrament of the Lord's Supper.'"" They proposed that elders should be appointed in every parish to join with the minister in examining intending communicants."^ The petition was granted, the Lords passing an order accordingly, which was sent down to the Commons.'" At the same time the London ministers laid before the mayor and aldermen a statement of ' the imminent danger of the city,' pointing out the general slighting of the public ministry of the Word, the prevalence of divisions and party spirit, the abound- ing of heretical opinions, and other evils ; and proposing by way of remedy * a settled uniform method of worship, discipline, and government according to our late solemn covenant.''" In August 1645 Parliament issued prelimi- nary directions for the election of elders according to the Presbyterian plan, dividing ' the province of London ' into twelve classical elderships.''* Certain persons were to be appointed in each Classis ' to be triers and judges of such as are to be chosen elders.' '" The matter was discussed at great length by the mayor, aldermen, commoners, and ministers of London, and arrangements made to carry out the scheme.''* In October Parliament issued an ordinance with rules and directions concerning suspension from the Lord's Supper ; '" but neither the London ministers nor their parishioners were altogether pleased. Their wish was that Parliament should have no control over the Church in matters purely ecclesiastical, but that the governing power in such matters should reside in the ministers and elders.'"* During November and December they presented to Parliament a number of petitions, all tending in this direction.'^' So many London citizens refused to pay tithes at this time that several ministers were forced to abandon their livings and leave the "' See St. Margaret Westm. Chwdns.' Accts. 1642-6; St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street Vest. Min. 1643 ; St. Stephen Walbrook Accts. 1643 ; St. Michael Crooked Lane Accts. 1645-6 ; St. Peter VVestcheap Vest. Min. 1644 ; St. Margaret New Fish Street Accts. 1645 ; St. John Walbrook Accts. 1643-4 ; St. Gregory by St. Paul's Vest. Min. note at end ; St. Helen, Vest. Min. 1643. '^ Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. vi, App. 25 ; Commons' Journ. iii, 617. "' See St. Ethelburga Chwdns.' Accts. 1644-5. A few days later Archbishop Laud was put to death ; his body was buried in Allhallows Barking, and the Church seriice was read .it his grave. ''" Lords' Journ. vii, 268. '" Mercurius C'tvicus, 13 Mar. 1644-5. '" Ibid. ; Diary of P roc. in Pari I 3 Mar. 1644-5 ; Weekly Intelligencer, 1 1 Mar. 1644-5. '" Certain Considerations, &c. (B.M. Pamphlets, E. 273, no. 18). '" Lords' "Journ. vii, 544 ; see also p. 558. '" Directions of Lords and Commons (B.M. Pamphlets, E. 297, no. 6). '" Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. QQ, fol. 180-8 ; Journ. xl, fol. 149-50. '" An Ordinance of Pari. (B.M. Pamphlets, E. 305, no. 13). '" Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, ii, 223-4. '■' Lords' Journ. vii, 714-18 ; Commons' Journ. iv, 348, 365 ; Corp. Rec. Journ. xl, fol. 148, 153.^, 154^. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY City.'*" In the Directory it was ordered that the fonts in the London churches were to be disused, and new fonts ' or some other necessary thing ' ^'^ set up for the purpose near the reader's desk.'*^ This order was promptly obeyed in the majority of churches/'^ new fonts with or without covers being bought in most cases.'** A committee was appointed in 1645 t° control the revenues and direct the services in Westminster Abbey. The dean and clergy with one exception were expelled, and others appointed ' in the place of those whose offices the Committee shall find it necessary to continue.' Money was to be set apart to pay for Sunday sermons and the daily morning lectures.'*^ The fourteenth of January 1645-6 was kept in the City as a day of solemn humiliation. Sermons were preached at St. Michael Bassishaw before the mayor and corporation, who, with a few exceptions, took the oath and Covenant ; ^"^ and a petition was presented to Parliament earnestly depre- cating toleration ' of any other form of religion than the Presbyterianism already adopted by Parliament and the citizens.''*^ On the same day it was announced in Parliament that the king was prepared to allow religion to be settled as it was in the reigns of Elizabeth and James, ' with full liberty for the ease of their consciences who will not communicate in that service established by law, and likewise for the free and public use of the Directory prescribed, and, by command of the two Houses, now practised in some parts of the City of London, to such as shall desire to use the same.' '^* The City's petition was graciously received, and a month later Parhament issued the long-desired order that the election of elders was to be carried out without further delay ; **' but the citizens were not wholly satisfied, as they heard that commissioners were to be chosen in every province to have superinten- dent power in Church government, an arrangement to which they had a great objection.'^" The Common Council sent a petition to Parliament on the subject,^" which was so strongly resented as a breach of privilege ^'^ that the City took fright and withdrew it.^'^ In May Parliament was urgently entreated in a document called the ' Remonstrance ' to take some steps to suppress assemblies of Brownists, Anabaptists, and other sectaries, and to check the increase of heresy and schism in London.'^* The Lords formally thanked the Common Council for presenting this Remonstrance from a large body of ' citizens of the best rank and quality,' as well as from the '*' Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. QQ, fol. 234, 245. See Lamb. Lib. Tenison MS. 679, fol. 113; Lords' Jouni. X, 545, &c. "" St. Dunstan in the West Vest. Min. 1645. ''' Christ Church Newg.ite Vest. Min. 1645. ^^ St. Martin Orgar Vest. Min. 1645 ; St. John Walbrook Chwdns.' Accts. 1645 ; St. John Zachary Accts. 1645 ; St. Margaret New Fish Street Vest. Min. 1645 ; St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street Vest. Min. 1645 ; St. Magnus Accts. 1645 ; Allhallows Honey Lane Accts. 1645 ; St. Stephen Walbrook Accts. 1645 ; St. Mary at Hill Vest. Min. 1645, &c. "* At St. Margaret's Westm. a basin was thought sufficient for the purpose ; Chwdns.' Accts. 1645. ^ An Ordinance of Pari. Sec. (B.M. Pampldets, E. 3 10, no. 17). ^^ Corp. Kec. Letter Bk. QQ, fol. 195 ; Joum. xl, fol. 160, i663, 174. '" Corp. Rec. Joum. xl, i6oiJ-i66ii ; Lords' "Joum. viii, 104-5 ; Com. Journ. iv, 407. "' Lords' Journ. w\\\, 103 ; S.P. Dom. Chas. I, dxiii, 13 ; Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, ii, 226-7. ^" Lords' Joum. viii, 178. See St. Stephen Walbrook Chwdns.' Accts. 1646 ; St. Peter Westcheap Vest. Min. 1646, 165 I. '" Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. QQ, fol. 2I4<5. '" Corp. Rec. Journ. xl, fol. 1 73/^-1 74^. ^^^ Hist. MSB. Com. Rep. vi, App. 104. ''^ Com. Journ. iv, 479. '" Corp. Rec. Journ. xl, fol. 176 ; Letter Bk. QQ, fol. 218 ; Lords' Journ. viji, 332. 333 A HISTORY OF LONDON General Assembly of the Church of Scotland/^^ Indeed, a complete and friendly understanding existed between the Scots and the Londoners on the subject of religion. ''" A counter-petition was sent up in June on the pretext that the Remonstrance had not fairly represented the views of the majority of the citizens.^" The Commons on 9 June 1646 ordered the London ministers forthwith to put into execution the ordinances concerning Church government ;^^* and before the close of the year Presbyterianism was fairly established throughout the City/**' There is still in existence a Register Book of the Fourth Classis in London,*"" from which it is possible to form an excellent idea of the working of the system. This particular Classis con- tained fourteen parishes. A 'preparatory meeting ' was held on 18 Novem- ber 1646 to settle business details ; a moderator, registrar, and a ' servant to attend the Classis ' were appointed, and fortnightlv meetings of ministers and elders arranged for. These meetings were at first regularly held and well attended. The affairs dealt with consisted of the appointment of lecturers and parish clergy, the punishment of Sabbath-breakers, the examination of intending communicants, the admission of strangers to Holy Communion, the ordination of ministers *°^ on presentation of testimonials as to doctrine and character, matters of Church discipline, and the like. From time to time Provincial Assemblies were held, to which the Classis sent delegates. In 1648 the Provincial Assembly issued orders that children and such servants as were not yet communicants should be catechized on Sunday afternoon before the sermon, the Lesser Catechism being used.*"^ One or two of the churches in the Classis refused to elect elders, and in less than a year the attendance at the classical meetings had fallen off seriously. By 1650 nearly all the work had lapsed into the hands of six ministers and a few elders, and there was often no meeting for months together. In 1652 the Provincial Assembly, foreseeing ' an utter dissolution of the whole frame of presbyterial government,' urged ministers and elders alike to awaken to a sense of their duty, but in vain. From that time onwards to the dissolution of the Classis in 1659, with the exception of ordinations,*"' none but formal business was transacted at the meetings, which grew smaller and more infrequent every year."* The parish records contain a good deal of information as to the details of public worship under the Presbyterian system. Sermons and lectures of course occupied a very prominent place, ministers being paid so much (generally ioj.) a sermon to fill the pulpit during the very frequent vacancies that occurred.*"^ In some churches ' preparation sermons ' were preached before celebrations of Holy Communion,*"^ and tokens were largely '" Sharpe, op. cit. ii, 234-5. ''' Ibid. 228. '" Com.Joum. iv, 561 ; Whitelock, Mem. (ed. 1732), 208. "* Com.Journ. iv, 569. '" See Vest. Min. 1 646, St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street, St. Dunstan in the West, St. Martin Ludgate. *"" MS. in Dr. Williams's Library, from which the following particulars are taken. '"' Mr. Ralph Robinson, a deacon, who was in 1 644 acting as ' pastor ' of St. Mary Woolnoth, refused to be ordained presbyter by the Classis, saying he would rather wait till there was ' a more settled way of ordination.' This led to a resolution by the Assembly of Divines that for the future those who had been ordained deacons of the Church of England should be ordained presbyters by the Classis before they were allowed to undertake a pastoral charge in any congregation ; Lords' "Joum. vii, 69, 70. "' See Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. vii, App. 34 ; Lords' Joum. x, 352. '" See St. Stephen Walbrook Chwdns.' Accts. 1652, 1658. *" Reg. Bk. ut sup. •" Chwdns.' Accts. gen. ^"^ St. Michael Crooked Lane Chwdns.' Accts. 1644-62 ; St. Martin in the Fields Vest. Min. 1645 ; St. Ethelburga Accts. 1650 ; St. Laurence Jewry Vest. Min. 1641. 334 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY used,*"^ those desiring to communicate being examined, and ' ignorant and scandalous persons ' being debarred from participation in the Sacrament.*"' Incessant changes of ministers took place in the London parishes between 1645 and 1660. For example, at St. Peter's Westcheap in December 1646 the parishioners elected two ministers to officiate alternately, ' that both the ministers and people may live in love as becometh saints.' *°^ After three changes they met again in December 1647, to choose a new minister. Several candidates ' preached for the place,' as the phrase went, and the majority of the vestry decided in favour of a Mr. Weller, who gave a formal undertaking to perform certain specified duties."" For three years, however, he remained undecided whether or not finally to accept the living, and in the end yet another minister was chosen in his place.*^^ At St. Martin Orgar six different ministers were appointed between 1645 and 1657, and for five years of that time the living was vacant.*'^ This kind of thing went on in the great majority of parishes, though here and there, as in the cases of St. Magnus *^' and St. Stephen Walbrook,*^* one minister held the church from 1645 to 1660, and lived in peace and harmony with his parishioners. From time to time fierce disputes took place as to who was the rightful parson of a given parish,"^ and quarrels about the payment of tithes were very frequent. "° Meanwhile, although for a time the Puritan party carried things with such a high hand in the City, loyalty to the Anglican Church had not com- pletely died out. Various members even of the Corporation itself refused to subscribe the Covenant.*" The Anglican clergy preached whenever oppor- tunity offered,*^' and the use of the Book of Common Prayer was by no means discontinued.*'*' Racket's house was made into a meeting-place of the clergy ;*"" Dr. Hewett performed the Church services in St. Gregory's, where Cromwell's own daughters attended ; *^^ Jeremy Taylor was preaching in 1654, and after his release from the Tower he ministered in a private house ; *'" and in spite of Cromwell's protests, Dr. Gunning ministered in the chapel of Exeter House, Strand.*'^ One of the weapons of the Puritans was turned against themselves. The law forbidding the use of the Prayer Book in churches was not binding on lecturers, so that many of the clergy were able to evade it by acting in that capacity.*^* As above stated, certain parishes totally refused to elect *"' St. John Zachary Accts. 1646-7 ; St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street Vest. Min. 1646-7 ; St. Michael Bassishaw Accts. 1646-7 ; St. Laurence Jewry Vest. Min. 1656; St. Michael Wood Street Accts. 1643 ; St. Martin Ludgate Accts. 1644 ; Bodl. Lib. Rawlinson MS., D, 796, a, fol. I 20, 228. "' St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street Vest. Min. 1646 ; St. Dunstan West Vest. Min. 1645 ; St. Laurence Jewry Vest. Min. 1653 ; St. Katharine Cree Vest. Min. 1645. «' Vest. Min. 1646. *'*' Ibid. 1647—8. Such undertakings were very frequently given at this period by incoming ministers. ^" Ibid. 1648-50. *'Ubid. 1645-57. See below. *" Chwdns.' Accts. *" Vest. Min. "' Allhallows the Less Vest. Min. 165 1 ; AUhallows Barking Vest. Min. 1640 ; St. Peter Westcheap Vest. Min. 1647 ; St. Bride Fleet Street Vest. Min. 1658 ; St. Peter Cornhill Vest. Min. 1656 ; St. Stephen Walbrook Accts. 1642, &c. *'* St. Martin in the Fields Vest. Min. 1654 ; and Par. Rec. generally. *" Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. QQ, fol. 214. *" See AUhallows Barking Vest. Min. 1657. *" Register Bk. of Fourth Classis, ut sup. ig July 1647 ; 30 Mar. 1648 ; Sharpe, LonJ. and the Kingdom, ii, 271 ; D. and C. Westm. parcel 54, cert. "» Overton, Life in the Engl. Ch. 3, 4. "' Ibid. *^' Heber, Life (ed. 1839), p. xxxix. "' Overton, loc. cit. ; Pepys, Diary, Jan. 1659-60. *" E. Churton, Pearson's Minor If^orks (ed. 1 844), p. xxxi. 335 A HISTORY OF LONDON elders, though until these were duly appointed they were forbidden to have celebrations of Holy Communion in their churches.*" In the case of St. Martin Orgar the majority of the parishioners declined for a long while to have ' a minister who would carry out the Parliament's wishes, and pre- ferred wandering ministers.' *^° The severity of the Puritans soon became unpopular with the apprentices and young men of the City, many of whom desired the restoration of the Church.*" In 1650 it was reported to Parlia- ment that ' there was verv wilful and strict observation of the day commonly called Christmas-day in London, shops being closed and a holiday kept.'*-* In obedience to an order from the lord mayor,*^' the royal arms were removed from most of the London churches in 1650.*'" In December of that year, however, the Council of State reported to Parliament that the arms still remained up in some churches ; *^^ and more than a hundred London ministers joined in issuing declarations against the regicides.*'^ In 1657 it was found necessary to pass a fresh Act for the more rigid observance of the Lord's Day.*^^ Nor was the Roman Church idle. Celebrations of mass were held in the ambassadors' houses and elsewhere, to which many citizens resorted, and a number of priests and Jesuits came over to England early in 1651,*** to join those who had remained more or less in hiding in London. *^^ In February 1657—8 a search for Popish recusants took place in the City,*'* and in the following December all Papists were ordered to leave London and Westminster.*" The order issued in 1653 that all marriages were to be performed by a justice of the peace does not seem to have been strictly obeyed in London. For example, at St. Saviour's Southwark, whilst all the marriages which took place in 1653 and 1654 were performed by a justice, in 1655 there was one exception, a couple being married by the minister ; in 1656 the minister married three couples; in 1657 he married six; and from that time till 1660 his services were more in request than those of the justice. *'' In some cases a double ceremony took place, first before an alderman or justice, and afterwards in church. *'' At St. Laurence Pountney the order was strictly obeyed.**" On the other hand, there is only one mention of a marriage by a layman at St. Mary le Bow during the whole period ; even when the banns were published in Cheapside Market the ceremony was performed in church.**^ But in most parishes the two alternated, marriages in church never ceasing for more than a year or so, and becoming more frequent as time went on.**- "' Register Bk. of Fourth Ch^iis, /latsim. *" Ibid. i8 Sept. 1648. *" Lords' Journ. ix, 330 ; Com. 'Joum. v, 439—40 ; Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, ii, 270 ; Whitelocke, Mem. 284-5. "' S.P. Dom. i6;o. Council of State Proc. i, 15, pp. 51-6. "'St. Stephen Walbrook Vest. Min. 1650 ; for the Council Order see S.P. Dom. Council of State Proc. i, 14, p. 32. "° Chwdns.' Accts. St. George Southwark, 1649-50 ; St. Margaret New Fish Street, 1650 ; St. Michael Wood Street, 1650, &c. In St. Margaret's Westm. 'the State's arms' were put up in 165 I ; Accts. "' S.P. Dom. ut sup.; St. George Botolph Lane Accts. 1652, &c. "' S.P. Dom. 1651, xv, 4. "' Ibid. 1657, civ, 73 ; St. Botolph Aldersgate Accts. 1657-8. "' S.P. Dom. 1650, Council of State Proc. i, 15, pp. 51-6 ; ibid. 165 I, i, 65, pp. 189-95. "* Lordi' Joum. ix, 129. "" S.P. Dom. 1658, clxxxlv, 52. •" Ibid. 83. "' Reg. 1653-60. "' St. Vedast Reg. 1653-4 5 ^t. Mary Aldermary Reg. 1656 ; St. Andrew Undershaft Reg. 1653, &c. "» Reg. 1653, &c. "' Reg. 1653, &c. "' Reg., St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street ; St. Peter Cornhill ; St. John the Evangelist ; St. Thomas Apostle ; St. Michael Cornhill ; St. Laurence Jewry ; St. Michael Bassishaw. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Considering the distracted state of the Church in London at this period, it is not surprising that the various Nonconformist bodies continued to increase in numbers and importance, in spite of the attempts made from time to time to suppress them."' The Brownists,*** Baptists,**^ and Anabaptists **° appear to have been the most numerous ; the Fifth-monarchy men began to come into prominence in 1653,**^ and other sects were the Vanists, Seekers, Ranters, FamiHsts,"' Behmenists, and Quakers.*" In May 1660 the London Anabap- tists appealed for protection, one of their meeting-houses having been broken into by the mob, and the lord mayor w^as ordered to see that they w^ere left unmolested so long as they ' lived quietly and gave no disturbance to the authority of the civil magistrate.' *^° The Restoration was undoubtedly hailed with joy by the majority of the London citizens for a variety of reasons. Some twenty London ministers presented to the king an address of congratulation, requesting restoration of the former happy ecclesiastical government ; *" but sad scenes ensued when the ' intruding ministers ' were ejected from their livings and forced to say farewell to the congregations who had chosen them."^ Certain reforms were at once carried out in the London churches under the super- intendence of Bishops Sheldon and Henchman. Numbers of ' sequestered ' clergy were restored to their benefices;*^' Communion rails were replaced by order of the bishop in 1662,*^* and fonts moved back into their former position.*^^ Churchwardens were told to reclaim any Books of Common Prayer or other things belonging to the Church from the hands of those who had them in keeping.*^^ Instructions were given for the maintenance of reverence and order in churches and churchyards,*" and a fine of is. for non- attendance at church was enforced. *^^ The royal arms were once more set up in the churches.*^' In 1661, for the first time for many years, Lent was kept as a fast.*^" The use of the surplice was not, however, insisted upon except in cathedrals, collegiate churches, and royal and college chapels, and even after the Act of 1662 it was by no means universally worn.*" The London ministers were for the most part much gratified by the king's declara- tion concerning ecclesiastical affairs ; and in November 1660 they presented to him a ' humble and grateful acknowledgment ' of the same, which he received very graciously.*^^ They professed themselves especially delighted with his care for the observance of the Lord's Day, and with various conces- sions as to episcopal jurisdiction, the reformation of the Liturgy, the oath of '" Corp. Rec. Letter Bk. QQ, fol. 218 ; Lords' Journ. viii, 332. *" Ibid. «5 W. Wilson, Hist, of Dissenting Ch. i, 242, 393, &c. "^ Bodl. Lib. Rawlinson MS. 828, fol. 75 ; Lords' Journ. xi, 13. *" Rymer, Foedera, xx, 719-20 ; S.P. Dom. 1653, xlii, 59. *" i.e. members of the Family of Love. "' Reliq. Baxterianae, 74—9. "" Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. vii, App. 80 ; Lords' Journ. xi, 13. *" S.P. Dom. Chas. II, i, 36. '^' Hennessy gives a list of thirty-seven of these 'intruders,' who were ejected after the Rest ration ; Novum Repert. App. '" Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. vii, App. 104-8. For an example of the process see ibid. 141. *" See Allhallows Barking Vest. Min. 1662. *" St. Botolph Billingsgate Vest. Min. 1662 ; Christ Church Newgate Vest. Min. 1664. "« St. Benet Paul's Wharf Vest. Min. 1660. "' St. Margaret Westminster Vest. Min. 1663 ; St. Bride Fleet Street Vest. Min. 1661 ; Pepys, Diary, 17 Nov. 1661. *^ St. Benet Paul's Wharf Vest. Min. 1664. "° Par. Rec. gen. ; Pepys, Diary, 22 Apr. 1 660. *™ Ibid. 14, 27, 28 Feb. 1 660- 1. *" Overton. Life in the Engl. Ch. 188-9. "' ^^^'i- Baxterianae, 284-5. I 337 43 469 A HISTORY OF LONDON . canonical obedience, and the use of various ceremonies.*" The ejected ministers and the Nonconformists generally appear to have been treated on the whole with kindness and consideration.*" The love of sermons survived the Restoration, and the bishops, in spite of vigorous efforts, found it difficult to control the lecturers, who now formed a well-established and powerful body."* The Puritan party in the Church naturally desired their retention in all their independence ; *^^ while equally of course stricter churchmen objected to these free-lances, who were for ever finding fault with the offices and officials of the Church.*" In January 1660— i London was disturbed by a riot on the part of the Fifth-monarchy men, which led to the unjust imprisonment, as suspected persons, of a number of Quakers, who, however, were released in the follow- ing March. *^* The Fifth-monarchists joined with the Presbyterians in en couraging the people to stand out against the Book of Common Prayer, which, in March 1 660-1, was said to be in use in a minority only of the London churches.*" The king, however, when granting*'^ the French con- gregation in London permission to worship in the Savoy Chapel, made it a sine qua non that they should use a French translation of the Prayer Book.*'* The passing of the Act of Uniformity in 1662 drew forth a petition from a number of London ministers who felt unable to conform to all that was required by that Act, and who begged that notwithstanding they might be allowed to retain their livings.*" The king was quite willing to grant an indulgence if possible,*'* and the question was fully debated in Council, but Bishop Sheldon strongly urged the danger of an uncertain and vacillating policy in the matter. The law, he said, was passed, and it should be main- tained at all costs. He himself had already ejected such of his clergy as would not comply with its requirements.*" His arguments prevailed, and it was decided that no indulgence could be granted.*'^ It has been stated that at the time of the great plague of 1665 many of the City rectors left their posts and fled for safety into the country, while their pulpits were seized upon by Presbyterian ministers.*" The evidence of the parochial records on this point is chiefly negative, but it must be owned that it supports this statement. There were, however, a few honourable exceptions, amongst whom we may name Mr. Austin, rector of St. Mary Staining, who died at his post ; *" Peter Lane, rector of St. Benet Paul's Wharf ; *" Dr. Anthony Walker, of Aldermanbury ; *^'' Mr. Meriton ; *" Dr. Thomas Horton,*^^ and Timothy Long, rector of St. Alphage,**' who *" Rdiq. Baxterianae, 284-5. "' Overton, op. cit. 34.4-7 ; Calamy, Acct. of Ejected Ministers (ed. 1 71 3), ii, 31. '" Overton, op. cit. 190-2. '" Kennett, Hist, of Engl, iii, 298. ^'^' See Wharton, Defence of Pluralities, 7. '^ Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, ii, 386-8. S.P. Dom. Chas. II, xlii, 38. Ibid, xxxli, 97. It was not in use in Westminster Abbey, i July 1660 ; Pepys, Diary, q.v. for par- ticulars of the irregularities which still prevailed. *" 10 Mar. 1 660-1. ''' S.P. Dom. Chas. II, xxxii, 36. See Bodl. Lib. Rawlinson MS. C, 984, where further particulars about the French congregation will be found. '" Calamy, Contin. of Acct. of Ejected Ministers (ed. 1727), i, 10. *'* Ibid. 11. *^' See Hennessy, Novum Repert. *■* Calamy, loc. cit. '"' Burnet, Hist, of own Time (ed. 1897), i, 400-1 ; Calamy, Contin. of Acct. of Ejected Ministers, i, 31-3 ; see Overton, op. cit. 339—41. *" Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Proc. 1905 (New Ser.), i, 277. *'' Vest. Min. 1665 ; Newcourt, Repert. *^ Calamy, loc. cit. •«' Ibid. *« Ibid. «' Vest Min. 1665. 469 470 BEFCRENCt TV MM •) ptni diiBcba itaioyt4 (■ mnmmlf ita*t^ m ihe Crui Fft wi 1 iMm (»H. — • . pUin si a^i^vMd br ih< N«>,iffv> U ih( liiio N i Ihw ^3 . ud i)ior u>nd bf NanaAtHitiai <. U*»hUo« B«U| 4. C.>«. &)>ur* 4. AH Hil1». lh, Ot» e. T.lt»-.>i«dlm' Hill 5. All H.lkn.. UmUrJ Sll 0, All H.lio.t L«>d« Will 7. All H>ll<».< Siuui«. INDEPENDENT 8. i Al(ia«t 0. Si A>dr» U«J'r>h.li 8 C..J, S.,«.» 10, &. A,A^ ^r, .>,. W-rf.ol- 9, CdW HJI 11 SS AmiBd Ap» 10. Htr. Ciun- 12. Si AmMx. 11 J»«.5«M 13. Si Ai>i<.d«. 13 Kint'. Wait. How.. 13 L«i».* H>U 16 S. Brnn Fmb U 5i Mtf, A« 16 Si fiod CrvHhwd. 15. MiW Luc 17. Si. few. P.«r. Wh«l ie Nr. B.ud Sim 18. Oma.uth Nf*t*u 17, P..iJ A% 19. Si 0<«>)i« L. Si«L> IB, Pr-i™.- HJL 20 5. Cltm-> f-.a«(. 19 Pw«.- H4n. ?l 5l D«iu> lU.L,hL.tri. SO PI«ui.T.' Hill. 22 Si D.,«j« u. lh. E*u 31 R«j Cn» SUM- S3. Si Um«ivi llx Kint 34 Si lihdUau 36 Si C«.|< Wph Lur 23. Time CriM SO Si H(t«« PRESBYTERIAN. ENGLISH 27. S» JMM DU--. IIk. 38. St. Jtmn C-rUUxlh.. 34. AnMm. H^ 39, St Ktikuat C«li«u SS lUnlwIoiK^ Cl>«. 30. Si KUiKBiH On. 26 G...J Uk 3) Si LwronJivT}. 27 Crui Si. Tloiuk 33. Si MitBo 33. St M-iM Uxhb«, 38. HiLh» ^>.d•r Sum 40. St MrhKl U.uJ,». QUAKER 47. Si MKhul OnhU 38 BJI ud Mwh SmM 48 Si Moh.^ Cio-UI Ioat 49. Si M>ctxd C^T«lui>.r 50. &. M-WI Piifl^iH <■ R«,>l. PLACES USED AS CHAPELS SI. Si M«Km1 Wo.) Sum BY THE NONJURORS 53. 5l MUr«d fir»d Sum 53. &• MJdinl PWirr 54 9l Utiata CJlahUj as St OI»c Hm Snti 2 A i>n u Br«d Si 3. A inoii h«uH u ColLv HJI 58. Si Oli'r ]r«T 57. Si. Pda C«iML PLACES OF WORSHIP USED 68. Si P«« 1. P«. By FOREIGN PROTESTANTS 59. Si Sicpha C«trmwi Sum eO. Si Si(t^ WiILihA ei. Si Swiiha 03. Si VcdM 1 T^t DniA ChiAh. Aiuia Fiw 3 n.. Fni-h Chgnh. «« Si Anhxi/. >l«|ri.l 3 F>mh Ch.it<>.. ManiB I Lue- 4 Gaiua Lullou Chinh 05 Sl QMoliih AUa^t ee, s Biuiph aum" ee. & CJa CuhVic- 89. SiPflaal)Kla.<.o.^V»^ 70. SlS<» 71. Hal, TnMtMun. o ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY remained with their people throughout that terrible time. Of non-beneficed clergy, Mr. Vincent, who had been ejected from St. Mary Magdalen's Milk Street in 1 662, also stayed in the City ; *** and Mr. Waker, a minister who was serving at St. Katharine Coleman, but was not rector there,**^ and an unnamed preacher at St. George's Southwark,*'* died on duty. It is evident from entries in the parish books, especially the registers, that services were held, and the sick and dying cared for by clergymen in many parishes ; *" and these books also preserve the names of a few gallant laymen, churchwardens and others, who devoted themselves, at the risk and sometimes at the cost of their lives, to the service of their fellow-parishioners.*** Archbishop Sheldon remained at Lambeth and worked hard, both in keeping up the spiritual provision urgently needed, and in collecting and distributing money for the relief of the sufferers, thus saving many lives.**' There is evidence also that the Non- conforming ministers as a body did a noble work.*"" The first Wednesday of every month was appointed to be kept as a solemn fast and day of humilia- tion whilst the plague should last.*" Part VI — From 1666 to 1907 The Fire which swept across the City of London from 2 to 4 September 1666 destroyed or partly consumed eighty-nine out of ninety-seven existing churches and their parishes.^ Such devastation called for extraordinary remedies, and on 4 October Charles II informed the lord mayor and corpora- tion that Dr. Christopher Wren and two others would make a survey of the ruins;'* on 6 March 1667 Wren received the royal warrant to rebuild the City.' The parish was the unit of social life, and London parishes were notoriously small ; the City authorities probably felt that a reduction in the number would simplify local administration, and Wren wished to build few but magnificent churches. Together they accordingly drafted a Bill destroy- ing the existing parochial system, and reallotting the City among thirty-nine new parishes, the delimitation of which was to be in the hands of the lord mayor and aldermen, acting with the consent of the Archbishop of Canter- bury and the Bishop of London. Each of these new parishes was to have a church, the patronage of which was also to be vested in the corporation.* These proposals, which ignored the rights of patrons, impropriators, and ecclesiastical courts, were abandoned in the Act which became law in 1667.* This provided for the rebuilding of thirty-nine churches, the choice of which was to rest with the archbishop, the bishop, and the lord mayor, and in March 1667 the archbishop and bishop proposed a list to the lord mayor, •" Calamy, loc. cit. «" Chwdns.' Accts. 1665. "' Rendle, Old Southwark, 78-9. "' e.g. St. Saviour's Southwark ; St. Bartholomew the Great ; St. Mary Abchurch, &c. "^ Christ Church Newgate Vest. Min. 1666 ; St. Margaret New Fish Street Vest. Min. 1666 ; St. Benet Paul's Wharf Vest. Min. 1665. '" Hutton, Hist, of Engl. Ch. 1625-1714, p. 200 ; Lamb. Lib. MSS. Rec. vol. vi, no. 12. *** Calamy, loc. cit. "' Corp. Rec. Journ. xlvi, fol. 79 ; Pepys, Diary, 12 July, 2 Aug. 1665, 6 June 1666. For details relating to this visitation see St. Stephen Walbrook Accts. 1665 ; St. Botolph Aldersgate Accts. 1665 ; St. Martin Orgar Accts. 1665, &c. ' Welch, Hist, of the Monument, 79. ' Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, ii, 428. • Wren, Parentalia, 263. * Bodl. Lib. Tanner MS. 142, fol. 118, 120. * Stat. 19 Chas. II, cap. 3. 339 A HISTORY OF LONDON which was approved after certain alterations had been made.' But the City was not satisfied, and in the winter of 1669 the Common Council called meetings of parishioners, formed a committee, and consulted the bishop on the drafting of a second Bill.^ This Act, passed in 1670, enacted that fifty- one City parish churches should be rebuilt, and that the remaining fifty-eight parishes should be annexed to them for ecclesiastical purposes only, each parish retaining its distinct churchwardens and officers, and for the administra- tion of the Act appointed a commission, consisting of the archbishop, bishop, and lord mayor.* Before it had been decided which churches should be rebuilt the popula- tion began to return, making some provision for divine service and the housing of the vestries needful. The commissioners therefore, on 7 October 1 670, decided to build ten tabernacles or ' sheds,' ' and the arrangement proved so satisfactory that between 1670 and 1686 tabernacles were built in twenty other parishes.^" For the erection of these tabernacles part of the coal-tax money was used, ^1,500 being voted on 10 October 1670 for the first ten temporary churches ; the estimated cost throughout was ^150 each, the money being advanced on the parishioners depositing ^Cs^o in the common stock. The actual cost frequently exceeded ^i 50, and the tabernacles at St. Anne's Blackfriars, St. Mildred's Bread Street, and St. Alban's Wood Street, each cost over ^200." At St. Michael's Wood Street the old church walls with a temporary roof formed the tabernacle, and the old churches were also used at St. Mary Magdalen's Old Fish Street and St. Mildred's Bread Street, where the work had to be abandoned as the walls were unsafe ; but the tabernacles were usually erected in the churchyard ; at St. Michael's Queenhithe the work was delayed owing to the piles of material and sheds which ' the scandalous demeanour ' of the churchwardens permitted to en- cumber the ground. ^^ To allow the church of the annexed parish to be re- built tabernacles were erected on the sites of several churches.''^ The buildings themselves, though made ' of cheape materials and the least workmanship,' were built of brick and wood, tiled, and paved. Being intended only for temporary use they needed a good many repairs between 1677 and 1680, but the tabernacle of St. Anne's Blackfriars was enlarged in 1684—5, ^^^ ^^^ ^^^t end of that of Allhallows Lombard Street was extended in 1685—6;" the " Bodl. Lib. Tanner MS. 142, fol. 37-42. ' Rec. Corp. Journ.xlvi,fol. 1323 ; Letter Bk. XX, fol. 1 1, 1 9^, 25. 'Stat. 22 Chas. II, cap. n. ' D. and C. St. Paul's, W.E. 10, fol. 9. They were built in the parishes of St. Michael Queenhithe, St. Bride, Allh.illows the Great, St. Michael Crooiced Lane, Christ Church, St. Alban Wood Street, St. Margaret Lothbury, St. Anne and St. Agnes, St. Margaret New Fish Street, and St. Mary Magdalen New Fish Street. Of the tabernacle of St. Bride's no accounts appear to exist. '° These were St. Martin Orgar, St. John the Baptist, St. Pancras Soper Lane, St. Mary Aldermary, St. Stephen Coleman Street, St. Mildred Bread Street, St. Michael Wood Street, St. Matthew Friday Street, St. Mary Somerset, Allhallows Bread Street, Allhallows Lombard Street, St. Martin Ludgate, St. Peter Corn- hill, St. Leonard Eastcheap, St. Gabriel Fenchurch Street, St. Martin Vintry, St. Austin (D. and C. St. Paul's, W.E. 38, fol. 20), St. Anne Blackfriars (ibid. W.E. 3, 19), St. Swithin (ibid. W.E. 19), and St. Mary Abchurch (ibid. W.E. 38, fol. 20). " Ibid. W.E. 10, fol. 9, 12, &c. ; W.E. 32 ; W.E. 38. " Ibid. W.E. 10, fol. 10, 12, 15, 31 ; W.E. 22 (20 Oct. 1670). "* St. Michael Crooked Lane, St. Martin Orgar, St. John the Baptist (ibid. W.E. 32), St. Pancras Soper Lane (ibid. W.E. 10 ; 29 June 1672), St. Benet Gracechurch (ibid. W.E. 35, fol. 20), St. Margaret Pattens (ibid. W.E. 10 ; 26 May 1677), St. Peter Paul's Wharf (ibid. W.E. 2, 19), and St. Thomas the Apostle (ibid. W.E. 19 ; W.E. 2, fol. ^passim; W.E. 34). " Ibid. W.E. 42 ; W.E. 10, fol. 9 ; W.E. 19 (8 July 1685, 4 Feb. 1686). 340 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY tabernacles of St. Thomas the Apostle and St. Leonard's Eastcheap were after- wards used as schoolrooms.'* To provide the large sums needed for rebuilding the City churches the •draft Bill of 1667 proposed that all sites and materials should be sold by the lord mayor and aldermen. The scheme was both irregular and insufficient, and accordingly a tax of zs. per chaldron on seaborne coal brought within the liberties from 1667 to 1677 was applied to this purpose.'^ By the Act of 1670 an additional 2j. per chaldron was imposed from that year till 1687, one quarter of the sum realized being assigned to the rebuilding of St. Paul's ; to this was added money imposed in lieu of penance in North Wales. '^ By means of the coal tax, ^104,500 was raised between 1670 and 1678. By that time jr20,ooo had been borrowed on its security, and ^255,000 more was needed to complete Wren's scheme, the work already done on thirty-two ■churches having cost ^165,000," in which was included the internal decora- tions, an integral part of his designs. All the money obtained was paid into the Chamber of the City, and administered by the commissioners. In rebuilding a church the commissioners first obtained a contract on Wren's •specifications ; before any work could be begun the parishioners had to deposit in the Chamber ^^500, afterwards repaid, and on this the com- missioners advanced a sum equal to half the estimated cost ; " the Court of Aldermen advanced the guarantee money for St. Laurence Jewry and other churches.'' The parishes were divided into two classes : the first or ordinary class, in which no substantial help from the parishioners was forthcoming ; and the second, where the money was advanced by the parishioners and was repaid without interest. Some parishes raised large sums : that of St. Stephen Coleman had paid in jr2,ooo by 1674, and promised as much more as should be wanted, while the parishioners of St. Dionis advanced in all j^5,ooo."° The nave of St. Mary Aldermary was rebuilt with ^{^5,000 left for that purpose by Henry Rogers," St. Mary le Bow received ^2,385 in gifts,''^ and St. Michael Cornhill '^'^ and other churches benefited in the same way. The rebuilding was begun in June 1670 by Wren, working under the commissioners, with whom the corporation was in touch. ^* The first churches ordered to be rebuilt were St. Sepulchre's, on which the rector had already spent jC^oo ; St. Anne and St. Agnes,'^ St. Magnus, Christ Church, and St. Vedast Foster, where the old walls were used and faced with Portland stone ; ^" St. Christopher le Stocks, where the same plan was probably followed ; St. Bride's and St. Laurence Jewry, the ruins of which were demolished ; *^^ St. Clave Jewry and St. Michael Queenhithe, built on the old foundations ; ^^ St. Mary le Bow, St. Augustine's, and St. Michael Cornhill.^' By January " Bodl. Lib. Tanner MS. 124, fol. 171 ; 125, fol. 122. " Ibid. 142, fol. 118, 120 ; Stat. 19 Chas. II, cap. 3. '* Stat. 22 Chas. II, cap. 11 ; Bodl. Lib. Tanner MS. I24, fol. 59. " D. and C. St. Paul's, W.E. 10 (24 June 1678). " Ibid. W.E. 16, 17; W.E. 10, fol. 26 ; ibid. 13 May 1670, &c. " Rec. Corp. Repert. Ixxxi, fol. \\ob. '" D. and C.St. Paul's, W.E. 10, fol. 4 ; ibid. II Aug. 1674, 10 Oct. 1681 ; Bodl. Lib. Tanner MS. 142, fol. 93. " Gent. Mag. Lib. ' Topog.' xvi, 44. " St. Mary le Bow Vestry Minutes. " Thoresby, Diary, 26 May 1695. » D. and C. St. Paul's, W.E. 10, fol. I ; Rec. Corp. Repert. xlvi, fol. 132/^. « D. and C. St. Paul's, W.E. lo (13 June 1670) ; W.E. 3 ; W.E. 10, fol. 23. >« Birch, Lond. Churches, 2. " D. and C. St. Paul's, W.E. I, fol. 8, 14. " Birch, loc. cif. ■ " D. and C. St. Paul's, W.E. 10 (13 June 1670). A HISTORY OF LONDON 1678-9 work had been begun on thirty-four churches. St. Vedast's, St. Sepul- chre's, St. Christopher le Stocks and twelve other churches had been finished and paid off ; five churches were far advanced ; St. Mary le Bow, St. Olave Jewry, and St. Nicholas Cole Abbey were 'near paid off' ; at St. Laurence Jewry, St. Magnus, St. Bride's, and St. Stephen Walbrook work was still being done on the towers, and St. Michael Bassishaw was finished. The rebuilding of Christ Church had begun and building was still going on at five other churches.^" In 1683 twenty-five churches, including St. Lau- rence Jewry and St. Anne and St. Agnes, had been completed ; seventeen were nearly finished ; St. Clement Eastcheap, St. Michael Crooked Lane, and St. Margaret Old Fish Street had been lately begun, leaving Allhallows Lombard Street, St. Margaret Lothbury, St. Andrew by the Wardrobe, St. Michael Paternoster Royal, St. Margaret Pattens, and St. Mary Somerset still to be taken in hand.^^ In the disorganization caused by the Fire the tithes and terriers'' of church property in many cases disappeared, so that the danger of appropria- tion by private persons was great. Sir Joseph Childs seized part of the site of the east end of St. Botolph Billingsgate, and would give no compensation;'* at St. Thomas the Apostle it was believed that part of the parsonage was occupied by a mason,'* and other cases might be cited." Bishop Henchman's proposal that incumbents should be empowered to let their glebe and parson- ages on building leases was accepted by Parliament and widely followed ; '° the interrogatories of Archbishop Sancroft in 1685 and of Bishop Compton in 1693" show that these transactions were suspected of irregularity due to neglect of registration. At St. Mary Staining and St. Magnus in 171 1 the length of the leases of glebe property was not known, while at St. Mary Mounthaw the counterpart had been mislaid.'^ The term of the lease was generally forty years ; '' that of part of the churchyard of St. Martin Vintry was for 999 years, but this was exceptional.*" Benefactions were also some- times misapplied, and in 1669 the rector of St. Benet Gracechurch desired that the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's should record the parish charities lest they should be lost." The plate, books, bells, and lead of St. Michael Paternoster were purloined by the churchwardens after the Fire ; at St. Pancras Soper Lane a churchwarden disappeared with the plate,*' and the commissioners complained of the theft of materials from the ruined churches as well as of the erection of ale-houses and forges in the precincts. The lord mayor was accordingly ordered to make a return of all communion plate, bells, vestments, records, books, and other goods of the destroyed churches,*' but this attempt at control met with little success. The ruin caused by the Fire had an equally important effect on the incomes of the City clergy. Hitherto their stipends had under the Act of 1535 been regulated by a rate increasing with the increase of property and '° Bodl. Lib. Tanner MS. 142, fol. 25. " Ibid. fol. 36. " Archidiaconatus Lond. fol. 5, 39, 62, &c. " Ibid. fol. 119. " Bodl. Lib. Tanner MS. 124, fol. 171. »» Ibid. fol. 117, 133. ^ Archidiaconatus Lond. passim. " Articles of Inquiry in a Parochial Visitation, 1693 (B.M. Pressmark 5155, c, 85). " Archidiaconatus Lond. fol. 39, 77, 136. ^' Vaxdi. passim. *" Bodl. Lib. Tanner MS. 142, fol. 102. " D. and C. St. Paul's, box 55, no. 46. " Bodl. Lib. Tanner MS. 1 2 5, fol. 117, 124. " Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, ii, 424. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY the augmented expense of living. The Fire made an entire revision of the assessment needful, and in view of the constant disputes it was determined to draft a Bill commuting the tithes in the destroyed parishes for fixed annual sums. Both the City and clergy formed committees, which met in the winter of 1670." On the basis of a return of the tithes and dues of each parish*^ the committee of the Common Council drew up a schedule of proposed commutations, which showed a considerable advance on that put forward by the clerical committee, though both exceeded the old tithes." At a confer- ence held at the Guildhall on i December 1670 the schedule of the Common Council was adopted,*^ though apparently after some dispute, as the aid and influence of Dr. Sherlock, Dean of St. Paul's, was requested for two further conferences held that year.*' The Bill, as drafted, did not touch the unconsumed parishes, and the clergy sought for their inclusion ; *' the clause was rejected, and disputes still rage round the tithes of certain parts of the City. The proposed assessment of (nd. in the pound on rent was high,^" and there was much discontent." In the Act as passed in 1671 " the sums were lowered ; no commutation exceeded ^(^200, and only six parishes reached that sum, while eight parishes were assessed each at jC^oo- The assessment was to be made by the aldermen and common councilmen of each ward with the churchwardens and one or more parishioners from each parish. Right of appeal lay to the lord mayor and Court of Aldermen, whose decision was final. The Act did not work smoothly, and appeals were frequent,^^ until the increase in the value of City property made the Act ever lighter to the parishioners and proportionately unfavourable to the clergy. Even the attenuated allowance of the Fire Act was not always regularly paid, generally through the fault of the vestry ; in 1729—30 the minister of St. James's Duke's Place complained that the inhabitants refused to pay him his main- tenance of ^bi ij., and prayed for redress." The hardships of the Act were so great that in 1804 the sums paid in commutation of tithe were readjusted by Parliament, ^° which raised the value of the lowest living to jC^oo per annum, and that of the highest to £2>^6 in the parishes affected by the old Fire Act. Throughout the period of rebuilding men's interest in Church concerns was kept high owing to the efforts of the Roman Catholics. Politically, it was a time of unrest and war ; economically, it was a time of stress ; love of sensation and increased devotion to the Church were the natural results. The Church of England was regarded as militant against two equal enemies — the Puritan sects on the one hand and the Roman Church on the other ; the victory over the first had been secured, the power of the second was unknown and feared. At Court the French and Roman Catholic interest was visibly " Rec. Corp. Letter Bk. XX, fol. 69 ; Journ. xlvii, fol. 94, 102 ; Bodl. Lib. Tanner MS. 44, fol. 238, 239,242. " Allhallows the Great Par. Rec. Min. i, fol. 430. " An Account of Money paid for Tithes by divers Parishes ivithin the City (B.M. Pressmark 491, k, 4, no. 8) ; Bodl. Lib. Tanner MS. 142, fol. 26. *' An Account of money, &c. " Bodl. Lib. Tanner MS. 44, loc. cit. " Rec. Corp. Journ. xlvii, fol. 102. " An Account of money, &c. " A Brief Account of the Maintenance arising by Tithes . . . to several Ministers of Parish Churches demolished by the Fire (B.M. Pressmark 491, k, 4, no. 9). " Stat. 22 & 23 Chas. II, cap. 15. " Rec. Corp. Repert. xcviii, et seq. " Ibid, xxxiv, fol. 358. " Stat. 44 Geo. Ill, cap. 89. 343 A HISTORY OF LONDON growing ; James Duke of York was formally received into the Roman Church in 1672, and in March of the same year Charles issued the Declaration of Indulgence/^ withdrawn in 1673, when the Commons expressed their views in the Test Act. In the City the Fire was ascribed to the Papists, and this suspicion was recorded on the Monument ;" on 5 November 1673 the pope was burnt in effigy in Cheapside with extraordinary pageantry as a protest against the Duke of York's religion and his marriage with Mary of Modena/* and the Court of Aldermen ordered a search for Popish recusants in the City.'* The unpopularity of the duke and his co-religionists was increased in 1675 by the story of the attempt to coerce one Luzancy, a convert to the Church of England, who was threatened by a Jesuit belonging to the household of the Duchess of York,^" and a year later Edward Coleman, secretary to the duchess, was arrested on suspicion of being involved in a plot to force Romaa Catholicism on the country." All these events resulted in suspicion and unrest, voiced by the unsuc- cessful Exclusion Bill, and led to the crisis of 1678, following Titus Oates's revelation of his story to Dr. Tonge, rector of the destroyed church of St. Mary Staining, and a well-known opponent of the Roman Church.'* This is not the place for a discussion of the Popish Plot, but there is no doubt that the panic fostered by Oates had a considerable effect on the position of Roman Catholics in London during this and the following reign. All classes shared in the excitement ; on 3 December 1679 a proclamation was issued commanding the departure of all Papists from the City ;" the Court of Aldermen issued precepts for weekly searches for Papists, all recusants had to take the oath, and those common councilmen who had not taken the sacra- ment within the year were ordered to withdraw." In 1679 also the Court of Aldermen formally congratulated the king and Parliament on their care in maintaining the Protestant religion, and in 1 680-1 they received the thanks of the Short Parliament." The excitement of the people was increased by the trained bands being called out nightly," and posts and chains being put up in the streets." Rumours of murders and massacres abounded,*' and pre- posterous stories were recounted and believed,*' while the lord mayor received numerous petitions against the Popish Plot.™ The coronation day of Queen Elizabeth was celebrated with an elaborate procession ; " the Duke of Mon- mouth was the hero of the City," and at the election of the sheriffs in 1680 ' No Yorkist, No Papist ' was the popular cry." The Addresses of 1680 marked a lull in the sensation ; Oates brought discredit on the Plot, and probably through the influence of Charles II the Roman Catholics conducted their work quietly, though they were arriving in London in increasing numbers.^* " Evelyn, Diary, 12 Mar. 1 67 2. '" Sh.irpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, ii, 418 ; Rec. Corp. Repert. Ixxxvi, fo). 151, 162 ** Evelyn, Diary, 5 Nov. 1 673 ; Hatton Coiresp. (Camd. Soc), i, 119. *' Rec. Corp. Repert. Ixxix, fol. 36. ■" Reresby, Mm. 8 Nov. 1675 ; J. F. Pollock, The Popish Plot, 16. " Reresby, Tl/^OT. 25 Oct. 1676. ** Evelyn, Diary, I Oct. 1678. " Wilkins, Concilia, iv, 604. " Rec. Corp. Repert. Ixxxiv, fol. 6, I I ; Journ. xlix, fol. 90. " Ibid. Repert. Ixxxiv, fol. 122^-4 ; Journ. xlix, fol. 41^5, 170. " Efistolary Curiosities (ed. R. Warner), 108, 113. " Cal.imy, Hist. Acct. of my own Life, i, 83. •^ B.ixter, Breviate of the Life of . . . Margaret, aife of Richard Baxter, 77. '' Cf. The Papist Oath of Secrecy (B.M. Pressmark 816, m, 22, no. 40). '" Rec. Corp. Repert. Ixxxiv, fol. 122^ et seq. " London's Defiance to Rome. " Hatton Corresp. (Camd. Soc), i, 203. " Life and Letters of Rachel IVriothesley, Lady Russell, 132. " Evelyn, Diary, 18 June 1683. 344 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY When James II ascended the throne distrust of his policy was universal, but suspicion was quieted by his declaration that he would defend the Government of England in Church and State as by law established, though he attended mass publicly as before." In the meantime toleration for Roman Catholics was socially if not legally established. All the City had gone in 1672 to see the life-sized representation of the Last Supper erected by the French ambassador in the chapel of Somerset House,'' and now, in spite of Proclamations and Orders in Council," crowds of Londoners openly resorted to mass at the chapels at York House and the Florentine and Sardinian embassies.'* Another chapel belonged to a Mr. Sandford or Stamford ; " there was a chapel and friary in Lincoln's Inn Fields, and chapels at St. John's Clerkenwell *" and Bucklersbury. The last built and one of the most important was that made by the envoy of the Elector Palatine in 1686 in a house in Lime Street, during the adaptation of which for service the keys were seized by the lord mayor, who only returned them after a personal repri- mand from the king.'' The strong feeling against the chapels in the City led to frequent riots, and the lord mayor was again reprimanded by the king in Council in April and November 1686.*^ The agency of the press was very largely used ; in 1676 Compton had earned James's resentment by com- plaining of a translation of the office of the mass issued by the Portuguese ambassador, and of Coleman's book on the papal supremacy.*' Bossuet's controversial works were translated and published in London as soon as they appeared in Paris ; ** hundreds of tracts and broadsheets were produced,*" and ' were sold on every stall, cried about by hawkers in the street as commonly as Gazettes, thrown or brought into houses or sent as penny post bundles.' ** Priests and converts frequented the coffee-houses eager for disputation, and the chaplains of the foreign embassies were especially active in visiting and catechizing on Sunday afternoons. Father Jacob of the Florentine embassy being particularly well known.*' Andrew Pulton and other Jesuits fitted up several houses in the Savoy as a free school, which they opened at Easter, 1687,** and this brought about the foundation of the first charity school by Tenison and Simon Patrick.*' Indeed, the Anglican clergy were as active as their opponents.'" From the first it was usual to ask them to meet Roman Catholic priests for disputation on some selected subject.'' The most famous of these conferences were those of 1671 and 1676, when Stillingfleet and Burnet engaged Father Godden and others,'^ that of 1687 between Tenison and Andrew Pulton,'^ and one held in 1686 before the king and the Earl of Rochester,'* the account of which attained a wide circulation. Some of the London clergy formed a small society for the production of controversial tracts,'^ while notwithstanding the example made " Reresby, Mem. lo Feb., 2 March, 22 May 1685. '° Evelyn, Diary, 4 Apr. 1672. " H. C. Foxcroft, Life of frit Marquis of Halifax, ii, 31 1. '* Scmers Tracts, i, 249. " Ellis Corresp. i, no. 41, 43. °° Hatton Corresp. (Camd. Soc), ii, 95. " El/is Corresp. i, no. 33. " Ibid. no. 41, 43, 65. ^ Hatton Corresp. (Camd. Soc), i, 137, 138. " Secretan, Life of Nelson, 23. "■ Thomas Jones, Cat. of Coll. of Tracts for and against Popery (Chet. Soc). '* Collectanea Curiosa, i, 326. " Ibid. ; Hickes, Several Letters which had passed betueen Dr. George Hiries and a Popish Priest, pref. *' Taunton, Hist, of "Jesuits in Engl. (2nd ed.), 445 ; Somers Tracts, i, 249. ''^ Simon Patrick, Jutobiog. (ed. 1839), 128. "" Kennett, Hist, of Engl, iii, 454^ *' Kidder, Life oj Anthony Horneck, 1 8. '^ Burnet, Relation of Conference held about Religion at Lond., &c. " A. Pulton, A True and Full Account of a Conference held about Religion, &c. " Kennett, op.'cit. iii, 453. " Patrick, op. cit. 106. I 345 44 A HISTORY OF LONDON by the imprisonment of Samuel Johnson, nearly every sermon, and even those preached before the royal household,'* had a controversial tone." James II soon showed that he w^ould do all in his power to promote the conversion of England. He caused the publication in 1686 of papers describing the conversion of Charles II and of the late Duchess of York.'' He allowed it to be known that he expected Parliament to repeal the disabling laws,"' and when this was not done he admitted his co-religionists to office without tests. In 1685—6, when the archbishop's visitation had emphasized the necessity of catechizing, James proposed the abolition of afternoon lectures, ostensibly to allow more time for catechizing,'"" but really to prevent the reiterated attacks on the Roman Church, of which he complained, though Compton denied his charges. Simon Patrick was especially singled out for reprimand, delivered through Sancroft and also by the king in person."' James then reissued the Directions to Preachers of 1662,"^ with a royal letter desiring the clergy to abstain from con- troversial topics, which Compton recommended to the clergy with the advice that they should be ' as cautious of flattering our Prince into tyranny as of stirring up the people to sedition and tumult.' '"^ At the same time James constituted an ecclesiastical commission consisting of the Arch- bishop of Canterbury, Jeffreys, Sunderland, Rochester, Sir Edward Herbert, and the Bishops of Durham and Rochester, to inquire into all offences contrary to the ecclesiastical law ; Sancroft, however, refused to sit on this illegal body.'"* The first action of the commission was against Dr. John Sharp, rector of St. Giles in the Fields, and afterwards Archbishop of York, who in a sermon preached on 9 May 1686 in answer to questions put by his congregation, denied to the Church of Rome the style of the only visible Catholic Church. Jeffreys informed Sharp of the king's displeasure, and on 17 June James requested Compton to suspend him. This the bishop was unable to do except after formal suit, but he asked Sharp to abstain from preaching until he received leave.'"' The real attack was against Compton,'"* whose removal was essential to the king's plans. Compton, who had been made Bishop of London in 1673, had earned James's enmity and lost the archbishopric of Canterbury '"'' in 1676 by complaining of Roman Catholic publications. He increased the royal dislike by his speeches in the House of Lords after Hales' case, and in consequence lost his post as Dean of the Chapel Royal. '"^ His keen interest in politics and controversy, his devotion to the Anglican position, and the intimate knowledge of his diocese which he gained by monthly conferences with his clergy and constant change of resi- dence,'"' made him a formidable enemy to the Romish party. It was known in July that Compton would be the first object of attack,"" though some " Evelyn, Diary, i April 1688. " Overton, Nonjurors, 47. " Reresby, Mem. I Mar. 1686. »' Ibid. 4 May 1685. '"» Bodl. Lib. Tanner MS. 31, fol. 268. "" Patrick, op. cit. I 25. "" Kennett, op. cit. 454. "" The Bishop of London's Seventh Letter 0/ the Conference with his Clergy, 4. '" Kennett, op. cit. iii, 454, 456. '°^ Sharp, Life of John Sharp, i, 70, 8 1 ; ^n Exact Account of the uihok Proceedings against . . . Henry Lord Bishop of London (B.M. Pressmark, 517, g, 22, no. 2), pp. 7, 19. '»« Evelyn, Diary, 8 Sept. 1686. '»' Diary of Dr. Edward Lake (Camd. Soc. Misc. 1), 19. "" Evelyn, Diary, i Jan. 1685 ; Ellis, Orig. Letters of Eminent Literary Men, 189-92. "" Compton, Episcopalia (ed. S. W. Cornish), p. xxiii ; ibid. 167 ; Birch, Life ofTillotson, 201 ; Diary of Dr. Lake, 21 (5 Jan. 1 677-8). "» H. C. Foxcroft, Life of Halifax, i, 467. 346 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY thought he would escape with a fine."^ He appeared before the com- missioners in August,"*^ and pleaded the illegality of the court and his inability to suspend except by a judicial act. The hearing was very super- ficial, and on 6 September sentence of suspension during the king's pleasure was passed without more ado, the diocese being put into commission under the Bishops of Rochester, Peterborough, and Durham. ^^'^ Even in the court indignation was expressed,'^* while with the Londoners Compton became the hero of the hour,"' and a war of pamphlets followed his sentence. His wishes were now more eagerly obeyed by the body of his clergy than they had been before his suspension,"^ and so great was the feeling aroused that even Bishop Sprat of Rochester opposed James in his attempt to coerce the lord mayor's chaplain."^ The difficulties at Cambridge and at Oxford prevented the Ecclesiastical Commission from taking much further action in London, though it is said that several ministers were silenced."^ James next granted dispensations to the City companies, relieving their members from the oaths and test, and so bringing in many Nonconformists,"^ with whom also he filled the vacancies caused by his removal of six aldermen. ^"° He succeeded so well that most of the livery companies sent him addresses of thanks ^^^ when he issued his first Declaration of Indulgence in April 1687.'"^ Next year he issued a second declaration, which was ordered to be read on 20 May 1688 in all churches in London and West- minster, and within a radius of 10 miles.^"^ Bancroft and the most influential London clergy determined on opposition, and were strengthened in their action by the knowledge that the country clergy would follow those of London. ^^* During the suspension of Bishop Compton, Dr. Turner, Bishop of Ely, twice gathered his friends, including Thomas Sherlock, master of the Temple, Simon Patrick, vicar of St. Paul's Covent Garden, and Dr. Tenison, vicar of St. Martin's in the Fields, at Ely House to discuss the position.'"' On I 3 May twenty London clergy met, and Patrick and Tenison and others were commissioned to interview all the beneficed clergy in the City,'^° reporting at the next meeting that nearly seventy had promised not to read the Declaration, and though their attitude was already known at Lambeth,'" a list of the names was transmitted to Sancroft. A final consultation was held on Thursday the 17th, and on Friday, observed by the clergy as a day of fasting and prayer, the Seven Bishops presented their petition, which was also signed by Sherlock, Tenison, Grove, rector of St. Andrew Undershaft, Tillotson, prebendary of St. Paul's, Patrick, and Stillingfleet, Dean of St. Paul's.'-* The petition was printed and circulated within a few hours of its presentation, and on Sunday 20 May curiosity sent crowds to church. The Declaration was read by only four City clergymen ; '*^ the most important '" ElHs Corresp. i, no. 55. "' j1 Tint Narrative of all the Proceedings against the Lord Bishop oj Land. (B.M. Pressmark, 694, m, 4, no. 4) ; Jn Exact Account, Sec. "' Kennett, op. cit. iii, 460. "* MSS. of Earl of Verulam (Hist. MSS. Com.), 90. '" Ellis Corresp. i, no. I. '" Burnet, Hist, of my own Time (ed. 1823), iii, 105. '" The Bishop of Rochester's Second Letter to the Earl of Dorset and Middlesex, 1 3 ; Sharpe, Lond. and the Kingdom, ii, 519-25. '" Evelyn, Diary, 25 June 1686. '" Sharpe, loc. cit. "" Ellis Corrisp. i, no. 122. '" Sharpe, loc. cit. '" Evelyn, Diary, 10 Apr. 1687. "' Ibid. 18 M,iy 1688. '** Kettlewcll, Co/n//<'<7/ /rc/i/, i, 90. "^ Patrick, ^a/o^'or. 131. "Mbid. 132. '" Hyde Corresp. ii, 172. "' Patrick, op. cit. 1 3 3-4 ; Collectanea Curiosa, i, 335. '" Hyde Corresp. ii, 173. A HISTORY OF LONDON being Timothy Hall, rector of Allhallows Staining, who thereby earned the bishopric of Oxford/^" At Westminster Abbey it was read either by Bishop Sprat, the Dean, or by a minor canon, but the congregation left the reader at his task ; at Whitehall chapel it was read by a choirman.'^^ The Ecclesiastical Commission expressed great wrath at the disobedience of the clergy, and ordered a return of all who had neglected the royal order.^^^ This was not made, but the demand gave Bishop Sprat an excuse for leaving the Commission,^'' saying that in spite of his authority in the diocese of London he had not urged any man to read, or reproved any for not reading the Declaration.^'* A second return was ordered, but was equally unsuccessful.^'^ In the meantime the bishops had been summoned before the Council and committed to the Tower on a charge of seditious libel. ^'^ Popular enthusiasm for the Church ran high ; the bishops were taken to the Tower by water to prevent a riot ; their progress was a triumph, thousands begging their blessing as thev passed for trial. ^'^ On 30 June, the day of their acquittal, the streets about Westminster Hall were so crowded that it might have been a little rebellion,''^ and all London was illuminated with bonfires that night.^'^ In the midst of the excitement an heir had been born to James II, news unwelcome to the City in spite of conduits running claret in the Stocks Market and at Cheapside."" A crisis was evidently approaching, and even a court chaplain preached against Popery.'" An invitation to William of Orange, signed by Bishop Compton among others,'*" left England, but though this was known to at least two of the London clergymen,'*' it was not till September that James was alarmed. The London rabble felt the weakness of the court,'** and in October began to attack the Roman Catholic chapels in the City. On 29 October the chapel in Lime Street was wrecked, and the altar furniture burnt ; on 1 1 and 12 November attempts were made on the chapels at Bucklersbury and St. John's Clerkenwell, but the rioters were dispersed by the militia. '*° The seats and wainscot of Lincoln's Inn Fields Chapel were burnt on 10 December, and a search was made through Roman Catholic houses in the City for arms and ammunition.'** The chapels at St. John's Clerkenwell and Lime Street were again despoiled in this month,'*^ and the Spanish Embassy, where many of the Roman Catholic gentry had deposited their valuables,'*' was raided and pillaged, the library being burnt. It has been pointed out that any popularity the Revolution enjoyed was due to the people's attachment to the Crown and the Church and their hatred of the Roman Catholics.'*^ In the popular mind the Church of England stood in direct opposition to that of Rome,'"" and was as inevitably a supporter of the Crown ; her two distinctive doctrines were said to be the power of the "" Ellis Corresp. ii, no. 155, 156. "' Patrick, op. cit. 135 ; Evelyn, Diary, 20 May. "* Kennett, op. cit. iii, 486. '" Ibid. ; Evelyn, Diary, 23 Aug. '" The Bishop of Rochester's Second Letter to the Ear! of Dorset and Midd., 24. "^ Kennett, loc. cit. "' Evelyn, Diary, 8 June. '" Reresby, Mem. 10 June ; Hyde Corresp. ii, 175-7. "* Reresby, Mem. 29 June. '^ Hyde Corresp. ii, 179 ; Ellis Corresp. ii, no. 141. "" Rec. Corp. Repert. xciii, fol. I 5 7, 164^, 167;^. '*' Evelyn, Diary, 8 July. "- H. C. Foxcroft, Life ofHalifa.x, i, 508 n. '" Patrick, op. cit. 137. "' Ellis Corresp. ii, no. 201. '" Ibid. no. 212, 221 ; Evelyn, Diary, 28 Oct. » "^ Rec. Corp. Journ. 1, fol. 358 ; ElFis Corresp. ii, no. 234. '*' Ibid. no. 235. '*' Reresby, Mem. 3 Dec. ; Evelyn, Diary, 9 Dec. "' Leckv, Hist, of Engl, in 18M Cent. (3rd ed.), i, 10. '" Overton, Nonjurors, 3. 348 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY magistrate in ecclesiastical affairs and passive obedience,'" defined as keeping under obedience in spite of wrongful suffering.'^' In point of fact the blood- less Revolution of 1688 involved no active resistance, and no inconsistency in the London clergy w^ho accepted the new government. It did, however, necessitate subscription to an oath of allegiance to William and Mary while James II was still alive, and it was from this that many of the most consci- entious clergy shrank, though Bishop Lloyd assured them that the oaths were no more than to live quietly under the new king.'^* Twenty-one London clergymen refused to take the oaths and were deprived ; the most important of these 'Nonjurors' being Thomas Wagstaffe, Chancellor of Lichfield and rector of St. Margaret Pattens, who was afterwards consecrated a bishop of the Nonjuring succession. The beneficed clergy were represented by the rectors of St. Martin Vintry with St. Michael Paternoster Royal, St. Michael Crooked Lane, Whitechapel and St. Martin Outwich, and the vicar of St. Katharine Cree. Five curates, six readers, and four lecturers were among the number ;'^* but with the exception of Jeremy Collier, lecturer at Gray's Inn, no clergy- man of first-rate importance refused the oath in London, though Robert Nelson, Kettlewell, and John Bowdler, all Nonjurors, were among the distin- guished laymen of the day. With the ejection of Sancroft and the Non- juring bishops a schism was definitely made in the church."^ It was but natural that London should soon become the head quarters of the party, and under the pressure of the times the doctrine of the new church rapidly crystallized. Freed from the Establishment it broke away more and more from the distinctive High Church theory that the magistrate had power in ecclesiastical matters, and developed that of the Church as a spiritual body."* The episcopal succession was carried on ; Dr. Hickes, the deprived Dean of Worcester, was consecrated Bishop of Thetford, and lived chiefly in London, where his pretensions were well known and partly recognized.'"^ Indeed, during the first few years no attempt at secrecy was made, and forty nonjuring clergymen with Bishops Turner and Lloyd openly attended Bishop White's funeral at St. Gregory's in 1698.'^* Many of the Nonjurors were reduced to pitiable straits'"^ till helped by a fund started by Kettlewell; some were forced by starvation to comply,'*" while others found employment at the various nonjuring places of worship. The first of these were the private chapels of Sancroft and Turner at Lambeth and Ely House.'" Ely Chapel was attended by a fashionable congregation, among whom was Clarendon, until the bishop was peremptorily ordered to exclude strangers ; after which he celebrated divine service at Clarendon's house.'*^ As time went on the increasing jealousy of the government must have made these private conventicles very numerous, but apart from these there were at least thirteen regular meeting places. Hickes and his successor Gandy usually preached in Scroop's Court near St. Andrew's Holborn ; '°' Calamy, Hist. Acct. of my ozvn Life, \, 329. "' Kettlewell, Compl. Works, ii, 143. '" Hyde Corresp. ii, 266, 277. '" Overton, Nonjurors, 471 et seq. '" Lindsay, Grand and Important Question about the Church and Parochial Communion, 12. "^ Hickes, Constitution of the Catholick Church, 84. '^' Thoresby, Diary, 20 June 1 714 ; M. C. E. Walcott, Hist, of Par. Ch. of St. Margaret Westm. 46. "' Evelyn, Diary, 5 June 1698. '*' Bodl. Lib. Rawlinson MS. D. 1092. "" Kettlewell, Compl. Works, i, App. xix ; ibid. 163. '" Overton, Nonjurors, 281. '" Hyde Corresp. ii, 300-5. 349 A HISTORY OF LONDON Jeremy Collier officiated in an upper room in Broad Street ; Dr. Welton, the deprived rector of Whitechapcl, held service in a house in Goodman's Fields; and Robert Orme officiated at Trinity Chapel in the parish of St. Botolph without Aldersgate. Other conventicles were held on College Hill, at the Savoy, Spitalfields, Gray's Inn, Bedford Court Holborn, Fetter Lane, Great Ormond Street, St. Dunstan's Court Fleet Street, and Theobald's Road."' In fact CoUey Cibber had some justification for saying of the Nonjuror : — In close backrooms his routed flock he rallies, And reigns the Patriarch of blind lanes and alleys.^** Amid uncomfortable surroundings, in constant fear of government raids, the services of the Church were performed with devotion and greater attention to the rubrics and canons than was usual."" The Holy Communion was fre- quently celebrated,"' and on the great festivals was attended by country Non- jurors who came to London for the purpose."^ From the first there was a tendency towards elaboration of ritual, which resulted in the unfortunate split on ' the usages.' "' Though divided, the Church was still prosperous in 1730,"' and continued its episcopal succession throughout the i8th century, Gordon, the last bishop, dying in 1779."° By that time the numbers had greatly dwindled, indeed many Nonjurors had followed Nelson's example, and returned to the Established Church on the death of Queen Annc."^ The connexion between Church and State was so close that the Church in London of necessity took part in every movement and every struggle of the age. The formation of the parties of Whig and Tory was followed by that of the Low and High Churchmen."^ The political theory of passive obedience was an expression of the despotism of the Crown suited to the Tudors, but out of touch with the thought of the late 17th century, which was expressed by the new or Low Church theologians in contradistinc- tion to those of the High Church party."' But though Sherlock, Tillotson, Stillingfleet and their followers abandoned non-resistance, they emphasized the power of the sovereign in matters ecclesiastical ; "* while the High Church party developed the theory of the Church as a spiritual body,"' a conception which William III held much more dangerous than the indepen- dence shown by the bishops and London clergy in 1688, or the enthusiasm they evoked. The government therefore filled the vacancies caused by the deprivation of the nonjuring bishops with London clergymen "* of the newer school, by whose removal the position of the High Churchmen in the City was strengthened, and division was created between the episcopacy and the bene- ficed clergy. The favour shown by the bishops to the Comprehension Bill in 1689 and the efforts made to modify the Prayer Book so as to admit of its '" Overton, Nonjurors, 283-4. '" Colley Cibber, The Nonjuror, Prol. 11. 21-2. '" Bodl. Lib. Rawlinson MS. C. 983. "* John Bowdlcr, Mem. 86 ; Life of Ambrose Bonuiick, 112. "' Reliquiae Hearnianae, i, 89 ; Lindsay, op. cit. I. '^ Bowdler, Mem. 86, 88. "° Reliquiae Hearnianae, ii, 738. "" Doran, Lond. in Jacobite Times, ii, 352. "' Sharp, Life of John Sharf, ii, 33. "' Overton, Nonjurors, 171 ; A Letter from a Clergyman in the Country to a Min'tter in the City concerning Ministers intermeddling with State Affairs (B.M. Pressmark 698, g, 15, no. 2), p. 14, &c. '" High Church Politicks, or the Abuse of the 30/^ of January considered, 6. '" Secretan, Life of Nelson, 12 ; The Principles of the Loui-Church-Men (B.M. Tracts "jio, no. l),p. 3. '" Ibid. Pref. f.\\;A Private Conference between a Rich Alderman and a Poor Country yicar. "« Hearne, Coll. ii, 108. 350 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY use by Dissenters led to a further distinction, the Tory and High Church party becoming associated with stricter sacramental teaching and, as they boasted, with closer observance of the rubrics than the Low Church and Whig clergy."^ The Upper and Lower Houses of Convocation were in continual opposition from 1701, when the Dean of Salisbury defeated Beveridge at the election of a prolocutor/" The struggle on lay baptism "^ was followed in 1705 by a request from the Lower House that the bishops would censure Benjamin Hoadly,^*" rector of St. Peter le Poer and the lead- ing Whig clergyman in the City, who had upheld the right of resistance in a sermon preached before the lord mayor at St. Laurence Jewry on 29 Sep- tember. A previous sermon of Hoadly's had been violently attacked '^^ by the High Church party, who replied to his Measure of Submission with the Memorial of the Church of Eng/and^^^ ' declaring the Whigs' designs for the destruction of the Church of England.' It made a great sensation, ^^^ and was presented as a dangerous libel by the grand jury of the City, and ordered to be burnt at the Old Bailey and before the Royal Exchange.^'* Two years later an unattached clergyman named Higgins raised the cry of ' The Church in Danger,' but had not sufficient influence to do more than create a sensation.^" Yet it was evident that church feeling in London was strongly against the government, and this was backed by the general dislike of the war. At a time when party sentiment ran high the churches took the place of the public meeting of the present day. The storm burst on 5 November 1709 when Dr. Henry Sacheverell, fellow of Magdalen and chaplain of St. Sa- viour's Southwark, preached before the lord mayor at St. Paul's a sermon on ' Perils from false Brethren ' ^** which had already created some sensation in Oxford. The violence of the attack led to the aldermen refusing to make the customary request for the publication of the sermon,^" which was, how- ever, printed immediately,^*^ to the dismay of the House of Commons. Disregarding the state of popular opinion the ministers decided to impeach Sacheverell at the bar of the House of Lords. '^' The sentiment of the mob was apparent in the crowds which accompanied Sacheverell daily to trial ; ^^ the views of the clergy were demonstrated by the prayers offered for him by name at St. Bride's ^" and Whitehall, where the reader was dismissed in con- sequence,''^ and other London churches ; the trial was the one topic in all conversation. ^^^ Sacheverell's sentence of three years' suspension from preach- ing was treated by the Tories as a victory, and was the signal for the lighting of bonfires ^** and rioting in the City, where Mr. Burgess's meeting-house was ransacked,^'^ the houses of Hoadly, Dolben, Burnet, and other Low Church- '" Drake, Mem. ofCh. oj Engl. 16. '" Calaray, Abridgement of Baxter's Life, &c. (1713), i, 613. '" Calamy, Hist. Acct. of my own Life, ii, 237. '^ Wilkins, Concilia, iv, 633-4. "' Hoadly, The Measure of Submission, 172-3 ; Calamy, Abridgement, &c. i, 691. '" Drake, op. cit. 14, &c. '*' Reliquiae Hearnianae, i, 2. '** Calamy, op. cit. i, 681-2. '" Ibid, i, 709. He preached nine sermons at the New Chapel and St. Margaret's Westminster ; at St. Bride's ; before the Archbishop of Canterbury ; at St. Clement D.mes, St. George's Queen's Square, St. Anne's Westminster, Whitechapel, and Whitehall; see The Ch. of Engl, not in Danger (B.M. Pressmark 4106, aa, 3 no. 1). "^ Reliquiae Hearnianae, i, 1 69. '*' Rec. Corp. Repert. cxiv, fol. i 3. "' Reliquiae Hearnianae, \, 178. '*' Lecky, op. cit. i, 52. "° Reliquiae Hearnianae, i, 181, 187. '" Ibid. 185. '" Luttrell, Brief Relation, vi, 553. "' What will it Come to ? (B.M. Pressmark 10350, g, i 2, no. i 5.) '" Reliquiae Hearnianae, \, 190. "^ Luttrell, op. cit. vi, 551. A HISTORY OF LONDON men were attacked, and the Bank was only saved by the prompt action of the Horse Guards.^'* Four trained bands were called out, and the queen com- plained of the riots to the lord mayor ; the ringleaders were arrested and bound over to the sessions,^" but before they were brought up for sentence the Whig Government had fallen and the queen sent them a free pardon. The Common Council by a small majority voted an address to the queen assuring her of their loyalty to the Crown and the Church of England.^'* Sacheverell's sentence of suspension applied only to preaching, and after a temporary retirement to Wales he returned to St. Saviour's Southwark, where he read prayers with great solemnity to crowded congregations whose feel- ings were further roused by violent sermons.^'' Directly Sacheverell's term of suspension was ended Queen Anne presented him to the living of St. An- drew Holborn,^"" where he became the leader of the High Church party in London. The violence shown by Sacheverell's supporters did much to alienate the more serious part of the nation from the High Church party, and from any display of feeling. The men of the i8th century used the word 'en- thusiast ' as a term of reproach, and turning from the moral and philanthropic schemes of Nelson they concentrated their attention on the purely intellec- tual side of religion, an insistence which led to the Trinitarian and Deistic controversies. The Trinitarian controversy first became prominent in the Church of England in 1693, when Dr. South engaged in a dispute with Sherlock, who in vindicating the doctrine of the Trinity against the Socinians had shown decided tritheistic tendencies. The question was taken up by others, and so great was the rancour displayed that in February 1695-6 William III issued a letter of Injunctions for Unity,^" while the archbishop's letter of the same year contained many rules and orders. The dispute caused much scandal among the Higher Churchmen, and occasioned a reproof from Bishop Compton in 1701."°^ A little later Dr. Clarke, rector of St. James's Westminster, was the chief exponent of the Unitarian theories ; in 171 3 he omitted the usual celebration on Trinity Sunday in order to avoid using the collect for that day,'"' and was attacked by Convocation in the fol- lowing year.-"* A great favourite at the Georgian court, his refusal to sign again the Thirty-nine Articles""' was the only obstacle to his high promo- tion. Further royal directions upholding the Trinitarian doctrine were issued in 1714,-°* and enforced by Bishop Robinson (1714-23), who in 1718 issued a warning to his clergy against using forms of doxology other than those provided by the Book of Common Prayer.*" The dispute gradually died away, but was succeeded about 1730 by the Deistic controversy. None of the foremost exponents of Deism were incumbents of London parishes ; on the other hand the most brilliant defences of the orthodox position were made by Sherlock when master of the Temple, by Zachary Pearce, vicar of '« Calamy, Hisl. Acct. of my own Life, ii, 228. '" Luttrell, op. cit. vi, 586 ; Kec. Corp. Repert cxiv, fol. 153-5, 182. "* Rec. Corp. Journ. Iv, fol. 169^-170^. "^ A Visit to St. Saviour's Southi-ark (B.M. Pamphlets, E. 1990, no. 8), pp. 6, 8, 16. *" Sharpe, LonJ. and the Kingdom, ii, 648. "' Calamy, Abridgement, &c. i, 548-50. *"' Secretan, Life of Nelson, 56 ; Compton, The Bishop of London's loth Conference with his Clergy. "" Whiston, Hist. Mem. of Life 0/ Dr. Samuel Clarke, 69. "' Wilkins, Concifia, iv, 657-9. "" Calamy, Hist. Acct. i, 266. "' Robinson, Letter . . . to the Clergy of his Diocese. '"' Letter from the Lord Bishop of London to the Incumbents of all Churches and Chapels in his Diocese. 352 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY St. Martin's in the Fields, and, above all, by Butler, who was preacher at the Rolls Chapel in 17 19, and in 1740 was made Dean of St. Paul's, The most notable feature of the religious life of Queen Anne's reign was the increase of corporate religion. The idea embodied in the mediaeval church gild had survived in the Independent congregations, and now made itself felt in the Church in the formation of the great Church societies and of private religious societies, or, as they would now be called, communicants' gilds. Though the origin of these societies was obscure even to contem- poraries they seem to have first developed among the young men of Anthony Horneck's congregation at the Savoy in 1672.^°* Similar societies were formed soon afterwards under Beveridge at St. Peter's Cornhill and Smithies at St. Giles' Cripplegate, and from these the idea spread rapidly.^"" An apparently imperfect list gives fourteen societies in London and Westminster by 1694,"° with a membership of 254; in 1699 there were about thirty-nine,"^ which had increased to forty by 1701.^'^ All the members were communi- cants,"' and were chiefly skilled artisans or shopkeepers,*'* apprentices being generally excluded. The object of all the societies was ' to promote Real Holiness of Heart and Life ' by weekly meetings for discussion and by cor- porate acts of communion."^ Much suspicion was attached at that period to private societies,"^ and so marked was the general disapproval that at least one society called itself a ' club ' and met at a tavern instead of at a private house,"^ while in another instance an incumbent refused to countenance the formation of a society without the primate's consent."^ The societies were charged with being seditious and schismatic,"' and the rules which survive appear to have been framed with a view to these objections ; each member of the society at St. Giles' declared his adherence to the Hanoverian succes- sion, and no political question might be discussed.^'" It was an essential feature of these societies that they should be under the direct control of a clergyman of the Church of England, though not necessarily of the parish priest ; the prayers used at the meetings were taken from the Liturgy, that used at St. Giles' being approved by the bishop, and attendance at the cor- porate communion once a month was obligatory on all members.''" In 1714 the religious societies maintained celebrations on holy days at St. Mary le Bow and St. Dunstan's in the West, and lectures at twenty-four parish churches. ^"^ Regular almsgiving was a notable feature of the societies, the money being placed in a common stock and administered by two stewards, who likewise controlled the subjects for discussion. Generally the money was given to a ^°' Kidder, Life of Rev. Anthony Horneck, 1 3 ; Woodward, Acct. of Rise and Progress of the Religious Societies in the City of Lond. (ed. 3), 22. '"' Short Acct. of the Several Sorts of Religious Societies (B.M. Pressmark 816, m, 22, no. 75). "" Bodl. Lib. Rawlinson MS. D. I 3 12. *" [Woodward] y^cc/. 0/" //if Societies for Reformation of Manners, 15. This anonymous work has been attributed to Defoe, but apparently it is not his (see Wilson, Life of Defoe, i, 302), and may with greater reason be attributed to Woodward. '" Woodward, Acct. of . . . Religious Societies, 40. *" Samuel Wesley, Pious Communicant (ed. 1700), App. "* Bodl. Lib. Rawlinson MS. D. 13 12. '" J. Wickham Legg, ' London Church Services in and about the Reign of Queen Anne,' St. PauFs Ecclesiological Soc. Trans, vi, 31. "° Cf. Remarks upon a Sermon Preached by Dr. Henry Sacheverell at the Assizes held at Derby, 14. '" Woodward, Acct. of . . . Religious Soc. 28-9. ^'* Kidder, op. cit. 16. "' Woodward, Acct. of . . . Religious Soc. 119. "° Legg, loc. cit. 33. "' Ibid. ; Kidder, op. cit. 1 3 ; Woodward, Acct. of . . . ReFtg. Soc. 133; Sharp, Life of John Sharp, i, 176. '" Secretan, Life' of Nelson, 91 ; Paterson, Pietas Lond. 1 353 45 A HISTORY OF LONDON charity school or to maintain services. ^'' Depending upon rehgious fervour, the societies decayed during the i8th century until revived by the Evan- gelical school. But they naturally fostered an independent spirit which demanded strict clerical control, and this the Evangelical clergy could not give."* The result was that in 1800 a meeting of London clergymen could only regard the utility of the societies as doubtful.-" They again fell into decay until revived in 1847, with Bishop Blomfield's permission, as com- municants' gilds,^-^ which since then have become part of the organization of most London parishes. The societies for the Reformation of Manners arose about the same time as the religious societies, and by 1699 included bodies of householders, ministers, constables and justices of the peace, Dissenters as well as members of the Establishment, whose especial object it was to bring wrongdoers to justice. The methods employed were purely legal, with the result that by 1709 the societies had largely dwindled into factious clubs, and grown 'a trade to enrich little Knavish Informers of the meanest Rank..'"' It was from these small associations that the impulse arose which resulted in the great Church societies of the present day. The Society for the Pro- motion of Christian Knowledge was at once the earliest and most local of these. Founded in 1698, it included among its first members London mer- chants, barristers, men of leisure, and divines, of whom the most prominent was Dr. Bray, appointed to St. Botolph Aldgate in 1706, and one of the founders, in 1701, of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. It is impossible to speak here of the success of these organizations, or of their many younger associates ; from the first their work, though having its centre in London, has not been local, but almost world-wide. One of the most striking results of the religious movement of this time was the foundation of the charity schools, mainly supported by the private societies, and by collections made by the children after special sermons.^'' The yearly service at St. Sepulchre's attended by the children and staffs of all the charity schools in London was in 17 14 one of the sights of the City."' Complaints of the abuses of pluralities and non-residence were frequent from the Restoration, especially in London,-^" where, at the close of the 17th century, forty-three incumbents of City churches had country livings, and two had country curacies."^ It was usual to hold London livings in plurality, but nearly all the influential clergy of the i8th and early 19th centuries were pluralists ; even Blomfield, afterwards Bishop of London, only accepted the living of St. Botolph Bishopsgate, the clear value of which was ^1,600 a year, on the understanding that he should retain his living of Chesterford, where the Bishop of London did not object to his passing some months of '" [Woodward] Acct. of SocUtiet for Reformation of Manners, 1 5 ; Woodward, Acct. of . . . Religious Societies, 23, 109. "* Overton, Engl. Ch. in 19M Cent. 292-3. *" Pratt, Eclectic Notes, 185 et seq. "« A. Blomfield, Mem. ofC. J. Blomfield, ii, 94. " [Woodward] Acct. of Societies for Reformation of Manners, 146! seq. ; Woodward, Acct. of. . . ReFigious Societies, 59 ; Swift, IVorks (ed. Scott), viii, 99. "' A Sunday Ramble in and about Lond. and IVestm. 37 ; McClure, A Chapter in Engl. Church Hist, iv, 18. '-'' Paterson, op. cit. 256. '*" Wharton, Defence of Pluralities, 7. "' Brief Acct. of Maintenance arising by Tithes, &c. (B.M. Pressmark 491, k, 4, no. 9). 354 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY the year.''' It should be added that Blomfield, when more experienced, recognized the evils of pluralities,"^ though considering them useful or neces- sary in some cases ; "* the abuse received its deathblow from the Act of 1837—8.'" Closely connected with pluralism was the evil of non-residence, which deeply affected Church life in London. At the end of the 17th century most of the pluralists resided on their London rather than on their country livings, but even in 1680 complaints were made that the London parish saw its rector but once a year, when he collected his dues,"* and the custom of putting a curate into a London parish was defended by Wharton in 1692."" Non-residence was most unpopular in London ; Sacheverell, a good judge of public opinion, declared at his trial that it was a sore affliction that he could not minister at St. Saviour's, though he did not scruple to accept a Welsh living.^'* Bishop Gibson found it necessary to remind his clergy that the canon required thirteen sermons and two months' residence from the pluralist,'^' and Churchill, curate of St. John's Westminster from 1759 to 1764,'" wrote of how he kept 'those sheep which never heard their shepherd's voice.' The first step towards improvement was made by the Evangelical clergy, who in time aroused the public conscience. Bishop Porteus (1787— 1809) succeeded in reducing the evil, but non-residence con- tinued 'a matter of just as well as of general complaint.'"*^ In 1803 the Act of 1530 was revived,"*' but, as perhaps might be expected, did not prove successful.'*' The result was a number of prosecutions for non-residence. William Van Mildert, rector of the united parishes of St. Mary le Bow, St. Pancras, and Allhallows, was the first to be attacked. The sites of the rectories had been let on building leases after the Fire, and no incumbent since then had been resident.'** Van Mildert rented a house in Elv Place, but spent a considerable part of the summer and autumn months at his country living of Farningham, as ' he considered it not too tar from London for him occasionally to visit it and minister there at the less inviting seasons of the year.''*' The case came up for trial in 1813, and a verdict was given against Van Mildert, to the indignation of his friends, including the Arch- bishop of Canterburv, who paid the costs of the case.'** After the trial Van Mildert gave up his London house, and stayed with a friend when ' his occasions ' brought him to his London living.'*' In the words of Bishop Randolph (1809-13), 'a very considerable number of clergy, through ignorance, forgetfulness or inadvertency,' had ' incautiously exposed them- selves to informations,' '*- the result being the passing of the Clergy Penalties Suspension Act of 18 14.'** The fear of prosecution removed, the abuse went on unchecked. The unhealthiness of the City was a general plea for non-residence there, but this Bishop Blomfield (1828—56) would not allow,''" and though he recognized the ditficultv caused by the lack of population and ~ Blomfield, Mem. cfC. J. B.'omJisM, i, 68. "' Blomfield, C/urge to the Clergy, 183+, p. 19. *" Ibid. 1838, p. 5. *" Stat. I & 2 Vict. cap. io6. "* Discourse of Pluralities (B.M. Pressmark 17517, g, 19, no. 3). *" Wiiarton, op. cit. 160. "* William Bisset, Modem Fanatick. *" Gibson, Charge, 1727. »*" J. E. Smith, St. 'John the Evangehst Par. Mem. 77. *" An Address to Lord Grenville in Behalf of the Inferior Beneficed Ckrgy, 1 7. "' Stat. 43 Geo. Ill, cap. 84. "' Overton, Engl. Ct. in 19M Cent. 300. '" Cornelius Ives, Mem. of IVilltam Van Mildert, 16 et seq. '" Ibid. 32. '" Ibid. 18, 19.. '" Churton, Life of Joshua Watson, i, 76. "' Randolph, Charge, 18 14, p. 5. **' Stat. 54 Geo." Ill, cap. 175. •*■ Blomfield, CAjr^/, 1838, p. 17. 355 A HISTORY OF LONDON of parsonages, he declared that he could hardly consider these warrant for total non-residence. These conditions have since his time increased rather than diminished, and the rectors of few City parishes now reside ' within the walls.' One of the commonest pleas in favour of non-residence was that it provided an excellent training ground for the younger clergy."^ The modern ' curate ' or assistant to a resident incumbent was not unusual in London during the 17th and early i8th centuries,"' and the Act of 171 3 seems to have considered him rather than the curate in charge.^" But from about the accession of George I the word ' curate ' was restricted more and more to one serving a cure for a non-resident incumbent ; '" it was not until the end of the 1 8th century that assistant clergy were again employed, and then chiefly by the Evangelicals. John Newton had a curate at St. Mary Wool- noth,"" and a second priest was always attached to St. John's Bedford Row.'" Their employment was becoming more general in 1826,"^ and from that time the word became used in the modern sense,^^' and the class increased until Bishop Creighton found the excess of licensed over beneficed clergy one of the peculiar difficulties of the diocese of London."' A curate, to be recognized by the law and the bishop, must hold an episcopal licence,"" to be obtained at some expense, and on the nomination of the incumbent, who is bound to pay the stipend appointed by the bishop, and give the curate due notice of dismissal. As early as 1694 licences were the exception rather than the rule ; ■" it suited the convenience of the incumbent to have a curate who could be dismissed at a month's notice, and be paid any salary without opportunity of redress,""^ this system obviating appeals to the bishop, such as that of the curate of St. Laurence Jewry, who found his ^^15 a year ill paid, and was dismissed with a week's notice."^' Dr. Lancaster, vicar of St. Martin's in the Fields, on applying in 17 15 for licences for his curates, one of whom had been at St. Martin's for twenty years, said that neither of them had been unwilling to ask for licences if the bishop had demanded it, ' which he did not, presumably to leave them more dependent ' on the rector, who evidently regarded the demand as a hardship. °" Bishop Robinson made some vain attempts to remedy this state of things in 171 5 and 1721. The canons required that every non-resident incumbent should provide a licensed curate.'" To avoid this it was usual for the incumbent to reside during the time of visitation,'^^ and so usual was this evasion that in 1803 Bishop Porteus introduced a Bill making the employment of a licensed curate obligatory on the non-resident incumbent.'" The salary attached to the office was gener- ally wretchedly inadequate. Sharp gave his curates certain fees, and abstained from offices where gratuities were usual, so that in some years his curates received as much as ^120,"^' but this was very unusual. The Act of 1713°^' "' Bodl. Lib. Tanner MS. 124, 125. "' Archidiaconatus Lond. ''' Stat. 13 Anne, cap. 11. '^* John Johnson, Cler^man's Vade Mecum (ed. 1723), 94. ''"• Bull, Life of John Newton, 337. "^ Pratt, Mem. of Rev. Josiah Pratt, 8. "' Howley, Charge, 1826, p. 6. "' Blunt, Directorium Pastorale, 404 ; Tait, Lond. Ordination, Advent 1867. "' Creighton, The Church and the Nation, 290. *^° Canon xlviii. *" Stillingfleet, Misc. Discourses, 373. '** Stackhouse, Miseries of the Inferior Clergy, 172. «^ Bodl. Lib. Rawlinson MS. B. 376, fol. 112. »" Ibid. 84. *" Canon xlvii. "' Stackhouse, op. cit. 171. "' Stat. 43 Geo. Ill, cap. 84. "' Sharp, Life of J. Sharp, i, 47. "^' Stat. 1 3 Anne, cap. 11. .•?56 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY enacted that the curate's salary should not exceed £^o, nor be less than ^Tao per annum, but no unlicensed curate could claim the benefit of this Act."" Romaine gave his curate £/^o a year in 1786,"' and Churchill had received the same sum at St. John's Westminster,'" but the more usual allowance wras jTao, from which certain deductions were made for surplice fees, rent of glebe house, and so on."' Bishop Robinson made a vain attempt to increase the salaries, but little was done until Bishop Porteus insisted on pluralists paying their curates in charge a liberal allowance,"* and a definite salary was prescribed in such cases by the Act of 1837—8."' The inevitable result of the meagre allowances formerly paid was that the poverty of the London clergy was notorious ; their mean appearance made them the joke of the coffee- houses, and books were to them impossible luxuries."* The London curate, though doing the whole duty of a parish, was too useful to be promoted ;"^ Smithies, one of the most influential preachers in London at the close of the 17th century, was curate at St. Giles' Cripplegate for thirty-one years, and the curate of St. Peter le Pocr had in 171 1 been there for twenty years."* The lecturers held an important place in London church life in the 1 8th century. Their position was preferable in many ways to that of the curate. Generally elected by the vestry after much canvassing, they were independent of the incumbent, who knew that if he dismissed his lecturer the vestry would probably create a scandal, as, indeed, happened at St. Olave's Old Jewry in 1710."' An imperfect list of lecturers about 1685 shows that twenty-two out of fifty-two lectureships were filled by incumbents of City churches, and ten by City curates ; ^^° but most of the lecturers were men who, like John Henley,'" were seeking their fortune in London, or were bent on propagating new ideas. '^' In spite of prejudice in the City,"' many held country livings ; Bishop Robinson, however, refused to license lecturers holding two cures of souls.''* According to the canon every lecturer must hold the bishop's licence before preaching, but by 1789 this regulation was often neglected, though in some City churches a register of the names of lecturers and particulars of their licences was still kept.'^° The lecturers had great influence in the 17th century, and their sermons were still well attended in the reign of Queen Anne, twenty-four such lectureships being maintained by religious societies in 1714,'^" while at St. Laurence Jewry Sharp '" and other divines of the day made their reputations as preachers. By a friendly arrangement the lecturer occasionally performed services ; at St. Olave Jewry he took the morning service once a month in 1710;'^' at St. Bar- tholomew Exchange the Friday lecturer took occasional duty falling on that "' Suckhouse, op. cit. 126. "' Goode, Mem. of William Goode, zj. "' J. E. Smith, St. "John the Evangelist Par. Mem. 77. '" Plan for the Better Maintenance and more general Residence of the Curates (B.M. Pres mark 1 1 1 3, h, 1 8), 5. '" Porteus, Charge, 1 790, p. 22. '" Stat. I & 2 Vict. cap. 106, sec. 85. The stipend paid by resident incumbents to their curates is not regulated by law ; Blunt, Bk. of Ch. Law (ed. Phillimore and Jones), 220. "* Stackhouse, op. cit. 74 et seq. '" Refections on the Clergy of the Established Church, 47. '" Archidiaconatus Lond. 105. '" Greene, J Vindication of Thomas Greene. "° Bodl. Lib. Tanner MS. 31, ibl. 269. '" John Henley, Oratory Transactions, 12. '" To the Beneficed Clergy of the Diocese of Lond. 1759 (B.M. Pressmark 816, m, 22, no. 1 18). '" Greene, op. cit. »** Bodl. Lib. Rawlinson MS. B. 376, fol. 399. •" Porteus, Letter to his Clergy, 1789. '""' Paterson, Pietas Lond. '"'' Sharp, op. cit. i, 30. '" Greene, op. cit. 357 A HISTORY OF LONDON day,''* and the Sunday afternoon lecturer at St. Paul's Covent Garden was expected to read the service in 1679.''" In the middle of the i8th century, however, it became very unusual for a service to precede the lecture, even on Sundays. The post afforded an excellent opportunity for the spread of new ideas, and was a stronghold of the early Evangelicals, who advertised their sermons weekly and attracted congregations from all over London.''" The loose supervision of the bishops is evident from the fact that it was not until 171 2 that the question of the right of the bishop to refuse to license a lecturer was brought before the courts and decided in his favour.-'- Not merely in respect of freedom from week-day duties, but in regard to salarv, the lecturer was in a much better position than the curate ; for his lecture at St. George's Hanover Square Thomas Newton received jC^oo a year in 1747,^'" and it was not unusual for a lecturer to have a salary equal to that of three or four curates ; ^'* while an attempt to establish a lecture at St. Botolph Aldersgate seems to have been a commercial specu- lation.='^ The idea that it was beneath the dignity of a beneficed clergyman to read the prayers resulted in the employment of readers. Nine City churches had readers in 1711,-'^ the large parish of St. Martin's in the Fields having two,-" and one was attached to the chapel in Whitehall.''^' Considered inferior to a curate, the reader was wretchedly paid, and often depended on subscriptions, as at St. Leonard's Eastcheap, where the reader in 1685-6 received £2^ z year.-'' The parish clerk regarded the reader with some contempt as being much worse paid than himseh?"" Indeed, the second reader of St. Martin's in the Fields was chosen clerk in 1726 with a salary of _^300,'°^ and this was not a unique case in the i8th century, though the presence of the clergy created friction among the clerks,'°- who were organized as a company with regular courts, meetings, and hall. Dressed in gown and bands, as in Hogarth's ' Sleeping Congregation,' *°^ the clerk was responsible for the music of the church. He had probably been trained at St. Paul's or Westminster, and led the singing,'"* giving out and even choosing the metrical psalms which held the place of the modern hymns. Choirs were established at Westminster Abbey and the royal chapels, and one was constituted at St. Paul's,^"^ but they were unknown in the parish churches until the 19th century, though Bishop Gibson, in 1727,'°* advocated the training of selected members of the congregation. On occasions such as charity sermons professional singers were engaged,''" and crowds went to church to hear the music ; '°* wholly musical services were held in some churches on Sunday evenings towards the end of the i8th century. Organs were still regarded with some suspicion in the 17th century, and in 1708'°' '" The Case of the Bishop of London in Two Causes respecting tie Licensing a Lecturer, 59. »» Patrick, Jutobiog. Si. ^^ To the Beneficed Clergy, &c. *" Case of the Bishop of London. "' Newton, If'orks, i, 44. "' St.ickhouse, op. cit. 85. "' St. Botolph Aldersgate Vestry Minutes. "* Archidi.iconatus Lond. '" Reliquiae Hearnianae, ii, 619. "' Luttrell, Brief Relation, vi, 553. "' Bodl. Lib. Tanner MS. 125, fol. 173. "^ Stackhouse, op. cit. 85-6. "" Reliquiae Hearnianae, ii, 619. "' Christie, Parish Clerks, 2 1 2. "" Austin Dobson, William Hogarth, 68. "" Christie, op. cit. 1 95. "" D. and C. St. Paul's, A. box 55, no. 4. '°« Gibson, Charge, 1727. '" Hodgson, Life of Porteus, 108. ^ Sunday Ramble, 36. '™ Hatton, New Fietv of Lond. 358 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY there were but twenty-seven in London churches ; they were chiefly given by members of the congregation "° or erected by subscription, as at St. Mar- garet's Westminster, where, in 1675,'" several ' persons of honour ' and others contributed £17 4- 3J. That the result of unassisted congregational singing was not altogether successful "^^ may well be assumed, but it must be remem- bered that hymns in the modern sense of the word were not used except on special occasions, such as the dedication of an organ or the annual meeting of the charity school children. The singing was confined to the metrical versions of the Psalms by Sternhold and Hopkins, or the rival Tait and Brady,^^' which were the most popular in spite of attempts at the introduction of other versions, such as that used at St. Laurence Jewry in 1684.'^* A psalm was generally sung between the Litany and the ' second ' or Commu- nion service, and between Morning Prayer and the sermon. The choice was generally left to the parish clerk, a practice deprecated by Bishop Gibson, who, in 1727, requested his clergy to fix once for all a course of psalms to be sung in their order, and directed the clerks to read out the psalm sung line by line for the benefit of those who could not read."^ The cause of congregational singing was not furthered by Dr. Burney, whose influence caused ' cathedral ' music to be introduced into many churches and chapels in London towards the end of the i8th century."" Bishop Porteus tried to remedy this by advocating the training of a few charity children in each parish to lead the singing,"^ and this seems to have led to the request at St. Benet Paul's Wharf for four children to attend the Sunday service."' The Evangelical revival resulted in more musical services ; the Lock Chapel was especially noted for the singing,"' and by 1820 even the greatest opponents of the Methodists recognized that the choice of Psalms was too limited, and that it was not desirable that the singing should be confined to a few while the rest of the congregation sat down to listen.'*^" The conduct of services in the i8th and early 19th centuries differed considerably from the practice of the present day. In 1703 the Lower House of Convocation complained that the prayers were often read irreverently,'^^ and Bishop Gibson in 1727 reminded his clergy that the mumbling of prayers rendered them quite as unintelligible as would the use of an unknown tongue.'"^ Omissions and additions were also sometimes made ; '"' at St. Alphage the society of Edward Stevens used an entirely unauthorized litany for two years.'" The abuse of reading the ante-communion service at the reading desk was firmly established in the i8th century ; ''^ in 1800 it was usual for the celebrant to administer the elements to two communicants at once,''* and the prayer for the Church militant was disused until restored by Bishop Blomfield's efforts.'" The bidding prayer was considered a mark '■» Gent. Mag. Lib. 'Topog.' xvi, 21. '" M. C. E. Walcott, Hist, of Par. Ch. of St. Margaret Westm. jj. '" Towerson, A Sermon concerning vocal and instrumental musick, 26. '" Overton, Life in Engl. Ch. 1 660-1 7 14, pp. 184-8. "* Christie, op. cit. 194. '" Gibson, Charge, 1727. "* Hodgson, Life of Porteus, 108. '" Porteus, Charge, 1790, p. 17. "' St. Benet Paul's Wharf Vestry Minutes. ^" Williamson, John Russell, R.A. 20. '-" Polwhele, Lavington's Enthusiasm of Methodists and Papists, Introd. p. ccvi. Section vi. '" Calamy, Abridgement, &c. i, 635. '" Gibson, Charge, 1727. '" Calamy, loc. cit. '^* St. PauPs Ecclesiological Soc. Trans, vi, I o n. "^ Calamy, op..cit. i, 530-5 ; Parish Churches turned into Conventicles ; Parish Churches no Conventicles. '-« J. A. Park, Mem. of William Stevens, 54. '" Blomfield, Charge, 1846. 359 A HISTORY OF LONDON of High Churchmanship,^^* and gradually tell into disuse in parish churches ; as early as 1696 an extempore prayer had taken its place at the Temple.'^* The behaviour of the congregation was doubtless affected at the end of the 17th century by the disuse of church services under Puritan government. A broadsheet issued in 1667''° gave instructions as to kneeling at prayers and the communion services, and standing for the Gospel and Gloria, an admoni- tion which referred to the custom usual to the 19th century of sitting during the recitation of the Psalms.''^ Few clergymen had the courage or the desire to teach their congregations as did Sacheverell's curate at St. Andrew's Holborn,to stand up at the Gloria and the reading of the second lesson when taken from a Gospel.''^ As the century advanced, so general was the custom of sitting rather than kneeling that in 1804 Bishop Porteus addressed a strongly-worded admonition to his clergy.*^* The habit of bowing to the altar and at the name of Jesus, usual in 1667, was regarded in 17 18 as the mark of a High Churchman,''* and gradually died out, though still regarded as laudable by some Whigs in the middle of the i8th century.'" But apart from ritual observances, the manners of the congregation would not be con- sidered decorous at the present day.''* Swift sarcastically described the church as a meeting-place where business of all kinds might be furthered, and asked the question, ' Whether churches are not dormitories of the living as well as of the dead.' '" To Vanbrugh and Addison the congregation at St. James's Westminster"' and other fashionable churches seemed chiefly concerned with their dress and love affairs ; and ' loud answers and devout convulsions ' on the one hand, and ' a devout giggle and inviting glance' on the other, were alike deprecated by Halifax.''^ The effects of the long years of Puritan government on church life in London were nowhere more distinctly seen than in the use of the sacraments. In spite of the revival in Queen Anne's reign and the urgings of divines '" and religious societies, celebrations of the Eucharist were infrequent compared with other services. The prevalent belief that in primitive times the Holy Communion was celebrated daily had no effect on the Church, though it led to the formation of the schismatic societies at St. Giles' Cripplegate and William Henley's Oratory.'*' At most London churches from 1692 to 1714 there was a monthly celebration ; '*^ in 1692 the service was held every week at AUhallows Barking, St. Andrew's Holborn, St. Peter's Cornhill, St. James's Westminster, St. Giles' Cripplegate, St. Vedast alias Foster, St. Swithin's, and St. Michael Wood Street.'*' By 1711 the last four churches had dropped out, and their places had been taken by St. Stephen Coleman Street, St. Chris- topher le Stocks, and St. Sepulchre's, where there was a celebration on each '" Principles of Low-Church-Men, p. vii. '" Evelyn, Diary, 26 Apr. 1696. "" Anthony Sadler, Schema sacrum in ordine adordinem Ecclesiae Anglicanae ceremoniarum. "' Park, loc. cit. "' Letter to an Inhabitant of the Parish of St. Andrew's Holborn about new Ceremonies in the Church (2nd ed.), 3. "' Porteus, IVorks, vi, 367. "' Principles of Low-Church-Men, p. viii. "* Letter from a Gentleman. "' Overton, Life in Engl. Ch. 1660-1714, pp. 182-3. "' Swift, JVorks (ed. Scott), ix, 237. "' Vanbrugh, Relapse, Act ii, sc. i. "' Ladfs New Tear's Gift, in Foxcroft, Life of Halifax, ii, 388. '*'' S, Wesley, Pious Communicant ; Gibson, Sacrament of the Lord's Supper explained, 4. *" St. PauFs Ecclesioloffcal Soc. Trans, vi, 9, 11. '" An Account of the Places and Times of Morning Prayer (B.M. Pressmark 491, k, 4, no. 1 1); Archidiacon- atus Lond. ; Paterson, Pietas Lond. '" An Account, &c. 360 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Sunday between Easter and Trinity Sundays.'** In 17 14 there were weekly celebrations in sixteen churches, including St. Martin's in the Fields, St. George's Bloomsbury, and St. James's Duke Street. The services were usually held after mattins, but at fifteen churches in 17 14 the celebration was at 6, 7, or 8 o'clock, and at six of these there was a second celebration at midday.^" The custom did not entirely disappear in the deadness of the succeeding years, for at Whitefield's Tabernacle in Tottenham Court Road the service began at 6 o'clock on sacrament Sundays.^" As Church life became more barren the celebrations decreased in number, and it is signifi- cant that in 1732 the guide-book of the parish clerks does not mention the service, though entering into particulars of church furniture and arrangements.'*^ In Queen Anne's reign the number of communicants was often large, even apart from the parochial religious societies ; a great proportion of the congregation at the Savoy were communicants,'*' and at St. Paul's Covent Garden the offertory at the Communion service one Easter Day was ^25.'*' The numbers must have been influenced by the conditions of the Test Act, though at Westminster, at least, a special service was sometimes held for those wishing to qualify for office."" Though the act of communion was recognized as an acknowledgement of church membership,'" many of the Nonconformists,'^* among whom was Richard Baxter, attended the service, a practice which induced the clergy of St. Margaret's Westminster to administer the elements to persons in their pews as late as 1683.'" The early members of the Evangelical School did not neglect the ordinances ; John Wesley held High Church views on the Eucharist, and Thomas Jones, curate of St. Saviour's Southwark, desired a weekly celebra- tion,'" which Romaine established at St. Anne's Blackfriars and handed down to his successor.'^' Unfortunately the desire never to pollute ' that sacred ordinance by giving it to prophane Persons ' '^^ led to infrequent celebrations, though the monthly Eucharist was usual in many London churches in 1835.'" At St. Bride's, under Canon Dale, a fortnightly administration was established about 1840 in order to lessen the crowds of communicants"* which here, as at St. John's Bedford Row, sometimes prolonged the service far on in the afternoon. The services, though few, were well attended ; '^^ there were nearly two hundred communicants at the small Lock Chapel on Easter Day 1828,'^" women bearing a high proportion to men.'" The High Churchmen of the early 19th century desired to restore the office of Holy Communion to a central position in the Sunday services,'^" but the majority of the clergy, including Blomfield and his fellow bishops, were content if *" Archidiaconatus Lond. '" Paterson, op. cit. "* Sunday Ramble, 6 ; Bull, Lifi of John Newton, 70, 71. "' Netu Remarks on Lond. 1732. "' Kidder, Life ofHorneck, 9. '" Patrick, Autobiog. 88 ; Calamy, Hist. Acct. i, 473. ^^» D. and C. Westm. parcel 54. '"' The Case of Moderation (B.M. Pressmark 4105, df, 2), 26. '" Patrick, op. cit. 86. '*' M. C. E. Walcott, Hist, of Par. Ch. of St. Margaret Westm. 78. '■' Thomas Jones, Works (ed. Romaine), 189. '" Goode, Mem. of Rev. William Goode, 106. "* John Stuart, Duty of a Minister, 55. '" Metropolitan Eccl. Guide. "'' Dale, Life of Thomas Pelham Dale, i, 55. "^^ Goode, loc. cit. '*° Grimshawe, Mem. of Rev. Legh Richmond, 103. '*' J. A. Park, An Earnest Exhortation to a frequent Reception of the Holy Sacrament, 21. "^ J. A. Park, Mem. of William Stevens, 53 ; Churton, Mem. of Joshua Watson, i, 238. I 361 46 A HISTORY OF LONDON they could secure a decent and regular performance of Morning Prayer and Evensong.'" But though celebrations of the Holy Communion were not frequent even in the reign of Queen Anne, it was otherwise with the ordinary services. In 1692 there was daily service in seventy London churches and chapels/" all well attended, and it was by no means extraordinary for men of leisure, such as Clarendon or Ralph Thoresby, to attend service once or twice each day. At St. Paul's Covent Garden daily prayers at 10 and 3 o'clock were maintained by ' the gentry and better sort of people,' while the bequest of Thomas Willis '" provided prayers at 6 a.m. and 7 p.m. for tradesmen and servants, who attended in considerable numbers.^" Prayers were also said four times a day at St. James's Westminster until as late as 1753,"^ Arch- bishop Seeker maintaining them at his own expense while rector. Daily prayer at 11 and 7 o'clock was said at St. Botolph Aldgate from 1677 to 1732,'*' and the musical service^" held at 3 o'clock at St. Laurence Jewry in 1692 continued at least until 1732. In 1714"° there was daily service in about sixty-six of the 150 London churches; in 1728*" and 1746'" the number had decreased to about sixty, and the churches numbered 135."' There were a few instances in the middle of the century of the revival of week-day services among the Evangelicals ; Thomas Scott, when joint chaplain of the Lock Chapel, started a Friday evening lecture, and was accused of Arminianism ; "* Thomas Jones, chaplain of St. Mary Overy, found his efforts frustrated '" in the spirit which had made Bishop Gibson determine ' to prevent his clergy burdening them- selves with more than two services on Sunday.'"' There was daily evensong at St. Swithin's in 1744, and at St. Clement Danes there seems to have been daily service in 1779.'" The custom still survived about 1801 in some churches, including St. Vedast alias Foster ; "* while at St. John's Bedford Row evensong was read daily until the closing of the chapel in 1856 ; "* but all these services were sparsely attended.'*" In nearly all London churches in which service was not read daily there w^ere services on Wednesdays, Fridays, and holy days ; the number increased from twenty-three in 1692'" to sixty-six in 1714,'*^ when St. Mary Mag- dalen Old Fish Street, where service was said on holy days, and the chapels in Knightsbridge, Noble Street, Spring Gardens, and Petticoat Lane, were the only churches closed from Sunday to Sunday. The custom of holding services on the 'Litany days' was still universal in 1732.'*' Good Friday was regarded as a day especially suitable for the celebration of the Holy '" Blomfield, Charge, 1834, p. 30. '" B.M. Broadsheet, Pre5sm.irk 491, k, 4 (ll) ; Exhortation to Piety, 3 ; Hyde Corresp. ii, 180, &c. ; Thoresby, Z)/<77y, 23 May 17 12, etc. '" Overton, Life in Engl. Ch. 112. ^ Patrick, Autohiog. 90. ^ Stole's Surv. (ed. 1720), pt. vi, 82. '^ Paterson, Pietas Land. 48 ; Bodl. Lib. Tanner MS. 142, fol. 149 ; Netv Remarks on Lond. "^ Thoresby, Diary, 8 Jan. 1 709. "" Paterson, Pietas Lond. '" Rules for our more devout Behaviour in the time of Divine Sen-ice in the Ch. of Engl. (ed. 1728). '" William Best, Jn Essay upon the Service of the Ch. of Engl. (ed. 1 746). "' St. Pauis Ecclesiohgical Soc. Trans, vi, 1 8. "* John Scott, Life ofT. Scott, 233-4. ' ' Thomas Jones, If 'oris, p. xxi. '"' Gibson, Charge, 1727. '" St. Paul's Ecclesiological Soc. Trans, vi, 22. '" Churton, Mem. of Joshua IVatson, \, 30. '" Bateman, Life of Daniel Wilson, 172. '^ Park, Mem. of William Stevens, 55. '*' B.M. Pressmark 491 k, 4 (11). **' Paterson, Pietas Lond. ^" AVtf Remarks on Lond. 362 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Communion/** which was administered at four City churches in 1711,''* and at six London churches in 1714.'" A sermon was preached in the afternoon before the court every year/*^ and in 17 14 Lent was marked by special services and sermons in many London churches.'*' Holy days indeed were generally recognized and the Eucharist was celebrated, if at no other time, at the three great festivals of Christmas, Easter, and Whit Sunday, while Ascen- sion Day, Ash Wednesday, Candlemas, and the Feast of St. John the Baptist, were celebrated in the same way at various churches. Many lectures were founded on particular saints' days : at St. Andrew's Holborn there was a gift sermon on St. Alban's Day, ; the Feast of St. David was kept at St. Anne's Soho, and at St. Bride's ' a music sermon ' was given yearly on St. Cecilia's Day.*'' The weekly days of obligation were kept by most good churchmen in Queen Anne's reign,^^" and Lent was generally observed. Holy Week or Passion Week, as it was usually called, was spent with some degree of devo- tion, and the queen prohibited the performance of an opera during the period.'^^ She was also much concerned for the due observance of Good Friday, and in 1702 the Royal Exchange was ordered to be closed,''* and the aldermen were requested to see that shops were shut in their respective wards. The day was still respected in 1723,'^"^ though in 1777 it was again necessary to order the closing of the shops and Royal Exchange in response to the Bishop of London's appeal.'^* One of the most flagrant abuses of the time was the custom, universal in London in 17 11,''' of baptizing infants by the public form in private houses. Derived partly from the need of secrecy under Puritan government, partly from Puritan prejudices, the custom was supported by the desire to make some difference ' betwixt people of fashion and the vulgar sort,' and by the presentation to the clergyman of gratuities which in the year bore a high proportion to his fixed income.''* The practice lent itself to uncanonical baptisms ; in 1703—4 the Lower House of Convocation complained that the sign of the cross and the provision of sponsors were sometimes neglected.''^ Taking place in the parlour or bed-chamber, such baptisms were accompanied with much merriment and with customs which even Pepys regarded with some doubt ; ^'' they became more decorous in the course of the 1 8th cen- tury, but even in 1785 Wilberforce speaks of such a christening as 'very indecent, all laughing round.' '" From the point of view of the State the abuse was serious, as such baptisms were frequently omitted from the registers or left to be entered by the parish clerk.*"" In spite of Stillingfleet's arguments *" and constant visitation articles,*"* the custom was unchecked until the middle of the i8th century, when Bishop Atterbury,*"' '" Reresby, Mem. 29, Mar. 1689 ; Secretan, Life of 'Nehon, no. '" Archidiaconatus Lond. ^^ Paterson, op. cit. '" Evelyn, Diary, 6 Apr. 1683. '"' Paterson, op. cit. '*' Ibid. '™ Beveridge, Sermons on the Ministry and Ordinances of the Church (ed. 1837), 269. "' Luttrell, Brief Relation, vi, 29. "' Rec. Corp. Repert. cvii, fol. 248. '" John Johnson, C/ergymanU Vade Mecum, 195. "' Rec. Corp. loc. cit. '" Archidiaconatus Lond. "* Let. from a Clergyman giving his Reasons, 18, 45 ; Evelyn, Diary, 12 Apr. 1689. '" Calamy, Abridgement, Sec. i, 635. ^'° Pepys, Diary, 29 May 1661 ; 18 Oct. 1666. "' R. I. and S. Wilberforce, Life of William Wilberforce, \, 80. *"" Blomfield, Charge, 1830, p. 25. *"' Stillingfleet, Eccl. Cases, pt. i, 210. "' Bodl. Lib. Tanner MS. 124, 125 ; Archidiaconatus Lond. &c. *"' Let. which passed between Bishop Atterbury and Dean Stanhope. A HISTORY OF LONDON the Dean of Westminster, and a clergyman here and there,*"* refused to con- travene the rubric. As late as 1830 Bishop Blomfield complained that the practice had long been partially sanctioned by custom in London, and was still much used, though in more than one important parish it had already been stopped.*"' The practice of churching women in the house was also usual in the i8th century,*"' and was still employed in London in 1830.*"' The canons of 1603 had not insisted on frequent confirmations,*"' and the 1 8th century was not a time for the performance of more than legal duties. The usual age for candidates seems to have been sixteen or seventeen, but younger children were occasionally confirmed, and in 1726 the vicar of St. Leonard's Shoreditch urged his parishioners not to press for the confirma- tion of children before they came to years of discretion, since Bishop Gibson was ' so diligent in the discharge of his trust as even to do more than he is obliged by the Canons, making it a standing rule unto himself to hold con- firmations almost every year.'*"' The rite was almost neglected in the i8th century, but was revived under Evangelical influence ; Bishop Porteus making provision for its performance by friendly bishops during his infirmity,*^" while popular churches such as St. John's Bedford Row presented large numbers of candidates. Bishop Randolph, a High Churchman, held a confirmation soon after succeeding to London,*" and from this time the rite was constantly performed, though about i860 sixty confirmations in the year were still considered a large number for the London diocese. *^^ Irregularities were frequent also in the performing of marriages; a question as to clandestine marriages figured in the visitation articles of 1685— 6, and was generally satisfactorily answered,*" but the extent of the evil is evident from the constant repetition of the question at other visitations. The marriages at the Fleet Prison were notorious, as were those at St. James's Duke's Place, wherein 1674—5 the Court of Aldermen, patrons of the living, dismissed the incumbent for marrying ' at all hours ' ; *^* and Dr. Keith, in- cumbent of Mayfair Chapel, was well known for the irregular marriages he performed. The shifting of population must ever be a prominent factor in London Church life. London and Westminster had been joined in the early 17th cen- tury, and the districts round Soho Square and St. James's Square were, in 1685, formed into the new parishes of St. Anne's Soho and St. James's West- minster.*" Soon afterwards the quarter to the north of this part of Picca- dilly was filled with fashionable houses, and St. George's Hanover Square was built. In the reign of George II the most fashionable districts were Bloomsbury Square, Lincoln's Inn Fields, Soho Square, Queen's Square, Westminster, Leicester Fields, Golden Square, and Charing Cross. *^^ Custom and fashion demanded attendance at church, but in all these new quarters the people rapidly outgrew the church accommodation, and it was computed that at least 40,000 persons could never go to church for lack of room.**^ "' Let. from a Clergyman. *°' Blomfield, Charge, 1830, pp. 23, 24. "' Let. from a Clergyman, 42. *" Blomfield, loc. cit. '™ Canon Ix. "' Denne, The Nature, Design, and Benefits of Confirmation. *'° Randolph, Primary Charge. «" Ibid. *" Tait, Present Position of Ch. of Engl 79. *" Bodl. Lib. Tanner MSS. 124-5. '" Rec. Corp. Repert. kxx, fol. 25^. *'* Stat. I Jas. II, cap. 20, 22. *'* Lecky, Hist, of Engl in the i8/i Cent, i, 565. *" Baxter, Breviate of the life of Margaret . . . wife of Richard Baxter, 54. This estimate no doubt covers 3l greater area than that strictly included in London as here dealt with. 36+ ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Two methods of supplying new churches presented themselves. The earlier and more legitimate method was the erection of district chapels, in imitation of the New Chapel built in Westminster in 1631. The idea was adopted by Tenison and his successors in the overgrown parish of St. Martin's in the Fields.*" The first chapel was that built by Richard Baxter in Oxenden Street,"' and leased to the vestry of St. Martin's ; in 17 14 the parish was also supplied with chapels in Knightsbridge, Russell Court, formerly a Nonconformist place of worship, and now largely supported by ' the gentlemen of Her Majesty's Playhouse,' and Holy Trinity, Conduit Street.*^" At the same date there was a chapel of ease to St. James's West- minster, in King Street, Golden Square, built of wood by Tenison, and rebuilt in brick in 1702 ; further repairs in 171 3 rendered it 'a very spacious and beautiful chapel.' *'^ The parish of St. Margaret's Westminster was served by the New Chapel,*^^ now Christ Church Victoria Street, in the jurisdiction of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster, which, twenty-five years later, was frequented by ' one of the best and politest congregations in town.'*^^ A chapel had been erected at the Restoration at Poplar in the parish of Stepney, which had also a tabernacle in Petticoat Lane, and St. Giles in the Fields had obtained the chapel in Great Queen Street erected in 1706 by the schismatic Baggely.*^* But though these and other chapels of ease were erected, it was felt that more systematic church-building was needed than the private efforts recommended by Nelson to persons of quality. Swift desired legislative action, and perhaps did more than any other man to bring it about. In 17 10 an Act was passed authorizing the erection of fifty new churches within the district known as the Bills of Mortality, to be erected with the proceeds of the coal tax.*^^ A commission was issued on 21 September 1710, and Wren was consulted on the disposition of the churches. *"° The report of the commissioners is not available, and the position of some of the twenty- three churches built cannot easily be explained.*" St. John's Westminster, consecrated in 1728, is remarkably close to St. Margaret's, which had just been enlarged, and to the New Chapel, from which it is said to have drawn off the congregation,*^^ though the new district was computed to contain 4,250 houses.*^** Proprietary chapels were the second remedy, and owed their origin either to the action of the inhabitants *^'' or to individual enterprise. In either case their position was anomalous and opposed to the parochial system. The chapels built by subscription were the earliest type ; of these there were two in London in 1714 : the chapels in Noble Street in the parish of St. Giles Cripplegate, and St. George's Queen's Square. Those built by the landlords of the locality at the same date were in Duke Street, Queen's Square, and Spring Gardens, Westminster, Ailesbury Chapel and White Lion Yard ; *'^ they were always erected in fashionable districts, and their anomalous "° D. and C. Westm. extra-parochial box 2 ; ' The Chapels.' *" Calamy, Hist. Acct. ii, 71. "" Paterson, Ptetas Load. 127, 251, 278. "' Ibid. 126. *'" D. and C. Westm. extra-parochial box 2 ; 'Caseabout the Chapels.' '-' Thomas Newton, Works, i, 9. ^" Paterson, op. cit. 246, 248, 268. *" Stat. 9 Anne, cap. 22. '-" Nelson, Address to Persons of Quality and Estate, App. i ; Wren, Parentalia, 318. '" J. E. Smith, S/. John the Evangelist Par. Mem. 17. *'* D. and C. Westm. extra-parochial box 2 ; ' The Chapels.' *" Smith, op. cit. 14. "° Johnson, Clergyman's Vade Mecum, 25. "' Paterson, Pietas Lond. 1, 73, 86, 209, 248, 261, 269. 365 A HISTORY OF LONDON position affected them in all relations. That there was already a parish church in the neighbourhood made no difference to the ' ecclesiastical poacher,' who bore his title with equanimity as long as his chapel paid him well. The parochial clergy feared the withdrawal of their dues and resented interference, though the evil really arose from their neglect ; Sacheverell, as rector of St. Andrew's Holborn, complained that the chapel of St. George's ' had in some measure taken away from him a great branch of the best part of his parish.' **^ Being built on freehold and not on leasehold property, many of these chapels were not consecrated and might be converted to a secular use, or, if consecrated, they might be closed ; *" several chapels, like that in Orange Street, passed into the hands of Nonconformist bodies.*'* The question of the right of patronage arose in 172 1, when some Whigs began to build the chapel of St. John Bedford Row, in Sacheverell's parish of St. Andrew's Holborn, and claimed the nomination of the preacher.*'' Sacheverell entered a counterclaim, and the Whig Bishop Robinson licensed the proprietors' nominee. The case, which was watched with interest, as it affected various chapels then building, was settled by a compromise, and henceforth the proprietor nominated a minister who could only officiate with the consent of the incumbent of the parish, with whom he had no other connexion. He was, however, answerable to the ordinary in matters of discipline.*'^ The London proprietary chapel was an independent unit, owned and controlled by the proprietor ; being separated from the parish, the minister could only read the services and administer the sacraments ; he might perform no parochial offices, though in 1740 Dr. Keith, of Mayfair Chapel, was notorious for his celebrations of clandestine marriages.*" The proprietor usually built and maintained the chapel as a commercial undertaking,*'* to enhance the value of the adjoining property and to make a profit from the pew rents, which were invariably high ; at Grosvenor Chapel in 1786 the yearly rent of a pew was ^^15 oj. 2t/.*" Few free seats were provided,**** and the congregations were composed entirely of rich people and their servants.**^ Although the proprietor usually received the pew rents,**" at Queen's Square Chapel, where ^(^176 was thus paid and all spent on the chapel, the lessees received the offertories.**' An exception to this commercialism was some- times found, as at Spring Gardens, where in 1738 the proprietor divided the profits among the officiating clergy.*** To let the pews the proprietor had to find a popular preacher ; the pecuniary difficulties of the Lock Hospital were ascribed to the governors' failure in this respect. The result was that the minister was entirely dependent on the proprietor, and was often underpaid.**' Not infrequently the minister became the lessee of the chapel, but this did not lessen the irregularities,*** and, in 1748, at the "' Case of the Rector and Patron of St. Andrew's Holborn, lo. '" Haggard, Rep. of Cases in Eccl. Courts, ii, 50. "' Pratt, Life of Rev. Richard Cecil, ii, 50. '" Case of the erection of a chapel or oratory in the Parish oj St. Andrew's Holborn (B.M. Pressmark 698, g, 15, no. 9), 6. "° Reph to the Case of the Rector and Patron of St. Andrew's Holborn, App. *" Phillimore, EccL Law of the Ch. of Engl. 1,250. "' Middleton, Address to the Parishioners of St. Pancras, 8. "' MSS. of Earl of Verulam (Hist. MSS. Com.), zi8. "" Bateman, Life of Daniel Wilson, 171. "' Randolph, Charge, 1 8 10, p. 24. *" Heales, Hist, and Lazv of Church Scats or Pews, ii, I 33. "' D. and C. Westm. extra-parochial box 2 ; ' The Chapel in Queen's Square.' •" Thomas Newton, H'orks, i, 26. *" Yates, The Ch. in Danger, 34. *" Polwhele, Lavington's Enthusiasm of Methodists and Papists, Introd. p. ccxy. Sect. xi. 366 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY chapels at Duke Street, Queen's Square, and the New Way Westminster, strong suspicion was entertained of the misuse of offertory money. "^ Though begun in the 17th century, it was not really until the early 19th century that the proprietary chapel reached the height at once of its power and of its evil. In 18 I 2 there were three proprietary chapels in the parish of St. Pancras, all well conducted,*** but giving a false idea of the supply of spiritual benefits to the parish, and subsidized by the vestry.**^ Appropriated seats in churches have been known since the earliest times,**" but the abuse of appropriating all the sitting accommodation with the exception of narrow benches in the darkest corners of the church was peculiar to the period now in question. Some pews were probably erected in nearly every London church before 1667 ; *" the Guildhall chapel was fitted with pews in 1676-7, and in 1685 a pew in Bow Church was provided for the master, wardens, and assistants of the Brewers' Company. The vestries were under the necessity of providing, however inadequately, for the poor of the parish, and pew rents promised large returns ; they accordingly erected pews, sometimes without the consent of the incumbent, as at St. Dionis Backchurch in 1685,*" and without faculty; for, as was frankly said in 1723, 'if the Ordinary be never so much disposed to remove Pews or Railes erected without his Licence yet there is no great fear of his coming to the knowledge of it, unless it be a Church in which he keeps his Visitation, for he rarely looks into any other.' *" The pew system was essentially anti-parochial and opulent ; there was no room left in church for the poor.*** How impossible it was to reconcile it with missionary effort was shown at St. Mary Woolnoth in 1780, when John Newton's preaching attracted many strangers, who took the appropriated seats and filled the aisles, to the disgust of the pewholders.*** At St. Dunstan's in the East the pews yielded an annual rental of ^66 4;-. j\.d. ; at St. John's Bedford Row, the amount was over ^500 in 1809.**^ In many of the churches built in the early 1 9th century pew rents were the incumbents' only source of income, and yet Bishop Jackson (1869—85) could say that nearly one hundred such churches*" maintained an incumbent and two curates. The fashionable churches were, and still are, the chief offenders in this respect, but Bishop Tait (1856-69) did much to improve matters, and preached his first sermon as Bishop of London at St. James's Westminster, when it was re-opened in 1856 with 150 new and unappropriated seats. Throughout this period the vestry had the control of church funds, and, was the unit of civil organization. The close or select vestry, a body com- posed of twelve or more parishioners elected for life, in which the vacancies were filled by co-option, was the dominant feature in fifty or sixty out of 100 London parishes. In Westminster the select vestries of St. Margaret's and St. John's, and of St. Martin's in the Fields, were at first filled with men who had no interests in the contracts made by the vestry for the lighting, cleaning, and repairing of the church and for civil purposes, with the result *" D. and C. Westm. extra-parochial box 2 ; ' The Case about the Chapels.' "' Middleton, Address to the Parishioners of St. Pancras, 1 1. *" Wilks, Mem. of Rev. Basil Woodd, 40. •*» Arch, liii, 94. *" Heales, Hist, and Law of Ch. Seats or Pews, 1, passim. *" Bodl. Lib. Tanner MS. 125, fol. 185-91. "' Johnson, Clergyman's Fade Mecum, 179. *"' Wren, Parentalia, 321. *" Bull, Mem. of John Nezcton, 246. '*' Bateman, Life of Daniel Wilson, 171. "' i.e. in the ' Greater London ' of modern times. A HISTORY OF LONDON that the funds were well and honestly administered, until the character of the vestry changed and these members became interested persons. At St. George's Hanover Square, where the vestrymen were unconnected with trade, the administration was uniformly honest."' In the City, however, it was far otherwise. Aldermen were exempt from serving as churchwardens,*" and they seem to have taken little interest in the vestries, which were filled with small tradesmen,"" who divided the contracts among themselves. At St. Sepulchre's and Christ Church Spitalfields, entirely unnecessary repairs were undertaken for the sole purpose of giving contracts to vestrymen ; *" complaints were made in 169 1—2 that the money and stock of St. Magnus were misapplied,**^ and at St. Margaret Lothbury large sums of parish money were spent on bread, points and wands on Holy Thursday, and on refresh- ments.**' Feasts at the public expense were frequent, and the cost was rarely as modest as the £1 /^.s. 6d. spent on coffee by the vestry of St. Dunstan's in the West when auditing the pew roll in 1709.*" This condition of affairs lasted well into the 19th century, when the funds of the City churches had grown enormously with the increased value of property. In 1874 the vestry of St. Vedast's with St. Michael le Querne controlled an annual income of jri,532 7J. \d. available for church purposes, but used largely to reduce the rates.*" The vestries did much to deaden church life in the i8th century ; the excessive fees charged for burial dues*" and sittings alienated the lower middle classes, who turned to the conventicles of the newer Nonconformist bodies, which they supported the more readily as Wesley consistently described his societies as siding with and not separating from the Church. The control of the vestry over the church and its officials made it extremely difficult for the incumbent to vary customs, and at least one vestry prohibited the addition of another service on the ground of the wear and tear involved. Influenced by politics, controversy, and social conditions, London Church life in the early i8th century was notably conventional, and interested only in the intellectual side of religion.*" The ardent spirit of Nelson and Horneck was inherited by few of the next generation, who were generally inclined to accept things as they were, and, taught by Sacheverell, regarded enthusiasm and popery as the strongest opiates in the world.**' But the older ideals sur- vived in Samuel Wesley, rector of Epworth, who had gained some distinction in London by his Athenian Oracle and sermons for religious societies, the traditions of which he handed down to his family. Probably as the result of his father's reputation as a High Churchman John Wesley was able in 1738 to preach at St. Andrew's Holborn, St. Clement Danes, St. Laurence Jewry, and other churches with High Church traditions.*" But his strong words and appeals to the Atonement scandalized congregations used to sermons on morality or the misdoings of the Government, and the clergy were annoyed '" Sidney and B. Webb, Engl. Local Govt, i, I74n, 236-40. '" Rec. Corp. Repert. ci, fol. 187. *™ John Marriott, Representation of some Mismanagements. "' Webb, op. cit. i, 235. *" Rec. Corp. Repert. xcvi, fol. zzo. '" Sit. Margaret Lotkbury Vestry Minutes (ed. Fresh field), App. 150. *" Hist. Acct. of Cons tit. of Fes try of Par. of St. Dunstan's in the West. *" H. P. D.-ile, Life of Thomas Pelham Dale, i, 141. *'^ Francis Sadler, The Exactions and Impositions of Parish Fees Discovered. «' R. I. and S. Wilherforce, Life of William Wilberforce, i, 76. *"* Birch, Life ofTillotson, 74. "•^ Wesley, Journ. 12 Feb. 1738 ; 3 Nov. 1738 ; 26 Mar. 1738 ; 7 May 1738, etseq. 368 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY at his criticism of their neglect of pastoral duties.*'" His first sermons were usually his last, and in 1740 he began his career as a ' missioner,' regarding his ministrations in much the same way as Baxter had done,"^ as helpful to the Church in a time of necessity, and in 1756 Whitefield opened the Tabernacle in Tottenham Court Road. Wesley was mobbed several times,*" denounced as an enthusiast and as a Jesuit in disguise, but the new light grew and was felt among the City clergy.*" Godden, a member of the Wesleys' Oxford Society, became rector of St. Stephen's Coleman Street, and though differing from Wesley, differed still more decidedly from the general London clergy.*^* William Romaine, a disciple of Whitefield, was lecturer at St. George's Hanover Square, until the large congregation he drew caused his dismissal,*" and he was elected rector of St. Anne's Blackfriars in 1764. Thomas Jones, chaplain of St. Saviour's Southwark, drew large congrega- tions,*" and various lectureships were filled with men of the new ideas. But progress was slow. Jones died early, worn out with overwork in 1 774,*" and though there were about ten lecturers of the school,*" the only beneficed Evangelicals were William Romaine and John Newton, who at St. Mary Woolnoth was the confessor and counsellor of the party.*" In 1787 the chapel of St. John Bedford Row came into the hands of Richard Cecil, whose eloquence did much to spread evangelical views ; and the party was further strengthened by the appointment of Beilby Porteus to the bishopric of London in 1787. Though not strictly an Evangelical, his sympathies were with the philanthropic reforms of the party, and the pungent criticisms based on careful inquiry *™ of his primary charge must have given a shock to the more old-fashioned of his clergy. In 1783 Newton, Henry Foster, rector of St. John's Clerkenwell, Cecil, and Eli Bates founded the ' Eclectic Society,' **^ a clerical club for consultation and discussion, which by 1800 had become the centre of the Evangelical party. As the pressure of the European War increased, the new ideas with their strong emotional appeal found more and more followers, and the small band of clergy who in 1798 began services of intercession were gladly heard. **^ By the energy, good sense, and real spiritual power of the ' Clapham Sect,' the Evangelical party spread its influ- \ ence wide, organizing parishes and originating philanthropic schemes such as ' soup kitchens.**' By 1830 it was the dominant influence in the Church in London,*** and Wilberforce could speak with joy of the great increase in religion during the past forty years.**' The Countess of Huntingdon's Connexion was another expression of the Evangelical revival. Her chapels were proprietary, and as many of them were unlicensed even the bishops did not object to the clergy officiating *'" Gibson, Charge, 1 74 1-2, p. 8 et seq. "^ 'Q&itt.tT, Breviate of the Life of Margaret . . . wife of Richard Baxter, j^. *'' Wesley, J cum. 14 Sept. 1739 ; 28 Sept. 1 739. *" Letters of Horace Walpole (ed. Cunningham), ii, 126. *'* Wesley, Treatise on "Justification. *" Ryle, Christian Leaders of the Last Century, 159. *™ Thomas Jones, Works, p. xxi. *" Taylor, Annals of St. Mary Overy, 1 1 7. *" Some Acct. of the State of Religion in Lond. 24 et seq. '" Mem. of John Newton (ed. Bickersteth), i, 190. *'" Hodgson, Life of Porteus, 106. '" Bull, Life of John Newton, 262 ; Pratt, Eclectic Notes, I. '" Thomas Scott, Observations of the Signs and Duties of the Present Times, 10. *" Wilberforce, Private Papers, 88 ; Pratt, Eclectic Notes, 652. *'* The State of Things for 1831 (B.M. Pressmark, 4108 d, 114, no. i). "* Wilberforce, Private Papers, 279. I 369 47 A HISTORY OF LONDON there. *^° The members of the Connexion did not deem themselves Dissenters ; many, Hlce John Russell the painter,*" being strongly attached to the Church of England. It was not until 178 1 that the necessity of either submitting to the canons, or of licensing the chapels as Dissenting places of worship under the Toleration Act, drove Lady Huntingdon to accept the latter alternative.*®* But the revival at the beginning of the 19th century was not confined to one school of thought. The energetic band of High Churchmen,**' styled ' the Hackney phalanx,' were particularly active in the north of London. The influence of this devoted group does not seem to have made itself greatly felt in the City and Westminster, but it was doubtless on their lines that Bishop Blomtield laid the foundations of the London movement. The reforming spirit of 1832 was felt not merely in parliamentary and civil affairs, but in the life of the Church in London."" Charles James Blomfield, as rector of St. Botolph's Bishopsgate, was an active organizer as well as a great scholar. Elected Bishop of London in 1 828 he increased the administrative efficiency of the diocese in 1833 by the formation of forty-seven rural deaneries, each consist- ing of about ten parishes.*" This revival of Bishop Henchman's proposal*" was made at an opportune moment, for already ' a spirit of innovation ' was abroad *'' among the younger Oxford clergy, and in London there was a desire to return to a stricter observance of the rubrics.*'* In 1838 Dean Hook startled London by his sermon before the young queen on ' Hear the Church,' *^' but so far the new ideas were chiefly expounded in London by young Oxford men, who met with opposition from the beneficed clergy, and with little sympathy from the bishop.*'^ While the Tractarians were engaged with doctrine Blomfield was working to revive the due celebration of divine service in accordance with the rubrics and canons. The ' London move- ment ' was expressed in Blomfield's charge of 1842, in which he desired his clergy to hold services on the Feasts of the Circumcision, Epiphany, and Ascension, daily through Passion week, on the Monday and Tuesday after Easter Day and Whit Sunday, and upon Ash Wednesday. He also required that baptism should be administered at the time appointed by the rubric, and that the prayer for the Church militant should be read.*" Some of the clergy at once complied ; *'* opposition came, not as was anticipated from the rectors of the great west-end parishes, but from seventeen Evan- gelical clergymen of Islington.*'' Twenty years later Blomfield's contentions were universally admitted, though the black gown still held its place in most London pulpits.^"" The bishop's course was disapproved by the Tractarians, whose influence began to be felt among the older clergy soon after 1840. William Dods- worth at All Saints Margaret Street and later at Christ Church Albany Street*"^ formed a little centre for Tractarian teaching in its most extreme form. He was followed at All Saints by Oakley, against whom the bishop instituted ** Carus, Mem. of Rev. Charles Simeon, 277. *" G. C. Williamson, John Russell, R.J. 25. '** Abbey and Overton, Engl. Ch. in the lith Cent, ii, 125. ** Mozley, Reminiscences, i, 339. *^ Churton, Life 0/ Joshua Watson, ii, 3, 4. <" Blomfield, Charge, 1834, p. 32. «" Ibid. 65. <» Ibid. i. *** A. Blomfield, Mem. ofC. J. Blomfield, ii, 3. '" Mozley, Reminiscences, 1,444. "' Blomfield, Mem. ii, 9, 12. '" Blomfield, Charge, 1842. "'Blomfield, Mem. ii, 44. '" Ibid. 50-1. The details of this incident lie beyond the scope of the present article. '^ Ibid. 63. *<" Mozley, op. cit. il, 10. .370 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY a prosecution in the Court of Arches/"^ St. Paul's Knightsbridge and the daughter church of St. Barnabas PimUco were noted for musical services and ' innovations,' ^°^ which were attended by rioting. A few years later St. Andrew's Wells Street, St. Alban's Holborn, All Saints Margaret Street, St. Ethelburga's, St. Mary Magdalene Paddington, and St. Vedast Foster were well known for elaborate ritual and parochial organization. The move- ment grew, and Bishop Tait promoted the Public Worship Regulation Act, passed in 1874,^°* under which Alexander Mackonochie, perpetual curate of St. Alban's Holborn, and Thomas Pelham Dale, rector of St. Vedast's, suifered imprisonment, raising that question of the nature of the Church of England '"^ which has ever since troubled the Church life of London. From the London movement arose the Broad Church party under the leadership of F. D. Maurice and Charles Kingsley, and the change which had come over Church life in London by 1 860 was largely due to the point of view they adopted. It has been pointed out that the divines of the 17th and 1 8th centuries had little sympathy with the moral or philanthropic aspects of religion ; Beilby Porteus was the first Bishop of London whose charges reflected any interest in such matters ; the Tractarians were much occupied with professional questions, and the Evangelicals with combating the new views. It was the clergy of the London movement who developed the abundant Church organization of the present day and brought the needs of the people vividly before their congregations. This work of the Church in the middle of the 19th century is best displayed in Westminster. The improvements in other parts of London had resulted in a great increase of population there, the two parishes of St. Margaret's and St. John's containing, in 1842, a population of 50,000. To provide clergy, churches, and schools the Westminster Spiritual Aid Fund was founded, ^°° and so urgent was the appeal that sufficient money was obtained to build and endow five churches. The parish of St. Mary the Virgin was formed in 1841, and on 8 November 1849 Blomfield laid the stones of Holy Trinity Vauxhall Bridge Road and St. Matthew Great Peter Street, which the inhabitants did their best to injure by breaking the windows, assaulting the workers, and stealing everything on which they could lay their hands. ^"^ The next parishes formed were, in 1850, St. Stephen's Rochester Row, for which Baroness Burdett- Coutts gave nearly jrgo,ooo, and St. James the Less in 1861.^°^ The work of church building was going on steadily in other parts of London. Bishop Blomfield created a fund for this purpose in 1836*°' to which ^^226, 000 was subscribed by 1854"° and twenty-three churches built. "^ Blomfield, who consecrated 198 churches during his episcopacy, was succeeded in 1856 by Bishop Tait, the founder of the Bishop of London's Fund. In 1875 a return showed that since 1840 thirteen new churches had been provided for the parish of St. George's Hanover Square, three for St. Martin's in the Fields, five for St. James's Westminster, four for St. Mar- "' A. Blomfield, Mm. ii, 73. "" Westerton, Case of the Churchwardens and Incumbent of St. Paul's Knightsbridge. "' Stat. 37 & 38 Vict. cap. 85. "' Creighton, The Ch. and the Nation, p. viii. '" Overton and Wordsworth, Christopher Wordsworth, Bp. of Lincoln, 97. '" J. E. Smith, St. John the Evangelist Par. Mem. 224. '»» Ibid. 227. *"' Blomfield, Proposals for the Creation of a Fund. "" Blomfield, Charge, 1854, p. 25. "' Tait, Charge; 1858, p. 5. A HISTORY OF LONDON garet's and St. John's, ten in the east City, four in the west City, ten for St. Sepulchre's, eighteen for Shoreditch, twenty-three for Spitalfields, thirty for Stepney, as well as churches for other districts."^ By 1884 it was evident that the old parishes were losing their popula- lation by emigrations to the further suburbs."' Even in 1862 there were thirty-one City parishes with populations of under 600."* How complete since then has been the depopulation is shown by the return that, in 1904,"° forty-six churches had congregations of under 100, as compared with twenty-one churches in 1858."^ The shifting of population has been met by new organization ; the interest in the moral life of the people resulted in the establishment of creches, industrial schools, district nurses, and loan societies in all the populous parishes."^ The efforts made in 1858 to draw the middle classes to church by opening St. Paul's "' and Westminster Abbey "' for evening service have been followed by well-attended midday services at St. Paul's and other City churches; since 1862"° many City rectors have followed the advice of Dr. MacNeile and have opened their churches for private prayer during the week. The Church in London, with its missions and missioners, from the Church Army to the Cowley Fathers, is no inconsiderable factor in the life of the people. The strong national prejudice against the Roman Church which had induced the Popish Plot and had given colour to the Revolution did not die out at once. In 1690 a proclamation ordered the departure of all Papists living in the City or within a radius of 10 miles,^'^ and returns of all Papists within the City were ordered by precept in 1694—5, 1701—2,"^ and later in the 18th century. Walpole's policy of toleration and the failure of the Rebellion of 171 5 tended to assuage the popular dislike ; few converts were made and Roman Catholics in London generally attended the chapels of the Sardinian, Bavarian, or other foreign embassies, though there were a few small boys' schools ^^' and one or two English chapels in 1780, that in Ropemakers' Alley'-* being the most important. In 1778 an Act ^-" was passed relieving Roman Catholics of the disabilities imposed by the Act of 1689,'-° and in the following year Lord George Gordon became president of the Protestant Association. Supported by the Common Council '" the association drew up a petition against the new measure. Its presentation was the excuse for anti- Popery riots lasting from 2 to 9 June. The chapels of the Sardinian and Bavarian embassies, together with that in Ropemakers' Alley,'** were plun- dered and burnt,'^' and it was only the arrival of the military which prevented the fire becoming general."" A few years later the Common Council again '" Jackson, Our Present Difficulties {Charge, 1875), App. "' Jackson, Five Tears in the Diocese of Lond. {Charge, 1884), 7. '" Tait, Charge, 1862, p. 63. '" Mudie-Smith, Relsg. Life of Lond. 126. "* Tait, Charge, 1858, p. 132. '" Charles Booth, Life and Labour of People in Lond. (Ser. 3), vii, 56 et seq. "' Birch, Lond. Ch. 21. '" Charles Wordsworth, Annals of my Early Life, 1806-46, p. 31 n. '™ Tait, Charge, 1862, p. 72. '" Wilkins, Concilia, iv, 623. '" Rec. Corp. Repert. xcix (pt. 2), fol. 161 ; ibid, cvi, fol. 91. '" Gasquet, Short Hist. ofCath. Ch. in Engl. 124-7. "* Welch, Modem Hist, of City of Lond. 59 et seq. '" Stat. 18 Geo. Ill, cap. 60. '" Stat. I & 2 Will, and Mary, cap. 8. "' Corp. Rec. Journ. Ixviii, fol. 29, 61, 66. "' Welch, loc. cit. '" Protestant Association Notice (B.M. Pressmark, 1855, c, 4, no. 48) ; ibid. no. 58. "» Bull, Life ofNeuiton, 248. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY passed a resolution against the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts/" but the growth of Nonconformity inevitably increased the spirit of tolerance. By 1827 the sentiment of the City had changed;"'' in 1829 Peel was presented with the freedom for his work in favour of Catholic emancipation, and this was followed by an address from the Common Council petitioning both Houses of Parliament to support the measure."' In 1830 the inscrip- tion charging the Roman Catholics with causing the Great Fire was removed from the Monument,"* and in the same year the Catholic Emancipation Bill was passed by Parliament. The change in public opinion enabled the Church to perform her work, and services openly ; in 1792 the first Roman Catholic chapel in West- minster was opened in York Street, but was closed in 1798 for lack of funds. The same fate met the chapel established by the Neapolitan embassy in Great Smith Street in 1802. There was afterwards a temporary chapel in Dartmouth Street, and in 1 8 1 3 was built the church of St. Mary, Horseferry Road, enlarged in 1852."' In 18 14 there were twelve chapels in London and the City served by thirty-one priests, and an estimated Roman Catholic population of 49,800 ; in 1829 the Roman Catholic population had increased to 146,000 out of an estimated total of 1,500,000."' The important chapel of St. Mary Moorfields, pulled down a few years ago, was opened in 1820, whea it succeeded the two secret chapels which existed there as early as 1740;"^ twelve other London chapels were enumerated in 1835."' The Papal Bull of 1850 was followed by the organization of the diocese of Westminster under Cardinal Wiseman,"' but the fine cathedral was not used for service until 1902; including this and the largely-attended St. George's Cathedral there were, in 1904, fourteen chapels in Westminster and South wark."" When the Huguenot refugees flocked to London in 1686'*' they found in Threadneedle Street a French Protestant church which had existed since 1550."' The number of the new immigrants necessitated the building of another church in Aldersgate in 1686, and of churches in Spitalfields and Hungerford Market in the following year. By 1688 twelve more churches were established in the Savoy, Castle Street, Leicester Square, Spring Gardens, Dean Street Soho, and other parts of London,"' and the Royal Exchange was specially opened on Sunday for the accommodation of French Protestants between the times of morning and afternoon service."* In 1904 there were three French Protestant churches in Westminster out of the seven foreign Protestant churches in the metropolis."^ The prejudice which, in 1676-7, would have banished the Jews from the City'" found an expression in 1704—5 when several German Jews attempted to erect a new synagogue within the walls, but were prevented by the Common Council."^ But though labouring under disabilities, extended "' Corp. Rec. Journ. Ixxii, fol. 70. '" Ibid, ci, fol. 174-7, 180. '" Ibid, cii, fol. 376-73. "< Welch, op. cit. 167. '" J. E. Smith, St. John the Evangelist Par. Mem. 245. "* Gasquet, op. cit. 1 24-7. "' Welch, op. cit. 150 ; Harting, Cath. Lond. Missions, 82. "' Metropolitan Eccl. Dir. 148 et seq. '" Blomfield, Mem. ofC. J. Blomjield, ii, 140. '" Mudie-Smith, Relig. Life of Lond. 108, 182, 259. '" Cooper, Foreign Protestants, 35-59. '" Burn, French Protestant Refugees, 24. *" R. Lane Poole, Hist, of Huguenots of Dispersion, 80-6. '" Ivimey, Life of William Kiffin, 108 ; Rec. Corp. Repert. xciii, fol. ()zb. "* Mudie-Smith, op. cit. 107, 126, 182. "« Rec. Corp. Repert. Ixxxii, zilb. Ibid, cix, fol. 199, 215. 373 iil A HISTORY OF LONDON even to converts to Christianity,"* by 1835 the Jews had built synagogues at Bevis Marlis, Bookerds Gardens, Leadenhall Street, Bricklayers' Hall, Church Row^, Fenchurch Street, Duke Street, Houndsditch, St. Alban's Place, Regent Street, and Maiden Lane, Covent Garden/" There were, in 1904, four synagogues in the City, one in Southwark, and three in the City of West- minster."" The great mass of the Jewish population, however, lives beyond the limits of the Citv. An account such as the present must of necessity deal chiefly with the external side of religion ; yet even services and controversies are not without their significance as indications of those spiritual movements which respond so readily to political and economic pressure from without. The review must be in some ways one-sided, it must leave many things unnoticed and unsaid, and especially when dealing with the 19th and this 20th century, in which new methods of criticism, new ideals of philanthropy, new manifesta- tions of mysticism, jangling yet in some sort harmonious, are working out the future of the churches to the greater glory of God. Part VII — Nonconformity in London The Restoration, although in its political aspect a mere incident in the transition from despotic to constitutional monarchy, was the occasion of an ecclesiastical crisis — nothing less than the extrusion of Puritanism from the Established Church and the commencement of organized Non- conformity. While an Established Church is actually, perhaps necessarily, organized on territorial lines, it is otherwise with free religious societies. Based on voluntary consociation, they but little regard parochial or municipal boundaries, which they pass and repass without breach of historical continuity, as the expiration of a lease or the termination of a tenancy may render expedient. So much has this been the case in London, where the growth of population has practically obliterated such artificial boundaries as 'The Liberties of the City ' or ' The Borough of Southwark,' that a strict exclusion from our review of all that lies beyond these limits would not merely imperfectly represent, but would positively misrepresent the history of London Nonconformity.^ "' Welch, op. cit. 68, l6i. "' MttrofoRtan Eccl. Dir. 189 et seq. "° Mudie-Smith, op. cit. 265. ' A few illustrations of this fact seem desirable. A Presbyterian congregation was formed about 1662 in the parish of St. Katherine's. In 1682 it divided ; one section built a meeting-house in Nightingale Lane, Wapping, and removed in 1806 to Pell Street, Wellclose Square, where it ceased to exist about I 830. The other removed to Great Eastche.ip in 1682; to the King's Weigh-house, Little Eastcheap, 1697; to Fish Street Hill 1834.; to Cannon Street 1883 ; and to Duke Street, Grosvenor Square, 1 891. Both sections became Independent in the l8th century. The Baptist church formed in Wapping in 1633 divided about 1653. One section removed to Devonshire Square, where they met until 1S71, and then migrated to Stoke Newington. The other portion removed about 1731 to Goodman's Fields, and subsequently to Commercial Street, Whitechapel. A Presbyterian church was formed ' near the Mint ' in Southwark about 1 666, removing to St. Thomas in 1 703, and subsequently to Stamford Street. Another church, constituted about 1670 in Tothill Street, Westminster, removed in I 703 to Princes Street, and some time in the 19th century was united with that in Stamford Street, Southwark. Both these societies had become Unitarian before 1 780. Many other examples might easily be adduced. See W. Wilson, Hist, of Dissoiting Ckurckes, passim, and Wilson MS. E. in Dr. Williams's Library. 374 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY During the rule of the Long Parliament many parochial clergymen had been displaced by sequestration or otherwise ; some for immorality, some for heresy or incompetence, and a still larger number for ' malignancy,' i.e. active hostility to the party in power.'' It was recognized by the Convention Parlia- ment (25 April— 29 December 1660) that these displacements were irregular and of doubtful legality, and all who survived of the sequestered clergy were at once restored to their benefices ; the rest of the parochial clergy, with some exceptions, being confirmed in their respective posts. The effects of this Act ^ in London may be thus summarized ; ten ministers in the City, two in the borough of Southwark, and four others within the district known as the Bills of Mortality, are known to have given place to their restored predecessors ; six others within the same area and one in Westminster were removed, mostly from sequestered benefices, before the general eviction of Nonconformists in 1662.* Owing to loss of records, the dates of four removals from sequestered benefices in the City and two in Westminster are uncertain ; and a like uncertainty attends three lecturers or assistants in the City and three in Southwark ; but altogether about thirty-five ministers were displaced in the metropolitan area before the Act of Uniformity, a large proportion of whom were Presbyterians or Independents. Early in January 1 660-1 a handful of fanatical Fifth-monarchy men attempted an insurrection in the City under the leadership of Thomas Venner, who had a meeting-house in Swan Alley, Coleman Street.^ The riot was easily suppressed, though not without considerable loss of life ; and sixteen of the insurgents were executed for treason, Venner being hanged in front of his own meeting-house on 19 January, This outbreak alarmed the Court party; many sectaries, especially Quakers, were cast into prison ; and on 10 January a proclamation was issued forbidding all meetings for worship except in parish churches and chapels. Addresses were presented to the king by Baptists, Independents, and Quakers declaring their loyalty to the Crown and their abhorrence of Millenarian fanaticism ; ° and several declarations to the same effect were published both by Baptists and Independents.'' It was probably to intimidate the Fifth-monarchy men that John James, minister of a Seventh Day Baptist congregation in Bullstake Alley, Whitechapel, was arrested while preaching on 19 October 1661. The evidence only proved that he had violently denounced the king and his nobles for the execution of the regicides, and declared that ' Christ is King of Nations as well as of Saints.' He was convicted of treason ; the king emphatically refused to mitigate the sentence, and James was hanged on 26 November.* The nation, meanwhile, was suffering from an intoxication of loyalty, which found expression in the character of the Cavalier Parliament. This met on 8 May 1661, and at once entered on a course of reactionary legislation. One of its earliest Acts re-established the ancient ecclesiastical courts.' Another was the Corporation Act, which required all members of municipal corporations ' See examples in White, First Centuiy of Scandalous Malignant Priests ; Walker, Sufferings of the Clergy. ' Stat. 12 Chas. II, cap. 17. * Newcourt, Parochial Hist, of the Diocese of Lond. ; Walker, op. cit. ; Calamy, Lives of Ejected Ministers. ' Kennett, Chron. 354. et seq. ^ Ibid. 358, 363, 366. ' B.M. Pamphlets, E. 1017 (14) ; E. 1057 (i), &c. ° A 'Narrative of the Apprehension . . . and Execution of John fames (1662). ^ Stat. 13 Chas: II, cap. 12, sec. 2, 4. 375 A HISTORY OF LONDON to renounce the Solemn League and Covenant, to take the Oath of Supremacy and an oath of non-resistance, and within a year before election to have received the Lord's Supper according to the ritual of the Church of England." A Bill was also proceeded with ' for the Uniformity of Public Prayers and Administration of the Sacraments.' Most of the Puritans had favoured, and many of them actively pro- moted the Restoration ; and the Court party had carefully fostered hopes of comprehension or accommodation, at first, perhaps, not quite insincerely." The king had promised that the Prayer Book should be revised by a joint Commission of Episcopalians and Presbyterians, which accordingly met at the Savoy from 15 April to 25 July 1661." But the bishops had resolved beforehand that no material concessions should be made to the opposite party, and the revised book was in some respects more offensive to the Puritans than the older recension.^' The Act of Uniformity, as finally passed on 19 May 1662, not only enforced the universal and exclusive use of the revised book in public worship, but required all ministers publicly to declare their ' un- feigned assent and consent to all and everything contained and prescribed * therein, on pain of ejectment from office and benefice on 24 August.^* The total number of ministers evicted or silenced by this Act is variously estimated at from 1,200 to 2,000, exclusive of those previously ousted from sequestered benefices. On 27 August several of the City ministers presented a petition to the king 'that of your princely wisdom and compassion you would take some effisctual course that we may be continued in the exercise of our ministry.' ^^ The petition was considered in Council next day, and was favoured by the king, who ' intended an indulgence if it were at all feasible.' But his good intentions were overborne by Bishop Sheldon, who urged that ' if the sacred authority of this law be now suspended, it would make the legislature ridiculous and contemptible . . . and neither Church nor State could ever be free from distractions.' The London ministers ejected by the Act of Uniformity were fifty-five in the City, four in Westminster, six in Southwark, and six within the Bills of Mortality, including incumbents, lecturers, and assistants. There were also fifteen occasional preachers or ministers of private congregations, who were by the Act disqualified for any parochial settlement. If to these be added the thirty-five previously displaced, the total number of ministers ejected or silenced within the metropolitan area will amount to 121.'' A few of these were, no doubt, men of slender abilities and defective education, while about the antecedents of others information is lacking ; but at least sixty-three are known to have had a university education, twenty-one of them being graduates of Cambridge, nineteen of Oxford, and eight of other or uncertain universities ; while eight certainly studied at Cambridge and seven at Oxford who are not known to have taken a degree." '" Stat. 13 Chas. II (2), cap. I. " Cardwell, Conferences, 369-91. "Sylvester, Reliquiae Baxterianae, 241-356. "Burnet, Own Time (ed. 1823), i, 312-16. "Stat. 13 & 14 Chas. II, cap. 4. "Kennett, Chron. 753. '^ Calamy, op. cit. ; Palmer, Nonconformists' Memorial, passim. "The most eminent of the ministers ejected or silenced in London were the following: — S. Annesley, LL.D., St. Giles' Cripplegate ; Jos. Car}l, M.A., St. Magnus ; Thos. Case, M.A., St. Giles in the Fields ; Nath. Homes, D.D., St. Mary's St.iining ; Thos. Jacomb, D.D., St. Martin's Ludgate ; Thos. Manton, D.D., St. Paul's Covent Garden ; Philip Nye, M.A., St. Bartholomew Exchange ; Thos. \'incent, M.A., St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street ; (all these were of Oxford) ; Wm. Bates, D.D., St. Dunstan's in the West ; Samuel ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Meanwhile a rigorous persecution was carried on against the Quakers. Their principles absolutely forbade the taking of an oath under any circum- stances ; and one of the earliest acts of the Cavalier Parliament was to prohibit their meetings and impose fines and transportation for refusing an oath legally tendered," Lord Mayor Richard Brown eagerly availed himself of this engine of oppression ; and the Quaker historian Besse gives the names of 230 men and ninety-nine women of the sect who were imprisoned by him during his year of office ending 9 November 1661.'' In the following year seven of their meeting-houses were raided ; that in Wheeler Street, Spital- fields, five times, and that in Bull and Mouth Yard eight times ; large numbers were imprisoned, and twenty died either in Newgate or soon after their discharge/" On 25 June 1662 John Crook, gentleman, John Bolton, gold- smith, and Isaac Grey, physician, all Quakers, were tried at the Old Bailey for refusing the Oath of Allegiance, and sentenced to forfeiture of goods and imprisonment during the king's pleasure. A Baptist meeting at the Glovers' Hall was also several times broken up in May and June of this year, several persons being arrested on each occasion. ^^ The persecution abated in 1663, but in 1664 was redoubled under the Conventicle Act (17 May), which forbade all meetings for worship otherwise than according to the Book of Common Prayer, on pain of fines, imprisonment, and transportation. '^^ The Quakers' meeting-house in Wheeler Street was raided eight times, that at the Peel in John Street ten times, that at Mile End Green sixteen times, and that in Bull and Mouth Yard twenty-one times ; the arrests varying from eight or ten to 150 a time.^' Besse reports 2,031 Quakers arrested this year in London only, of whom 239 were sentenced to transportation and twenty-five died in prison. On 15 October thirty-nine were charged under the Conven- ticle Act : sixteen of them stood for trial, and the jury refused to convict ; but twenty-three admitted the charge, and on the 17th were sentenced, four married women to a year's imprisonment, and the rest to seven years' trans- portation. In June of the Plague year, 1665, there were 120 Quakers in Newgate under sentence of transportation, but not until 4 August could a ship be chartered to convey them. On that day thirty-seven men and eighteen women were put on board, but they were detained for several months on the river,^* and before they reached Plymouth twenty-two men and six women died. The survivors set sail from Plymouth on 23 February ; the next day they were taken by a Dutch privateer, and at length sent home. Meanwhile, fifty-two Quakers, of whom twenty-two were under sentence of transporta- tion, died of the plague in Newgate. The Conventicle Act aimed at the total extinction of Nonconformity ; but its promoters failed to reckon with the conscience of Puritans, who accounted the parochial congregation to be no church at all, or of ministers Clark, A.B., St. Benet Fink ; Edmund Calamy, B.D., St. Mary Aldermanbury ; Thos. Doolittel, M.A., St. Alphage ; John Goodwin, M.A., private meeting-house in Goodman Street ; Thos. Gouge, M.A., St. Sepulchre ; Henry Jessey, M.A., St. George Southwark ; William Jenkyn, M.A., Christ Church Newgate Street ; Matthew Pool, M.A., St. Michael le Querne ; Lazarus Seaman, D.D., All Hallows Bread Street ; Ralph Jenning, M.A., St. Olave Southwark ; Thos. Wadsworth, M.A., St. Laurence Pountney ; Thos. Watson, M.A., St. Stephen's Walbrook ; (these were of Cambridge) ; Zachary Crofton, M.A., St. Botolph's Aldgate (of Dublin). '^Stat. 13 & 14 Chas. II, cap. I. "Besse, Coll. of bufferings of Quakers, \, 368. "Ibid, i, 369-79. "Crosby, Hist, of Engl. Baptists, ii, 170 et seq. '^Stat. 16 Chas. II, cap. 4. "Besse, op. cit. i, 393-405. " Ibid. 406. I 377 48 A HISTORY OF LONDON who deemed their ministry a divine commission which they dared not surrender. Many of the ejected ministers continued to hold pastoral relations with ' gathered churches,' or to preach privately in their own or others' houses as opportunity served. Details, for obvious reasons, are not accessible, but various records and traditions of still existing societies mention the names (amongst others) of Richard Adams, Matthew Barker, Thomas Brooks, Joseph Caryl, George Cockayne, Thomas Doolittel, George Griffith, William Jenkyn, Thomas Manton, Philip Nye, John Rowe, Thomas Vincent, Peter Vincke, and Thomas Wadsworth. On the outbreak of the plague many of the conforming clergy fled for their lives ; whereupon several of the ejected Nonconformists ventured to occupy their forsaken pulpits ; Thomas Vincent, in particular, is thus honourably distinguished.-^ In this service they had the co-operation of several ejected or silenced ministers from the country ; among whom were John Chester from Witherley, Leicestershire ; Robert Franklin from Westhall, Suffolk ; Grimes, also called Chambers, from Ireland ; James Janeway from Windsor; and John Turner from Sunbury. The Parliament was now sitting at Oxford for fear of the plague ; and a report that ejected ministers were preaching sedition in the City churches furnished a welcome pretext for further persecution. This took the form of the notorious ' Five Mile Act,' "^ which inter alia forbade any nonconforming minister to reside or be within five miles of London or of any city, corporate town or borough sending members to Parliament, except on condition of taking an oath of non-resistance in a peculiarly humiliating form. However, Chief Justice Sir Orlando Bridgeman devised or sanctioned an evasive explana- tion of the oath," so that Manton, Bates, and about twenty other London ministers were able to take it ; but others felt themselves unable to profit by the evasion and retired to the country. Obviously, Nonconformist worship must at this time have been confined to secret conventicles except where it was connived at by those in local authority. However, it is pretty certain that a few meeting-houses, probably of earlier origin, continued in more or less regular use. Three or four of these escaped the Great Fire in 1666, and were seized by the authorities for the temporary use of conforming congrega- tions whose churches had been destroyed. After the Fire several meeting- houses were hastily erected or large rooms fitted up for worship : by Dr. Annesley in Spitalfields, Thomas Doolittel in Monkwell Street, Robert Franklin near Bunhill Fields, Dr. Manton in Covent Garden, Thomas Wads- worth in Globe Alley, Southwark, and others in Ratcliff, Wapping, Stepney, Bethnal Green, &c.^' These movements were stimulated by the expiration of the Conventicle Act in July 1667, and by the unconcealed sympathy of Sir John Lawrence and Sir William Turner, lord mayors in 1665 and 1669. In 1669 Sheldon, now become Archbishop of Canterbury, being much concerned about the persistent vitality of Nonconformity, obtained more or less complete returns'' of known conventicles in most of the dioceses of his "Calamy, op. c\t. passim. "Stat. 17 Chas. II, cap. 2. " Calamy, Life of Baxter (2nd ed.), 313. " B.M. Stovve MS. 1 86. "Lamb. Lib. Tenison MS. 639. Of the sixty named thirty-three were in London and Westminster, seven of which had been ' indicted at Hicks Hall, and the indictment found,' twelve in Southwark, and fifteen within the Bills of Mortality. Three are described as Presbyterian, five Independent, four Presbyterian and Independent, five Baptist, one Baptist and Independent, four Quaker, one Fifth-monarchy, one Indepen- dent and Fifth-monarchy, and thirty-six not specified. Thirteen were in places ' built on purpose,' or specially fitted up ; one, at Wapping, was an old meeting-house enlarged, and one was the Glovers' Hall. 378 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY province. In the metropolitan area sixty conventicles were reported, beside ' others ... of less note, too long to enumerate, and many not yet discovered doubtless : and the more of late because they having received some disturbance in the counties have made flight to London.' Possibly as a result of the returns thus obtained, a second and more severe Conventicle Act wras passed on lo May 1670.''° This Act contained provisions designed to stimulate the activity of informers, who were encouraged by Sir Samuel Starling during the continuance of his mayoralty, but repressed by Sir Richard Ford, who occupied the chair in 1671.^^ An Order of Privy Council on 10 June 1670 directed that all lately erected meeting-houses in and about London should be dismantled, and by another Order of 22 June a building so used in Rotherhithe called Jamaica Barn was pulled down. On 15 June public notice was given that seven places ' late made use of for conventicles and unlawful assemblies ' were ' by His Majesty's particular command in Council appointed to be used every Lord's day ' for worship and preaching ' by approved orthodox ministers approved by the Bishop of London, to commence on the Sunday following,' ^^ for the convenience of parishes where the church had been burned. The meeting-houses seized were Kiffin's in Fisher's Folly (afterwards called Devonshire Square) ; Vincent's in Hand Alley, Bishopsgate Street ; Doolittel's in Monkwell Street ; the Cockpit in Jewin Street ; places in St. Nicholas Lane, Salisbury Court, and between Shoe Lane and Fetter Lane ; and one in Meeting-house Court, Blackfriars. In 1670 Quakers' meetings were raided in Gracechurch Street, Devonshire House, the Peel in St. John Street and Westminster, and a meeting-house in Ratcliff Street was demolished. Many Quakers were fined and their goods seized. Early in September of this year occurred the memorable trial of William Penn and William Mead for preaching in the meeting-house in Gracechurch Street.''^ The jury acquitted the defendants, insisting, in spite of intimidation by the Recorder, that the evidence did not prove an unlawful assembly. Both jurors and defendants were consigned to prison for contempt of court, but the commitment was declared illegal in the Common Pleas, and the principle for which the jury contended has never since been called in question. On 15 March 167 1—2 the king, in the exercise of his alleged ' Dispensing Power,' issued a Declaration of Indulgence to such ministers and others ' as do not conform to the Church of England.' Licences were to be granted to ministers and to places of assembly, and the licensed ministers and meetings were not to be molested. The Quakers made no applications for such licences, refusing thus to recognize the right of the civil power to permit, and by implication to forbid, religious assemblies : but the Presbyterians, Independents, and Baptists gladly availed themselves of the Indulgence.'* '"Stat. 22 Chas. II, cap. I. '' B.M. Stowe MS. i86. "Maitland, Hist, of Lond. i, 452. '^ Be^se, op. cit. i, 415-16. '' The total number of licences issued was about 3,500, of which those relating to the metropolitan area may be thus classified : — Sixty-four meeting places were licensed in the City, seven in Westminster, eleven in Southwark, and thirty-four others within the Bills of Mortality ; total 116. Of these, sixty-five were Presby- terian, thirty-six Congregational or Independent, four Baptist, and eleven more or less indefinitely des ribed. The licensed teachers were : sixty-seven Presbyterians, thirty-eight Independents, five Baptists, and five uncertain ; total 115. Of these four Independents and one Baptist appear as assistants or colleagues with others, and twenty-five Presbyterians and two Independents held ' general ' licences authorizing them to preach in any allowed place. 'Sec Cal. S.P. Dom. l6j 1-2, paisim. 379 A HISTORY OF LONDON Most of the licensed places were private houses, but ' the old theatre in Vere Street ' and ' the newly-built meeting house of Thomas Cawton' in Westminster are mentioned, and it is certain that some regular meeting- houses were described as ' the house of so-and-so.' In a very few cases, not more than half a dozen in London, a licence was refused ; one of these was on behalf of the congregation formerly ministered to by John Goodwin, a celebrated Arminian theologian and literary champion of the regicides. A curious appreciation," by an unfriendly critic, of the most conspicuous Nonconformists of this date, shows that the popular Presbyterians were Dr. Bates, Dr. Seaman, Dr. Manton, Dr. Annesley, Mr. Jenkyns, Mr. Wat- son, Mr. Calamy, Mr. West, and Messrs. Bull, Mayo, and StanclifF, ' all three partners in one great brewhouse, but men of great interest in their party, and good preachers' ; also Mr. Senior, ' much cried up by the women,' Mr. Wood- cock, and 'Mr. Baxter, the greatest person among them.' Of Doolittel, Thomas and Nathaniel Vincent, and Mr. Barham, the writer speaks contemptuously. For the Independents he has no good word ; but names as ' the heads of this party now alive ' Dr. Goodwin, Dr. Owen, Philip Nye, Joseph Caryl, George Griffiths, Thomas Brooks, and Mr. Mead. The Baptists, he says, ' are not so numerous as the former parties, yet they are a large body ' ; their chief teachers are Captain Kiffin, Mr. Knowles (i.e. Hansard KnoUys), Messrs. Harrison, Gosnold, and Northcott. The Quakers he calls ' Fifth Monarchy Men disguised ' ; he names six of their meeting-houses, and says that two others in Ratcliff and Wheeler Streets had been destroyed. There was a general unwillingness on the part of the authorities to license public halls ; applications for the Curriers' and Haberdashers' Halls were refused. But the use of Pinners' Hall was obtained not only for worship on Sunday, but for what has ever since been known as ' The Merchants' Lecture.' This was a weekly sermon to be delivered by leading Presbyterian and In- dependent ministers on Tuesday mornings, under the patronage of the chief Nonconformist merchants of the City. The lecturers have always been six in number ; those first appointed being Dr. Bates, Dr. Manton, Richard Baxter, and William Jenkyns, Presbyterians, and Dr. John Owen and John Collins, Independents.'* The lecture was continued at Pinners' Hall from 1672 to 1778 ; it was removed for a short time to Little St. Helen's, and thence to New Broad Street ; on the disuse of that meeting-house in 1844 it was trans- ferred to the Poultry Chapel; next, in 1869, to the Weigh-house Chapel, Fish Street Hill, which was demolished in 1883 ; the lecture was afterwards held at Finsbury Chapel, Moorfields, till 1889, then at the Memorial Hall in Farringdon Street ; next, from 1898 to 1906, at the Dutch Church in Austin Friars ; it has lately been transferred to Whitefield's Tabernacle, Tottenham Court Road, and back to the Memorial Hall. The House of Commons having resolved by 168 votes to 1 16 that the Declaration of Indulgence was illegal,'^ it was cancelled on 7 March 1672-3. But the licences already granted were not withdrawn ; and the ' Sectaries ' still 'publicly repaired to their meetings and conventicles.' ^^ Notwithstanding the continuance of the Conventicle and Five Mile Acts, the activity of the " B.M. Stowe MS. 186 ; printed in Trans. Cong. Hist. Soc. iii. '^ W. Wilson, Hist, of Diss. Churches, ii, 250-4 ; Congregational Year Bks. 1850, &c. " Com. Journ. 10 Feb. 1672-3. " Reresby, Memoirs, 174. 380 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY informers, and a renewed outbreak of active persecution a few years later, very few dissenting congregations are known to have been then permanently suppressed, though some meetings were temporarily discontinued. The persecution iust mentioned arose after the dissolution (28 March 1681) of Charles's last Parliament, and seems to have been largely due to a revival of loyalist fanaticism following on the failure of the Whigs to secure the Protestant succession by an Exclusion Bill. Yet after the persecution had actuallv recommenced a new meeting-house was built in Nightingale Lane, Wapping.'' In 1683 was printed, for the special benefit of constables and informers, ' A List of Conventicles or unlawful Meetings within the City of London and Bills of Mortality.' The total number indicated is seventy-five ; forty-one in the City, five in Westminster, eleven in Southwark, and eighteen in the out-parishes. *° The denominations are : thirty-six Presbyterian (two of them being Scottish), one Presbyterian and Independent, fourteen Independent, thirteen Baptist, ten Quaker, and one Millenarian. The compiler of the list notes three or four as ' suppressed'; but these promptly revived. The absence of a few names which appear in earlier and later lists suggests that some meet- ings had been temporarily suspended. The persecution increased in severity throughout 1683 and 1684. Many ministers were imprisoned ; there were nine in Newgate at once," and the venerable Hansard Knollvs, eighty-four years old, was detained there for six or eight months. Several died in prison, as William Jenkyn, Presbyterian, and Francis Bampfield and a Mr. Ralphson, Baptists. The worst case was that of Thomas Delaune, a Baptist schoolmaster, who died in Newgate in 1685, after being imprisoned for fifteen months in default of paying a fine of a hundred marks for publishing A Plea for Non- conformists.*^ The goods of Richard Baxter, George Cockayne, Alatthew Mead, N. Partridge, and other ministers were seized for extortionate fines, and in some cases constables watched the meeting-houses that worshippers might not enter. In 1684 Thomas Rosewell, a minister in Bermondsey, was convicted of treason on the suborned evidence of two notorious women ; but the king, learning the facts, intervened before sentence was pronounced.** During the persecution the greatest of the Nonconformist theologians. Dr. John Owen, died on 24 August 1683, and his funeral in Bunhill Fields was attended by the carriages of sixty-seven noblemen and gentlemen." The persecution received a new impulse in 1685 trom the ill-advised enterprise of the Duke of Monmouth : but it was less severely felt in London than in the west. Suddenly, on 4 April 1687, it was terminated by a new Declaration of Indulgence. It was commonly believed that James II designed thereby to promote the Roman Catholic interest ; and the Nonconformists, while ready to avail themselves of the proffered liberty, were in general too suspicious of the king's motive to express or feel any sentiments of gratitude. However, a few addresses of thanks were presented, the first being from some London Baptists.*^ That of the London Presbyterians expressed a hope that " The builder's contract, dated 8 May 1682, is in the Congregational Library. The building was of timber, on brick fo jndations and tiled, and measured 46 ft. by 4.0 ft. and 1 8 ft. high to the eaves. The con- tract price was ^£170, and extras £1 ~s. '" B.M. Pressmark 491, k, 4 (12). " Mary Frankland's MS. in Cong. Lib. " Narralice of tie Sufferings cf T. Delaune " S. Rosewell, Trial of T. Rosewell fir Hi^ Treason (17 18). " Orme, Life ofOa-en, 450. " Lond. Gaz. 14 Apr. 1687. A HISTORY OF LONDON Parliament would sanction the Declaration ; ** this is believed to have been drawn up by Vincent Alsop, minister of a congregation in Tothill Street, Westminster. William Penn presented the thanks of the Quakers," and Stephen Lobb, minister of an Independent church in Fetter Lane, addressed the king in terms of such effusive loyalty as gave great offence to his brethren." Lobb, in the simplicity of his heart, believed in the sincerity of James, who treated him with much familiarity as a likely tool for his own purposes.*' The Declaration of Indulgence was renewed in April 1688, and on 4 May an order was issued that it should be read in all churches. Lobb, who had free access to the court, is said to have approved, or even advised, the prosecution of the bishops who refused obedience to this order ; while several of his brethren who visited the bishops in the Tower evidently thought that persecution according to law was a less evil than relief by despotic power exalted above law.''" But in a few months the Revolution, quickly followed by the Toleration Act, for the first time afforded legal recognition of the rights of conscience. The long period of persecution was also one of great literary activity among the London ministers. To these years belong not only a great mass of practical, devotional, and apologetic writing, but several of the most important controversial works of Baxter and Owen." Until the Revolution many Presbyterians indulged a hope of some future comprehension in a Reformed National Church. This hope died on the tailure of the proposed Comprehension Bill in 1689, giving place to a desire for closer union with the Independents. Indeed, thirty years' partner- ship in suffering had called forth mutual sympathy ; few cared to insist on the divine right of either form of church order, and already the distinction was more speculative than practical, for the Presbyterians had no synod, and their churches were really Independent, though not Congregational. Accord- ingly in 1690 more than eighty ministers in and around London subscribed certain ' Heads of Agreement ... for the Preservation of Order in our Congregations,'" by which the names ' Presbyterian' and' Congregational' were to be abandoned, and the ' United Ministers ' arranged a working compromise between the two systems. The most active promoters of the scheme were : Ot the Presbyterians, Baxter, Bates, Annesley, Howe, Sylvester, and D. Williams ; and of the Independents, Matthew Mead and Isaac Chauncey. The laity seem to have given a tacit assent, and the Union was adopted in many parts of the country, associations being formed which exercised many of the functions of a Presbyterian synod, but without coercive jurisdiction. In London the Union was soon disturbed by angry theological controversies. High Calvinism and speculations tending towards Antinomianism were more common among Independents than among Presbyterians. A London school- master, Richard Davis, had become pastor of an Independent church at Rothwell, Northamptonshire, and was reported to have preached Antinomian 46 Land. Gaz. 28 Apr. " Ibid. 30 Apr. '* Ibid. 18 Apr. " W. Wilson, op. cit. iii, 4.37 et seq. » Reresby, Memoirs, 261. " Besides these the following may be mentioned : — M. Poors Synopsis Criticorum, 5 vols. fol. 1669-76 ; Baxter's Christian Directory, 1673 ; Owen's Discourse on the Holy Spirit, 1674 ; Howe's Living Temple and Brooks's Golden Key, both 1675 ; Keach's Key to Open Scripture Metaphors, 1681 ; and Manton's Discourses on the \ic)th Psalm (posthumous), 1684. " B.M. Pressmark 698, i, 2 (15). 382 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY doctrine and indulged in several irregularities/' The London ministers censured him heavily and solemnly disowned him. But several Independents sympathized with Davis's opinions and practices, and many more thought the action of the general body an unwarrantable assumption of authority. A more serious dispute followed. The works of Dr. Tobias Crisp, a hyper- Calvinist and Antinomian of the last generation, were reprinted in 1690 ; the names of several prominent ministers, obtained by a trick, being prefixed for advertising purposes. Dr. Daniel Williams both preached and wrote against the Crispian doctrine, and was supported by Vincent Alsop ; while Isaac Chauncey, Nathaniel Mather, and Stephen Lobb, all Independents, wrote on the opposite side, and John Humphreys, another Independent, strove to mediate between the contending parties. The ' Neonomian Con- troversy,' as it was called, lasted for six or seven years ; it was degraded by discreditable personalities, and left behind it a lamentable estrangement among men of equal sincerity and zeal for truth. The Independents thought they were combating a tendency toward Socinianism, while the Presbyterians believed they were contending for the only effective sanctions of Christian morality." An incidental effect of this controversy was a disruption among the managers of the Merchants' Lecture. In 1694 Dr. Bates, Dr. Williams, Mr. Howe, and Mr. Alsop withdrew and established a rival lecture at Salters' Hall, associating with themselves Dr. Annesley and Mr. Mayo." This lecture was conducted exclusively by Presbyterians, but died out about 1780. The vacancies at Pinners' Hall were filled by the appointment of Mather and Lobb, together with Timothy Cruso and Thomas Gouge, and since then all Merchants' Lecturers have been Independents. The first public ordination among Nonconformists since the time of the Commonwealth took place on 22 June 1694 in Dr. Annesley's meeting-house. Little St. Helen's," the service lasting from 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. The candi- dates were Joshua Bayes, Joseph Bennett, Ebenezer Bradshaw, Edmund Calamy, Joseph Hill, William King, and Thomas Reynolds ; and the officiat- ing ministers were S. Annesley, LL.D., Vincent Alsop, M.A., Thomas Kentish, Richard Stretton, M.A., Matthew Sylvester, and D. Williams. Dr. Bates and John Howe declined to participate, it is said, through fear of displeasing the Government. A manuscript " professing to give a list of the dissentient ministers in London in August 1695 names eighty-nine, including assistants and a few without pastoral charge. The list of Presbyterian and Independent congre- gations is very complete, only about three (so far as can be discovered) being omitted. With this correction the numbers are : In the City, twenty-two Presbyterian and fourteen Independent ; in Westminster, six Presbyterian ; in Southwark, six Presbyterian and two Independent ; in the out-parishes fifteen, Presbyterian and Independent not being always distinguishable.^* But " Calamy, Abridgement, i, 512-14 ; Hist. Acct. i, 372-4 ; Davis, Truth and Innocency Vindicated. " See D. Williams, Gospel Truth Stated and Vindicated {i6()z ; ed. 3, xd'^V); A Defence of Gospel Truth; Man made Righteous ; J. Chauncey, Neonomianism Unmasked (iSgz) ; N. Mather, The Righteousness of God through Faith (1694) ; S. Lobb, A Peaceable Inquiry, &c. (1693) ; The Growth of Error (1697) ; V. Alsop, Dccus et Tutamcn (1696) ; J. Humphreys, Mediocria (1695) ; Pacification touching the Doctrinal Dissent, Sic. (1696). " W. VVilson, op. cit. ii, 4, 5, 202-4. " Ibid, iv, 72-3. " Formerly in the possession of Walter Wilson, and printed by the Cong. Hist. Soc. " Trans. Cong.-Hist. Soc. ii, 43 et seq. 383 A HISTORY OF LONDON the Baptist list is very defective, only four meetings being named, whereas the printed lists" of ministers present at Conferences in 1689 and 1692 show that of Calvinistic Baptists alone there were five congregations in the City, three in Southwark, and at least four in the out-parishes ; \vhile of General Baptists *° there were three in the City, two in Southwark, and four within the Bills of Mortality — making in all eighty-six dissenting congregations (exclusive of Quakers) within the metropolitan area. In 1695 the United Ministers commenced a fund ' to encourage the Preaching of the Gospel in England and Wales,' by grants to necessitous ministers. A few years later, owing to the dissensions above related, separate Presbyterian and Congregational Funds were constituted under distinct management. Most of the meeting-houses of this period were in alleys, courts, and other situations not dangerously obtrusive, and their architecture of a homely, domestic type. Seats were assigned at a fixed rental to persons or families who contributed to the cost of the building, and precautions were sometimes taken against possible claims to ownership. The trust deeds often contained provisions in case Nonconformist worship should again become illegal. Many of the City companies rented their halls to Dissenters for use on Sundays, sometimes to two congregations on different parts of the day. Even before the Revolution the Armourers', Curriers', Embroiderers', and Founders' halls were let to Presbyterians ; the Cutlers', Girdlers', Pew- terers', and Plasterers' halls to Independents ; the Joiners' to Baptists ; the Glovers' and Pinners' to both Baptists and Independents ; and the Dyers' to unspecified Nonconformists." In the i8th century, beside the continuance of several former tenancies, the Curriers', Embroiderers', Tallow Chandlers', and Turners' halls were occupied by Baptists ; the Founders' and Brewers' by Independents ; the Loriners' by Baptists and Independents ; and late in the century the Coachmakers' Hall was occupied by a Universalist congregation, and the Carpenters' (for a very short time) by a Deistical lecturer. Many references are found to the Salters' Hall and Haberdashers' Hall congrega- tions, but these occupied meeting-houses built on sites granted by the companies adjacent to their respective halls. Many Nonconformist ministers had seen no serious objection to the practice of occasional conformity, and many laymen since the Indulgence had thus complied with the terms of the Corporation Act, and become members of various municipal corporations. To others, including most of the Independents and nearly all the Baptists, the practice was highly offensive. Sir Humphrey Edwin, a member of the Independent church meeting in Pinners' Hall, being lord mayor in 1697, went in state to his usual place of worship, and was reviled by a clerical writer for the ' horrid crime ' of carrying the City sword to ' a nasty conventicle.' °- In 1701 another Nonconformist, Sir Thomas Abney, was lord mayor ; his compliance with the terms of the Corporation Act was criticized by Daniel Defoe,*' and defended by John Howe, formerly Cromwell's domestic chaplain, and now pastor of the congregation in Silver Street, of which Abney was a member." In the first " Reprinted by Ivimey, Hist, of Bapt. \, 507. '" Taylor, Hist, of Gen. Bapt. i, 329-49. *' W. Wilson, op. cit. passim ; Hughson, Hist. ofLond. passim. '- Nichols, Defence of the Ch. of Engl. 127, &c. ^ Inquiry into the Occ. Conf. of Dissenters. " Some Considerations of a Preface to an Inquiry, &c. 384 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Parliament of Queen Anne, elected 1702, a Bill to prohibit occasional con- formity, and incidentally to disfranchise all nonconforming freemen of cities and boroughs, was passed by the Commons in three successive years, but on each occasion was rejected by the Lords." The Parliament which sat from 1705 to 17 ID was favourable to religious liberty," but the opposite party raised an electioneering cry of ' The Church in Danger,' and utilized their willing tool, Sacheverell, to excite the populace. As early as 1702 the violent harangues of this man " had provoked Defoe's celebrated satire, The Shortest Way with the Dissenters, for which the author was fined and pilloried. °^ The ill-advised prosecution of Sacheverell for his fanatical sermon preached at St. Paul's on 5 November 1709 *' infuriated the rabble, and on 28 February 1709—10, the second day of his trial, an organized mob plundered and burned several meeting-houses. The buildings attacked were Dr. Wright's, in Meeting-house Court, Blackfriars ; Mr. Thomas Bradbury's, in Fetter Lane ; Mr. D. Burgess's, New Court, Carey Street, whence the fittings were carried and burnt in Lincoln's Inn Fields ; Dr. Jabez Earle's, Hanover Street, Long Acre ; Mr. Thomas Taylor's, in Leather Lane ; and Mr. Hamilton's, in Clerkenwell. St. John's Parochial Chapel, Clerkenwell, was also wrecked, the rioters mistaking it for a meeting-house."" In Queen Anne's last Parliament, elected 17 10, the illiberal party had a large majority, which in 171 1 carried a slightly mitigated edition of the Occasional Conformity Bill." It was hoped by thus driving from office all dissenting mayors, aldermen, and magistrates, to facilitate the succession of the Pretender ; but the majority of those affected frustrated the scheme by ceasing to attend public worship. An instance is afforded in the case of Sir Thomas Abney ; Dr. Isaac Watts (successor of Chauncey at Mark Lane, afterwards of Bury Street, St. Mary Axe) became his chaplain, and preached to him and his family in their own house.'* Three years later the rising hopes of the Jacobite faction prompted the last effort to suppress noncon- formity by law. The Schism Act, introduced 12 May and passed 23 June 1714,^^ not only aimed at extinguishing the dissenting academies, but forbade all persons to teach anything except reading, writing, arithmetic, mechanical geometry, and navigation, without a licence from a bishop, which was only to be granted on a declaration of conformity. The licence was to be forfeited if the teacher attended any conventicle, and the provisions of the Act were to be enforced by three months' imprisonment. The Act was to come into force on i August, but the death of the queen on that very day and the peaceful accession of George I rendered it useless to its promoters ; it was never enforced, and about four years later was quietly rescinded.^* The most prominent dissenting minister in London at this time was Thomas Bradbury, of Fetter Lane. His grandson. Dr. Winter, is responsible for the statement that, after attempts to bribe him into conformity, some highly-placed Jacobites plotted his assassination, and only failed through the " Cobbett, Par/. Hist. v\, passim ; Burnet, Otfn Time (ed. 1823), v, 49-54, 105-8. " Ibid. 235-8. " Sacheverell, Political Union, &c. «* W. Wilson, Life of Defoe, ii, 67-8. '' Sacheverell, Perils of False Brethren. ™ Maitland, Hist. ofLond. i, 506 ; W. Wilson, Hist, of Diss. Churches, passim. " Stat. 10 Anne, cap. 2, sec. I, 3, 4. " Calamy, Hist. Acct. ii, 243-6. " Com. Joum. J2, 27 May ; I, 23 June ; Lords' fount. 4, 7, 9, II, 14, 15 June. '* Cobbett, Pari. Hist, vii, 567-89. I 385 49 A HISTORY OF LONDON awakening conscience of their agent." Presumably on the same authority rests the tradition, usually deemed authentic, that the new dynasty was first proclaimed from the Fetter Lane pulpit. The story is that Bradbury, while preaching, received from his friend Bishop Burnet information, by a pre- arranged signal, of the death of Queen Anne ; at the end of the sermon he prayed for King George, and gave out some appropriate verses of the 89th Psalm. Next to Bradbury the most eminent Independent minister at this time was Dr. Isaac Watts. Notable alike as theologian, philosopher, and poet, he is best remembered as the most influential (though neither the first nor the greatest) of English hymn-writers. Before his day the Non- conformist service of song had been practically limited to metrical psalms ; the ' Old,' Scottish, New England, Patrick's and Barton's versions being chiefly used. A few hymns by Reeves, one of the ejected ministers, by Keach the zealous Baptist confessor, and by Davis of Rothwell were in circulation, but scarcely in use ; and many Baptist congregations excluded singing altogether. Watts's hymns were first published in 1707, and his Psalms in 17 19." Before his death in 1748 they were used in most Dissent- ing congregations throughout England. It is worth noting that Dr. Watts's meeting-house was of moderate size, seating 434 ; and that neither his stipend nor that of his colleague. Rev. S. Price, ever exceeded >ri20." Of the remaining Independents of this period the best remembered are J. Asty of Ropemakers' Alley, R. Bragge of Lime Street, Matt. Clark of Miles Lane, Jer. Hunt, D.D., of Pinners' Hall ; D. Jennings, D.D., of Girdlers' Hall (afterwards of Wapping) ; Zephaniah Marryatt of Southwark ; Daniel Neal of Jewin Street, the historian of the Puritans ; Thomas Reynolds of the King's Weigh-house; Thomas Ridgeley, D.D., Three Cranes, Thames Street ; and John Humphreys, M.A., of Petticoat Lane, who died in 17 19, aged ninety-eight, the last survivor of the ejected ministers. With these may be named Joseph Jacobs, whose Reformed Church at Turners' Hall was an ecclesiastical curiosity. The most distinguished Presbyterians were Edmund Calamy, D.D., of Westminster, compiler of the Lives of the 'Ejected Ministers^ Daniel Williams, D.D., of Hand Alley, founder of the library that bears his name, and of scholarships which have greatly encouraged learning among Nonconformists ; his colleague, J. Evans, a collector of invaluable statistics of the old Nonconformity ; R. Fleming of Founders' Hall, author of a once famous Christology ; B. Grosvenor, D.D., of Crosby Square ; W. Harris, D.D., and his colleague John Billingsley, Jewry Street ; William Tong and John Newman, Salters' Hall ; Joshua Oldfield, D.D., Southwark ; Samuel Pomfret and William Hocken, Gravel Lane, Houndsditch ; J. Shower, Old Jewry ; and D. Wilcox, Monkwell Street. Baptist congregations were numerous, and tending to multiply, but few of their ministers can lay claim to eminence. The most noteworthy are John Gale, Ph.D., of Paul's Alley, whose Refections on WalPs History of Irfant Baptism are still prized by Baptists ; Benjamin Stinton of Horsleydown, son-in-law and successor of Keach, whose manu- script collections are of great value to students of Baptist history ; Richard Adams of Devonshire Square ; Joseph Maisters of Joiners' Hall ; and Edward Wallin ot Mazepond. In 171 7 nine Baptist congregations in various parts " W. Wilson, op. cit. iii, 5 i 2-14. " Milner, Life of Watts. " Trans. Cong. Hist. Soc. iii, 2, 117. 386 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY of London united to build a preaching-house and dressing-rooms adjacent to a. pool near Fair Street, Horsleydown, which was used as a baptistery." Notwithstanding the exclusion of Unitarians from the benefit of the Toleration Act, there was, from the Revolution onwards, a vigorous anti- trinitarian propaganda, and both Arianism and Socinianism gained numerous adherents. In 171 8 a violent controversy was aroused in the west of England by the exclusion from their pulpits of two Presbyterian ministers at Exeter because of their heterodox opinions about the Trinity." Both parties applied to the London ministers for advice, and a general meeting or synod of the whole body — Presbyterians, Independents, and Baptists — in and around London, was convened at Salters' Hall meeting-house on 1 9 February 1 7 1 8—1 9, when a draft letter of advice was considered.^" On the second day of meet- ing, 24 February, a proposal that the advice should be accompanied by a declaration of belief in the doctrine of the Trinity, as held alike by the Established Church and by the Westminster Assembly," was rejected by fifty- seven votes to fifty-three ; the majority, with few exceptions orthodox Trini- tarians, fearing to compromise Christian liberty by any test unless in the very words of Holy Scripture. At the next meeting, 3 March, the proposal was revived with some modification, but the moderator. Dr. Oldfield, refused to put the motion, whereupon sixty members of the synod withdrew, and with some others, under the presidency of Dr. Lorimer, subscribed the declaration, which they sent to the inquirers at Exeter with a letter of advice to the effect that, in their opinion, the denial by a minister of the Catholic doctrine of the Trinity was a sufficient reason for withdrawing from his ministry. The ' Nonsubscribers ' on the other hand advised them that the only erroneous teaching that would warrant such withdrawal was that which contradicted ' the plain and express declarations of Holy Scripture ' ; *^ with their advice, however, they also sent a letter disavowing the Arian doctrine, and affirming their own sincere belief in ' the Doctrine of the Blessed Trinity, and the proper Divinity of our Lord Jesus Christ.' Both parties published their respective statements, and a swarm of pamphlets followed on both sides, the whole number of publications arising out of the controversy in the years 17 18—19 being nearly seventy.*' Shortly after this a further step was taken in the organization of London Nonconformity. The ' Board of Baptist Ministers residing in and about the Cities of London and Westminster' was constituted on 20 January 1723, and a similar Board of Congregational Ministers was constituted 25 September 1727, the members being such as 'had been known and approved preachers, and chose to be ranked among the Congregational ministers, and did not '* W. Wilson, op. cit. iv, 253-5. It was a wooden building, the large room being 30ft. by 20ft., and cost about ^130. The passage which led to it was nicknamed ' Dipping Alley.' " Peirce, Case of the Ministers Ejected at Exon ; tVestem Inquisition, &c. '° yinJication of the Subscribing Ministers. *' True Relation, &c. (B.M. Tracts, 1 760, no. 3). *' Authentic Account, &c. (B.M. Pressmark 698, h, 15, no. 4). '^ Altogether 152 ministers took part in the Synod, or signed one or other of the 'Advices.' Of these 103 were London pastors, twenty-five country pastors, and twenty-four assistants or occasional preachers. Of the ' Subscribers ' twenty-nine were Presbyterian, twenty-six Independent, nine Baptist, and fifteen unspecified ; total seventy-nine. Of the ' Nonsubscribers ' forty-three were Presbyterian, nine Independent, thirteen Baptist, and eight undescribed ; total seventy-three. About a dozen London ministers took no part in the contro- versy, among whom were Edmund Calamy, Presbyterian ; and Isaac Watts, Daniel Neal, and Zephaniah Marryatt, Independents. T. S. James, Presbyterian Chapels and Charities, 705 et seq. A HISTORY OF LONDON design to vote in the Body of Presbyterian or Baptist Ministers.' ** This appears to have resulted from an agreement come to by the ministers of the three denominations on ii July 1727 — 'That no persons be allowed to join with the Body of Protestant Dissenting Ministers in any public Act but such as are approved by one or other of the Three.' *^ The ' General Body of the Three Denominations ' thus organized, though limited to the metropolitan area, was for above a century and a half the best and most effective repre- sentative of Nonconformity as a whole ; its importance being deemed the greater for its acknowledged right of approach to the throne. In course of time its representative character was minimized, not only by its local limita- tion but by the upgrowth of new religious communities which originated in the great Methodist revival. Under altered conditions too, the right of approach has become a thing of mere historic and sentimental interest. The three Boards, though still flourishing, are valued chiefly as fraternal associa- tions ; for practical purposes they have been since 1896 quite overshadowed by the Metropolitan Federation of Evangelical Free Churches. Another valuable organization arose in the decade following the consti- tution of the Baptist and Independent Boards.^' On 9 November 1732, a general meeting of Protestant Dissenters was held in Silver Street meeting- house to consider the prospect of obtaining a repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts. A committee was appointed, which reported to an adjourned meeting that the project was inopportune, an opinion which, after full consideration, they reaffirmed to a meeting of deputies from congregations in or within 10 miles of London. It was felt desirable, however, to have a permanent representative body to superintend the civil concerns of Dissenters, and at a meeting held in Salters' Hall, on 14 January 1735—6, it was resolved that two laymen should be chosen by each congregation of the three " Trans. Cong. Hist. Soc. ii, 50-51. " The most eminent London ministers at this time were, Presbyterians : — S. Chandler, D.D., Old Jewry ; N. Lardner, D.D., Jewry Street ; Obadiah Hughes, D.D., Maid Lane, Southwark ; S. Lawrence, D.D., Monkwell Street ; S. Wright, D.D., Carter's Lane ; and Thomas Emlyn (Arian), Old Bailey. Inde- pendents : — Peter Goodwin, Ropemakers' Alley ; John Hurrion, Hare Court ; John Guyse, D.D., New Broad Street ; Timothy Jollie, Miles Lane ; Richard Rawlin, Fetter Lane ; and Jeremiah Tidcombe, Rat- clifF. Baptists : — John Brine, Curriers' Hall ; Samuel Dew, Great Eastcheap ; S. Wilson, Prescott Street ; James Foster, D.D. (Arian), Paul's Alley, afterwards Pinners' Hall, reputed the most eloquent preacher of his day ; and John Gill, D.D., Horsleydown, afterwards Carter Lane, Tooley Street, whose massive learning was unsurpassed by that of any Nonconformist of the century. A manuscript (deposited by S. Palmer) in Dr. Williams's Library, written in 1730, comparing the Pres- byterian and Independent congregations of that date with those of 1695, states that fourteen congregations had increased, fifteen declined, twelve had been dissolved, ten new ones had been formed, the rest remained much as formerly. About thirty meeting-houses had been enlarged or rebuilt, giving an increased accommodation of 4,000. The ministers are thus classified : — Presbyterian, — eighteen Calvlnists, thirteen Arminian, twelve ' of the middle w.iy ' ; Independents, — twenty-seven Calvinists, three ' inclined to Antinomianism,' two nondescript ; Baptists, — nine ' C.ilvinist or Antinomians,' seven Calvinists, six Arminians, three Socinians, two Seventh-Day Baptists, of whom one was Calvinist and one Arminian. Of the 102 ministers thus reviewed, eighteen were colleagues or assistants, and two served congregations outside the Bills of Mortality ; so that the number of congregations in the metropolitan area was eighty-two. In Maitland, Hisl. ofLond. ii, I 189, is a list of places of worship registered under the Toleration Act in 1738. The area is ill-defined, including part of the Tower Hamlets and northern suburbs, but not all within the Bills of Mortality. There are enumerated twenty-eight Presbyterian meetings, twenty-six Independent (three of them formerly Presbyterian), thirty-three Baptist, and eleven Quakers ; together with twenty- one French Protestants and eight other foreign churches, seven Roman Catholics, three Nonjurors, two ' French Prophets,' two Muggletonians, 'Orator' Henley's Oratory, and three Jews' Synagogues. Of the congregations in the 1730 list three had ceased to exist ; but ten others are omitted, probably by oversight, as some of them are known to have flourished many years later. On the other hand four Presbyterian, two Independent and eleven Baptist meetings are now first mentioned, most of them in Southwark and the Tower Hamlets. " S,ketch of Hist, and Pnc. of Deputies . . . of Protestant Diss. 1814 ; of. W.Wilson, op. cit. iii, 381. 388 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY denominations within the lo-mile radius to constitute the body of 'Dissent- ing Deputies.' The first representative meeting was held at Salters' Hall, on 12 January 1736-7, Benjamin Avery, LL.D., who had been for a short time a Presbyterian minister, but was now practising as a physician, being appointed permanent chairman. The Deputies have been regularly elected from that time onward, their special function being to see that the civil and religious rights of Dissenters are not infringed, and to promote Parliamentary action in the interest of Nonconformity. Though a London institution, the purview of the Deputies covers the whole nation, and their work in re- dressing wrongs, reforming abuses, and promoting religious liberty has been invaluable. The year 1738 is memorable for the commencement of the great Methodist revival. The Independent congregation in Fetter Lane having removed to a new building, Bradbury's meeting-house was taken by a religious society, founded i May 1738, of which the leading members were John Wesley and several Moravian Brethren." Similar societies were formed in Aldersgate Street, Gutter Lane, Bear Yard, and Westminster, and within the next few months they were multiplied, not only in London, but wherever Wesley and his lay helpers extended their evangelistic labours. In November 1739 Wesley preached in a disused foundery near Moorfields,^' and shortly afterwards purchased ior £11^ ' that vast uncouth heap of ruins,' which he fitted up as a preaching-house. Dissensions arising in the society at Fetter Lane, a separation took place between the Moravians and the Methodists on 23 July 1740, the latter thenceforth meeting at the Foundery, which was for thirty-eight years the head quarters of London Methodism.*' The first Wesleyan Conference was held there on 25 June 1744, six clergy- men and four travelling preachers being present. Of the subsequent yearly conferences during Wesley's life, fifteen were held in London, the others being at Bristol, Manchester, and Leeds. The Foundery gave place to the ' New Chapel ' in City Road, of which the foundation was laid on 2 April 1777;'" it was opened i November 1778, and has ever since been 'the cathedral of Methodism.' The other chapels built or acquired in and about London in Wesley's lifetime were Snowsfields, Southwark, 1743; Spitalfields, 1750; Wapping, 1764; Kentish Town, 1790; Lambeth Marsh, 1790.'' There were also six or seven preaching-rooms in various parts of London, and an equal or somewhat larger number in the outer suburbs. The chapels were not licensed under the Toleration Act until 1787, Wesley being un- willing in any way to identify Methodism with Dissent. He died 2 March 1791 ; sixty years later there were within the metropolitan area as repre- senting Wesleyan Methodism and its offshoots iio chapels, seating 43,754 persons, and having at the best-attended services on Sunday 30 March 1851, 25,61 3 hearers.'^ Differences between the Methodist leaders respecting the 'doctrines of grace' compelled Whitefield and theCalvinists to work independently of Wesley and the Arminians ; and as Whitefield lacked that genius for organization " Wesley, Journ. May-Dec. 1738. ** Wesley, Earnest Appeal. " Wesley, 'Journ. July 1740. °° Ibid, sub amis. " Myles, Hist, of Methodism ; J. G. Stevenson, City Road Chapel and its Associations, 1 18. " Census -of Public Worship, 1851. 389 A HISTORY OF LONDON which was characteristic of Wesley, the societies of Calvinistic Methodists became Independent, though not at first Congregational. In 1741 there was erected for Whiteiield in Moorfields a temporary wooden preaching-hall, which he named the Tabernacle.'^ Here huge congregations were gathered, and in 1753 it was replaced by a brick edifice. Soft, square, on the same site. In 1756 Whitefield opened another large chapel in Tottenham Court Road, and in the same year he commenced preaching in a licensed chapel in Long Acre, where he was assailed by mobs and his life threatened.'* In these labours he was aided by a few sympathizing clergymen of the Established Church, and by several capable lay preachers, some of whom became regular Nonconformist ministers. To Nonconformity, Whitefield, like Wesley, had no personal inclination, but he found it necessary to register the Tabernacle and Tottenham Court Road chapel as ' places of Worship for Nonconformist Congregations calling themselves Independents.' These were long served by a rotation of ministers, as were several chapels established by the Countess of Huntingdon.'^ The most notable of these, Northampton chapel. Spa Fields (1779), and Sion chapel, Whitechapel (1790), were transformed theatres. Other Calvinistic Methodist chapels were pro- prietary, or were in the hands of trustees or managers, by whom the ministers were appointed. Of these the most conspicuous was Surrey Chapel, Black- friars Road, built for Rowland Hill in 1783, and now represented by Christ Church, Westminster Bridge Road. In most of these places the hturgy of the Anglican Church was used ; none of them were committed to ' the principles of Dissent,' and it was very unwillingly that the Countess had her chapels licensed under the Toleration Act. But ultimately all those that survived except Spa Fields and Christ Church became regular Congre- gational churches. Since the accession of the House of Hanover, Nonconformists had been free from anything that could be called persecution, but certain disabilities remained, and about the middle of the century the City Corporation took advantage of these in a purely mercenary spirit. As far back as 1734 it had been resolved that fines paid to be excused from serving in the office of sheriff should be applied toward building a Mansion House for the public residence of the lord mayor. The foundation of the proposed edifice was laid in 1739, and the building proving unexpectedly costly, a scheme was devised to extort fines from wealthy Dissenters. In 1742 Mr. Robert Grosvenor being nominated for sheriff, refused to qualify as prescribed by the Corporation Act, and claimed the protection of the Toleration Act.'" The City took action to recover the usual fines ; the Dissenting Deputies supported Mr. Grosvenor in his resistance, and the case was at length decided in his favour. Thereupon, the Common Council in 1748 enacted a new regulation, which it was thought would leave the selected victims no loophole for escape. The way thus prepared, many Nonconformists were nominated and elected, some of whom were incapable through age or infirmity, and in a few years fines were extorted to the amount of ^15,000. " Bogue & Bennett, Hist, of Dissenters (2nd ed.), ii, 53 ; Whitefield's Letters, 272, 968, 1117, 1119, II49, 1153. " Gledstone, Life of Whitefield (1871), 456 et seq. " Life and Times of the Countess of Huntingdon, passim. ^ Hist, and Proc. of Diss. Deputies, 32-50. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY In 1754 three Dissenters, Messrs. Sheafe, Streatfield, and Evans were elected, and on their refusal to serve proceedings were instituted to recover the fines. The case against Streatfield failed on a technicality ; the other defendants were supported by the Dissenting Deputies. Litigation was protracted for nearly thirteen years, and on 4 February 1767 the House of Lords, accepting the opinion of six out of seven judges, decided in favour of the defendants." By this time Sheafe had been for some time dead, and Evans only lived long enough to welcome the verdict. No costs were recovered, and it does not appear that any part of the illegally extorted fines was ever refunded. Between 1750 and 1800 the ' Old Dissent' in London showed many indications of decline, which were compensated by the upgrowth of new societies, the fruit of the Methodist revival. During this time at least eight of the old Presbyterian churches became extinct, four or five became Congre- gational, and six Arian or Unitarian. On the other hand three new orthodox churches arose in communion with the Scottish seceders. Four Independent churches expired during the half-century, of which two had previously become Unitarian. About eight Baptist congregations were discontinued, which were, however, replaced by the same number in the central area, and at least as many in the suburbs ; while the Particular Baptists became increasingly zealous for Calvinism, many of the General Baptists inclined to Unitarianism, and the orthodox members of that body therefore formed a new connexion of General Baptists in 1770.'* The Quakers had still two meetings in the City, one in Southwark, one in Westminster, and one in RatclifF. The small communities of French Prophets, Muggletonians, and Nonjurors died out. The Moravian Society in Fetter Lane, reviving after a season of decay, continued to flourish ; and though never numerous survives to this day to exert a gracious influence out of all proportion to its numbers. About 1760 Glovers' Hall was occupied by a congregation of Sandemanians, an anti-Calvinistic Scottish sect holding peculiar views on church discipline. Thence they migrated to the disused Quakers' meeting-house in Bull and Mouth Yard, and again in 1770 to a deserted Baptist meeting-house in Paul's Alley. A society of Baptist Sandemanians was formed in Red Lion Street in 1797. About 1780 a meeting-house in Dudley Street, Soho, was occupied for a short time by a society of Bereans, another small Scottish sect with peculiar notions about the " Lord!' Journ. " The following were the most conspicuous representatives of the Old Dissent during the half-century : — Presbyterians : Thomas Amory, D.D., and Abraham Rees, D.D., Old Jewry ; Hugh Worthington, Salters' Hall ; R. Flexman, D.D., Bermondsey ; Richard Price, Newington Green and Jewry Street ; all these were Arians ; Andrew Kippis, D.D., Westminster ; James Lindsey, D.D., Monkwell Street ; John Palmer, New Broad Street ; these were Socinians. Most of them were men of great learning ; Price was an ardent champion of civil liberty ; Kippis was the editor of the Biograph'ia Britannlca, and Rees of the most complete Encyclopaedia that had yet been issued. With these may be grouped the Scottish Presbyterians, Henry Hunter, D.D., London Wall, J. Trotter, D.D., Swallow Street, and J. Patrick, D.D., Soho ; all of whom were orthodox. Independents : Stephen Addington, D.D., Miles Lane ; David Bogue, Silver Street ; Joseph Barber, Founders' Hall ; John Clayton, Weigh-house ; Hugh Farmer, Salters' Hall ; Thomas Gibbons, D.D., Haberdashers' Hall ; Nathaniel Jennings, Islington ; W. King, D.D., Hare Court ; John Kello, Bethnal Green ; Samuel Palmer, Hackney (compiler of the Nonconformists' Memorial) ; John Reynolds, Camomile Street ; S. Morton Savage, D.D., Bury Street ; T. Towle, Aldermanbury ; W. Wall, Moorfields ; S. Wilton, D.D., Weigh-house ; R. Winter, D.D., New Court. All these were reputed orthodox, while S. Pike, Thames Street, became Sandemanlan, and Caleb Flemming, D.D., Pinners' Hall, was a Socinian. Baptists : Richard Burnham, Grafton Street ; J. Martin, Keppel Street ; J. Macgowan, Devonshire Square ; J. Reynolds, Curriers' Hall ; John Rippon, D.D., Southwark ; S. Stennett, D.D., Little Wild Street ; J. Swaine, Walworth ; Benjamin Wallin, Mazepond. A HISTORY OF LONDON nature of saving faith. Socinian opinions had long been held by several Presbyterian and General Baptist ministers, but the first society in London formed on an avowed Unitarian basis was that in Essex Street, Strand, founded in 1778 by Theophilus Lindsey, who as the result of honest conviction had resigned the vicarage of Catterick in Yorkshire ; his colleague and successor was Thomas Disney, D.D., another seceding clergyman. James Relly, once a co-worker with Whitefield, began to preach Universalism in Coachmakers' Hall about 1765 ; from 1769 till his death in 1778 he occupied the disused meeting-house in Crosby Square. Later there were Universalist congrega- tions in Parliament Court, Bishopsgate, and in Windmill Street. The first English congregation of Swedenborgians was formed in Great Eastcheap in 1788 ; they afterwards built a chapel in York Street, Westminster, in 1800; and one in Friars Street, Blackfriars, in 1803. Towards the close of the century the hyper-Calvinist William Huntingdon gathered large congrega- tions in Providence Chapel, Titchfield Street. Finally the pretensions of Joanna Southcott excited so much attention that about 1800 there were two congregations of her followers in Southwark. Of the various offshoots from the Wesleyan society the earliest, the Metho- dist New Connexion, first opened a meeting-house in Southwark in 1800. Six years later they removed to Bethnal Green. In due course all, or nearly all the smaller bodies, Primitive Methodists, Bible Christians, Wesleyan Association, and Wesleyan Reformers, established themselves in the metropolis, mostly, however, in its outer circle. The great religious societies, founded between 1798 and 18 I 2, in which Anglicans and Nonconformists united for establish- ing Sunday schools, circulating the Bible and religious tracts, &c., led the way to evangelistic efforts of an undenominational or inter-denominational character, to which a definite shape was given by the institution of the London City Mission in 1835. From 1822 to 1829 the Rev. Edward Irving was minister of the Scottish Church in Hatton Garden, until the crowds attracted by his eloquence necessitated the building of a new church in Regent Square ; here occurred a strange outburst of enthusiasm, combining fervid Millenarianism with belief in the restoration of miraculous powers to the Church, in which Irving shared.'' Irving having been removed from his ministry in Regent Square in 1833 by the Presbytery of the Church of Scotland in London, his adherents organized in Newman Street a society called the Catholic Apostolic Church, with a complicated sacerdotal and episcopal hierarchy, high sacramentarian doctrine and a richly symbolic ritual. The new church attracted many proselytes of the wealthier classes, who proved the sincerity of their faith by extraordinary liberality. In a short time seven congregations were formed in various parts of London, and early in 1854 a cathedral was dedicated in Gordon Square, of which the architecture is not unworthy of the Middle Ages. As early as 1825, disputes had arisen as to the right of congregations which had become Unitarian to retain the buildings and endowments of their orthodox predecessors. Litigation commenced in 1830, and was only con- cluded by the House of Lords in favour of the orthodox claimants in 1842 " Mrs. Oliphant, Life of Irving. "" T. S. James, Hist, of Litigation respecting Presbyterian Chapels and Charities. 392 100 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Naturally these disputes occasioned much personal estrangement, and in 1836 the Unitarian ministers of the Presbyterian Board seceded from the General Body of the Three Denominations, which, they affirmed, thereby ceased to exist. But a minority of orthodox Presbyterian ministers formulated a declaration that they constituted the Presbyterian Board, from which the Unitarians had withdrawn. Their claim was acknowledged by the Indepen- dent and Baptist Boards, and the General Body still subsists, the Presbyterian Board being now the smallest instead of as formerly the largest of the three. In 1837 the Congregational Board first admitted to its fellowship ministers whose congregations used liturgical forms of worship,^"^ but the number of such congregations has steadily diminished. The body commonly known as Plymouth Brethren (though it originated in Ireland) gained a footing in London between 1830 and 1840 ; but there seems to be no record of the date when the earliest meetings were gathered. In 1839 the conductors of the Congregational Magazine compiled a summary, more complete than any before published, of the church accom- modation of all kinds in the metropolis, from which the following figures are extracted : — » a a « M u iS 1838-9 w -0 a 2 ra a III 3 •^ Ji •5 °£ « c C 3 > fS City of London, Westminster, and Southwarli . 6 35 25 5 4 •7 I 12 105 Marylebone, Finsbury, Tower Hamlets, and 6 81 58 S 4 43 8 31 236 Lambeth 12 116 Total places of worship .... 83 10 8 60 9 43 34« Since 1800 the Nonconformist congregations in the central area of the metropolis have steadily diminished in number, while they have increased to a much greater extent in the ever-growing suburbs.^"" Before 1850 at least twelve of the ancient City meeting-houses were either demolished or applied to secular uses, while only two of them were replaced within the City bounds. Meanwhile in the outer area — Westminster, Paddington, Islington, Clapton, Bethnal Green, Stepney, Poplar, &c. — there were built in the same time at least thirty large Independent and Baptist chapels, without counting small edifices or those of other denominations. By this time a marked change had come about in Nonconformist architecture. The traditions of earlier days had grown up under a sense of insecurity, so that meeting-houses were usually in retired situations, domestic in their general aspect, and inwardly bare, unadorned, and planned with little regard to comfort. Probably the best constructed of them in the metropolitan area was the ' Old Meeting ' at Stepney, built soon after the Indulgence (the traditional date is 1674), and pulled down by reason of decay in 1873. The early "' Hist, of Cong. Board in Cong. Tear Bk. 1867. "' Compare Protestant Diss. Almanack of 181 1 with Cong. 7'ear Bks. and Bapt. Handbks. of i860, &c. I 393 50 A HISTORY OF LONDON buildings of the 19th century were often anomalous in style, but were usually commodious, substantial, and sometimes not lacking in dignity. As the century advanced improvement was visible ; Trinity Chapel, Poplar, built is 1842, is one of the best examples of the period. Space will only allow the mention of a few of the most prominent ministers of the half-century. Of orthodox Presbyterians Dr. Alexander Waugh and Dr. John Young were foremost ; of Independents the most conspicuous names were John and George Clayton, George Burder, J. Pye Smith, D.D.,Ebenezer Henderson, Ph.D., James Bennett, D.D., John Leifchild, D.D., and somewhat later John Campbell, D.D., and Thomas Binney, LL.D. ; with these may be named Alexander Fletcher, D.D., Matthew Wilks and James Sherman, whose ecclesiastical standing was somewhat anomalous ; prominent Baptists were Dr. F. A. Cox, Joseph Ivimey, Dr. Thomas Price, and a little later Dr. Steane and Baptist W. Noel, whose secession from the Established Church in 1848 excited much attention. The most notable Unitarians were Robert Aspland and Timothy Madge. The Census of 1851 afforded for the first time fairly reliable statistics not only as to the number of places of worship but as to the actual numbers of their congregations. The following is a concise summary "' ; — 1851 Presbyterians Independents Baptists Unitarians Quakers Moravians Wesleyans Other Methodists Countess of Huntingdon's Connexion Welsh Calvinistic Methodists . Sandemanians Svvedenborgians Catholic Apostolic Church Brethren Mormons Miscellaneous City, Wcitminitcr, aad Southwark Placet 9 31 23 3 2 2 16 7 I 3 I 105 Pcrions at Bcit-attcnded Scrriccs 4.776 16,959 6,+99 372 181 24S 3>o34 697 600 500 200 603 34,669 Marylebonc, Finsbury, Tower Hamlets, and Lambeth Places 102 76 4 2 36 3 5 2 13 30 339 Total Pcrion* at Best-attended Seryices 3,980 45.519 21,335 693 183 17,268 4.614 4,622 495 1,600 60 1,296 3.679 105.344 Places 17 133 99 I 4 2 67 43 8 3 I 3 5 2 13 37 444 Person* at Beat-attended Serriccs 8,756 62,478 27,834 1,065 364 248 20,302 5,311 5,222 500 200 495 1,600 60 1,296 4,282 140,013 "" In summarizing these statistics the areas adopted are those of the parliamentar}' boroughs created by the Reform Act in 1832, of which Southwark is considerably more extensive than the ancient borough, and the outer boundary by no means coincides with that of the Bills of Mortality. The round numbers suggest that in some cases attendance was estimated, not actually counted. The ' Miscellaneous ' assemblies include unsectarian mission meetings in which two or more denominations united, a few exclusive and erratic sects, a number of 'Dissenters' and ' Calvinists ' who ought to have been classed as Independents, and several who disclaimed any distinctive title, but were really Brethren. About the time of the Census there had been a vigorous propaganda of the American sect of Mormons or Latter-Day Saints, which soon dwindled to very small proportions. .•^94 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Of these totals it may be said that 260 places with 100,497 worshippers represent the 'Old Dissent,' and 123 places with 31,583 worshippers the Methodist Revival. The changes which had been going on from 1830 to 1850 were in still more vigorous operation in the latter half of the century. A rapidly growing population overspread all ancient and artificial boundaries, so that remote suburbs like Hammersmith and Hampstead, Camberwell and Clapham, became integral parts of London. Districts which had furnished large congregations to ancient sanctuaries were depopulated, houses giving place to offices and warehouses, or were colonized by Jews and aliens. Conse- quently more and more of the old meeting-houses in the central area were closed, the sale of their sites providing funds for the erection of large and commodious buildings in growing suburbs. In some cases the location of these was determined by the residence of persons who had been members of the old congregations, so that some kind of historical continuity was maintained. Thus Devonshire Square (Baptist) is represented at Stoke Newington, Hare Court and New Court (Independent) at Canonbury and Tollington Park respectively, and Carter's Lane (Unitarian, formerly Presby- terian) at Islington. In the City the only remaining representatives of the Old Dissent are the City Temple, accommodating a society which had formerly met in Lime Street, Camomile Street, and the Poultry ; Bishopsgate Chapel, representing White's Row, Spitalfields, and Holywell Mount ; the Friends' Meeting-house at Devonshire House ; and the Moravian Church, formerly Bradbury's Meeting-house in Fetter Lane. The improvement in Nonconformist church architecture since 1850 is remarkable. The most noteworthy examples are Christ Church, West- minster Bridge Road, replacing Rowland Hill's polygonal Surrey Chapel, and the City Temple on Holborn Viaduct, built in 1873 at a cost of ^70,000 ; but the Metropolitan Tabernacle, Newington Butts, replacing an old Baptist chapel near Tooley Street, Westminster Chapel near Buck- ingham Gate, and many in the suburbs in various styles and of various denominations bear witness at once to a more cultivated taste and an enlarged liberality. In this connexion must be mentioned the Congregational Memorial Hall, Farringdon Street, erected in 1875 on the site of the old Fleet prison as a memorial of the ministers ejected by the Act of Uniformity. This accommodates the Congregational Librarv, and is the meeting place of the London Board of Congregational ministers ; it is also the head quarters of the Congregational Union of England and Wales, with its subsidiary organizations, and of the National Federation of Evangelical Free Churches. Akin to this is the Baptist Church House, Southampton Row, built in 1902 as the head quarters of the Baptist Union. A Wesleyan Church House of stately proportions is about to be erected on a commanding site near Westminster Abbey. A modern edifice of a different character, but demanding notice, is the Salvation Army Head Quarters in Queen Victoria Street. In other than material aspects London Nonconformity has advanced during the last half-century. Old controversies have died out. An angry dispute in 1856, about a small volume of hymns called The Rivulet by 395 A HISTORY OF LONDON T. T. Lynch, proved that Calvinism, though still professed by a majority of Independents and Baptists, was no longer a dominant force. Co-operation among various denominations, especially in evangelistic enterprise, became usual ; and before the end of the century practically all the London Non- conformists except the Unitarians and a few erratic sects were united in a Metropolitan Federation of Evangelical Free Churches. The pompous and affected style of pulpit oratory which had long been in vogue was revolu- tionized, largely by the example of Thomas Binney and Charles Haddon Spurgeon, giving place to familiar address or passionate appeal. The unreasoning but deep-rooted prejudice of certain classes against all kinds of churches was at length reluctantly recognized, and it was found that such persons would listen to the Gospel in halls and theatres, if ecclesiastical conventionalisms were avoided. Accordingly much success has attended evangelistic work undertaken by Congregationalists in the Crown Theatre, Peckham ; by Wesleyans in St. James's Hall, Piccadilly ; by Primitive Methodists in St. George's Hall, Old Kent Road ; by Bible Christians in the Victoria Hall, Waterloo Road, and by the managers of the Regent Street Polytechnic, the Great Assembly Hall in Mile End Road, and the Edinburgh Castle, Stepney. An unconventional Gospel Mission was commenced in the East End by the Rev. William Booth and his wife in 1865, which twelve years later deve- loped into the Salvation Army. At first evangelistic in a narrow sense, and provoking hostility by its unconventional methods, it ere long recognized the need of a temporal as well as a spiritual salvation for the most abject part of the community ; and its achievements have won admiring recognition from all ranks of society. Another new departure in recent years is the Insti- tutional Church, where the religious society is a nucleus around which gather a variety of educational, social, benevolent, provident, and even recreative institutions. Probably the most successful example is Whitefield's Tabernacle, Tottenham Court Road. No census of worship has been taken by public authority since i 8 5 i , but in 1902—3 the proprietors of the Daily News ascertained by actual enumeration the number of persons attending in the morning and evening of some one Sunday at every place of worship in an area corresponding roughly to a radius of 12 miles round Charing Cross. Comparison with the Census of 1851 seems to show that while the population of the seven parliamentary areas above summarized has increased about 41 -5 per cent., the nonconforming worshippers have increased 46 per cent, and their meeting places 1 1 5 per cent. It would also seem that while the Old Dissent is practically stationary, showing only 4 per cent, increase of worshippers, the communities that arose from the Methodist Revival increased by 47 per cent., and the attendants at undenominational, mission, and miscellaneous services multiplied more than sixfold. 396 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY The following is a summary of the numbers : — 101 1902-3 Presbyterian Independent Baptist Unitarian Quaker Moravian Wesleyan Other Methodists Countess of Huntingdon's Connexion Welsh Calvinistlc Methodist . Sandemanian Swedenborgian Catholic Apostolic Church Brethren Salvation Army Peculiar People Christadelphians Mormons Various Undenominational or Undefined. . City, Westminster, and Southwark Places Attendants 3 26* 26* 2 2 I 15* 12 o 3 o o I 9 8 2 o o 2 46* 158 555 8,966 7.358 161 234 43 8,805 3,441 969 52 616 1,919 52 506 5,642 39,319 Marylebone, FInsbury, Tower Hamlets, and Lambeth Places Attendants 34' 126* 161* 14 12 o 75* 53 I 3 2 6 7 65 56 2 7 2 23 146' 795 8,249 38,603 37,275 •,497 1,690 23,224 9,334 181 6ig 82 429 1,559 5,156 10,054 57 502 127 1,780 25,272 165,690 Total Places Attendantt 37- 152* 187* 16 14 I go* 65 I 6 2 6 8 74 64 4 7 2 25 192* 953 8,804 47,569 44,633 1,658 1,924 43 32,029 •2,775 181 1,588 82 429 1,611 5,772 ••,973 109 502 127 2,286 30,9^4 205,009 No review of London Nonconformi indeed other than misleading, which did for worship in the remaining boroughs trative county of London. Without congregations may be grouped as follows Presbyterian 32 Congregational 73 Baptist 103 Unitarian 7 Quaker 4 Moravian I Wesleyan 69 Other Methodists 43 ty would however be complete, or not take account of the provision which go to make up the adminis- entering into detail the various Welsh Calvinistic Methodist . 3 Swedenborgian 2 Catholic Apostolic Church . . i Brethren . 61 Salvation Army 28 Peculiar People 2 Various 14 Undenominational and Undefined 91 Total . . 534'"° "" The Dally Nezcs Census was tabulated on the basis of the present parliamentary divisions. For the purpose of comparison all those places which are outside the 1832 boundaries are excluded from the summary. In computing the attendance, each meeting place has been separately credited with the largest number present at once, whether morning or evening. The numbers marked * include mission-rooms. All that remain of the Countess of Huntingdon's congregations, with one exception, are now Congregational. The ' Various ' congregations are as follows : — Six Ethical Societies, attended by 942 persons ; ten meetings of Spiritualists, with 783 attendants; one each of Hebrew Christians (123), Theistic Church (132), Zion Church, i.e. followers of 'prophet' Dowie(i36), Seventh-Day Adventists, Church of Humanity, Church of Martin Luther, Theoiophists, ' Bethshan ' and Jezreelites, otherwise ' New and Later House of Israel ' ; the last six average 3 1 persons each. '""This includes missions, in many of which the attendance is verv small. The fourteen grouped as ' Various ' are one Free Episcopal, one Reformed Episcopal, one Pentecostal League, three Ethical Societies, six Spiritualists, one Christian Scientist, and one ' Prohibition Church.' 397 A HISTORY OF LONDON Thus the aggregate of Nonconformist places of worship in the county of London, including mission rooms but excluding Roman Catholic and foreign churches, amounts to 1,487. It is impossible to indicate all the leading ministers of London Nonconformity during the last half-century. Only a few of the most eminent can be named. Among the Presbyterians were John Gumming, D.D., James Hamilton, D.D., John Edmund, D.D., and John Macfarlane, LL.D. Prominent Independents were Samuel Martin, John Kennedy, D.D., Henry Allon, D.D., John Stoughton, D.D. (the historian of Congregationalism), and Joseph Parker, D.D. Of the Baptists, C. Stanford, D.D., W. Landels, D.D., Jabez Burns, D.D., W. Brock, D.D., J. P. Chown, and C. H. Spurgeon were distinguished. C. Newman Hall, D.D., occupied a unique position at Surrey Chapel and afterwards at Christ Church ; while the Unitarian James Martineau, D.D., was acknowledged, even by the most orthodox, as one of the great religious teachers of the age. The system of itinerancy makes it generally inaccurate to include Methodist ' travelling preachers ' among London ministers, but an exception must be made in favour of the Wesleyan Hugh Price Hughes, who by the institution of the ' Sisters of the People ' brought a new and hopeful element into the life of the Nonconformist churches. Throughout the dark days of persecution under Charles II the London Nonconformists were mindful of the future. Excluded from the national universities, they established private academies in which young men could obtain a liberal education. No less than five of these were located within the Bills of Mortality, all presided over by graduates of Oxford or Cambridge, and all training students who should become pastors of dissenting congrega- tions. Two of these academies were at Newington Green, one conducted by the learned Thcophilus Gale, M.A., and John Rowe, M.A., the other by Charles Morton, M.A. ; ^'" Daniel Defoe was a pupil of the latter. There were two academies in Islington ; one conducted by Ralph Button, M.A., the most eminent of whose pupils was Sir Joseph Jekyll, Master of the Rolls under George I ; the other by Thomas Doolittel, M.A., minister of the congregation in Monkwell Street, among whose pupils were Edmund Calamy, biographer of the ejected ministers, and Matthew Henry the commentator. The other academy was at Wapping, conducted by Edward Veal, whose most distinguished pupil was Samuel Wesley, afterwards rector of Epworth. These academies did not outlast the century. Towards 1700, however, the Congregational Fund Board undertook the training of young men for the ministry. At first candidates were placed under private tuition, but about 1 70 1 Dr. Chauncey, having resigned his pastorate in Mark Lane, was constituted tutor of a regular academy.^" Its original seat is uncertain, but after Chauncey's death in 17 12 it was located in Tenter Alley, Moorfields, and was conducted by T. Ridgeley, D.D., John Eames, F.R.S., and J. Densham. Eames died and Densham retired in 1744 ; and the academy was then united with another which had been commenced by an association called The King's Head Society in 1730. The Plasterers' Hall in Addle Street was adapted for the use of the students, who were instructed by Dr. Zephaniah Marryatt. In "^ Bogue and Bennett, Hist, of Dissenters (2nd ed.), i, 321-36. "" Ibid, i, 313-15 ; ii, 215-20, 517 ; MS. in New Coll. Lib. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 1754 they removed to Mile End, the tutors being Dr. John Conder, Dr. J. Walker, and Dr. Thomas Gibbons. In 1769 the institution was again removed to Homerton, where it remained till 1850, when it was combined with two other Congregational divinity schools and located at Hampstead, where it still flourishes as New College. The Presbyterians also instituted an academy in Hoxton Square, about 1700, which only lasted till 1729 or 1730. The tutors were Joshua Oldfield, D.D.,John Spademan, William Tong, William Lorrimer, and Mons. Capel, formerly of Saumur.'"^ Another academy was commenced in Wellclose Square in 1744, the tutors being Dr. Jennings, minister in Old Gravel Lane, Wapping, and Dr. S. Morton Savage, who succeeded Dr. Watts at Bury Street.'"' On the death of Jennings in 1762 it was removed to Hoxton Square, Dr. Andrew Kippis and Dr. Abraham Rees, Presbyterians, being associated with Dr. Savage. It was discontinued in 1785, and in the following year some ' Wide Dissen- ters,' i.e. Unitarians, resolved to establish an academy on their own principles. This was located at Hackney and presided over by Dr. Kippis, with whom were associated Thomas Belsham and Gilbert Wakefield ; but it ceased to exist within ten years. Meanwhile others determined to found a new institution on moderate Calvinistic lines.^'° After an unsatisfactory experiment (1778-82) the Evangelical Academy was commenced at Mile End in 1783, under the tutorship of Stephen Addington, D.D., minister of Miles Lane ; in 1795 it was removed to Hoxton Square, thence in 1826 to Highbury, and in 1850 it was merged in New College, Hampstead. The New Connexion of General Baptists, formed in 1770, found it necessary to provide a suitable training for their future ministers, and from 1797 students were placed under the care of Rev. Dan Taylor, who ministered in Church Lane, Whitechapel."' On Mr. Taylor's death in 18 13 the students were transferred to Wisbech and subsequently to Loughborough, Chilwell, and in 1882 to Nottingham ; such in brief is the history of the Midland Baptist College. Another training institution, originated by trustees of the Particular Baptist Fund in 1810,''^ was first located at Stepney under the tuition of Rev. W. Newman, D.D., and in 1856 was removed to Regent's Park. Its most distinguished tutors were Rev. W. H. Murch, D.D., 1828-43, and Rev. Joseph Angus, D.D., 1849-1902. The Hbraryofthis college contains probably the finest collection of Baptist literature extant. A third Baptist college, initiated in 1856 by Rev. C. H. Spurgeon, was com- menced in Camberwell, and in 1861 was removed to the Metropolitian Tabernacle, Newington Butts. It is named the Pastors' College, and its avowed aim is ' the training of evangelists, not the educating of scholars.' As early as 1796 a 'Village Itinerary or Evangelical Association' was in active operation."' Its leading spirit was an Anglican clergyman. Rev. John ■ Eyre, M.A., of Hackney, who cordially welcomed the co-operation of Non- conformists. The society deeming it advisable to train its own agents, Mr. Eyre gave the lease of his house as a home for the projected seminary, for which substantial endowments were provided, Rev. Rowland Hill being a liberal benefactor. The seminary was commenced in 1803; Rev. C. '"' Bogue and Bennett, op. cit. i, 310-13, 320-1 ; ii, 213-15. '"' MS. in New Coll. Lib. "° Ibid. ; Bogue and Bennett, op. cit. ii, 519-20. '" CaJ. of Assoc. Coll. (1892), 105. '"Ibid. 130. ■ '" Ibid. III. 399 A HISTORY OF LONDON CoUinson, Congregational minister of Walthamstow, being the first tutor. Although the foundation is unsectarian, all his successors have been Congregationalists, and Hackney College has become a recognized Congre- gational institution. In 1887 it was removed to West Hampstead, retaining its old name. The foundation in 1827 of University College led to new educational developments."* An academy conducted by Dr. Philip Doddridge at Northampton since 1729 had been removed at his death in 1751 to Daventry ; thence in 1790 back to Northampton, and in 1799 to Wymondley, Hertford- shire. In 1833 it was again removed to London, the students being housed in Byng Place, Torrington Square, and attending classes in arts at University College. The institution was named Coward College, after a liberal benefactor in the i8th century. This arrangement only continued till 1850, when Coward, Highbury, and Homerton Colleges were amalgamated as New College, Hampstead. Fifty years later arrangements were made for inter- change of tutorial services between New, Hackney, and Regent's Park Colleges, and in 1903 all three were recognized as divinity schools of the reconstructed London University. A Wesleyan Theological Institution was commenced in Hoxton in 1834, which in 1843 was transferred to Richmond. The Theological- College of the Presbyterian Church in England was estab- lished in Guilford Street in 1844. It was removed in 1899 to Cambridge, where it is known as Westminster College. APPENDIX I ECCLESUSTICAL DiriSIONS The City of London has from early times formed one of the archdeaconries of the diocese of London. There were formerly, however, certain exceptions to the rule of the archdeacon. Thirteen parishes * — those of St. Mary le Bow, All Hallows Bread Street, All Hallows Lombard Street, St. Dionis Backchurch, St. Dunstan in the East, St. John the Evangelist, St. Leonard Eastcheap, St. Mary Aldermary, St. Mary Bothaw, St. Michael Crooked Lane, St. Michael Paternoster Royal, St. Pancras Soper Lane, and St. Vedast — were peculiars of the Archbishop of Canterbury under the Dean of the Court of Arches. The Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's also claimed peculiar rights in certain parishes. New- court," whose Repertorium was published in 1708, names four parishes, St. Giles Cripplegate, St. Gregory, St. Faith and St. Helen, as peculiars of the Dean and Chapter and entirely free from the archdeacon's jurisdiction. He adds, however, that in the precinct of Portpool in St. Andrew's Holborn the Dean and Chapter swore one churchwarden and proved wills, and that both Norton Folgate (asserted by the inhabitants to be a parcel of St. Faith's), and Goswell Street in St. Botolph's without Aldersgate were under the same jurisdiction for testamentary purposes. About a century later, however, the Bishop of London certified^ that the peculiars of the Dean and Chapter in the City were St. Austin with St. Faith, St. Benet Paul's Wharf, St. Peter Paul's Wharf, St. Giles Cripplegate, St. Helen, St. Mary Magdalen Old Fish Street, with St. Gregory, St. Michael Bassishaw and St. Peter le Poer. Also the religious houses, the Inns of Court, the Temple and the precinct of the Rolls covered a considerable portion of the area of the City and its liberties without the walls. As early as the reign of Henry VI, probably about the year 1430,* the parish of St. Augustine Pappey was united with that of All Hallows London Wall, and the church of St. Augustine granted to the brethren of the Pappey. It was pulled down on the suppression of this fraternity in the reign '" Cal. of Assoc. Coll. (1892), 52-6. ' Certificate of the Bishop of London, 1810, in Fahr Eccl. (Rec. Com.), i, App. p. 460. The list in the Falor itself, p. 370, omits St. Michael Royal. * Repcrt. i, 56, 57. ' Falor Eccl. i, App. p. 460. * Newcourt, Repcrt. i, 258. 400 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY of Edward VI. On the dissolution of the religious houses the churches of St. Nicholas Shambles and St. Ewen were destroyed, the church of the Greyfriars being made the parish church for the district under the name of Christ Church, Newgate Street. The church of St. Mary Axe was united with that of St. Andrew Undershaft in 1562,* St. Anne's Blackfriars was rebuilt and consecrated in 1597,° ^""^ '" 1622 a new church, St. James's Duke's Place, was consecrated.' The whole number of parish churches in the City and its liberties before the Great Fire of 1666 was 108. The scheme for rebuilding after the Fire* dealt with eighty-six parishes, of which seventeen were left unaltered, while the remaining sixty-nine were grouped in pairs (in one case three were united), so that the number of parish churches was reduced to seventy-three. This number remained unaltered throughout the i8th century, except for the union of St. Margaret Lothbury and St. Christopher le Stocks in 1 781, when the latter church was destroyed to make room for the extension of the Bank of England.' Owing to an increase of the population of some of the extra- mural parishes the chapelries of St. Thomas in the Liberty of the Rolls (1842), Holy Trinity Gough Square (1842), St. Bartholomew Moor Lane (1850) and All Saints Bishopsgate (1864) were formed,^" but they have been remerged since in St. Dunstan's in the West, St. Bride's, St. Giles Cripplegate, and St. Botolph's Bishopsgate. On account, however, of the rapidly dimin- ishing population of most of the City parishes during the 19th century a large number of unions have taken place, chiefly under the Acts for the Union of Benefices, passed in i860 " and 1898,'^ in the former of which, however, it is expressly provided that the churches of St. Stephen Walbrook, St. Martin Ludgate, St. Peter Cornhill and St. Swithin shall not be pulled down. The peculiars of the Archbishop of Canterbury and others were abolished by Order in Council in 1845,'' and in 1864 the deaneriesof the East and WestCity were formed.^* The following tableshows the changes introduced since the Reformation in the ecclesiastical divisions of the City and its liberties. In the case of unions effected by the Fire Act, the name standing first is that of the church rebuilt for the united parishes. The names marked with asterisks are those of the surviving churches, while the names of non-parochial churches or chapels are enclosed in square brackets, and those which were destroyed before 1560 in round brackets. They are arranged under the modern deaneries.'* Deanery of the East City United by 1670.'^ Fire Act, •All Hallows Barking . . . *A11 Hallows Lombard Street . St. Benet Gracechurch Street St. Leonard Eastcheap . St. Dionis Backchurch . •All Hallows London Wall . •St. Andrew Undershaft . • ) tt ■• j • , -<;, i3 c HT A ■ United in 1562.'^ St. Mary Axe I ^ •St. Botolph Aldgate . . Holy Trinity Minories (per petual curacy) By Order I Nov. in Council, 1864." By Order in Council, 23 Oct. 1876." By Order in Council, 16 May 1893.™ •St. Botolph Bishopsgate All Saints Bishopsgate . •St. Clement Eastcheap St. Martin Orgar . . •St. Dunstan in the East •St. Edmund the King . St. Nicholas Aeons . Formed as district cha- pelry by Order in Council, I Mar. 1864." United by Fire Act. Remerged by Local Act, 32 & 33 Vic. cap. Ixvii (1869). JBy Fire Act. ' Lond. Epis. Reg. Grindall, fol. 22 ; Pat. 4 Eliz. pt. 2, m. ' Ibid, i, 368. * Stat. 22 Chas. II, cap. 11. 30. ' Newcourt, Repert. \, 279. Stat. 21 Geo. Ill, cap. 71. " Ex inf. Mr. Harry W. Lee, bishop's registrar ; Lond. Gaz. 1 1 Oct. 1842, p. 2748 ; ibid. 21 June 1850, p. 1738 ; ibid. 4 Mar. 1864, p. 1329. " Stat. 23 & 24 Vic. cap. 142. " Stat. 61 & 62 Vic. cap. 23. " Lofid. Gaz. 20 Aug. 1845, p. 2541. By this Order all peculiar jurisdiction in the diocese of London, except that of the Cathedral, the collegiate church of Westminster, and the royal palaces, was abolished. '* Information supplied by Mr. F. H. Lee, Registrar of the Court of Arches. " The archdeaconry of London was not anciently divided into deaneries. The Bishop of London certified in 1563 that three of his archdeaconries were then divided into deaneries by name, but that there had been no deans within the memory of man, and he furthermore stated that the archdeaconries of London and St. Albans were not divided into deaneries. Dansey, Horae Decanuae Ruraks, ii, 352. " Stat. 22 Chas. II, cap. 11. " Lond. Gaz. 4 Nov. 1864, p. 5173. " Ibid. 27 Oct. 1876, p. 5685. " See note 5, sufui. '" Lond. Gaz. 19 May 1893, p. 2902. " Ibid. 4 March 1864, p. 1329. I 401 51 :1- •J By i •St. Ethelburga . . , *St. Helen Bishopsgate . St. Martin Oatwich *St. Katherine Cree St. James Duke's Place *St. Katherine Coleman •St. Magnus | g St. Margaret New Fish Street j St. Michael Crooked Lane •St. Margaret Lothbury St. Christopher le Stocks St. Bartholomew Exchang St. Olave Old Jewry St. Martin Pomcroy St. Mildred Poultry St. Mary Colechurch [Mercers' Chapel] . •St. Margaret Pattens St. Gabriel Fenchurch •St. Mary at Hill . St. Andrew Hubbard St. George Botolph Lane St. Botolph Billingsgate •St. Mary Woolnoth St. Mary Woolchurch . •St. Michael Cornhill . St. Peter le Peer . . St. Benet Fink . •St. Olave Hart Street . All Hallows Staining . •St. Peter Cornhill . . •[St. Peter ad V'incula in theN Tower (donative).] I •[Royal Chapel of St. John in I A HISTORY OF LONDON Deanery of the East City {continued) . ] By Order in Council, 1 .1 5Mayi873.'-' f By Order in Council, 1 5 May 1873." / I Fire Act 1781 Fire Act By Local Act, I Will. IV, \ cap. iii (1831). J . [ By Local Act, 2 & 3 I Vic. cap. cvii (1839). •) By Order in Council, | 19 Aug. 1871.-' By Order in Council, 26 Nov. i886.*« :} [ By Order in Council, 26 Sept. 1 90 1." . 1 By Local Act, 5 &6Vic. . j cap. ci (1842). By Order in Council, 1 31 Mar. 1870.-" ( By Order in Council, II May 1906." :) the White Tower. •St. Alban Wood Street St. Olave Silver Street St. Michael Wood Street St. Mary Staining . . •St. Alphage •St. Andrew by the Wardrobe St. Anne Blackfriars . *St. Anne and St. Agnes . . ) St. John Zachary . . . . i •St. Augustine [ St. Faith J *St. Bartholomew the Great . *St. Bartholomew the Less Deanery of the West City By Fire Act . . . By Order in Council, 1 7 Aug. 189+.'" J } By Fi Fire Act •[St. Benet Paul's Wharf, now a Welsh chapel with a perpetual curate." See iii/ra.] •St. Botolph Aldersgate . . ■ •St. Bride , Holy Trinity Gough Square , Formed as district cha- pelry by Order in Council, 1 1 Aug. 1842.^' Remerged by Order m Council, 30 June 1906." Christ Church Newgate Street \ ^^'■cu™u,:!°^ ^'" ^'"'^°^'' United by Fire Act. Shambles) St. Leonard Foster Lane " LonJ. Gaz. 6 May 1S73, p. 2252. " Stat. 21 Geo. Ill, cap. 71. '" Ibid. 17 Dec. 1886, p. 6363. »« Ibid. 18 May 1906, p 3+46. '° Ibid. 14 Aug. 1894, p. 4692. " Ibid. 11 Oct. 1842, p. 2748. » Ibid. 2258. " Lotid. Giiz. 22 Aug. 1S71, p. 3692. " Ibid. I Oct. 1901. p. 6385. " Ibid. I Apr. 1870, ^. 1977. " Ibid. 16 Nov. 1866, p. 6060. "Ibid. 3 July 1906, p. 4545. 402 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Deanery of the West City [continued) 'St. Dunstan in the West . . St. Thomas in the Liberty of Consecrated and district the Rolls. '[Temple Church, extra- parochial] [Rolls Chapel, extra-paro- chial] '"= •St. Giles Cripplegate . St. Bartholomew Moor Lane assigned 1842. Certi- fied for Banns and Marriages 1845.'^* Formed as district cha- pelry by Order in Council, 19 June 1850.^' Remerged by Order in 1 Council, 16 Ajr. 1886.^'" }" nited by Fire Act By Fire Act By Fire Act Remerged by Order in"' Council, 7 Aug. 1900.''" By Order in Council, ) 5 Aug. 1875." ; By Order in Council, 1 3 May 1897.''^ / By Order in Council, 1 17 M.iy, 1890." J By Order in Council, \ 17 July 1873.^- / By Order in Council, 1 21 July 1876.^' J By Order in Council, 1 16 May 1893.*" J By Order in Council, 10 Nov. 1866." *St. James Garlickhithe St. Michael Queenhithe Holy Trinity the Less •St. Laurence Jewry St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street St. Michael Bassishaw . •St. Martin Ludgate St. Mary Magdalen Old Fish Street St. Gregory •St. Mary Abchurch . . St. Laurence Pountney *St. Mary Aldermanbury . •St. Mary Aldermary . . St. Thomas Apostle St. Antholin .... St. John the Baptist Walbroo *St. Mary le Bow . . . St. Pancras Soper Lane All Hallows Honey Lane All Hallows Bread Street . St. John the Evangelist •St. Michael Paternoster Roya St. Martin Vintry . . . All Hallows the Great All Hallows the Less . •St. Mildred Bread Street . St. Margaret Moses •St. Nicholas Cole Abbey . St. Nicholas Olave . St. Mary Somerset . St. Mary Mounthaw . . St. Benet Paul's Wharf . St. Peter Paul's Wharf . •St. Sepulchre .... •St. Stephen Coleman Street •Sr. Stephen Walbrook . . St. Benet Sherehog •St. Swithin St. Mary Bothaw . . . •St. Vedast Foster Lane St. Michael le Querne St. Matthew Friday Street St. Peter Cheap •St. Andrew Holborn is now included in the rural deanery of Holborn." ''• Ex inf. Mr. Harry W. Lee, bishop's registrar. "'' Lond. Gaz. 23 Apr. 1886, p. 1964, "' For the history of the Rolls Chapel see Dej>. Keeper's Rep. Ivii, App. p. 19 et seq. " Lond. Gaz. 21 June 1850, p. 1738. '" Ibid. 10 Aug. 1900, p. 4930. ■' Ibid. 10 Aug 1875, p. 3975. '^ Ibid. 4 May 1897, p. 2440. 27 May 1890, p. 3021. " Ibid. 18 July 1873, p. 3391. *" Ibid. 19 May 1893, p. 2915. „ , "Ibid. 8 July 1879, p. 4331. " Ibid. 4 Aug 1882, p. 3634. " Lond. Diocese Book (1909), 218. 403 By Order in Council, 26 June 1879." I By Fire Acr .^ f By Order in Council, ' 25 July 1882" Ibid. '' Ibid. 4 Aug. 1876, p. 4370. *' Ibid. 1.3 Nov. 1866, p. 5981. A HISTORY OF LONDON In 1540 the parishes of St. Margaret Westminster, St. Martin in the Fields, St. Clement Danes and St. Mary le Strand were included in the short-lived bishopric of Westminster, and on its abolition in 1550 were transferred to the jurisdiction of the Bishop of London,*' though St. Margaret's seems later to have reverted to its peculiar status in respect to the Abbey or collegiate church of Westminster. In 1 8 10 the Bishop of London certified *^ the rectory of St. John the Evangelist and the ' curacy ' of St. Margaret as peculiars of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster. These benefices were, however, annexed to two of the Westminster canonries in 1840 and placed under the jurisdiction of the Archdeacon of Middlesex.*' The jurisdiction of the Archdeacon of Westminster is now confined to the precinct of the Abbey. The old church of St. Mary le Strand *"' was pulled down by the Protector Somerset, and the present church was built in 1724.** While St. Mary's and St. Clement Danes have suffered from depopulation, like the churches in the City of London, the history of St. Margaret's and St. Martin's has been very different. To supply the needs of their growing population there have been successively built within the area of these parishes — in the 17th century the churches of St. Paul Covent Garden, St. James Piccadilly, and St. Anne Soho ; in the i8th those of St. George Hanover Square, and St. John the Evangelist Westminster; and in the 19th some twenty additional churches and chapels.*' Westminster now forms a deanery in the arch- deaconry of Middlesex ; the collegiate church of Westminster and the royal palaces are exempt from the ordinary jurisdiction. The pre-Reformation parishes of Southwark — those of St. George, St. Margaret, St. Mary Magdalen, and St. Olave — formed part of the deanery of Southwark in the diocese of Winchester. St. Saviour's was formed into a parish in 1540 by the amalgamation of the rectory of St. Margaret and the vicarage of St. Mary Magdalen.'" Christ Church and St. John's were erected as separate parishes by Acts of Parliament in 1671 and 1733 respectively,'^ and there are now in Southwark some thirteen ecclesiastical districts. The deanery of Southwark was transferred in 1846 from the diocese of Winchester to that of London, and in 1877 to Rochester." In 1904 the new diocese of Southwark was formed,'' with the church of St. Saviour as its cathedral. APPENDIX II PAROCHIAL RECORDS The records of many of the City parishes are both copious and ancient.^ About half of them" have been consulted for the part of the article on Ecclesiastical History dealing with the period between c. 1450 and 1666. In a few cases the search has been exhaustive ; in the others it has been conducted mainly with a view to elucidating special points or discovering something about the Pre-Reformation church and parish and the parochial history of the critical periods 1540-60 and 1640-60. A list of all the records used is given below. Those marked with an asterisk (*) are in the Guildhall Library and those marked with a dagger (t) at the respective churches to which they belong. It will be seen that a few are printed, wholly or in part. Extracts from many others are to be found in the numerous parochial histories and printed registers,' in the Transactions of the London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, in J. Nichols' Illustrations of Manners, J. P. Malcolm's Londinium Redivivum, Sec* ** Pat. 4 Edw. VI, pt. i, m. 23. *• Falor. Eccl. i, App. p. 460. " By Stat. 3 & 4 Vic. cap. 113, sect. 29. "* The old church was in early times also known as the church of the Holy Innocents ; Stow, Surv. (ed. Kingsford), ii, 92 ; Harl. MS. 1708, fol. Hid. *° Seymour, Surv. of Land. (1735), ii, 682 ; Hennessey, Novum Repert. 313 " Ibid, passim. "' L. and P. Hen. Fill, xv, 498 (3), cap. 64; Wriothesley, Chron. (C.imd. See), i, I 13; Dollman, Priory of St. Mary Otery, 8 et seq. ; Chwdns.' Accts. St. Margaret Southwark, 1539-40. " r.C.H. Surr.'n, so. " Ibid. 52. " Stat. 4 Edw. VII, cap. 30. ' For contents of these see E. Freshfield, A disccurse on some unpubfished records of the City of London. ' Of the remainder a large proportion begin in the i8th century- ; see the Catalogue of the Guildhall Library. ' For these see the Guildhall Library Catalogue. References to several of them are given in the notes to the article above. * Few of these collections of extmcts, however, are altogether accurate, especially with reg.ird to exact dating, for which reference is necessary to the original MSS. The period for rendering the account (Lady Day, Christmas, etc.) varied in different parishes and in different years in the same parish and therefore the dates printed are often misleading and sometimes quite wTong. 404 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY London tAll Hallows Barking. Vest. Min. (1629)* for 1638-62, and Inven- tory of 1 63 1. .*A11 Hallows the Great. Accts. 1 61 6; Vest. Min. 1574. All Hallows Honey Lane. Accts. 1 61 8. Kept at the church of St. Mary le Bow). *A11 Hallows the Less. Accts. 1630 ; Vest. Min. 1644. All Hallows London Wall (shortly to be issued by the Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc). Accts. 1456-1536- *St. Alphage London Wall. Accts. 1527 ; Vest. Min. 1594. tSt. Andrew Holborn. Record Book (Bentley's Register) contain- ing memoranda of an Elizabethan church- warden from accounts, &c., now lost (i446).» *5/. Andrew Hubbard {The British Magazine, vols, xxxi-xxxvi, 1 847-1 849 ; Accts. 1454-1582). Accts. 1454-1600. tSt. Andrew Undershaft. Book of Records, 1620-89 '■> Miscellaneous Papers {14th cent.)', including two documents of 1523 and 1562 relating to St. Mary Axe. *St. Anne Aldersgate. Accts. 1636-62. *St. Antholin. Accts. 1574; Vest. Min. 1648. St. Bartholomew by the Exchange^ (Edited by E. Freshfield). Vest. Min. 1567-1676 (Wills from 1526) ; Accts. 1596-1698. +St. Bartholomew the Great. Elizabethan Inventory ; Accts. 1625. *St. Benet Fink. Accts. 1610. *St. Benet Paul's Wharf. Accts. 1605 ; Vest. Min. 1572. *St. Botolph Aldersgate. Accts. 1466; Vest. Min. 1601 ; Miscel- laneous Papers among the documents belonging to the Dean and Chapter of Westminster. St. Botolph Aldgate. Bodl. Lib. Rawl. MS. D, 796a, a book recording the parochial events of the years 1596-7. One of a series of which others are at the Church ; see Atkinson, St. Botolph Aldgate, 103-4, 1 06-22. London [continued) *St. Botolph Billingsgate. Book of Records, 1418; Accts. 1598; Vest. Min. 1592. St. Bride Fleet Street. Extracts from Vest. Min. 1653-62, in Guildhall Lib. MS. 500. tChrist Church Newgate. Vest. Min. 1609; Record Book, 1547. St. Christopher le Stocks^ (Edited by E.Freshfield), Accts. 1575-1685 ; Fest. Min. and other Records (1488)= ; IFills, &c. (1392).* *St. Clement Eastcheap. Accts. 1636 ; Vest. Min. 1640. tSt. Dunstan in the West. Vest. Min. (1587) for period 1640-60. St. Ethelburga. Extracts from the Accts. (1569)^ printed in The Churchwardens and their Accounts, and in Notes on the Church of St. Ethel- hurgj, by W. F. Cobb. *St. George Botolph Lane. Accts. and Vest. Min. 1591 ; Vest. Min. 1600-85. *St. Gregory. Vest. Min. 1642. *St. John the Baptist Walbrook. Accts. 1595. *St. John Zachary. Accts. 1591. *St. Katherine Coleman. Accts. (1610)^ for period 1640-60. *St. Katherine Cree. Vest. Min. 1639; Accts. 1650. tSt. Lawrence Jewry. Vest. Min. for period 1639-60 only. *St. Magnus. Accts. 1639. St. Margaret Lothbury * (Edited by E. Freshfield) Vestry Minute Book, 1571-1677. *St. Margaret New Fish Street. Book of Records, 1472; Accts. 1576; Vest. Min. 1578. tSt. Margaret Pattens. Extracts from the Book of Records (1470)' printed in the Arch. Journ. xlii (1885), 312. Accts. for Reformation period only. Those for 1524 in the Sacristy, vol. i; those for 1525-48 are missing. *St. Martin Ludgate. Book of Records and Vest. Min. c. 1400- 1718, Guildhall Lib. MS. 1311 (i). Date of earliest entry. Vest. Min. are often interspersed among the Accts. 405 See also ^rch. xlv, 57. A HISTORY OF LONDON London {continued) *St. Martin Organ. Guildhall Lib. MS. 959 (i), which contains Prc-Reformation Accts. and Memoranda, and also Vest. Min. 1555, Accts. 1575. tSt. Mary Abchurch. Vest. Min. 1629. *St. Mary at Hill. 15th cent. Accts. and Extracts from later ones printed by the Early Engl. Text Soc. ; The Medieval Records of a City Church (Edited by H. Littlehales). The original Accts. have been used for 1547- 49^ and the Vest. Min. for 1640-62. ■ *St. Mary Woolnoth. Accts. (1539)^ for 1547-9. St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street. Accts. for period 1 540-60 ; Vest. Min. for period 1640-60. (Kept at the Church of St. Lawrence Jewry.) *St. Mary Magdalen Old Fish Street. Accts. 1648-62. *St. Matthew Friday Street. Extracts from Accts. and Vest. Min. (i547)' printed by W. S. Simpson in Journ. of the Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxv (1869), 356 and Notes on St. Mutthew Friday Street and St. Peter Cheap. The original Accts. have been used for 1547-9. St. Michael Bassishaw. Accts. (16 1 7)' for period 1640-60. (Kept at the Church of St. Lawrence Jewry.) St. Michael Cornhill (Edited by VV. H. Overall and A. J. Waterlow) Accts. Memoranda, and Extracts from the Vest. Min. 1456-1608 (1476-1547 missing). *St. Michael Crooked Lane. Accts. (1617)' for period 1640-60. *St. Michael Wood Street. Accts. (1619)^ for period 1630-62. St. Pancras Soper Lane. Book of Records, earliest (copies) from 1354; Vest. Min. 1626. (Kept at the Church of St. Mary-lc-Bow.) *St. Peter Cheap. Extracts (1431)' printed by W. S. Simpson in Journ. of the Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxiv (1868), 150, 248, and in Notes, ut supra ; Accts. for 1547-9; Vest. Min. 1619-64. London [continued) tSt. Peter Cornhill. Vest. Min. 1570. St. Stephen Coleman Street. Extracts printed by E. Freshfield in Arch. 1,17. *St. Stephen Walbrook, Records (Miscellaneous papers, Guildhall Lib. MS. 1056), Accts. 1474 (1538-+? missing) ; Vest. Min. 1572. *St. Swithin. Accts. (1602),' for period 1630-50 ; Vest. Min. 1647-62. Westminster St. Margaret. Accts. 1460; Vest. Min. 1592. Kept at Caxton Hall. Good extracts from the Accts. are given by J. Nichols, Illustra- tions of Manners. \St. Martin in the Fields. The Accts. of the Churchwardens, 1525- 1603, edited by J. V. Kitto. Vest. Min. for period 1640-60. SOUTHWARK St. George. Accts. 1624. (Kept at the Southwark Town Hall.) St. Margaret. Accts. and Miscellaneous Papers, earliest 1445, ending when the Parish was merged in St. Saviour's in 1539. They include some Accts. of the fraternity of Our Lady there between 1497 and 1534. Some of the parochical Accts. and an in.entory of 1485 are printed in The British Mag., vol xxxii (1847). (Kept at the Cathedral.) St. Olave. Accts. 1546-92; Vest. Min. 1552. (Kept at the Bermondsey Town Hall.) tSt. Saviour. Vesf. Min. 1557-1628. ' Date of earliest entry. Vest. Min. are often interspersed among the Acct*. 406 THE RELIGIOUS HOUSES OF LONDON INTRODUCTION The religious houses of London were in number and interest not un- worthy of the capital. The two which surpassed all the rest in importance were also the most ancient — the cathedral of St. Paul, founded in 604, and the Benedictine abbey of St. Peter, Westminster, which may be as early as the eighth century. The other foundations of secular canons were much later, the college of St. Martin-le-Grand dating from 1067, and that of St. Stephen, Westminster, from 1348, while the only other house of the Benedictine order, the nunnery of St. Helen at Bishopsgate, did not arise before the beginning of the thirteenth century, and the sole Cistercian abbey, St. Mary Graces on Tower Hill, not until 1350. The list of London houses does not include one of Carthusians, for the Charterhouse was just outside the City boundary. The three houses of Austin Canons may be considered early, since Holy Trinity Aldgate, and St. Mary Overy in Southwark, were founded about 1 108 within a very short time of the introduction of the rule into this country, and the priory of St. Bartholomew was begun in 1123. The Knights of the Temple are believed to have settled in Holborn soon after their first arrival in England in 1 128, and the establishment of the Knights of St. Thomas of Aeon in Cheapside took, place in the reign of Henry II, a few years after the death of St. Thomas of Canterbury. The hospital of St. Mary of Bethlehem, which should also perhaps be included under the heading of Military orders, was founded in 1247. When the Grey Friars came to London in the lifetime of St. Francis, the Black Friars had already settled in Holborn, and during the thirteenth century communities of Carmelite, Austin, Crossed Friars, and nuns of St. Clare, as well as of the short-lived orders of Pied Friars, Friars of the Sack, and Friars de Areno were formed in the City and suburbs. There were at least twelve hospitals, six for the sick, and six for the poor. Of the first kind were St. Bartholomew's Smithfield, St. James's West- minster, and St. Mary's without Bishopsgate, founded in the twelfth century, and the hospitals of St. Thomas and St. Leonard in Southwark, and St. Mary's Cripplegate or Elsingspital, at the beginning of the fourteenth century ; in the second category may be reckoned St. Katharine's by the Tower, which dates from the reign of Stephen, the House for Converted Jews of 407 A HISTORY OF LONDON the time of Henry III, Whittington's Hospital and the Pappey, foundations of the fifteenth, and the Savoy Hospital and Milbourne's Almshouses of the sixteenth century. A community of priests in Dowgate known as Jesus Commons might also be considered a hospital. Besides these there may have been several others. Stow says that there was at one time a hospital for lunatics at Charing Cross, but that the inmates were transferred to St. Mary Bethlehem, to which the house was given.^ The Brothers of the Holy Sepulchre, in the first years of Henry III, seem to have had a house in London,' biit this cannot have been the hospital in Holborn, which, according to Stow, was suppressed by Henry V as an alien priory ^ together with others at Aldersgate * and Cripplegate,^ for these were all of the Cluniac order. Except, however, those already mentioned in another connexion, the only alien houses of which any history survives are St. Anthony's Hospital in the parish of St. Benet Fink, and St. Mary Rouncevall near Charing Cross, both founded during the reign of Henry III. In the fourteenth century colleges were established in the churches of St. Laurence Pountney and St. Michael Crooked Lane, and in the chapels of St. Peter in the Tower and St. Mary in the Guildhall ; in the fifteenth in the church of St. Michael Paternoster, and the chapels of Our Lady in AUhallows Barking, and St. Thomas on London Bridge, while the chapel of Leadenhall was entrusted to the charge of a fraternity of sixty priests. The chantry priests of St. James's, Garlickhithe, were constituted a corporate body in 1481, and lived together in a house known as St. James's Commons,^^ and there were possibly other instances of the kind. This list of religious houses is probably however not exhaustive : a house of St. Bridget in London is mentioned in a document of the time of Henry II ^ ; a nunnery is said to have once stood on the ground afterwards occupied by Elsing's hospital ^ ; and Arnold in his catalogue of houses includes a chapel of St. Ursula in the Poultry.* Besides these various associations of religious persons there were always here and there in mediaeval London persons who lived a life of solitude in hermitages or anker-holds. The relations of the citizens with these religious communities did not generally leave much to be desired. There were disputes with St. Paul's about boundaries, with St. Bartholomew's over the Fair, and with St. Martin- le-Grand about sanctuary, but they did not develop into serious quarrels. The only instance of real ill-feeling occurred in the thirteenth century, and was caused by the privileges which raised the abbey at Westminster into a rival. On the whole it may be said that the City was proud of these foundations, most of which owed much to the generosity of the citizens, and that the London houses had a real sense of belonging to and forming part of the City. ' Stow, Surv. ofLond. (ed. Strype), vi, 2. 'In 1226 and 1232 the king gave letters of protection to the Brothers of the hospital of St. Sepulchre, London, seeking alms throughout England. Cal. of Pat. 1226-32, pp. 97 and 499. ^ Stow, op. cit. iii, 248. * Ibid, i, 124. ' Ibid, iii, 88. '"^ See volume on Topography, Vintry Ward. ' Harl. Chart. 43, I, 38. For this, as well as for many references to Charters, the author is indebted to Mr. Ellis of the British Museum. ' Stow, op. cit. iii, 73. * Arnold, Chronicle (ed. 181 1), 75. 408 RELIGIOUS HOUSES HOUSE OF SECULAR CANONS I. THE CATHEDRAL OF ST. PAUL The history of the church of St. Paul has tended from its foundation to make it rather the church of a city than a national or even a diocesan church. London was the metropolis of the East Saxons,^ and the hill on which the cathedral now stands was, in some sort, the central point of London. In Anglo-Saxon times it was the meeting-place of the folkmoot, and the bell which called the people together hung in the place of the churchyard.^ Such tradition affected later custom : in 1252 the citizens swore fealty to Edward, the king's son, in St. Paul's Churchyard.^ In 604, when Augustine had ordained Mellitus bishop of London, King Ethelbert made the church of St. Paul;* and his choice of a site shows that he meant it to be the metropolitan church of the kingdom." The course of history tended to confine its sphere of influence to London ; yet in Anglo-Saxon times it was at least twice the burial-place of royal persons: of Ethelred in 1016* and of Edward Atheling in 1057.' The position is illustrated by an incident which occurred in the eleventh century. When Archbishop JElfheah was mur- dered by the Danes, in 1012, his body was brought to London. The bishops and the townsfolk received it with all veneration and buried it in St. Paul's monastery ; and ' there God made manifest the holy martyr's miracle.' With the permission of Cnut the body was removed, however, to Canterbury, in 1023.' How completely Ethelbert 'made ' the church is not known. Earconwald, who was conse- crated bishop of London in 675,° is said to have bestowed great cost on the fabric,^" and in later times he almost occupied the place of tradi- tionary founder : the veneration paid to him is second only to that which was rendered to ' Bede, Eccl. Hist. lib. ii, cap. 3. 'Stow, Surv. ofLond. (Strype's ed.) iii, 148. ' Chron. of Edw. I and Edw. II (Rolls Ser.), lib. i, 46. * Bede, Eal. Hist. (Rolls Ser.), lib. ii, cap. 3. ' Liber Albus (Rolls Ser.), bk. i, pt. i, cap. 8. The municipal position of St. Paul's is shown by the custom- ary attendance at the cathedral, in mediaeval times, of the mayor, his household, and all of his liberty, with the aldermen and the men of the mysteries, on All Saints' Day ; and of the mayor, aldermen, sheriffs and all of their liberties, on Christmas Day, the days of St. Stephen and St. John the Evangelist, and the Monday after Pentecost. « R. de Diceto, Opera Hist. (Rolls Ser.), i, i68. ' Jtigl.-Sax. Chron. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 159. MbiJ. 118. • Newcourt, Repert. \, 7. '» Dugdale, Hist, 'of St. PauVs, 4. St. Paul." Much of the Anglo-Saxon history of the cathedral is involved in a like ambiguity ; for the early charters have for the most part been condemned as forgeries. Many Saxon kings are, however, traditionary benefactors to St. Paul's. ' I have renewed and restored,' said Athelstan, in one of the rejected charters, liberty to the monastery of St. Paul in London, where holy Earconwald held his bishopric for long ; and all privileges which my ancestors for their souls and for their desires of heavenly icingdom constituted, and which are contained in the writings of the monastery." The date and the terms of this charter lead further to the supposition that the church had suffered during the Danish occupation of London in the beginning of the tenth century, and the disorder consequent on war with the Danes. In 962 it was attacked by its most persistent enemy : ' in that year Paul's monastery was burnt and was again founded.' ^' But the life of the church appears to have been little inter- rupted : a grant of land was received from Queen Egelfleda " and a confirmation of lands and possessions from Ethelred.*" In 1012 and 1013, and from 1017 to 1040 the Danes were again in London ; and, unlike their ancestors, they worshipped in St. Paul's. A stone has been found in the churchyard which bears the Runic inscription ; ' Kina caused this stone to be laid over Tuki.' *' Cnut confirmed all the lands of the church, and intimated to his bishops, earls, peers and ministers that the priests of St. Paul's monastery were under his protection and their lands free from burdens.'' Nevertheless their liberties must have been violated during the confusion which followed on his death ; for Edward the Confessor not only granted a charter which confirmed them in their lands and possessions,*' but also ' restored ' certain property to them." " Registrum S. Pau/i (ed. W. St. Simpson), 11, 52, 8i> 393-5 ; Newcourt, Repert. ii, 7. It is said that on the death of Earconwald there was a struggle between the canons of St. Paul's and the monks of Chertsey as to who should bury him, during which the people of London brought his body to St. Paul's : it was transferred to a shrine in the cathedral in 1 140. " Printed in Dugdale, Hist, of St. Paul's, l8i. " Angl.-Sax. Chron. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 92. " Printed in Dugdale, Hist, of St. PauVs, 181. " Ibid. '^ The stone is preserved in the cathedral library. " Charter printed in Dugdale, Hist, of St. PauPs, 181. 409 " Printed in Dugdale, Hist, of St. PauFs, 181. " Ibid. 52 A HISTORY OF LONDON It is probable that the influx of foreign ecclesiastics into England particularly affected the cathedral, for Robert of Jumieges, consecrated bishop of London in 1040,^ and his successor William were both Normans ; and it can hardly be doubted that the bishop appointed the clergy of the church at this date as in later times. The Norman names Ralph and Walter are indeed those of two of the four canons of St. Paul's, who are mentioned in the Domesday Survey.*^ Bishop William, according to his epitaph in the cathedral, was ' familiar with St. Edward, king and confessor, and admitted to the councils of Prince William, king of England.'" He obtained great and large privileges for London, and was for many centuries revered by the citizens.^^ It is to be concluded that he took under his protection the cathedral church, with which, of all the institutions of the city, he was particularly connected. Thus circumstances must have combined to prevent the Conquest from occasioning any break in the history of St. Paul's. Several grants of land and two charters were conferred by William I : ^* an instruction for the restoration of ancient possessions, which occurs in one charter," indicates some losses in the times of disorder, or neglect of the like pro- vision of Edward the Confessor. William desired that the church might be as free as he would wish his soul to be on the Day of Judge- ment. Confirmations of liberties and property were received from both his sons.^* In 1087 the Saxon church of St. Paul's was burnt,*' and Bishop Maurice began the building of that cathedral which was beautified and enlarged by many generations, and stood in 1666."* Richard de Belmeis bestowed for some years all the revenues of his office on the work of construction, and yet ' it seemed that nothing had been done.' -' Richard made St. Paul's churchyard, and enlarged the streets and lanes about the cathedral at his own cost.'" He obtained from Henry I a grant of as much of the ditch of Baynard's Castle as was needed to make a wall about the church and a way without the wall ;'^ and in 1106 Eustace earl of Boulogne re- »» W. Stubbs, Reg. Sacr. Angl. 20. " Dom. Bk. i, 127, 128. " Stow, Sutxi. of Lond. (ed. Strype), iii, 158. " Dugdale, Hist, of St. PauPs, 5 1 . »* Cart. Antiq. R. A. I. " Printed in Dugdale, Hist, of St. PauPs, 1 87. " Cart. Antiq. R. BB. 9 ; Hist. MSS. Com. Ref. ix, App. i, pt. i, 45. '■ Jng/.-Sax. Chron. (Rolls Ser.), ii. 188. " Much material was obtained from the ruins of a strong castle called the Palatine Tower, which was burnt with the old church. Dugdale, Hist, of St. PauVs, 6. » Will, of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontif (Rolls Ser.), 145. *> Dugdale, Hist, of St. PauFs, 6. " Stow, Surv. of Lond. (ed. Strype), iii, 142. nounced all his claim to lands thus surrounded.^' Henry I helped the builders in another way ; he commanded that ships which entered the River Fleet to bring stone for the church should be free from toll and custom.^' In 1 135 the building was injured by a fire which arose at London Bridge and spread to St. Clement Danes.'* In the story of a disputed election the attitude of the chapter during the disorderly times of Stephen is discovered. Gilbert Universalis, bishop of London, died in 1134;" for two years the see remained vacant ; then a meeting of the chapter was held simultaneously with that of a council summoned by the king to West- minster. There were two parties among the canons, that which favoured and that which opposed the election to the episcopacy of Anselm, abbot of Bury St. Edmunds.'^ This was a nephew of the late Archbishop Anselm, who had been abbot of St. Sabas in Rome, and had visited England as legate in 1115. In 1116 he had arrived in Normandy bearing letters which conferred on him the administration of the apostolic see in England, and Henry I had been persuaded by the queen, Archbishop Ralph and certain nobles to send him back to Rome." Some of his supporters in this election were de- prived of their goods, and Ralph de Diceto says of them that they were wise not in God but in things of the world, and that their action seemed iniquitous to all the council at Westminster." It is evident that they represented the anti-national party in the politics of the church, and the party opposed to Stephen in state politics. Their opponents, who were led by Dean William, underwent a temporary defeat. The treasurer was an adherent of Anselm, and with Anselm, others of the canons and much gold, journeyed to Rome, where, by help of the confusion due to the schism of Leo, an appeal was gained. Anselm was accordingly received in the cathedral by a solemn procession,'^ and was enthroned in 1137.*" The time was favourable for high- handed administrations ; the new bishop's rule was autocratic, and he probably weakened his party in the chapter and the country. In the following year Richard de Belmeis and Ralph of Langford, resident canons, rendered a second appeal to Rome, which was supported by a letter from Archbishop Thurstan of York, and, according to Ralph de Diceto, by the evidence of all the suffragans of Canterbury.*' As a " Dugdale, Hist, of St. Paul's, 6. " Ibid. " Matt. Paris, Hist. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 163. " Kewcourt, Repert. i, 1 1 . '^ R. de Diceto, Opera Hist. (Rolls Ser.), i, 249. ^'' Ann. Mon. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 215 ; Roger of Hoveden, C/:ron. (Rolls Ser.), i, 171. '* R. de Diceto, Opera Hist. (Rolls Ser.), i, 248. " Ibid. " Newcourt, Repert. i, I I. " R. de Diceto, Opera Hist. (Rolls Ser.), i, 249. 410 RELIGIOUS HOUSES result Anselm's tenure of the bishopric was declared to be invalid because his appointment had lacked the dean's consent.*^ The succession of Ralph of Langford to Dean William in this year *^ further indicates a change in the disposition of power in the chapter. The cathedral received a charter from Stephen which confirmed its lands and possessions." In the quarrel between the king and Arch- bishop Thomas, in the next reign, St. Paul's sided with Gilbert Foliot. When this bishop had summoned a meeting of London clergy in the cathedral, and had publicly appealed to Rome against his excommunication,*^ the dean and chapter wrote to the pope in his support." They received from the archbishop an intimation of the sentence of their bishop, who, both in this year, and, presumably, when he was again under a ban from 1 1 70 to 1171, did not enter the cathedral.*' In later times an altar and a chapel were dedicated to St. Thomas the Martyr in St. Paul's Church.-** In this reign, as in that of Henry I, much care was bestowed on the restoring, and the building and adorning of the cathedral. The bishop of Winchester ordered the inhabitants of his diocese in 1 175—6 to afford assistance to those sent to collect money for the building of the church of St. Paul.*^ A system of wander- ing collectors for the building fund, instituted by the bishop or the chapter or both of them, seems to be indicated. The dean and chapter gave two palfreys to King John in the year 1200, that he might protect their enjoyment of the liberties contained in their charter,^" and they received from him an additional charter which confirmed their rights and possessions.'^ Their attitude in the struggle between the king and his barons is definite. At the end of the list of excommuni- cated rebels, in the bull of I 21 5, a paragraph is devoted to the sentence of ' Master Gervase de Hobrugge, chancellor of London, who is the most manifest persecutor of the king and the king's friends,' ^^ and it is this Gervase who was elected dean in 1 216.*' He and Simon Lang- ton, canon of St. Paul's, and brother of the archbishop, appealed, in the year of the election, against the excommunication of Louis and his " R. de Diceto, 0/iera Hist. (Rolls Ser.), i, 250. " Newcourt, Repert. i, 33. '* Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. pt. i, 45. *■'■ Materials for Hist, of Thos. Becket (Rolls Ser.), iii, 32. " Ibid, vi, 618. " R. de Diceto, Ot'cra Hist. (Rolls Ser.), i, 334. " DugJale, Hist. of St. Paul's, 24., 131. " Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, pt. i, 58. " Rot. de Oblat. et Fin. (Rec. Com.), 63. " Cirt. Antiq. R. A. 7. " Rymer, Focd. i, 225. '^ Ann. Mon. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 51. followers." Both Gervase and Simon, with Robert de St. Germain,** were deprived of their benefices by the legate Gualo,** who, in the next year, signified to the bibhop and the dean and chapter that he had appointed Henry of Cornhill to the office of chancellor, vacated by the deposition of Gervase of Hobrugge for con- tumacy and contempt." In detestation of the masses of the excommunicated the altars in London on which they had celebrated were destroyed.** In the reign of Henry III the clergy of St. Paul's took part in that movement of the church towards independence which identified itself with the struggle for political liberty. Ranulf le Breton, canon and treasurer of St. Paul's, had been a familiar friend of the king. He in- curred the royal displeasure ; a messenger was sent to accuse him of treason, and an obedient mayor placed him in the Tower. The chapter would not brook such infringement of the rights of one of its members. In the absence of the bishop. Dean Geoffrey de Lucy ' incontinently ' pronounced sentence of excommunication on all who had been concerned in the imprisonment, and placed the cathedral under an interdict. When, in spite of admonitions, the king re- mained obdurate, the bishop was about to extend the interdict to the whole city, and was supported by the legate, the archbishop, and many other prelates. Such extreme measures were not necessary. Henry commanded Ranulf to be set free, but stipulated that he should be kept in readiness to come forward whenever an accusa- tion should be made against him. The canons refused for him such conditional liberty, and demanded his absolute restoration to the church as its child ; and the king gave way.*^ Two years later the chapter elected Fulk Bassett, dean of York, to the see of London, in spite of the king's efforts to procure the choice of Peter d' Aigueblanche, bishop of Hereford. For three years Fulk awaited his consecration ; in 1244 he was installed and the chapter had secured another victory. '" The politics of St. Paul's were not only local. The dean and chapter addressed to Clement II, in 1307, a eulogy of Bishop Grosteste, and a request that his name might be enrolled in the hagiology of the church." In 1269 Henry III granted to them a charter, confirming divers liberties and quit- tances of which their enjoyment had lately been hindered by the war and tumult in the " M.itt Paris, Hist. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 655. " The wording of the appeal makes it possible that Robert de St. Germain was not a canon. '* Ann. Mon. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 51. " Ibid. " Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, pt. i, 22. '' Matt. Paris, Ciron. MaJ. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 547. '" Ibid, iv, 1 7 1 . " Lambeth MSS. 5 80, fol. 45 ^. '' Cart. Antiq. A 26. 411 A HISTORY OF LONDON In the matter of the election it is likely that the canons sought to resist the power and greed of foreigners as much as to maintain rightful liberties. The cathedral took a prominent part in the resistance to Archbishop Boniface. It claimed immunity from metropolitical visitations. When, therefore, the archbishop would have visited the chapter in 1250, the canons refused to admit him into their church and appealed to the pope ; and Boniface excommunicated the dean, Henry of Cornhill, with certain other dignitaries. Afterwards, when he was about to go to Rome, he procured that the dean and canons should be cited to appear at the papal court, and he was supported by a letter of the king to Innocent IV." The chapter asked for the help of all the bishops of England, and sent to Rome, as proctors, the dean and the canons Robert of Barton and William of Lichfield." In 1 25 1 Innocent revoked the sentence of ex- communication ; *' but, in the next year, a papal decree obliged the cathedral to submit to an archiepiscopal visitation.^* It took place in 1253; and Alatthew Paris tells that the canons ' kindly' admitted Boniface, and that he bore himself cautiously and moderately.*' There were few papal provisions to ofEces in St. Paul's in this reign. A prebend and canonry were conferred by the pope on Alexander de Ferentino, papal sub-deacon and chaplain, but they were granted in effect to William of Kilkenny, and the dean and chapter contended, in justification, that the papal appointment could not take effect, since the prebends were limited in number, and the collation to all of them belonged to the bishop. A papal chaplain was thereupon ordered to hear the proctors of both parties, and, on his report, a mandate of 1254 granted the disputed prebend to Alexander, and provided William to the next which should fall vacant.** In 1256 Alexander is called canon of London.*' On the death of Richard Talbot, in 1262, Innocent IV attempted to provide John de Ebulo, papal sub- deacon and chaplain to the deanery. But the canons were resolute in their resistance ; the settlement of the question was delegated by the pope to the cardinal of Sts. Cosmo and Damiano, who arranged a compromise. By virtue of this Ebulo resigned his claim to the deanery and received certain pensions from the goods of the dean and chapter, and the promise of the next prebend that should fall vacant. Yet in the two following years his claim was twice disregarded ; canon ries were granted to Thomas of Cantilupe, and to Amatric son of Simon de Montfort, respectively; and in 1264 Urban IV wrote to "Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), v, 1 2 1, 124-5, 208, 213. " Ibid, vi, 199. " Ibid, v, 212. •^ Cal. Pap. Letters, i, 276. '' Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), v, 322. " Cal. Pap. Letters, i, 302. " Ibid, i, 334. urge that the agreement be fulfilled.'" The canons sometimes reinforced themselves by the pope's authority when they wished to enjoy a plurality of benefices,'^ and in this way papal power had significance. Independence was generally maintained until the end of the reign of Edward I. The deans were English." In 1294 Dean William de Montfort fell dead at the king's feet as he was about to plead against excessive taxation.'' Much was done to the fabric of the cathedral in the thirteenth century. On St. Remigius' day, in 1241, it was dedicated afresh by Bishop Roger Niger, in the presence of the king and many prelates and magnates.'^ A grant had been received, in 1205, of a market place, to the east of the church ; '' and this was the site of the New Work, begun in 125 1.'* The enterprise was, to some extent, that of the Catholic church. From 1228 to 1255, and again from 1260 to 1276, numerous hortatory letters of the English and Welsh bishops granted indulgences to penitents in their dioceses who should help in the work of St. Paul's church. Eight Irish bishops issued similar indulgences between the years 1237 and 1270. In Scotland only Albinus, bishop of Brechin, attempted thus to direct the liberality of his people, and the benefits he con- ferred were extended to those who should pray at St. Paul's for the soul of Isabella of Bruce. But in 1252 Henry, archbishop of Cologne, when in England, sent out a hortatory letter to encourage contributions ; and Innocent III granted a pardon of forty days' penance for the same purpose." When the Emperor Frederick raised the siege of Parma, in 1248, the inhabitants, in their thank- fulness, vowed that they would send to St. Roger, bishop of London, a like sum to that of which they had despoiled him on his way to Rome, for the building of the church in London or for other alms which touched his honour.'* Through- '» Ibid, i, 417. " Ibid, i, 377, 525, 533. " List of deans in Appendix to ^1'^. S. PauR (ed. W. S. Simpson). " Wharton, De Episcopls, Sec, 210. " Matt. Paris, Ckron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), iv, 49. " Trans, of St. Paul's Ecd. Soc. i, 178. '* Stow, Surv. ofLond. (ed. Strj-pe), iii, 173. " Dugdale, Hist, of St. PauFs, 6 et seq. " Matt. Paris, Ckron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), v. 13. In the year 1247 a curious ceremony took place in con- nexion with St. Paul's. Among the treasures of the cathedral was a vase said to contain the blood of Christ. Apparently it was considered fitting that it should have a yet holier resting place. The king ordered all the priests and clerks of London to assem- ble in the church on the day of St. Edward in their most ceremonious vestments. Then with highest honour and reverence and fear he received the vase, and, preceded by the clergy in procession, he bore it to Westminster ; walking, and in the habit of a poor man. He held it above his head, and always he looked at the sky or at the vase. Ibid, iv, 641. 412 RELIGIOUS HOUSES out these years many individuals made donations and bequests to forward the New Work/' After 1283 hortatory letters of bishops for the same end were few : ' the main brunt of the work was over.'*" The dean and chapter became involved in a quarrel with the mayor and commonalty on the question of the boundaries of their precmcts. The determina- tion of the way without their churchyard wall, which Henry I had suffered them to make, appears to have been ambiguous, while the com- pletion of the wall was delayed. Further, the chapter had, apparently, an unrestricted power of closing the gates of the churchyard, naturally productive of inconvenience to the citizens. In 1 28 1 an agreement was made by which the mayor and citizens conceded that the southern gates should not be open from curfew to morn- ing." In 1284-5 Edward I granted that the churchyard might be inclosed and have fitting gates and posterns.'^ The bishop, the dean and the chapter pleaded before the king at the Guildhall, in this year, that the proximity of houses to their wall had prevented them from building residences for the ministers of their church, and judgement was given in their favour.*' The attitude of St. Paul's in connexion with national politics under Edward II is proved by the honour that was paid to Thomas earl of Lancaster, after his death. The earl had put up a tablet in the cathedral to commemorate the granting of the ordinances, and its neighbour- hood acquired a reputation for the working of miracles.** An image of Lancaster was erected there, before which, with the sanction of the church of Rome and the bishop, the people prayed and made offerings. The king by letters to the bishop and to the dean and chapter ordered such practice to be discontinued ; ^^ the tablet, and presumably the statue, were removed by royal writ ; but the people still made obla- tions on the spot which had become sanctified.** A form of prayer in honour of Thomas of Lan- caster, which was used in St. Paul's, is extant, and it betrays curious popular sympathies on the part of the cathedral clergy. In a hymn the earl is addressed as ' he who, when he saw the common people shipwrecked and in travail, did not spurn to die for the right.' *' Under the stronger governments of Edward III and " Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, pt. i ; Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, &c. «° Dugdale, Hist, of St. PauPs, 14. " Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. pt. i, 51. »' Dugdale, Hist, of St. PauFs, 1 7. " Sharpe, Cal. of Letter Bk. A. 213 ; Abbrev. Plac. (Rec. Com.), 208. " Fabyan, Chron. of Land. 257. '* Cal. of Close, i 313-18, p. 723. " Fabyan, Chron. ofLond. 257. «' Doc. I Iks. Hist, of St. Paul's (ed. W. S. Simpson), 11-14. Richard II St. Paul's lost individuality and inde- pendence. To the first the chapter granted loans and free gifts.*' In 1379 Richard II exercised with regard to St. Paul's the privilege conceded to him by Urban VI, of nominating two canons in all cathedrals and collegiate churches in England.*' He presented a minor canon in 1381, a treasurer in 1387, and a pre- bendary in 1 39 1.'** In 1393 he again conferred the office of treasurer ; the matter was brought before the Court of Chancery, and, in accordance with the decision, Richard revoked his grant. '^ From the accession of Edward II resistance to papal aggression was likewise harder and less effectual ; its successes were due to the fact that Roman greed of gold was stronger than greed of power. After Ralph Baldock had been pro- moted to the bishopric, the deanery was held successively by two Roman cardinals, Raymond de la Goth and Arnald de Cantilupe.'^ It is probable that these deans took little part in the doings of the chapter: thus, in 1309, the year in which he died, Arnald was authorised to appoint attorneys while he was absent for three years at the court of Rome.'' It was in 1307 that the chapter wrote to the pope on the sub- ject of Grosteste.'* John Sendale was 'rightly elected dean by the canons' in 131 1 ;" yet in 13 14 Edward II sent a letter to the pope asking him to grant to John that confirmation without which his tenure was incomplete.'^ The occa- sion of such a request becomes clear when it appears that, probably in this year or the next, John XXII granted the deanery of London with a canonry to Vitalis de Testa, nephew of William, cardinal of St. Curiae ; '^ and addressed him as dean and canon of London until the year 1 322.'* The papal mandate states that the offices are void by the death of Arnald de Cantilupe, and ignores John Sendale. Yet in a list of deans in the archives of the cathedral it is stated that John was dean from 131 1 to 13 16, Richard New- port from 1 3 14 to 131 7, and Vitalis in 1323." In 1 3 16 the pope granted to Vitalis leave to enjoy the fruits of his benefices while he pursued his studies at a university.'"** This, coupled with the fact that he seems to have been chiefly dis- tinguished as the nephew of his uncle, makes it probable that he was very young, and must have ^ Cal. of Close, i333-7>P- i7; 1339-41. PP- 5S8, 684; 1346-9, p. 384. ^' Cal. of Pat. 1377-81, pp. 328, 329- '" Ibid. 1381-5, p. 411 ; Le Neve, f^j/;' (ed. 1716), zoi. " Cal. of Pat. 1383-92, pp. 327, 412. " Le Neve, Fasti (ed. 1716), 183. " Cal of Pat. 1307-13, p. 122. " V. supra. '■■ Wharton, De Episcopis Loud, etc., 214. "^ Rymer, Focd. iii, 473. " Cal. of Pap. Letters, ii, 124. »»Ibid. ii, 155. " Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 468-470. "» Cal. of Pap. Letters, ii, 155. 413 A HISTORY OF LONDON rendered necessary the existence of a substitute who can only have lacked the title of his office. Hence must have arisen the confusion which appears in the cathedral list. Vitalis was not protected by the king, who granted his canonry and prebend to Roger of Northburgh.^"' Finally the pope authorised his exchange of benefices with John of Everdon, who became dean in 1322 or 1323.''*' There was another instance of suc- cessful resistance to papal aggression in I3I7' The pope provided Vitalis, cardinal of St. Mar- tin's in the Mountains, to a prebend in St. Paul's.'*" The dean and chapter obtained from the king a prohibition to publish the grant, and thus incurred excommunication.'*'* In the follow- ing year they bought from the proctor of Vitalis, with five hundred Florentine florins, a concession that they should not be molested in the matter of the disputed prebend."*' Again in 1 321 the archdeaconry of London, to which Elias Talley- randi, brother of the count of Perigord, had been provided, was held by Richard of Haston.'"^'^ A papal mandate ordered restitution and was obeyed.'*^ At least ten other dignities and pre- bends were conferred by the pope in the reign of Edward 11.'"* Under Edward III there were certainly eigh- teen provisions before 1346."" In 1328 both the bishop and the pope presented to the prebend of Brondesbury ; the nominees collided, and there ensued a brawl which brought the church under an interdict for five days.'"* Many provisions were made at the king's request. In the life- time of Dean Gilbert Bruere, who is said to have served four cardinals of the Roman church for thirty-four years,"' the pope reserved to himself the presentation to the deanery, and he appointed Richard of Kilmington to it in 1353."" John of Appleby, who became dean in 1364, also owed his office to a papal grant.'" Under Richard II Thomas of Evrere was provided to the deanery in 1389."* The history of the building of St. Paul's in this century is chiefly concerned with the diocese of London. The pope granted in 1306 a release of certain periods of penance to all who visited the cathedral on the feast of St. Paul and the following days ; '" Bishop John Salmon of Norwich, in 1303, and Bishop Thomas Hatfield of Durhn.Ti, in 1345,"^ urged contribution to the New Work in letters hortatory ; like appeals were issued by Roger Mortival, bishop of Salis- bury, in 1 3 16, for the repair of the Old Work ; and by Simon, cardinal, in 137 1, for repairs in general.'" But in the diocese of London there was greater activity. It was ordained in 1 300 that all offerings in the cathedral should be assigned to the completion of the New Work."* Ralph Baldock, while he was bishop of London from 1306 to 1 3 13, gave two marks every year to this object ; '" he promised an indulgence to all who contributed to the repairs of the Old Work.'^ His successor, Gilbert Segrave, and all the clergy of London urged on the people the necessity of providing for the restoration of the bell tower.'-' For this purpose exclusively, under Bishop Richard Newport, in 1320, col- lections were ordered to be made in all churches within the jurisdiction of the see, and on every Sunday /'■- The whole church was elaborately measured in 1 313 ; and Gilbert Segrave dedicated altars in the New Work to the Virgin, St. Thomas the Martyr, and St. Dunstan."' In 1327 the choir was moved to the New Work, and mass was first celebrated at the great altar on All Saints' Day.'-^ The high altar and two collateral altars were consecrated by Bishop Richard Bintworth to the glory of the saints Paul, Ethelbert, and Mellitus. This bishop loved the church and the City, and was present in the cathedral on all saints' days ; in conse- quence he received great honour.'*' Peter, bishop of Corbavia, consecrated a bell in 1331.'^ In 1332 the mayor and aldermen granted to the master of the New Work exemption from liability to be put on assizes and juries. '"^ To- wards the end of the fourteenth century the people appear to have grown less careful of their church. The commission issued by Edward III, in 1370, reproaches the bishop with neglect of its buildings.'-* In 1385 Bishop Robert Bray- brook complains of the unseemly behaviour of the people. By buying and selling they had made of the cathedral a public market. They threw stones at the rooks and pigeons in the church, and they played at ball and other games, to the detriment of the windows and images. On pain of excommunication the delinquents were ordered to mend their ways within ten days.'"* "" Cal. of Pap. Letters, "" Ibid, ii, 155. 188. '"Ibid, ii, 225. "" Ibid, ii, 169. '" Hist. MSS. Com. Rtp. ix, App. i, 654. "* Cal. of Pap. Letters, ii, 211. "" Ibid, ii, 231. "® Ibid, ii, 124-276; Lend. Epis. Reg. B.ildotk, fol. 21. '"' Cal. of Pap. Letters, ii, 281-410 ; iii, 50-423. "•' Chron. of Edw. I and Ediv. 11 (Rolls Ser.), i, 340. '" Cal. of Pap. Letters, iii, 246. "- Ibid, iii, 428. '" Le Neve, Fasti (ed. 17 16), i S4. •" Ibid. 189. "' Cal. cj Pap. Letters, ii, 17. "' Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 42. 117 IIB Dugdale, Hist, of St. PauPs, 14. Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock, and Gravescnd, fol. 205. "» Ciroit. of Edzv. I and Edtv. 11 (Rolls Ser.), i, 277- '™ Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 16. '" Ibid. fol. 35. '" Ibid. fol. 47. '" Ctron. of Edtv. 1 and Edw. 11 (Rolls Ser.), i, 277- '" Ibid, i, 338. '" Ibid, i, 368. "« Ibid, i, 383. '" Sharpe, Cal. of Letter Bk. E, 264. "» Reg. S. Pauti (ed. W. S. Simpson), bk. 2, iii. '■' Lond. Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 330. 414 RELIGIOUS HOUSES The same bishop, by letters addressed to the clergy of the City and diocese, conferred an induli^ence on all who contributed to the Old Work.^o The boundaries of the precincts were still questionable. In 1316-17 Edward II granted that the churchyard wall might be completed. ''' The chapter appears to have taken advantage of his permission, and thus to have become involved in another dispute. In 1 32 1-2 the mayor pleaded before the justices that the dean and chapter had surrounded with a mud wall the ancient meeting-place of the folkmoot, the pro- perty of the commonalty ; that they had in- closed St. Augustine's Gate and thus obstructed the king's highway through it and the western gate of St. Paul's to Ludgate ; and that they had prevented passage through Southgate and 'Dycer's Lane.' In reply the canons produced their various charters.''^ It is difficult to discover the political attitude of the chapter in the fifteenth century. The privileges of the cathedral had been confirmed by Richard II, and a like benefit was granted by Henry IV and Henry V.'" In 1464 Dean William Saye, who had been chosen proctor by the clergy of the synod of London, was adhibited by Edward IV to secret councils.'''^ Another possible indication of policy occurs in 1455, when the commons petitioned that Thomas Lisieux, dean of St. Paul's, might be an adminis- trator of the property of Humphrey, late duke of Gloucester.'^' At all events the cathedral does not appear to have suffered otherwise than accidentally from the changes of dynasty. Charters were confirmed to St. Paul's by Ed- ward IV '^^ and Henry VII'" in the first year of the reign of each ; in 1464 the cathedral was exempted from the effects of the Act of Resumption."' William Worseley, dean, was implicated in the conspiracy of Perkin Warbeck,''' but received a royal pardon and was suffered to retain his office.'*" Twelve prebends in St. Paul's were certainly provided by the pope between 1 396 and 1404,'*' and three from 1404 to 14 15 ; '*" but the great period of papal aggression was over. From the sixteenth century the history of St. Paul's loses much of its interest : when the '^ Lond. Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 340, 341. '" Stow, Surv. of Lond. (ed. Strype), ill, 142. ^"■^ Abbrev. Plac. (Rec. Com.), 354 ; Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. pt. i, 49. ''' Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), vii, cap. 15. '" Wharton, De Epis. Lond. &.:. 228. '" Par/. R. (Rec. Com.), 339a. "« Chart. R. I Edw. IV, pt. 6, No. 4. '" Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. F. Simpson), v, 2. "* Par!. R. (Rec. Com.), v, 421 a. "' Andre, Hist, of Hen. Vll (Rolls Scr.), 69. "" Letters of reigns of Ric. Ill and Hen. Vll (Rolls Scr.), 375. '" Cat. of Pap. Lettirs, v, 142. '" Ibid. vi. chapter can be said to have a policy, it is one of consistent servility to kingly government. The cathedral was brought into prominence by the deanery of Colet.'*^ After his death, in i 5 I 9, it suffered for many years from virtual lack of a dean. Richard Pace, Colet's successor, was pre- vented, first by his foreign avocations and later by illness, from taking part in the affairs of St. Paul's.'" Richard Sampson was twice appointed his coadjutor in I526and 1536. The latter year is probably that of Pace's death, and in July Cranmer licensed Sampson, then bishop of Chichester, to hold the deanery in commendam. In 1534 the clergy of St. Paul's formally denied the pope's supremacy, in a declaration so explicit that it became a model for such renunciations.''" Yet Bishop Stokesley asserted that he had sup- ported its adoption by the chapter, almost singly. In this period the cathedral received Cromwell's visitors,'*^ Thomas Legh and John Ap Rhys, who are said to have comported themselves with in- solence towards the clergy. During a short time of triumph for Cromwell in 1540, Sampson,'*' who was a conspicuous member of Gardiner's party, lost the deanery of St. Paul's and was sent to the Tower.'** Cranmer was appointed preacher and reader in the cathedral ; '" and John Incent, a leader of factions in the chapter, became dean."" The iconoclasts began their work in St. Paul's under Henry VIII ; '*' but it was under Edward VI, in 1552, that all the chapels and altars and much 'goodly stonework' were demolished."^ The motives for such destruction were often mixed : thus Somerset used the stone of the chapel and cloister in Pardonchurchhaugh "' '" v. infra. '" L. and P. Hen. Fill, iv, 14, 93, 126, 177, 185, 374. 392- "-■ Rymer, Foed. xiv, 493. The declaration was signed by five resident and three other canons, nine or ten minor canons, six vicars, thirty-one chantry priests, and twenty-three persons of unspecified rank. '"^ L. and P. Hen. nil, ix, 622. '" Ibid, xi, 125. "» Hall, Chron. (ed. 1809), 328 '" L. and P. Hen. Fill, ix, 922. ""Ibid, viii, 744, 745. "' Collection of records in Burnet's Hist, of Ref. pt. ii, bk. i, No. 35. '" Chron. of Gre\friars (Camden Soc), 75. '" The building of the chapel in the western quad- rature of Pardonchurchhaugh, which was called Sheryngton's Chapel, and dedicated to the Bieised Virgin and St. Nicholas, was begun by Walter Sheryngton, resident canon of St. Paul's, and chan- cellor of the duchy of Lancaster, and completed by his executors. Sheryngton received, in 1445-6, a licence to found in it a chantry, and his executors therefore endowed two chaplains, and granted the advowson to the dean and chapter. A library and a chamber were annexed to the chapel. {Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. viii, App. 634; Sharpe, Ca/. of IV ills, ii, 5 39-) 415 A HISTORY OF LONDON for his new palace ;'" in 1553 all the plate and coin and the vestments and copes of the cathedral were commanded to be given for the king's grace.'" In like manner the prebend of Kentish Town was appropriated, in 1551, to the furnish- ing of the royal stables.'*^ In August, 1553, the dean and chapter were cited to appear before Queen Mary's com- missioners.'" All the great dignitaries of the cathedral, with the exception of the archdeacon of Essex, and the chancellor, resigned, or were deprived ; and Bonner collated others to their places. The office of Dean William May, a leading Puritan, was given to John Fecken- ham.''* In September Bonner sang mass in the church,'^' and in the next year a ' young flourishing rood ' was set up to welcome King Philip.'"' The accession of Elizabeth wrought another complete change in the holders of offices and in the services.'" May was restored to the deanery,'*^ and, on his death in 1 53°) he was succeeded by Francis Nowell, who had been an exile in the time of Mary.'^' On 4 June, 1 56 1, St. Paul's steeple was struck by lightning ; and a fire ensued which burnt all the tower, the roof, and the timber work.'" The queen deputed a commission to order the restoration, and directed that it should confer with the lord mayor.'^' On her recommendation a collection for the repairs was made among all the clergy of the province of Canterbur}\'^* In or about the year 1590 the ancient dispute between the cathedral and the City was revived. The mayor and commonalty claimed a right of making arrests within the precincts. In reply the dean and chapter stated that the inhabitants of the churchyard were freemen of the City ; but that, although they dwelt within a ward, they were not of it, but belonged to a place of exempt jurisdiction. The action of Incent, who had prevented the City's alleged right of way through the churchyard, was defended. Eventually the parties submitted to the arbitration of the lords chief justices. The point of exempt jurisdiction was apparently conceded, and the ancient limits of the churchyard were defined.'" "* Chron. ofGreyfriars (Camden Soc), 58. ■" Ibid. 77. '*" Letters printed in Strype, Eccl. Memoriab, pt. ii, 264. '" Foxe, Act! and Monuments (ed. 1 846), vi, 533. "» Le Neve, Fasti (ed. 1 7 16), 185. '" Chron. of Greyfriars (Camden Soc), 84. '°'' Foxe, Jets and Monuments (ed. 1846), vi, 553. '" Le Neve, Fasti (ed. I 7 16), 185. '^- Collection of Records in Burnet's Hist, of Ref pt. ii, bk. iii, Nos. I, 481. '" Description of Monuments in St. Paul's in Stow, Surv. ofLond. (ed. Strype), iii, 160. '" Doc. lllus. Hist, of Old St. PauPs (ed. W. Simpson), 113— 119. '" Cal. S.P. Dom. 1547-80, pp. 177, 178. '"Ibid. 179. '" S.P. Dom. EHe. vol. ccxxx, Nos. 37, 40. E. The early Stuart kings were careful of the cathedral. In 1620 its ruinous state was urged by the bishop of London, in a sermon preached before the king at St. Paul's Cross.'^* As a result a royal commission was formed for the restoration and maintenance of the church, and the remedy of encroachments on the precincts.'" For these objects the king laid aside the yearly sum of j^2,ooo, and Prince Charles that of ^<) 00 ; "" and there were many other subscriptions. When Laud became bishop of London he took a very active interest in the work. He obtained a new commission from Charles I,"' and himself contributed ;^ioo every year.'^^ Inigo Jones was made surveyor-general, and was able to exempt those he employed from liability to im- pressment.'" The commissioners instituted collections in the City and in every county. In 1636 the king assigned to the repair of St. Paul's all profits of ecclesiastical causes and all moneys compounded for in the exchequer during the next ten years ; and forbade that any crimes of ecclesiastical cognizance should be pardoned without the assent of the archbishop of Canterbury.''* Buildings which were considered to straiten the churchyard or to impair the beauty of the cathedral were demolished, and their owners compensated."* Thus St. Gregory's Church was pulled down."^ Such actions did not tend to make popular a work to which the sympathies of the Puritan party were already opposed '" be- cause it was earnestly forwarded by Laud and the king, and because its aim seemed to be rather outward show than the care of men's souls. ''^ Moreover, Puritan censure was more than once directed against the services and ritual authorized by the chapter.'" At his trial Laud was charged with having controlled the orders of the king and council board, in the matter of pulling down houses about St. Paul's, against right and equity,'*" and with appropriating to the restoration money intended for other objects.'^' It was declared that the devotion of the profits of ecclesiastical courts to the repair of the cathedral had been instrumental in increasing abuses and augment- ing the archbishop's jurisdiction. As the Civil War drew nearer Royalists also were hindered from contributing to the restoration, because they must use all their resources to hinder ' more near approaching mischief.''*^ 23, p. 131. '"Ibid. 163 1-3, z8i. '" Ca!. S.P. Dom. 1619- '^s Ibid. 409. '" Ibid. 1631-3, p. 6. '" Ibid. 1636-7, p. 400. '" Ibid. 1634-5, p. 150, "* Ibid. 1635-6, p. 339. "' Ibid. 1619-23, pp. 171, 206, 165, 169; 1631-3, . 281. '" Ibid. 1636-7, p. 400. ■" Ibid. 1640, p. 463. '" Ibid. 16 1 7-1 8, p. 472 ; '"Ibid. 1644, p. 4 1619-23, p. 449 l633-4> P- 252- "° Ibid. 1641-3, p. 524. '"Ibid. 1637, p. 512. "'Ibid. 526,551. 416 RELIGIOUS HOUSES Other efforts of the king and archbishop were directed to ensuring more decorous behaviour in the cathedral. Literature and contemporary records prove that men continued to transact business in St. Paul's after the issue of Bray- brook's admonition. '^^ In 1561 Piikington described the condition of the cathedral before the Reformation, and his account appears to have been only slightly exaggerated : the south alley for usury and popery, the north for sorcery, and the horse fair in the midst for all kinds of bargains, meetings, brawlings, murders, conspiracies, and the font for ordinary payments of money, are so well known to all men as the beggar knows his dish.'" The Reformation brought little or no improve- ment. In Queen Mary's reign an act of the Common Council ordered that carriers, and such as led horses, mules, and other beasts, should not make a passage through St. Paul's.^*' A royal proclamation, in the year of Pilkington's descrip- tion, strictly prohibited in the cathedral brawling and fighting, walking, and driving of bargains in time of lectures or services, business appoint- ments, and the thoroughfare of porters.'^^ Still in 1600 it was the meeting-place of the gossips of the town.'^' In 1632 a notice was posted in St. Paul's which by royal order forbade that men should walk about the church in time of service, that children should use it as a play- ground, and that any should carry burdens through it.^^* Charles I supported the chapter against the City. The claim to exempt jurisdiction can be traced in a summons of Sir Nicholas Rainton, lord mayor, before the council, because he had carried his sword in St. Paul's ; an incident which became the subject of an accusation made against Laud at his trial. '*^ In 1638 the dean and chapter petitioned that nothing prejudicial to their liberties and privileges might be inserted in a renewal of charters about to be conceded to the City ; and the king returned a favourable answer.'^" In the period of the Civil War and the Commonwealth there is a complete break in the history of St. Paul's. In October, 1642, the cathedral was closed by order of Parlia- ment. ''' The lord mayor and aldermen were appointed sequestrators of the goods of the dean and chapter ; "" the clergy were deprived, and "^ Shakespeare, 2 Hen. IV, i, 2 ; Cal. of Close, 1341-6, p. 546 ; 1346-9. PP- 275. 364, &c. '«* Works of Piikington (ed. G. Scholefield), 540. "^ Stow, Sarj'. ofLond. (ed. Strype), iii, 169. "* Wilkins, Concilia, iv, 227. "' Cal. S.P. Dom. 1 593-1604, p. 457. '*' Doc.Illus.Hist. ofSi.Paul'iitd.W. S. Simpson),! 3. "» Cal. S.P. Dom. 164 1-3, pp. 550. '^Ibid. 1637-8, pp. 551. 552- »• Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. v, App. 56, 1 6 1. ''' Com. jfourn. iii,- 421. I 4 some ot them suffered when they were thrown suddenly on their own resources.'^' In 1643 Dr. Cornelius B urges, a member of the com- mittee for sequestration, was appointed lecturer in St. Paul's ; "^ and an allowance of ;^400 a year from the revenues of the cathedral was bestowed on him. To this the dean's house was added next year."' By the building of a partition wall, part of the choir was arranged for a preaching place in 1649.''^ I" 1655-6 an order of council directed that the allowance of the lecturer at St. Paul's should, for the future, be decided by the trustees for the maintenance of ministers."'' This body, in 1657, conferred the lectureship, with a yearly salary oi £120, on Dr. Samuel Annesley."^ The changing fortunes of parties were reflected in the cathedral : in 1647-8 it was the meeting-place of the pro- vincial Presbytery ; "' later it gave shelter to sectaries. A congregation led by Captain Chil- lendon obtained leave to meet in the Stone Chapepoo in 1652-3.201 Three years later it was dissolved ; a riot between soldiers and ap- prentices had been caused by a sermon against the deity of Christ.^"" In 1657-8 some waste ground at the west end of St. Paul's was allowed as the site of a meeting-house for ' John Simpson's congregation.' 2"^ The fabric of the church was at best neglected during these years. The cathedral was used as a barrack in 1647-8, and frequently after that time : 2"* in 1657-8 800 horse were constantly quartered in it.^'^' An order of the council of state, in 1654, devoted the scaffolding which had been set up for the repairs to Crom- well's necessities.^"' Sawpits were dug within the church, many of them over graves ; and the choir stalls and part of the pavement were demolished.20' The council of state directed, in 1 650, that the statues of King James and King Charles should be taken down and broken.^**' In Dug- dale's words, St. Paul's presented ' a woeful spectacle of ruin.' ^' "» Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. vi, App. 22. "* Ibid. 28 ; Rep. vii, App. 49. "' Com. Journ. iii, 421. "« Dugdale, Hist, of St. Paul'%, 172. Cal. S.P. Dom. 1655-6, p. 192. "»Ibid. 1657-8, p. 52. "' Cal. of Clarendon Papers, i, 375. ^ Chapel of St. George. "" CaL of Clarendon Papers, ii, 267 ; Cal S.P. Dom. 1652-3, p. 423. '»' Ibid. 1653-4, P- 204 ; '655. P- 224- '"^ Ibid. 1657-8, pp. 109, 280. *"* Cal. of Clarendon Papers, i, 375 ; Dugdale, Hist, of St. Paul's, 172. "«* Cal. S.P. Dom. 1657-8, p. 326. '^ Ibid. 1654, pp. 114, 163. '" Dugdale, Hist, of St. Paul's, 172. '"' CaL S.P. Dom. 1650, p. 261 ; Com. Journ. iv, 413- »"' Dugdale, Hist, of St. Paul's, 172. »7 53 A HISTORY OF LONDON In the year of the Restoration such of the clergy of St. Paul's as were still living returned to their places ; and successors to the others were appointed.-*" Dr. Annesley was at first suffered to continue his ministrations ; but with- in a year or two he was removed, and the duty of providing lecturers returned to the dean and chapter.^'* In 1663 Charles II confirmed the charter of the cathedral.-*- The building, which had needed so grave repairs before the Civil War, was now in want of very extensive restoration. A commission for this end was issued in 1663, and the revenues arising from unappropriated church possessions which remained with govern- ment officials after the Act of Indemnity, together with all moneys still in the hands of the trustees appointed in 1649, were devoted to it.-*^ In 1666 the great fire of London ended the history of the fabric of Old St. Paul's."* It had been built by the initiative of the bishops of London, and by the efforts of the Church ; by enterprise that was, to some extent, more than national. After the fire of 1666 the dean and chapter laid aside a portion of their revenue for the building of New St. Paul's ; -'* the bishop exhorted to liberality in an ad- dress,-*^ and individuals responded by gifts and bequests."*' But the work was begun and mainly carried through by the secular government. Money was raised by a collection made on letters patent of Charles II, and b)' a grant of commu- tations of penances and of fines and forfeitures on the Green Wax.-'* Otherwise, of ^^427, 847 which had been received in 1700, ^^368, 144 was the outcome of the duties on coals."' On Midsummer Day, 1675, the first stone was laid. Morning Prayer Chapel was opened in 1690 ; and the choir on the day of thanksgiving for the Peace of Ryswick, when a special prayer for the New Work was added to the service by the king's order.°^° In 17 10 the exterior of the cathedral was completed ; ^-* Sir Christopher Wren deputed his son to lay the highest stone of the lantern. ^-^ Within, the work continued : a commission for the finishing of the cathedral was issued in 1715."^ "" Le Neve, Fasti (ed. 1716), 185, 194, 197, 198, 201, 204. '" Ca/. S.P. Dom. 1 66 1 -2, p. 202. '" Ibid. 1663-4, p. i88- '" Ibid. 115. "* Pepys' Diary (ed. 1880), ii, 396 ; Diaiy of J. Evelyn (ed. 1879), ii, 199, &:c. '" Cal. S.P. Dom. 1667-8, p. 557. "* Stow, Surv. of Lond. (ed. Strype), iii, 152. '" Will! from Doctors' Commons {Cumden See), 122, 136. "• Lambeth MS. 670. '" S/arufes of Realm, v, 673 ; vi, 15 ; vii, 205 ; vlii, 173 »" Lamtjeth MS. 670. "' Ibid, ix, 475. " C. & S. Wren, Parentalia, 293. Dugdale, Hist, of St. PauPs (ed. Ellis), 174. The internal history of the house begins with a statement by Bede in his 'Ecclesiastical History' that in the church of St. Paul Bishop Mellitusand his successors ' had their place.' -'* Arguments from analogy make it hardly doubtful that the clergy of St. Paul's were in the first instance the servants of the bishop, who ministered in the bishop's church. But before the Norman Con- quest they had left such a condition so far behind them that they held the property of the cathedral apart from the bishop ; and they had reached that considerably advanced stage in corporate existence which admits of common ownership. The spurious Anglo-Saxon charters of the cathedral show the probable modification of their position to be traditional. That of King Ethel- bert grants land to Mellitus ' to have and to hold that it may remain to the monastery of St. Paul for ever ' ; "^ and Cnut's charter ^-* reverts to this old form and confirms to Bishop Aelfwin the lands of St. Paul's. But the charters of Athelstan,-^ Edgar,--* and Edward "' the Con- fessor are addressed to the ' monastery.' Of the accredited charters that of Cnut "^^ alludes to the possessions of the priests of the ' monastery ' ; and that of Edward "" the Confessor bestows free tenure of their property on ' his priests in the church of Saint Paul.' Finally the Domesday Survey discovers that ' in the time of King Edward' the canons were tenants in chief of the king in seven places, while in thirteen they held of the bishop the lands of the cathedral. "'- It is certain that in the end of the tenth century the church of St. Paul was served by a body of clergy who were able to hold property in common, and who derived their food from a common source. For there exists a grant of Queen Egelfleda to the ' monastery,' ' for the living of the brothers who there serve God.' ^" There is no evidence that the cathedral clergy ever lived in one building; from iioi there "' Bede, Ecei. Hist. lib. viii, cap. iii. "» Dugdale, Hist, of St. PauFs, 181. "^ Ibid. «' Ibid. "' Ibid. »' Ibid. "° Kemble, CoJe.x Dip!. 13 19. "' Ibid. 387. "' The canons were tenants in chief before the Conquest in Essex, in Chingford, Belchamp St. P.iul's, Wickham St. Paul's, and the manor of Aedulvesnesa which lay in Kirby le Sokcn, Thorpe le Soken, and Walton on the Naze ; in Hertfordshire, in Ardeley, LufFenhall in Ardeley parish, and Sandon. Thev were tenants of the bishop in Twyford, Harlesden, Totten- ham, the parish of St. Pancras, Islington, Stoke New- ington, Staines, Drayton, Rugmere (the later name of a prebend whose corps Liy in the parish of St. Pan- cras), and Willesden ; and as such had two and a half hides in Stepney and ten cottars ' at the gate of the bishop.' The manor of Fulham is entered in Domes- day among the lands held of the bishop, but is stated to be an ancient possession of the canons held by them of the king {Dom. Bk. ii, 126 ; i, 127 & 136). *^ Kemble, Codex Dipl. 1222. 418 RELIGIOUS HOUSES occur mention of the separate houses of canons.*** Ralph de Diceto qualifies the canons who pro- cured the election of Anselm in 1 136 as 'the domestic clergy of the dean,' ' whom he had with him at meals every day ' ; -^^ and hence there arises the supposition that at least some of the canons had once such common meals as con- tinued among the lesser clergy of the cathedral. It is possible that Ralph has ascribed to the year 1 136 an earlier custom; his own constitutions cannot be understood to contemplate any such practice. A charter of Edward the Confessor forbade the monastery of St. Paul to receive more priests than it could maintain.*^' This may have caused the limitation of the number of canons. In the twelfth century the possessions of the cathedral consisted of the patrimony of St. Paul and the prebends. The manors which belonged to the first of these divisions were farmed by the chapter, and rendered yearly rents, in money and in kind, to the chamber, and the brewery and bakehouse, respectively. The produce provided for daily distributions of money, bread and ale to all the ministers of the church.^" There are traces of a like two-fold division of property before the Norman invasion. The explicit grant of Queen Egelfleda makes it probable that some possessions of the church existed for other than common uses. It is stated in Domesday that, in the time of King Edward, the canons held land in three places ' for their living,' ^'' while five canons are named who held of St. Paul's individually in 1086.*'' The prebendal system appears to have been established in the reign of William 11.^*" Both he and Henry I '" His/. MSS. Com. Re;., ix, App. i, 26. "* R. de Diceto, Hist. (Rolls Ser.), i, 248-9. "' Kemble, CoJex Dipl. 887. *" Dom. Bk. of St. PauPs (ed. W. H. Hale), Introd. "' Two and a half hides in Stepney, and the manors of Willesden and Fulham, v. Dom. Bk. i, 127. "' In Stepney, in two holdings in Twyford, in Rugmere, and in St. Pancras, v. Dom. Bk. ii, 9. "" In addition to their ancient possessions the canons held in chief, in 1086, in Caddington in Bed- fordshire, in Caddington and Kensworth in Hertford- shire, in Barnes in Surrey, and in Leigh and Norton Mandcville and two manors of Navestock in Essex. They held Wanstead in Essex of the bishop (v. Dom. Bk.'i, zi\ ; ii, 1 2^ ; i, 1 36, 34 ; ii, 9). The manors of Islington, Harlesden, Hoxton, Newington, St. Pan- cras, Rugmere, Tottenham, Willesden, Aedulvesnesa, and Tillingham must have become wholly or partially prebendal. Other property assigned to prebends lay in Shoreditch, and in the parishes of St. Andrew Holborn,and St. Giles without Cripplegate (Newcourt, Reperl. 1,65, 169, 183). The prebend of Chiswick may not have been formed until after the acquisition of the manor of Sutton in the parish of Chiswick before 1 181 {Dom. Bk. of St. PauPs [ed. W. H. Hale], 100- 21). The names of twenty-eight of the prebends have not varied from I 291 until the present day, if it be accepted that Halliwcll is the older name of the granted free disposition of their prebends to the canons.**^ In the most ancient portion of the cathedral archives there is a canonical rule which is almost entirely taken from the ' Regula ' of St. Chrodogang.*** It enjoins virtue, dignity of bearing, and due discharge of services in the cathedral and obedience to prelates in the chapter. Whenever it was adopted, perhaps by a conti- nental bishop of the eleventh century, it shows the constitution of the clergy to have been fairly complete, and to have approximated to the mediaeval institute of secular canons. It accords, however, a real pre-eminence in the cathedral to the bishop ; while the lack of any allusion to the dean, in this as in other early authorities, in connexion with the chapter and otherwise, goes to prove that his office, if it existed before the Conquest, can only have been that of a subordinate. The traditional history of St. Paul's describes its governing body as con- sisting originally of the bishop and thirty canons, and dates the foundation of the deanery two hundred years later than that of the cathedral.*** Hence there have been attempts to argue that the co-operation of the dean was not essential to the chapter's capacity for action.*" Under the Norman kings there must have been much definition of the customs of the church and the classes of its clergy, of its offices and the functions of its chapter. Maurice, bishop of London, was a signatory of the ' Insti- tutio ' of Osmund,*^* and therefore it is probable that the model of Salisbury directly influenced the growth of St. Paul's. Two fresh develop- ments must be ascribed to this period : the dean acquired the first place in the church ; the practice of non-residence, to which there is no allusion in Osmund's ' Institutio,' came into existence. Detailed information as to the state of the cathedral is first obtained from the story of the disputed election in 1 136-8, together with the compilations of statutes which were made by the deans Ralph de Diceto, Henry of Cornhill, and Ralph Baldock. In this picture of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries there are traces prebend called Finsbury or Halliwell {PopeNich. Tax. [Rec. Com.], 362 and 19^, and App. 1 to Reg. S. Pauls [ed. W. S. Simpson]). The prebends of Caddington Major and Caddington Minor are not mentioned in the 'Taxatio' of Pope Nicholas, although Le Neve asserts that they existed in 1103 {Fusti Eccl. Angl). They were certainly formed before 1322 {Cal. of Pa'. 1321-4, p. 222). "' Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 60. '" Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 38. ™ MS. of D. & C. of St. Paul's, W. D. 6, fol. 16, 58. -'" Ibid. fol. 16, 58. "" Statutes of Line. Cathedral (ed. H. Bradshaw). ' Institutio ' is signed by ' Martin ' of London ; Bishop Stubbs conjectures the name to be a clerical error. 419 A HISTORY OF LONDON of the original position of St. Paul's, that of the church of the bishop and the central church of the diocese ; *** but it shows it to be actually the church of an exclusive body of clergy who owe to the bishop more respect than obedience. St. Paul's claimed immunity from metropoliti- cal visitations. Therefore Archbishop Boniface was not suffered to enter the cathedral until after a protracted struggle, and the arrival of a papal mandate. The memory of such real or fictitious privilege continued in the seventeenth century.**' But the jurisdiction of the bishop over the cathedral, as a church within his diocese, was apparently not questioned. As bishop of London he visited St. Paul's and addressed ad- monitory letters to the chapter ; ^*^ in this capacity he intervened both in the government of the church and in the management of her pro- perty.*" In 1289, however, all prebends were declared free from episcopal as from archidiaconal jurisdiction."^ The bishop's ancient and inti- mate relation to the cathedral resulted in the chapter's function of electing him. And prob- ably because he thus derived his power from the clergy of St. Paul's they appear to have been regarded as its ultimate holders, as able to exer- cise it when his office was void. During a vacancy of the see of London Ralph de Diceto officiated in the place of the bishop at the coro- nation of Richard L"^ Serious disputes were •settled in 1262 by an agreement between Arch- bishop Boniface and the dean and chapter, that whenever there was no bishop of London the dian and chapter should choose two or three major canons, or one minor and one or two major, and that the archbishop should depute one "^ Some customs indicate the dioces.in position of St. Paul's. At the third hour on Sunday no proces- sions were suffered in lesser churches within the City and archdeaconries, but as many of the people as were able then assembled in the cathedral, and all were obliged to go to St. Paul's in procession, with the archdeacon and other members of their several arch- deaconries, on the second, third, and fourth feast days in Pentecost week, respectively. (.Rfg- S. Pauli, [ed. W. S. Simpson], 79.) In 1393 Bishop Braybrook revived an ancient cus- tom by which the parochial clergy repaired to St. Paul's on the days of the Conversion and Commem- oration of St. Paul, and the Deposition and Transla- tion of St. Earconwald, and joined in the procession of the choir. {Hist. MSS. Com. Rej>. ix, App. i, 58.) "' v. infra. "' Reg. S. PauFi (ed. W. S. Simpson), 163, 167, 169, 271, 272, 281, 286, 317, 391, 393, and MSS. of D. & C. of St. Paul's, W. D. 22, fol. 6<)b, &c. "' Reg. S. Pauft (ed. W. S. Simpson), passim. "" Ibid. 89. An injunction of Bishop Gravesend in 1387 declared prebends free from all special juris- diction ; MSS. of D. & C. of St. Paul's, W. D. 6, fol. 10. "' R. de Diceto, Hist. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 69. of these to exercise episcopal jurisdiction during the vacancy. The deputy must take an oath of office before the archbishop, and another in the presence of the dean and chapter."" In 1273 the first arrangement was somewhat modi- fied by Archbishop Robert Kilwardby, who determined the proportion of the profits and costs of the vacant see which fell to the dean and chapter."' Thus the canons received as- sured possession of a right which they still exer- cised in 1723.^" It was confirmed to them in 1594 as the result of an investigation ordered by the lord treasurer.-" The bishop was still in some degree an official of the cathedral. He nominated prebendaries and canons,"'^ but he sent all whom he beneficed in St. Paul's, except the chaplain of his own chapel, to the dean and chapter for institution. He appointed the keeper of the Old Work,'" but it was declared, when Ralph de Diceto was dean, that the supervision of both the old and the new parts of the building belonged to the dean and residents since they must chiefly bear the burden of repairs.*'* Thebishop's right to sit in the chapter, mentioned as a matter of course in the early rule, appears to have been the subject of a dispute which ended in his defeat. Pope Alex- ander IV granted to him that, as a canon, he should enjoy the rights of canons, a concession which included participation in the chapter's property. It was revoked by a bull of Urban IV in 1262."' The bishop held the most honourable place in the services and ritual of the church and chap- ter ; as often as was possible he ministered at the high altar on great feasts."^" The province of the dean, who was next to the bishop in dignity,*" was confined to the cathedral and its property. From William, in the beginning of the twelfth century, the deans were customarily canons.*** Such qualification does not appear to have been essential, but Ralph de Diceto ruled that no dean should receive any portion of the offerings at obits, of the ' com- munia,' or of any pittances, except in so far as he was a prebendary or other dignitary of the cathedral.**' A later declaration of the ' ap- proved custom of the church,' by Simon Sudbury in 1368, asserts that a dean who was not a canon and prebendary could take no part in the busi- ness of the chapter beyond his duty of summoning '" Wilkins, CmciRa, i, 758. '» Ibid, ii, 27. '" Lambeth MSS. Index to archiepiscopal regis- ters ; Wake, pt. i, fol. 48. '" Stow, Sttrr. ofLond. (ed. Strype), iii, 157. '" Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), iii, 157. •" Ibid. 182. "Mbid. 131. "• Lambeth MSS. 644, 57. '" Reg S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 11. «' Ibid. 13. «* Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. i.x, App. i, 67. •" Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 131. 426 RELIGIOUS HOUSES and dismissing it."* It may be concluded that a non-resident dean was not a member of the ordinary chapter : and, therefore, that the existence of a dean who was not also a resident canon was a thing exceptional. A vacancy in the deanery was announced by the chapter to the bishop ; but the canons, without episcopal licence, chose a candidate for the office, whom the bishop was obliged to confirm in the absence of canonical impediment.^" The new dean swore that he would give canonical obedience to the bishop, and, further, took an oath of office which bound him to sit in his place according to ap- proved customs of the church, to guard the rights and liberties of the cathedral, to keep its possessions, and recover such of them as had been alienated. He received oaths of canonical obedience from major and minor canons in his own name and that of the chapter. In the presence of the resident brothers he installed the canons.^'' He nominated all who were to be ordained to benefices and dignities of the church, in the name of St. Paul he summoned the chan- cellor to his place. ^'^'' He ruled over the souls of the ministers and beneficed clergy of the church ; he alone could expel vicars from the choir, and might temporarily suspend the attendance of minor canons. ^^* He presided over the chapter.^^' On lesser feasts he or his deputy said the office.2'» There were thirty major canons in St. Paul's.^'' On their admission they swore to be faithful to the church, to render obedience to the dean and chapter, and, in so far as was legal, to guard the secrets of the chapter.^'^ To each five psalms were allotted, which he must say every day in the church, and thus the whole psalter was daily recited. Every canon in succession served at the altar for one week, and then held the office of ebdomarius.^'^ A prebend belonged to each, and, in addition, he received a daily allowance of bread and ale from the bakehouse and brewery of the cathedral, a pittance from the chamber,^'* and a proportion of the offerings at services. The thirty canons with the dean at their head formed the chapter.^'' Such was evidently their theoretical position. But there came early into existence a regular body of non-resident canons who received the fruits of prebends almost as sinecurists. The practice was facilitated by the circumstance that each major canon had originally a vicar, who, in his absence, sat in his stall and took his part in the services of the church.^''* The cathedral '«* Reg. S. Paul: (ed. W. S. Simpson), 390. '"Ibid. 14. '^Ibid. 15. '" Ibid. 16. '^Ibid. 18, 19. "'Ibid. 16. "Mbid. 17. »" Ibid. 23. '"Mbid. 26, 31. "Mbid. 48, 24,25. "« Dom. Bk. of St. Paul's (ed. W. Hale), 1 70. '" Reg. S. Fault (ed. W. S. Simpson), 23. ''» Ibid. 67. endeavoured to enforce the performance of their duties on canons who were professedly resident, and to confine to them all participation in the offerings in the church. It became necessary to distinguish between resident and non-resident canons, and therefore to define the conditions of residence. In the constitutions of Ralph de Diceto it is enacted that a canon who wishes to reside must profess such willingness before the dean and resident brothers in the quinzaine of certain feasts. With two clerks who are in holy orders, or about to enter them, and who have no other benefice, he must then take his place in the choir, and he must be present at canonical hours by day and by night. He may be absent for six days in the first quarter of the year, and, if he obtain the dean's leave, for three weeks and six days in the remaining three quarters. Longer absence disqualifies him for residence.^'' When William de St. Mere I'Eglise was bishop, it was further ordained that offerings made at processions should be distributed among brothers actually present at them,''* and certain benefactors to the canons made a share in their favours con- ditional on personal attendance at services.*^' An extensive and costly hospitality was in- cumbent on a canon in his first year of residence. He was obliged to entertain daily a number of the ministers and servants of the church ; to make two great banquets to which he must in- vite the bishop, the major canons, the mayor, sheriffs, aldermen, and justices, and the great men of the court ; and on the morrow of these to feast all the lesser clergy of the church.*'" Such hospitality was intended not only as a means of adding to the sustenance of the poorer servants of St. Paul's, and of preserving good feeling among the cathedral clergy, and between the cathedral, the City, and the court, but also for purposes of inspection.'" The expense it in- volved came to be so disproportionate to the income of a major canon that its effect was to discourage residence. A dwelling near the cathedral in which he was compelled to live was assigned to each resi- dent canon. '*' Questions among them were decided by elected arbitrators."*' There were statutes to regulate their conduct, their manners, their habit, and their tonsure.'*'' That the abuse of giving prebends to secular persons and children existed, is shown by an ordinance in the compilation of Baldock, that none shall for long be a canon, or have a voice in the elections, who is not in holy orders ; "*^ and by an appeal of Richard de Belmeis in 1136.'*^ A canon did not invariably hold a prebend, for a J77 Ibid. 125 ''"Ibid. 125-9, »3 '«' Ibid. 126,128. »»* Ibid. 28. 986 278 Ibid. 183. '"Ibid. 35. "" Ibid. 126. "Mbid. 31. '^'' Ibid. 19. R. de Diceto, Hist. (Rolls Ser.), i, 250. 421 A HISTORY OF LONDON regulation enjoins the dean or his deputy to assign to him a stall when he lacked such pro- vision. In the further rule that such canon has no part in the secret business of the chapter or in elections,-*' the ancient connexion between land ownership and political rights may probably be traced. The other orders of clergy in St. Paul's were those of the minor canons, the vicars, and the chantry priests. The traditionary origin of the minor canons is prior to the Conquest."** They must be the subject of a reference, in 1162, to the ' prebendary clerks of the choir,' as distinct from the major canons.^*' In the time of Ralph de Diceto they were evidently an established institution.^^" The prebends of each consisted in a weekly allowance of 5(/. from the chamber- lain, with an additional id. on feast days, and certain other payments, notably from the manor of Sunbury ; and in portions of bread and ale, called ' trencherbread ' and ' welkyn."'^ No record shows that the minor canons ever lived otherwise than in the separate lodgings near the cathedral, assigned to them by the dean and chapter. They were compelled to be in the church at canonical hours, by day and by night.^'^ Every week two of them were deputed to help the ebdomarius.*'^ They only could fill the offices of the cardinals."'* Chantries, and such lesser dignities as those of the keeper of the Old or New Work, were frequently in their tenure.^'' In the most ancient portion of the cathedral archives there is evidence of the existence of vicars. Each of them was appointed by the canon, who was his lord and to whose jurisdic- tion he was subject.^^^ Yet they had some in- dependence of status : they swore an oath of obedience and fealty to the dean and chapter ; '^' in 1260 it was ruled that a vicar might not be removed from his place without cause, even at the death of his lord.^^' The first chantry of St. Paul's was established by Dean Alard in the reign of Henry II ; ^'' the la;t by Robert Brokett in 1532.^"*' In the intervening years constant foundations by gifts and bequests created a large body of clergy who "' Rfg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 27. "« MSS. of D. & C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 73, 1908 ; Harl. MS. 980, fol. 179a. "' Hist. MSS. Com. Rip. ix, App. i, 12. "^Reg.S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 127, 131, 133- »• Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 134 ; MSS. of D. & C. of St. Paul's, W. D. 2, fol. 91. "' Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 102. »' Ibid. II. "' Harl. MSS. gSo.fol. 179J. "* Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 26 ; ^rci. xliii, 199 ; MSS. of D. & C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 74, 1952; Box 75, 1959. "" Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 18, 108. '" Ibid. 19. "' Ibid. 67. "' Dugdale, Hist, of St. PauPs, 24. •^ Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 637. formed an important class of the ministers of the cathedral. In a document among the cathedral archives it is stated that the rank of the chantry priests is more honourable than that of the vicars, and that, while they were not of the number which must chiefly be supported from the patrimony of St. Paul's, yet the church had in part taken them into her care, and therefore they must render help to her higher ministers.^* Their duties, as determined by the terms on which their respective chantries had been founded^ often included attendance at some rites of the cathedral ; suit of the choir, or presence at certain hours.^"^ They were in many cases explicitly subjected to the jurisdiction of the dean and chapter."" The property and advowsons of chantries were variously bestowed by the founders, frequently on the dean and chapter, and con- ditionally, in all cases, on the payment of chap- lains or a chaplain,'"* who might have the custody of the endowment.'"^ From one to four priests were as a rule assigned to a chantry.'"' The chapter tended to be an exclusive body. The constitutions of Ralph de Diceto enact that a new resident may take no part in its business without a special summons from the dean ; '"^ both he and Henry de Cornhill state that the non-residents intervene only in arduous business.'"* Besides its functions of electing the bishop and the dean, the chapter represented the cathedral in all its external relations, and therefore held and administered property.^"' By approved custom and prerogative the dean and canons could not meet before the bishop except as the chapter, unless they had been summoned with such an intention.'^" Ordinances and declarations of prac- tice were issued by the dean and chapter. They had the general supervision of the finance of the cathedral ; and they examined and judged major canons before the dean could punish them.''' All the ministers of the church attended the chapter held every '^^ Saturday for the correction of offenders. »•' MSS. of D. & C. of St. Paul's, W. D. v, fol. 66. *" Ibid. A. Box 49 (209), Box 74 (1940), Box 75 (1969). ^ Ibid. A. Box 74 (1941, 1920, 1952), Box 75 (1959, 1957) ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Stolcesley, fol. 95 or 124. ™ MSS. of D. & C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 74 (1920, 1952, 1917, 1928, 1933), Box 34 (169) (49). '" Ibid. A. Box 74 (192S), &c. ^'^ Arch. Iii, 148. There were seven priests ii> Holmes College (v. infra'). ^" Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 129. »"' Ibid. 130, 132. =»' Ibid. 17, 18, 30. "° Ibid. 18. »" Ibid. 9, 65, 134, &c. ; v. 19. '" The Saturday chapter was apparently still acknowledged as statutory in 1724, but may have been held irregularly, for at this date there was a proposition to discontinue it. In 1869 it w.is revived. Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 206 ; Add. MS. 34263, fol. 31, Suppl. to Reg. S. Pauli, 14. 422 RELIGIOUS HOUSES The great officers of St. Paul's were the arch- deacon, the treasurer, the precentor, and the chancellor ; and were chosen from among the major canons.'^' Of these the most dignified were the four archdeacons of London, Essex, Middlesex, and Colchester, whose connexion with the cathedral can be traced from the beginning of the twelfth century,^'^ and is prob- ably more ancient. Their position shows the relation of St. Paul's to the see of London. Except as the most dignified of the canons after the dean,^'' they were officers not of the cathe- dral, but of the diocese. The agent of the chapter, where money trans- actions with outside persons and communities were concerned, was the treasurer.''^ But the treasurer's financial function was not more important than his duty as the keeper of treasures, ornaments, service books, and vestments of the cathedral.'^' In this respect he had a deputy in the sacrist.'^* According to Dugdale and Le Neve the dignity of treasurer was founded in 1 1 60 by Bishop Richard de Beames, who annexed to it the churches of Sudminster, Aldbury, Pelham Furneaux, and Pelham Sarners.^'' The cathedral had a sacrist in 1162.^^*' Both officers were bound to the dean and chapter by oaths of faith- ful service.'^^ The vergers, whose number appears to have varied from three to four, were paid by the treasurer, and presented to the dean and chapter by the sacrist, to whom they were subject.'" In 1282 it was ordained that they should deliver their virges, their emblems of office, to the dean on every Michaelmas Day, and receive them back or not according to their deserts.'^' In the department of internal finance, the chief officers were the chamberlain, the keepers of the bakehouse and the brewery, the keepers of the Old and New Work, and the almoner. Ralph de Diceto ordained that every month the chamber, the bakehouse, and the fabric of the cathedral should be inspected, and their accounts entered in the roll of the treasury, together with the rents from obits. '^* The chamberlain received money payments from the farms and other sources ; and paid stipends and pittances to the ministers of the 313 3 4 Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 26. Hist. MSS. Com. Rep, ix, App. i, 58. The arch- deacon of St. Albans, whose office was founded in 1550, had no place in the chapter nor stall in the choir (G. C. Lc Neve, Fusti (ed 1 7 16), 198). "= Reg. S. Pauli (cd. W. S. Simpson), 20. ''•^ Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 32, &c. '" Reg S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 21. '"Ibid. 21. '" Dugdale, Hist, of St. Paul's, 9 ; Le Neve, Fasfi (ed. 1716), 201. "" Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 12. '" Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 21, 124.. '-'Mbid. 72, 124. "Mbid. 91. Ibid. 132. 3!a 321 church. He was responsible for the lights of the cathedral. Quarterly accounts and immediate reports of any deficit in due payments were rendered by him to the dean and chapter. A resident canon was specially deputed for his supervision.'^* The bakehouse and brewery were superintended by their keeper or keepers, who saw to it that rightful payments in kind were made by the farms, and who distributed portions of bread and ale to the ministers.'^' In disposing of surplus produce a preference was given to ecclesiastical over lay persons.'^' The care of the building of St. Paul's belonged to the keepers of the Old and New Work who received and spent contributions to this end. The keeper of the New Work was bound to the dean and chapter by an oath of faithful service.'"^ The duties of the cathedral almoner fall into two divisions. He must distribute alms in the manner prescribed by those who conferred bequests and donations on the almonry, and bury poor men and beggars who died within the church- yard. Secondly, he superintended the education, general and specially connected with the ministry, of a number of boys, eventually eight, who were called the almoner's boys, and helped in the services of the choir and attended to the lights of the church.''^' The office of almoner is first mentioned in the beginning of the twelfth century. Then Henry of Northampton granted to it the tithes of St. Pancras, which belonged to his prebend, and his house in Paternoster Row for a hospital for the poor.''" The second function of the almoner probably originated in the will of Bishop Richard Newport, who left certain property to the almoner that he might, according to the judge- ment of the chapter, provide for the sustenance of one or two boys.'*' He was under an oath of obedience to the dean and chapter."^ The office of the precentor was next to that of the treasurer in dignity.'" It existed in 1104, and probably in yet earlier times. But it was not endowed until the year 1204, when King John granted to it the church of Shoreditch. '"Ibid. 74, 128, 30. »« Ibid. 75. '"'In I 1 50 a major canon was keeper of the brewery {Reg. S. Pauli [ed. W. S. Simpson], 173) ; in the time of Baldock the chapter deputed certain residents to superintend the bakehouse successively (ibid. 30) ; in the sixteenth century it was unlawful for a resident canon to be keeper of the bakehouse, but a residentwas set over the keeper (ibid. 245, 277). The name of this office may therefore have been variously applied to that of the chief baker and that of his supervisor. '"* Ibid. 77, 100, 131. '"Harl. MS. 7041, fol. 22. "' Reg. Eleemos. D. S. Pauli (ed. M. Hackett), fol. 5. "' Ibid. fol. 38. '" Reg S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 76. >" Ibid. 13. 423 A HISTORY OF LONDON The precentor presided over the choir. From at least the thirteenth century he had a deputy in the succentor.'" In Baldock's time another officer, the master of the school of song, was also subject to him."* The choir was further supervised by the junior and the senior cardinals whose offices are said to have originated at a remote date, and who received the profits of private funerals and anniversaries, and a portion of ale and bread double that which was allotted to other minor canons.^'^ The sphere of the chancellor, unlike those of the dean, the treasurer and the precentor, was not confined to the cathedral. In so far as his most ancient function was concerned, he was an officer of the City. At least in the reign of Henry I the master of the schools was a dignitary of St. Paul's ; '" between the years 1 1 84 and 1 2 14 he came to be called chancellor.^'* In the beginning of the fourteenth century the chan- cellor presided over all the teachers of grammar in London, and over all City scholars except those of St. Mary le Bow and St. Martin le Grand. He also presented the master of the cathedral school to the dean and chapter, and had charge of the school books and buildings.''^ He examined in the schools clerks of inferior degree who were candidates for ordination ; and at his discretion presented them to the bishop. Within the cathedral he held a position in relation to the non-musical part of the service analogous to that of the precentor in the choir.^° The lesser cathedral clergy were in his jurisdiction, and he could inflict on them punishments short of expulsion. '^^ He was the chief secretary of the cathedral and the keeper of the chapter's seal.'" In the time of Ralph de Diceto there was a binder of books,'^' and in 1283 a writer of books ^** among the ministers of St. Paul's. By the beginning of the next century the two offices were combined in one person,'^* and thus they survived until the days of Colet.'" A reference which seems to belong to the deanery of Baldock is to twelve scribes who were bound by an oath to be faithful to the cathedral, the dean, and the chapter, and to write without fraud or malice.**' In a list of salaries which dates from the "' Reg. S. Pauft (ed. W. S. Simpson), 50. The church of Shoreditch was eventually alienated from the precentor and conferred on the archdeacon of London (Newcourt, Repert. i, 96). "^ Reg. S. Pauti (ed. W. S. Simpson), 22. »^ Ibid. 326. Harl. MS. 890, fol. I 79J. "' Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 29. •™ Le Neve, Fasti (ed. 1 7 16), 204. ^^ Newcourt, Repert. 108-10 ; Reg. S. Paufi (ed. W. S. Simpson), 226, 78. "» Reg S. Pauii (ed. W. S. Simpson), 23, 49. '" Ibid. 18. '" Ibid. 326. '"Ibid. 133. '" Ibid. 173. »" Ibid. 13. '" Ibid. 227. "' Ibid. 78. fourteenth century, there is an entry of the payment of twelve pence for the making of a chronicle ; and the ' keeper of the clock ' is mentioned as a servant of the church.'** The rites of the cathedral ^^ and of churches dependent on it anciently followed a peculiar form known as the ' Usus Sancti Pauli.''*" Services an- alogous to those held in chantries, and frequently instituted for the eternal welfare of the same per- sons, were the obits. There is a record of a be- quest by Canon Ralph for the endowment of such a service in 1162 ;'" in the reign of Richard II 116 obits were celebrated every year. The foun- ders dictated the proportions of their bequests which should be spent on payments to a greater or less number of the clergy and servants of the cathe- dral ; and, sometimes, on contribution to the lights of the church and its fabric.'*' Other ser- vices were maintained by gilds connected with St. Paul's. In 1 197 Ralph de Diceto founded a Brotherhood of the Benefices of the Church of St. Paul. It included clerks not in priests' orders, and it met yearly to pray with all solemnity for dead broth ;rs.'" In that it affiarded to the clergy connected with the cathedral a means of union and exclusiveness, it must have had importance. The gild of St. Anne, in the person of its twelve wardens, obtained from the dean and chapter, in 127 1, free use and dis- position of the chapel of St. Anne in the crypt.'" In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the church of St. Paul was frequently censured for the immorality, the avarice, and the negligence of ministers. In part this is due to the critical spirit of the age ; in part, also, to the frequent papal provision of benefices, to the very prevalent custom of plurality, and to the abuse of non- residence. Complaints of the lack of discipline, of the irreverence, and of the frequent absence from the choir of the greater and lesser clergy, provoked an exhortation from Bishop Gravesend. In a commission to Bishop Sudbury, Edward III '" MSS. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, D. 2, fol. 91. '" A curious service was held on Innocents' Day, when the office was conducted by a boy bishop and by boy ministrants, who corresponded to the digni- taries and clergy of the cathedral (Harl. MS. 7041, fol. 21). Another and stranger survived until the reign of Elizabeth. In 1302 Sir Walter le Band, in consideration of a grant of land in Leigh, made by the canons to his father, bound himself that he and his heirs should, at the hour of the procession, deliver to the canons in the cathedral a doe on the day of the Conversion of St. Paul, and a fat buck on the feast of St. Paul's Commemoration. The ceremony was duly performed with much solemnity (Dugdale, Hist, of St. Paul's, 16). "° Dugdale, Hist, of St. PauPs, 22. "' Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 12. ^' Doc. lllus. Hist, of St. Paul's (ed. W. S. Simpson), 61-106. "' Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 63. "* Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 27. 424 RELIGIOUS HOUSES declared St. Paul's to be destitute of all good rule.'" The period of codification naturally preceded a period of needed reforms, which began in the end of the thirteenth century and lasted for several hundreds of years. An attempt to improve the intellectual state of the clergy is indicated by an appointment, made by the dean and chapter in 1 281, of a certain 'proved theo- logian and gracious preacher ' to rule over their school in theology for a year, and to preach at opportune times.^"* Bishop Gravesend made a more permanent provision ; he ordained that the chancellor must sustain the charge of the lecture of theology, and must be a master or bachelor of this faculty before his first year of office had elapsed. At the same time the church of Ealing was appropriated to the chancellorship. In 1308 this ordinance was confirmed by Ralph Bal- dock.^'^ The office of sub-dean was instituted by Ralph in 1295 : it was tenable by a minor canon appointed by the dean, who was invested with the dean's authority in relation to the in- ferior clergy of the cathedral.'^' Between the years 1300 and 1450 three classes of measures deal with the question of residence : those which aimed at enforcing the performance of their duties on resident canons, those which were designed to increase the number of residents, and those which endeavoured to safeguard the participation of non-residents in the church property. The regulations of Diceto in this matter were more stringent than those of Baldock. The latter exacted a ' moderate assiduity of attendance in the church,' saving in the case of illness or urgent business, further, if any be so wise that he is fitted for the great affairs of the church, let him hold himself in readiness, and he will be understood to serve the church, although he be not assiduous at hours.'" Such a privilege was liable to wide inter- pretation. In 1311 and 1312 the king inti- mated to the dean that certain canons who were absent beyond seas on business which touched the king, the kingdom and the church, should be considered as ' resident.' '^^ The injunc- tions of Bishop Robert Braybrook, issued with tlie consent of Dean Thomas Evrere, repeated the regulations '^' of Ralph de Diceto. They resulted in a controversy between the dean and the residents ; both parties submitted to the king's arbitration, and he commanded that, under penalty of ;r4,ooo, residence should be according to the form of the church of Salisbury.''^ But '" Reg. S. Pduli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 105. '^' Ibid. 88. '" Lend. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, 17, 19- "' Reg. S. Fault (ed. W. S. Simpson), 94.. '" Ibid. 34. '«» Cal. of Close, 1307-13, pp. 357, 419. '«' Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 151. '"^ Cal. of Pat. 1 399-1 40 1, p. 121. fol. no settlement was reached, for in 1433 Bishop Robert Fitz Hugh, desiring ' to still all divisions and discords,' ordered that a resident canon should be present in the church at one canonical hour every day except during his legitimate period of absence, and on all great feasts.'** Bishop Robert Gilbert, in 1442, defined such period as that between the feast of the Relics and the feast of the translation of St. Edward, king and confessor. He forbade resident canons to let their official houses to any lay persons without leave from the bishop, the dean and the chapter.'" A bull of Boniface IX in 1392 stated that hardly five canons resided in the church of St. Paul, and ascribed the circumstance to the extravagant hospitality incumbent on a canon in his first year of residence, which commonly cost from 700 to 1,000 marks sterling. The pope therefore ruled that a canon's oath to observe the customs of the church did not apply to his duties as a host, and that instead of discharging them he should pay 300 marks for the use of the church."'^ But the ancient practice continued, for it is a subject of complaint in a letter from the king to Robert Braybrook in 1399, in which it is asserted that the incomes of only two or three prebends sufficed for its observance.'*^ The bishop thereupon ordered that the expenses of a canon's first year of residence should not exceed 300 marks.'*' In a bull of Martin V, in 141 7, it is declared that this sum cannot be provided from the revenue of any prebend for ten or twelve years ; the limit is reduced therefore to 100 marks ; and the pope concedes, at the instance of the minor canons, that the money be shared, in part, by the lesser cathedral clergy, and in part spent on the fabric, the ornaments, and the books of the church."^* The non-resident canons were frequently the king's nominees. Edward III says of them that many are his ' familiar friends.''*' Hence kings endeavoured to protect their interests. In the commission of 1370 Edward III complains that the resident canons have diverted the treasures of the cathedral to their private uses, and that they absorb the daily allowance of the non-resident canons and of the lesser ministers.'™ In like man- ner Richard II wrote to Bishop Braybrook that, in contradiction to the pious intentions of founders, a few residents received all the emoluments of prebendaries, and the bread and ale intended for non-residents.'" The case was tried at the bishop's court in the deanery of Reginald Kent- wood, and judgement was given for the non- '=' Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 258. '" Lond. Epis. Reg. Kemp. pt. ii, fol. 24. Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 197. Cott. MS. Julian, F. x, fol. 6. Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 151. Ibid. 200. '^ Ibid. 196. »™ Ibid. Cott. MS. Julian, F. x, fol. 6. 196. 425 54 A HISTORY OF LONDON residents on the score that they, as much as other canons, swore observance of the statutes of the cathedral."^ In the latter half of the fourteenth century the efforts for reform had a significant expression in the formation of various corporations in con- nexion with St. Paul's. The movement appears to have been due consciously to a literal faith in the virtue which emanated from agatliering of ' two or three.' ^''^ In 1352 a gild of St. Katherinewas formed to keep one wax light burning in St. Katherine's Chapel. In 1362 the brothers and sisters agreed to maintain a chantry priest who should celebrate in the chapel for all faith- ful departed. This gild had, in 1389, two wardens who were citizens of London.^'* The brotherhood of All Souls was founded, in 1379, for the maintenance of the chapel over the charnel-house,'^* in which it had its centre, and the care of which had lately been urged in a sermon by the archbishop of Canterbury. It existed in 1389, but does not appear to have been careful of the charnel-house.^"* But more important than these were the more or less developed corporations which were formed among the inferior clergy of the cathedral, and whose origin must in great part be ascribed to the influence of Robert Braybrook. In 1353 Robert of Kingston, a minor canon, bequeathed his hall in Pardonchurchhaugh, with the adjoining houses, to his brothers, that they might have a common hall in which to take food together."' The minor canons seem to have been aroused at once to much activity of cor- porate existence. They obtained a charter from Dean Richard of Kilmington in 1356, which stated that they excelled all other chaplains in name and honour, and that they were able to officiate in the place of major canons at the great altar and the choir. ''^ It was confirmed by Bisiiop Simon Sudbury, and in 1373 by a bull of Urban VI."' Finally they acquired a charter '" MSS. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, D. 6, fol. 16. '" MSS. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, /«//;>/. '" Cert, of Gilds (P.R.O,), Chanc. No. zo. '" This chapel w.is dedicated to the Virgin, and stood over a vault in the churchyard in uhich many bones of the dead had been piled. It was rebuilt shortly before 1276, when Roger Beyvin and others founded in it a chantry of one priest. The revenue of the chapel was so diminished in 1430 that divine service was no longer held in it. It received a new endowment in this )car from Jcnkyn Carpenter, an executor of Richard Whitt ngton, and a chantry of one priest was once more established in it, that there might be prayers for the souls of the departed, and especially for those of Roger Beyvin and Richard Whittington (Dugdale, Hist, of St. Paufs, 126, 274 ; Cal. of IViUs proved in Ct. of Hustings, i, 29, 4.2). '"= Cert, of Gilds (P.R.O.), Chanc. No. 209;^ ; Seymour, Surv. of Lond. i, 650. "' Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 322. "' Ibid. 323. '"' Wilkins, Cone, iii, 134. of incorporation from Richard II in 1395—6, and in the same year they 'gathered together in the common hall of their college' and defined the rules and customs which bound them. By the king's charter they received the title of the College of the Twelve Minor Canons in the Church of St. Paul in London. It was ordained that one of them should be set over the others as warden, and that he, with the college, should constitute a legal person.'"" Bishop Braybrook ruled that henceforth the minor canons must take food in their new hall at due hours in com- mon, ' for the increase of the fervour of their devotion and charity ; ' and imposed on them a penalty of ;^300 if they should fail to fulfil their promise of keeping the statute.-, and ordinances of their college. The bishop of London was con- stituted their visitor.'^' Several colleges took form almost contempo- raneously among the chantry priests. A dwell- ing for the chaplain or chaplains was often part of the endowment of a charity.''^ Before 1318 a piece of land in the churchyard was assigned to the chantry priests,'^' and lodgings situated on it and called ' chambers ' might thenceforth be granted to the holders of chantries, by donors or legators, or by the dean and chapter.''^ Thus a number of chantry priests came to live in the building variously known as the ' Presteshouses ' and St. Peter's College. '*' These chaplains were compelled personally to inhabit the separate chambers allotted to each ; and always, or usually, to keep such in repair at their own cost.'*' In 1 39 1 Bishop Robert Braybrook ordered that all chantry priests, who belonged to no other college of the cathedral and who were bound to give suit to the choir, should take their food in the hall of the ' Presteshous ' and that the dean and chapter should allot chambers to as many of them as possible.'" By this measure the corporate life of the chaplains must have been stimulated and defined. Their technical position, however, remained that of a congregation of individuals ; in 1424 they had no common seal.'*^ Their pro- perty was probably regarded as being vested for their use in the dean and chapter. Yet individual priests paid rents to the body of the chap- lains ; '*' their college had statutes which they were bound to observe.''" In a compilation by ^"^ Arch. Ixiii, 183 etseq. ^*' Lond. Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 34. '»= MSS. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 74, 1934, &c. '*'Ibid. A. Box 74, 1918. '*'Ibid. A. Box 74, 1922, 1938, 1950; Cal. of Wills proz-ed in Ct. of Hustings, i, 184, ii ; 539, 637. '«'MSS. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 75, i960. ^Ibid. A. Box 74, 1938, 1950. ^'''' Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 149. ''^ MSS. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 75, i960. '"Ibid. A. Box 74, 1950 ; Box 75, i960. ''"^/r-i. hi, 174. 426 RELIGIOUS HOUSES Colet it is stated that the chantry priests of the College of St. Peter's must obey their proctor. If this official was, as his name implies, represent- ative, a considerable development of corporate life is indicated. Of the 'other colleges,' to which Braybrook alludes, Holmes' College was the most consider- able. Adam of Bury, once mayor of London, built a chapel of the Holy Ghost near the north door of St. Paul's, and by the terms of his will a chantry was founded there for three priests. ^'^ As a site for their residence the dean and chapter assigned land, in 1386, to Roger Holmes, an exe- cutor of Adam and a canon of the cathedral. ^^^ He had contributed to the cost of erecting the chapel, and by his testamentary dispositions the number of priests who celebrated in it was in- creased to seven.''' These formed Holmes' College, the object of frequent bequests. Certain statutes, made by Roger with the consent of the bishop, the dean and the chapter, enacted that every member of the college must swear to be faithful to the community and to keep the secrets of its hall ; that the seven priests should choose yearly one of their number to preside over the others; and that each should subscribe a fixed sum for the maintenance of their common meals.'''* Holmes' College does not appear ever to have received a charter of incorporation. The triumph of the house of Lancaster was celebrated by the building of a chapel, by John of Gaunt's executors, at his tomb, and tiiat of the Duchess Blanche in St. Paul's. In 1403 a chantry ofpriests was founded in the new chapel ;'" and Bishop Braybrook granted a piece of land which had belonged to his old palace for the provision of a dwelling for the chaplains. The dean and cliapter were empowered to compel them to lodge and to partake of common meals in the house which came to be known as 'Lancaster College."'^ Within the cloister in Pardonchurchhaugh Gilbert Becket erected a chapel in which he was buried. '^^ It was rebuilt by Thomas More, clerk, who received a licence to found in it a chantry of three priests.'^* More's intentions were, however, fulfilled only by his executors. They obtained both a similiar licence in 1424, and a grant that ' the chaplains of the chantry of St. Anne and St. Thomas the Martyr ' should form a corporation and have a common seal. These chaplains were made capable of acquiring property, but only on condition that they rendered it to '" Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 254. '"«rV/. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 28. ^^Cal. of IVilh proved in Ct. of Hustings, ii, 254. '''MSS. of D. and C. A. Box 75, 1998. '" Cal of Pat. 1 40 1-5, p. 214. "' MSS. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 74, 1941. "' Dugdale, Hist, of St. Paul's, 181. '** Cal. of Pat. l42'2-q, p. 179. the dean and chapter, who must hold it on their behalf and pay a yearly rent to each.^'^ The dean and chapter and the thirty-two chantry priests of the ' Presteshouses ' assigned to the three chaplains a dwelling in the 'Presteshouses. '■'°'' In the year 1427 a bequest increased their number to four.*" The chantry priests of St. Paul's seem to have been remarkable, even in the most secular period of the church's history, for neglect of their obligations.*"^ An early attempt to introduce dis- cipline among them must have taken form in an effort to enforce their attendance on the choir ; for, in 1325, Sir Henry of Bray formally pro- tested that such suit on his part had been not the fulfilment of a duty but an act of grace.*"' The chantries of the cathedral provided an out- let for priests who sought to escape the duties of other benefices. Thus Chaucer says of his good parson, that He sette not his benefice to hire And lefte his shepe accombrcd in the mire, And ran to London, unto Seint Poules, To seken him a chaunterie for soules."" But the fault lay in some degree with the slight, often diminished, endowments of many chan- tries, insufficient to provide a living for a man, while the duties attached to them were in many cases enough to occupy all a man's care.*"* In 1391, therefore. Bishop Braybrook united such a number of chantries as to reduce their whole number by thirty-two ; and ordained that henceforth no beneficed clergy might hold chantries in St. Paul's.*"' He exhorted all chaplains to fulfil the ordinances by which their places had been founded, and framed new regulations for the priests of united chantries. In virtue of these they were, before the admission, examined as to their fitness for the choir, to which an oath bound them to give suit.*"' In 1408 Bishop Clifford united four chantries into one.*"' The number of vicars tended to diminish ; lay and unfit persons were admitted among them. A regulation of the year 1290,*"° and others which occur in the compilations of Baldock and ''' MS. of D. and C. A. Box 74, 1933. "» Ibid. A. Box 75, i960. "" Sharpe, CaL of Wills, ii, 467. '" Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson.) Bk. ii, 3, Jnn. Lond. (Rolls Ser.) 224; MS. of D. and C. A. Box 75. «969- *" MS. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 74 ; A. Box 73, 1908. "' Prologue, lines 509-14. *°' Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 150. '°° Cf. lists of chantries in fourteenth cent, and temp. Edw. V\,Arch. Hi, 168 and 178. *"' Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 150, *•» Lend. Epis. Reg. Walden, fol. 7. *"' Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 84. 427 A HISTORY OF LONDON Lisieux,*'" order that they consist of deacons and sub-deacons in equal proportion, that their number be increased, that they be persons of moral life able to sing in the choir. In 1332 an injunction exhorted them to seemliness of conduct and habit.*" They gained some addi- tional independence in this period. In 131 3 they were declared to be themselves responsible for their absences from the cathedral."^ Dean Geoffrey de Lucy granted that each vicar should, while he was duly present at hours, receive from the church a penny a day ; *" and the sum was increased by Dean Henry Borham.'*" With the consent of the chapter Bishop Bray- brook appropriated to them the church of Bunstead, and fix e marks from the revenues of the church of Finchingfield.''"' The vicars never formed a technical corporation : in later times they used the seal of the dean and chapter, or severally signed with their individual seals.**' They had a common hall in which they were compelled to take their food, unless they were invited elsewhere.*" The tendency to uniformity brought a dispo- sition to follow the Sarum Use in the churches of St. Paul's, an innovation which was jealously resisted by the dean and chapter. In 1375 the dean did his utmost that the ancient rite of his cathedral might be preserved in the church of St. Giles Cripplegate.*** Yet by the beginning of the fifteenth century the more universal form was generally used in the chan- tries of St. Paul.*'^ In 1414 Bishop Clifford ordered that the Use of Sarum should be followed in the choir.*-" The movement towards reform from within continued in the fifteenth century. The practice of diverting the property of the cathedral to the private uses of the resident canons was well estab- lished, and hence there were remedial ordinances of Bishops Savage,*^' Warham,*-2and Fitz James.*-' Warham's statute, which Fitz James confirmed, annulled all allocations of land, rents, and profits, and instituted a new officer in the general receiver. Bishop Warham also ruled that four major canons must be present in the chapter*"* when arduous business was in treaty ; that the bishop and any two major canons could settle disputes between *'° Reg. S. Pau/i (ed. W. S. Simpson), 67, 84. "' Ibid. 103. *'Mbid. 67. "'Ibid. 186. *" MS.of D.andC.ofSt. Paul's, W. D. 2, fol. 91. *" Lend Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 395. *'* MS. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 11, 1 100. *" Reg. S. Pau/i (ed. W. S. Simpson), 67. *'* Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 52. *" Cal. Pap. Let. iv, 226. ""• Hist MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 52. "' Reg. S. Pau/i (ed. W. S. Simpson), 260. *" Ibid. 213. *" Ibid. 206. *'* In I 502 it was ruled that no man who was not of English birth on both sides and born in Eng- land might hold a prebend or dignity in St. Paul's, or treat of secret business in the chapter. Ibid. 210. the dean and the canons; that the dean must be a prebendary or dignitary of the cathedral,*"' who should begin his residence within a year of his appointment ; that all resident and non-resi- dent canons must be present in the cathedral on feast days.*-* But the greatest reformer of St. Paul's was John Colet. After he had made an epitome*-' of the statutes of the cathedral,*"* he showed to Wolsey, in 1 5 1 8, a series of regulations which were chiefly enlargements of Warham's statutes. These, in a further amplified form, were eventu- ally enacted by Wolsey, as papal legate.*^' Such unusual procedure was due to the enmity which existed between Colet and Bishop Fitz James.*'** At the same time the dean was at contention with the residents, who had no sympathy with his frugal mode of life, and who accused him of a desire to treat them like monks.*" His statutes seem to have arisen from his single initiative enforced by legatine authority, and it appears that neither they nor those of Warham were ever obeyed.*'- In his lifetime, however, Colet must have wrought much improvement, for he was consist- ently supported by the king and by Archbishop Warham. A confirmation, obtained from Leo X, of the neglected bull, by which Martin V had limited the compulsory expenses of residence, may have secured a reform.*'' Colet made separate compilations of the statutes which bound the chantry priests ; and possibly included new enactments among them. An oath of faith- ful service to the church, the dean, and the chapter, and of obedience to the ordinances by which their chantries had been founded, was henceforth compulsory for all chaplains, and they were forbidden to leave the City without leave from the dean and chapter.*'* In one respect the measures of Colet are particularly consonant with the spirit of his age. He made a practice of preaching in the cathedral on every feast day, and his sermons were not dialectical exercises, but expositions of Scripture. His congregations were large, and included most leading men of the court and City.*" The chancellor had for *" The manor and rector}' of Sutton and the advow- son of Chiswick were at this time appropriated to the deanery. Ibid. 211. *" Reg. S. Pau/i (ed. W. S. Simpson), 210-11. '" Colet's epitome differs from its predecessors in an assertion that the portion of the dean is double that of other residents. "^ Reg. S. Pau/i (ed. W. S. Simpson), 2 1 7. «" Ibid. 237. "" Erasmus, Li/e of Co/et (transl. J. H. Lupton), 39. ^■''^ Reg. S. Pau/i (ed. W. S. Simpson), 418-19; Erasmus, Life of Co/et (transl. J. H. Lupton), 24 et seq. "' Reg. S. Pau/i (ed. W. S. Simpson), 418-19. *" Ibid. 200. "* Arc/i. HI, 163-4. '" Erasmus, Life of Co/et (transl. J. H. Lupton), 24 et seq. 128 RELIGIOUS HOUSES long neglected his duty of lecturing in theology; and here only Colet seems to have secured the co- operation of the bishop. An ordinance of Fitz James provides that, except during certain defi- nite seasons, the chancellor shall read a lecture in the cathedral twice or three times a week, according to the amount of leisure allowed by feast days.^^^ A preacher of the reformed religion has alluded to the sloth and the irreligion by which Colet was met. In Paul's abbeys at their midnight prayers were none commonly but a few brawling priests, young quiristers and novices, who understand not what they said ; the elder sort kept their bed or were worse occupied. . . . For their continual massing afore noon . . . these shorn shaveling priests would neither receive together one of them with another, nor yet the people have any part with them.*" Of the Protestant measures ^'' of general ap- plication the dissolution of gilds*" and chantries largely affected St. Paul's. Not only did it work a great change in the persons of the ministers and in the service, but further, the revenue of chantries had been, in spite of the poverty of chantry priests, a considerable source of wealth to the cathedral. In the fourteenth century the gross annual income of sixty-four chantries was £,'2-<^1 13J. 8^.; and the annual stipends of priests varied from 6;. to ^^6 13J. 4^."" In 1547 the *" Reg. S. Fault (ed. W. S. Simpson), 143. "' Works of Pilkington (ed. G. Scholefield), 48 1 et seq. "'In I 55 1 the communion table was removed to the south end of the church. In 1552 Cranmer for- bade the organ to be played, and, on All Saints' Day, ' the book of the new service of bread and wine ' was first used {Chron. of Grey friars [Camden Soc], 71-6). *'' The mystery of the armourers of London formed a Gild of St. George ; and the brothers and sisters maintained certain lights and divine services in a chapel of St. Paul's. They received a charter of incorpora- tion in 145 1-2, when Henry VI took the title of their founder (Pat. 31 Hen. VI, pt. 2, m. 12). The most important of the gilds which centred in the cathedral was the Brotherhood of Jesus, which met in Jesus Chapel in the crypt, and of which the dean was perpetual rector. It acquired a charter of incorporation in 1457-8. It had two secular war- dens, sometimes persons of high rank, and was licensed to acquire lands to the yearly value of ^^40. It held services in the chapel at certain times for which the brothers and sisters made fixed payments to the min- isters of the church. On the vigil of the feast of the Name of Jesus, they burnt a bonfire at the door of the crypt in the churchyard {Reg. S. Pauli [ed. W. S. Simpson], bk. v). The Gild of the King's Minstrels received a charter of incorporation in 1469, and was thereby bound to pray for the king and his consort, for his soul after death, and those of his ancestors, and for all faithful departed, in the Chapel of the Virgin of St. Paul's (Rymer, Foed. xi, 642). "" Arch, lii, 158 et'seq. annual value was £()^() (>s., of which ^^244 1 8^ . id. was paid to the chaplains, each of whom received from twenty to eighty-five per cent, of the in- come of his chantry."^ Another loss was suffered by the cessation of the practice of celebrating obits, which, however, had become less frequent than in the middle ages. Dean Colet recom- mended that these services should be held often, in order that the dead might be succoured by a multitude of suffrages ; he ordered the chapter to examine what obits ought to be observed.*''^ Yet in 1547 the number of those regularly kept had sunk to fifty-four. At the same time the annual income for the maintenance of obits had been reduced from £^1^^ i8i. 3^^/. in the four- teenth century to £iO/\. is. 2d.^*^ During a period of some three hundred years from the middle of the sixteenth century, the only important innovations in the internal history of St. Paul's concerned the organization and endowment of preaching. The significance of a visitation by Grindal, in 156 1, consists in a calendar which he made to indicate the order in which resident and non-resident canons were compelled to preach on feast days.^" Alexander Ratcliff bequeathed ;^400 to the dean and chapter in 1615, half of which he destined for 'gentle- man scholars ' of Oxford and Cambridge who should preach at St. Paul's cross. This duty fell to prebendaries after the cross had been re- moved."^ In 1623 Dr. Thomas White left an annual sum of £^\o for the maintenance of three weekly lectures on divinity ; and directed that a pulpit should be erected in the cathedral, to be used when the weather prevented resort to the churchyard.**^ There occurred also some significant interpre- tations and illustrations of the constitution of the cathedral. Thus, before Cromwell's visitation of religious houses in the province of Canterbury, Cranmer suspended, temporarily, episcopal and all minor ecclesiastical jurisdictions ; and in his mandate to the bishop of London he used the title 'legate of the apostolic see.' **' which he had abandoned in the convocation of 1533."* In consequence the bishop and chapter, at the visi- tation in St. Paul's, made a formal protest, which the archbishop's registrar refused to enter. It was sent to the king as an appeal, and appears to have "' Ibid. 172. '" Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 236. *" For calendar of obits see Doc. Ulus. Hist, of St. PauPs (ed. W. S. Simpson), 74-106. "' Add. MS. 34298, fol. 6. In 1882 by a minute of the chapter the order in which sermons were ap- pointed to be preached on festivals and in Lent, by dignitaries ani prebends, was set forth in an amended calendar. Suppl. to Reg. 5. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 18 and 19. *" Suppl. to Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 126. ""Ibid. 134. *" L. and P. Hen. Fill, vii, 1683. "' Wilkins, Cone, iii, 769. 429 A HISTORY OF LONDON received no notice."' The chapter was probably deterred from pleading in this instance the privi- lege of exemption from metropoliticai visitation, because lately, by Act of Parliament, the king had been empowered to override such liberties,"** and the visitation was by royal commission. A different course was taken when, in 1636, a visitation was proposed by Laud, as archbishop of Canterbury. The dean and chapter, in a petition to Charles I, then brought forward their ancient claim to exemption. In reply the king, after challenging them to prove not only that the coming visitation was without precedent, but further, that precedents existed against it, ordered them to submit."^ Bishop Bancroft made a visitation in 1598,^^^ and a very disorderly state of affairs was disclosed among the minor canons, the only collegiate clergy left in the cathedral ; who still ' kept commons together in their hall, dinners but not suppers, for their allowance would not maintain both.' It had been ordained by Act of Parlia- ment that the college should bear the charge of all children born within its precincts ; and to rule a number of households with means framed for the control of celibate priests was a difficult task. Between some families feuds existed so bitter and violent that the authority of the dean and chapter was openly flouted. Minor canons admitted strangers into the college as lodgers ; all but three of them had let their official houses. Secularity seems, on the whole, to have increased among them with the Reformation, while their ancient vices, the consequences of ignorance, sloth, and self-indulgence, were at least as preva- lent as ever."' During his visitation Laud attempted to deal with some of the disputes which had arisen as to the property of the cathedral,''^^ and which were not settled until 1724, when Bishop Gibson visited St. Paul's, and acknowledged that digni- taries could let the estates attached to their places, but ordered the registration of all such leases.^" The nineteenth century was for cathedrals a period of legislation. The property of the deanery became vested in the Ecclesiastical Commissioners in 1840,*** that of the treasurer in 1858,"' that of the precentor in 1867,"* that of the dean and chapter in 1872.*^' The com- "' Strype, Mem. of Cranmer, i, 49. *•" Stat, at Large, 25 Hen. VIII, cap. 21, sec. 20. «" Add. MS. 34268, fol. 18. "' Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 272-80. *" MSS. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Bo.x 53, no. 17 454 Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 28. <«Ibid. 313-14. *" Stat, at Large, Act 4 & 5 Vict. cap. 39, sec. 50. "" Stippl. to Reg. S. Pau/i (ed. W. S. Simpson), 177. "^ Loud. Gaz. 26 Feb. 1867, p. 1467. "' Ibid. 9 Aug. 1872, p. 3587. missioners were compelled to pay a yearly sum of ;^i 8,000 to the dean and chapter until these were in possession of such real estate as would secure to them a like income. From this in- come annual payments were to be made of j^2,000 to the dean, and of jTijOOO to each of the four resident canons : the rest was devoted to the maintenance of services, the discharge of expenses and liabilities incurred on the corporal revenue of the dean and chapter, and to repairs and improvements of the cathedral and the buildings attached to it. The profits accruing from the hall, manor, or parsonage of Tilling- ham were further set apart for repairs. All rights of patronage, the cathedral itself, the precincts, the chapter-house, the surveyor's office, the deanery house, and the canonical houses, were excepted from the scope of the several arrange- ments. It was provided, in 184 1, that a dean need not hold a canonry nor a prebend of the church ; and that no prebends were attached to the canonries in royal patronage.**" In 1840 the patronage of the three existing canonries had been given to the crown, and a fourth canonry had been created, to which the bishop presented an archdeacon of the diocese or another.**' In 1855 an order in council provided that the dean and chapter should present a dean or canon of the cathedral to any of their benefices which fell vacant ; but it reserved seventeen named benefices,**^ all of which were in the City, for the optional tenure of minor canons who had no other cure,*''' and, failing them, for that of per- sons who held a dignity or prebend in the cathedral, a benefice or cure in the diocese, or a position in the universities of Oxford, Cambridge, and Dur- ham.^" The constitution of the college of minor canons was entirely recast. By the St. Paul's Cathedral Minor Canonries Act of 1875,**' the number of minor canons was reduced to six, saving the rights of such as then were living ; it was enacted that as each minor prebend fell vacant the property *** attached to it should lapse to the commissioners, who should, when the statutory number of minor prebendaries had been reached, provide each with a yearly income of ;{^400 and "" Stat, at Large, Act 4 & 5 Vict. cap. 39, sec. 5. *" Ibid. Act 3 & 4 Vict. cap. 1 13, sec. 24, 33. **' Certain modifications were occasioned by unions of parishes in 1873, 1875, 1876, 1879,1890. Su/>J>L to Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 108. *" By Act 3 & 4 \''ict. cap. 113a minor canon might hold a benefice within six miles of his cathedral. Minor canons were aho eligible for benefices other than the seventeen which were in the patronage of dean and chapter. Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 371-6. •" Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 371-6. '" Suppl. to Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 94. *^ The property of the minor canons consisted of (i) property vested in their corporation (2) property vested in dean and chapter for their benefit (3) pay- ments by dean and chapter to several minor canons. 4jO RELIGIOUS HOUSES with a residence ultimately held and allotted by the dean and chapter. In future no benefice was tenable with a minor canonry. An order in council ratified in 1876 "'a scheme of the dean and chapter which regulated the duties and position of minor canons. It provided that they must live in the houses assigned to them except during a vacation of at least ten weeks, and must retire at the age of fifty-five on a pension whose amount varied from £^,.0 to ;^250, according to the length of their residence, or whenever the dean and chapter desired their resignation. After their retirement they might receive honorary minor canonries from the dean and chapter, and with these the right to a stall in the cathedral, but no emolument or place in the college. Already, in 1872, in obedience to an order in council the dean and chapter had transferred the property they held for the pittanciary and the vicars choral to the commissioners ; in its stead and with a like destination they received ;^900 every year.^^' An ordinance of the dean and chapter regulated the duties of the vicars in 1874.*''' The choir was further organized when, in 1878, it was ordained that there should be twelve assistant vicars choral and forty choristers.*™ In this year all statutes which regarded the vergers were repealed ; they were entirely and solely subordinated to the dean and chapter ; the dean appointed his verger, the superior of the other three, who received their places from the dean and chapter.''" Thus the Ecclesiastical Commissioners not only arranged tiie disposition of the cathedral property in accordance with modern values, but they further made the holding and apportioning of it to rest on entirely new principles. They extended the powers of the dean and chapter to the detriment of those of other classes of clergy and of officers in the cathedral ; and they brought them into direct relation with the central govern- ment. In this way the commissioners reproduced in St. Paul's some of that simplicity, that absence of conflicting authorities, which their own authority had brought partly into the Church of the country. But by the introduction of a new authority not susceptible to local influence, the cathedral lost much of the individuality which has so great an historical value, and which alone renders possible any independent history. Deans of St. Paul's Ulstan or Ulman,*" occurs 1085-HO7 William Ralph of Langford, occurs 1142 "' Suppl. to Reg. S. Pauli (ed. W. S. Simpson), 104. "' Ibid. III. There were at this time six vicars choral including the pittanciary. ^•■nbid. 112. ""Ibid. 116. '" Ibid. 1 1 7. *" Dean whose tenure is doubtful. Taurinus of Stamford, occurs c. 1 152-62 Hugh de Marney, occurs 1 1 60- 18 Ralph de Diceto, occurs c. 1181-1204 Alard de Burhham, occurs c. 1204 Gervase de Hobrugge,*'' 1216 William de Basinges*'* Robert of Watford, occurs 1213-27 Martin de PateshuU, occurs 1228 Richard Weathershead,^" occurs before 1 229 Geoffrey de St. Lucy, occurs 1231 William de St. Marie, occurs 124 1 Henry of Cornhill, occurs 1243 Walter of London or de Salerne, 1254 Robert de Barthone, 1256 Peter of Newport Richard Talbot, occurs before 1262 Geoflfrey de Feringes, occurs 1263 John de ChishuU, occurs 1268 Hervey de Borham, 1273 Thomas de Ingaldesthorp, 12 76-7 Roger de la Leye, 1283 William de Mountfort, 1285 Ralph Baldock, 1294 Raymond de la Goth, 1307 Arnald de Cantilupe, 1307 John Sendale *'« Richard Newport Vitalis de Testa John of Everdon, 1322 or 1323 Gilbert Bruere, 1336 Walter de Aldebury,''" 1362 Thomas Trillek, 1363 John of Appelby, 1368 Robert Brewer,*'* 1376 Thomas of Evrere, 1389 Thomas Stow, 1400 Thomas Moor, 1406—7 Reginald Kentwood, 142 1— 2 Thomas Lisieux, 1441 Laurence Bothe, 1456 William Say, 1457 Roger Radclyff, 1463 Thomas Wynterbourne, 1 47 1 William Worsley, 1478-9 Robert Sherbourn, 1499 John Colet, 1505 Richard Pace, 15 19 Richard Sampson,*'^ ^537 John Incent, i 540 William May, 1545-6 " John Feckenham, 1553-4 Henry Cole, i 556 Alexander Nowell, 1560 John Overall, 1602 Valentine Grey, 16 14 John Donne, 162 1 *" See text for tenure of this dean. '" Dean whose tenure is doubtful. '" Ibid. "^ See text for tenure of this and two following deans. '" Dean whose tenure is doubtful. "* Ibid. *" The date is doubtful. See text. 431 A HISTORY OF LONDON Thomas WinnifFe, 1631 Matthew Nicholas, 1660 John Barwick, 1661 William Sancroft, 1664 Edward StiUingfleet, 1677-8 John Tillotson, 1689 William Sherlock, 1 69 1 Henry Godolphin, 1707 Francis Hare, 1726 Joseph Butler, 1740 Thomas Lecky, 1750 John Hume, 1758 Frederic Cornwallis, 1766 Thomas Newton, 1768 Thomas Thurlow, 1782 George Pretyman (Tomlins), 1787 William van Mildert, 1820 Charles Richard Summer, 1826 Edward Copleston, 1827 Henry Hart Milman, 1849 Henry Longueville Mansel, 1863 Richard William Church, 187 1 Robert Gregory,*«o 1891 The seal de negocVis*-^ had a full-faced bust of St. Paul between his emblems with the legend: — SIGILL' de NEGOCIIS SCI PAVLI There are six seals of deans in the museum collection. The earliest *^ is believed to be that of Ralph of Langford {c. 1 1 42), a circular seal \\ in. in diameter. It shows a half-length figure of the dean in cap and cloak holding a shrine. Richard Talbot's ^*^ seal {c. 1260-1) is a little vesica i:^ in. by f in., having the head of St. Paul in a quatrefoil with the inscription s' pav below it. Below under an arch is a half-length figure of the dean in prayer. The legend is : — s' RIC * TALEBOT The larger vesica (2 in. by i|in.) of John de Chishull ^^ shows St. Paul seated with his em- blems between a sun and a crescent inclosing a star. Below is the dean, half-length, praying. The legend is : — s' ioh'is de chishull decani londoniens' The first seal of the chapter,**^ which is round, 2f in. in diameter, has a figure of St. Paul standing on the roof of the church. He is bless- ing six canons who kneel three on either side of him, and holds a book leeend is : — in his left hand. The ^ sigillvm. capitvli SANCTI PAVLI LVNDONIE This seal belongs to the twelfth century. The second seal,''*^ which also is round, but considerably larger (3^ in.), is work of the next century. The obverse gives a conventional view of the cathedral, which emphasizes the lofty tower, with the legend : — SIGILLVM ECCLESIE SANCTI PAUU LONDONIARUM The reverse shows St. Paul with his emblems of sword and book seated on a throne. The curious legend is thought to refer to the em- blems : — MVCRO FVROR SAULI LIBER EST CONUERSIO PAVLI A seal belonging to the end of the fourteenth century,'**' having a counterseal from the matrix of Dean Thomas Plumstoke, seems to have been used as the seal of the Chapter till the middle at least of the following century. It is circular, i\ in. in diameter, and has the figure of St. Paul with his usual attributes. The seal of Dean Roger de la Leye*** (1283-5), is a vesica 2^ in. by i^in. with full-length figures of St. Peter and St. Paul with their symbols standing in canopied niches. Under an arch in the base is a half-length of the dean in prayer. The legend runs : — s' ROGERI DE LA LEYE DECANI SCI PAVLI LONd' William de Mountfort's seal (c. 1293),^' a vesica 2 in. by i;^ in., shows St. Paul sitting on a throne with an elaborate canopy, which has on each of its pillars a shield of the arms of the dean which were Bendy of ten argent and azure. Below was the usual figure of the dean. Of the legend only a few letters remain. The seal of John of Everdon ^^ (1323-37) is of similar type. It had the legend : — S' ioh'is de everdon DECANI SCI PAVLI LONDON* APPENDIX The manors which belonged to the p.itrimony of St. Paul's were, in 1 181, C.iddington, Kensworth, Ardleigh, Sandon, Belchamp St. Paul, Wickham St. Paul, Heybridge, Tillingham, Barling, Runwell, Navestock, Chingford, Barnes, Drayton, Sutton, Luf- fenhall, ' Edulvesnesa,' Norton, and Abberton in Essex. Of these all but the last four are identical in name with the places in which the canons held churches, and which include also Walton-on-the-Naze, Kirby-le-Soken, Thorpe-le-Soken, Willesden, and Twyford.' The manors of Uplee in Willesden and of Chelmsford and Leigh or West Leigh in ^ Lists of deans in Repstrum S. PauU, ed. W. S. Simpson, App. iii ; Harl. MS. 2273, 364 ; Lambeth MS. 539, 150. *" B.M. xxxix, 36. *** Ibid, xxxv, 256. •^ Ibid. Ivii, 4. 432 «• Harl. Chart. 44, i, 57. «^ B.M. Ivii, 8. •* Add. Chart. 19, 981. "' B.M. Ivii, II. *" Ibid. 10. '^ Add. Chart. 19636. *" B.M. Ivii, 12. ' Dm. Bk. of St. Paul's (ed. W. H. Hale), 110-21. Westminster Abbev (.-/,/ causas) -'- -x r ~ /*% ^(.* A A The Cathedral ok St. Paul [Ob-verse) The Cathedral of St. Paul I^Rnerse) Monastic Seals : Plate 1 RELIGIOUS HOUSES Essex, were held in 1283.'^ The church of St. Pancras was held in 1345.' Ralph de Diceto gave the church of Barnes to the hospital of the almonry.' That of Chingford was alienated before 1 363* Bishop Richard de Bcames granted the churches of Aldbury, Brent Pelham, and Furneaux Pelham, all in Hertfordshire.' The rectory manor of Sunbury was acquired in 1230 ;' the church of Brightlingsea in 1237' ; the church of Chiswick, probably as a result of the ancient rights over Sutton, and that of Leigh, were held in 1252 ;' in 1320 the dean and chapter impropriated the rectory of Hutton in Essex.' A rent was received from the church of Rickling in Essex in 1422.'° London churches in the patronage of St. Paul's were, at a date between 1 138 and 1250," those of St. Thomas the Apostle, St. Benet Paul's Walk, St. Peter Paul's Wharf, St. Augustine Watling Street, St. Thomas Knightrider Street, St. John Walbrook, St. Giles with- out Cripplegate, St. Mary Aldermanbury, St. Helen Bishopsgate, St. Michael Queenhithe, St. Benet Grace- church Street, St. Botolph Billingsgate, St. Martin Orgar St. Martin's Lane, St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street, St. John Zachary Maiden Lane, St. Mary Magdalen Old Fish Street, St. Antholin Watling Street, St. Olave Old Jewry, St. Stephen Coleman Street, St. Michael le Querne." The last two of these did not continue in the possession of St. Paul's." The church of St. Nicholas Olave was granted to the dean and chapter by Gilbert Foliot ; that of St. Michael Bassishaw came into their possession shortly before 1373 ; " they held the churches of St. Faith in the Crypt,'* and of St. Gregory by St. Paul's which was appropriated to the minor canons between 1445—8.'° The ' manor of Norton ' appears to have evolved into that of Folliot Hall, in High Ongar and Norton Mandeville, which was held in 1535." At th;s date no rights in Willesden not assigned to prebends were called temporal, and there is no mention of the chapter's possession of a manor in Luftenhall apart from that of Ardeley. Additional manors which now belonged to the chapter were those of Paulhouse and Bowhouse and of Harringay or Hornsey, in London and Middlesex ; and those of Beldame or Kentish Town, which may have been attached to the church of St. Pancras, and of Barnes, next Hadleigh in Essex.'* The rectories outside London impropriated by the cathedral in 1535 were those of Sunbury, Willesden, Kentish Town, Rickling in Essex, Belchamp St. Paul, Walton, Kirby, Brightlingsea and Tillingham ; and the vicarages of Kensworth, Caddington, Ardleigh, Sandon, St. Pancras, Drayton, and Chiswick. The churches of Thorpe-le-Soken, Navestock and Twy- ford appear to have been alienated." The dean and chapter presented to Wickham St. Paul's in the seventeenth and to Heybridge and Barling in the eighteenth century." HOUSE OF BENEDICTINE MONKS 2. SAINT PETER'S ABBEY, WESTMINSTER The real date of the foundation of West- minster Abbey must probably always remain uncertain. There is hardly a charter before the time of Edward the Confessor which is not open to suspicion, there is no mention of the monastery in Bede nor yet in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle before the year 1 040, and there can be no doubt that the more important the house became the greater was the temptation to rival in antiquity the foundation stories of such houses as St. Paul's and St. Alban's. The legend of the destruction of the temple of Apollo by King Lucius and the building of the Christian church of St. Peter on '' Dom. Bk. of Si. Paul's (ed. W. H. Hale), 160. ' Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix,App. i, 38. ' Reg. Eleemos. D. S. Pauli (ed. M. Hackett), fol. 6. • Chan. Inq. p.m. 37 Edw. Ill, No. 63 (ist Nos.). ' Reg. S. Fault (ed. W. S. Simpson), iv, 2, 3. * Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 75. ' Hist. MSS. Com. Re/>. ix, App. i, 40. ' Fisit. of Churches of St. PauPs (Camd. Misc.) i, 33. ' Cal. of Pat. 1 3 1 7-2 1 , p. 421. '" Feud. Aids, ii, 197. " Newcourt, Repert. i, 550, quoted from Register of D. and C. of St. Paul's. " Arch. Iv, 291. " Pat. 19 Eliz. pt. 6 ; Dugdale, Hist, of St. Paul's, App. 33. " Newcourt, Repert. i, 508. " Ibid. 349. its site is hardly worthy of consideration,^ but the story of the East Saxon foundation is so intimately bound up with Westminster traditions that no account of the abbey would be complete without it. The founder, according to this story, was a certain high-born citizen of London — after- wards identified as Sebert,^ king of the East Saxons and nephew of King Ethelbert, at whose instigation the work is supposed to have been undertaken. But more honourable even than this ancient and royal foundation was the apostolic consecration of the church. After the completion of the building, St. Peter, it is said, came by night to the banks of the Thames and was ferried over the broad marshes which sur- rounded the site of the abbey on the island of Ibid. 359; Cal. Rot. Cart, et Inq. a.q.d. (Rec. Com.), 387- " Fal. Eccl. (Rec. Com.), i, 360. " Ibid. 360-62, 437, 434, 437,443. " Inst. Books, P.R.O. ' Flores Hist. (Rolls Ser.), i, 146 et seq. ; Wid- more. Enquiry into the First Foundation of Westm. Abbey, 2. But for possible traces of Roman occupa- tion of Westminster, see V.C.H. London, i. ' Said to have been buried in the abbey, and trans- lated in 1308, when, on opening the coffin, the monks found his right hand and fore arm untouched by decay. Chron. Edw. I and Edw. II (Rolls Ser.), i, 266. 433 55 A HISTORY OF LONDON Thornev, by a wondering fisherman. Proceeding to the church he performed the rites of consecra- tion amid the chanting of celestial choirs, and on his return bade the awestricken boatman go to Bishop Mellitus of London, tell him what he had seen, and forbid him to repeat the cere- mony, which he was to have performed on the morrow. St. Peter also caused the fisherman to take an unprecedented draught of salmon, one of which he charged him to present to the bishop in token of the truth of his story.' When the next day broke Mellitus came to the abbey and found the holy water, oil and crosses, the half- burnt candles, and the Greek and Latin alpha- bets inscribed upon the walls. He therefore, says one writer, completed what remained to be done, and collecting the relics of apostolic con- secration, placed them in a shrine, where they still remained in the fourteenth century.* The first extant version of this story is to be found in a thirteenth-century transcript of a work purporting to be written by one Sulcardus, a monk of Westminster, at the end of the eleventh century ; ' but Richard of Cirencester, a monk of the house in the fourteenth century, gives the tradition in substantially the same form, and even William of Malmesbury, one of the most trustworthy of early English historians, and with no occasion for bias in this case, repeats the story at the end of the eleventh or the beginning of the twelfth century.* It is in- teresting also to note that Gervase of Canterbury and the annalists of Bermondsey and Waverley, as well as Matthew Paris and Ralph de Diceto, both members of houses of rival antiquity, without giving the legend of the miraculous consecration, refer the date of the foundation to the time of Ethelbert.' According to Sulcard the church, which was but a little one, was much neglected after the death of Ethelbert until King OflPa proposed to establish a monastic congregation, but was prevented by his pilgrimage to Rome. This story is suspicious, as there is evident confusion on the part of the writer between Offa of East Saxony (709) and OfFa of Mercia (757-96) who is really the next reputed benefactor of the house.' ' This was the origin of the tithe of salmon paid annually to the abbey from the Thames fishermen between Staines and Gravesend. * Richard of Cirencester, Speculum Historiale (Rolls Ser.), i, 92-3. ' Cott. MS. Titus, A. viii, fol. 2 et seq. * Will. Malmesbur)', Gesta Pontijicum (Rolls Ser.), 141. ' This post-Conquest evidence cannot of course be taken as any guarantee of the authenticity of the story of the East Saxon foundation, but as an indica- tion of its wide acceptance within a few years of the death of the Confessor and for many years later, it has a certain value of its own. ' Cott. MS. Claud. A. viii, fol. 3. Cf. Plummer, Baedae Op. Hist, i, 322. OfFa's charter, however, which takes the form of a grant of 10 cassates of land at Aldenham to 'the needy people of God in Thornev, in the dreadful spot which is called aet Westminster ' has been accepted by several historians of the abbey as genuine.' This would seem to point to the existence of a monastery here before the year 785 — the date of the charter — for the grant was paid for by the abbot, and the ' needy people of God ' must certainly have been a monastic congregation. Accordingly Widmore considered that the house was probably founded between the years 730 and 740, about the time of the death of Bede, by whom, he argued, it must have been mentioned, had it existed earlier. He fiirther supposed it to have been a small foundation for under twelve monks, not sufficiently important to have been of royal foundation.^" Tradition goes on to say that the house was subsequently laid waste by the Danes, but restored by Edgar on the advice of Dunstan, who being a great reader, had made himself acquainted with the early history of the place. Edgar gave Dunstan control over the restored foundation, and the bishop, pursuing his usual policy, immediately placed in it twelve Bene- dictine monks.^^ One of Edgar's charters has been accepted by Widmore as genuine, but it has far less appearance of authenticity than that of OfFa. Not only is the date given as 951, whereas Edgar did not come to the throne until 958, but also Bishop Wulfred is wrongly men- tioned as a contemporary of OfFa.'' At the same time it is highly probable that the monastery was restored by Edgar and Dunstan. It was certainly in existence before the refoundation by Edward the Confessor,'' but it is hardly likely that it was founded in the stormy period between the death of Edgar and the accession of Edward, and if it was founded before that time it may be safely assumed, even apart from the authority of William of Malmes- bury,'* that the great bishop would not pass it over in his reforms. After this Westminster is supposed to have again fallen a prey to the Danes, but it would seem that the house was not wholly destroyed, ' See Widmore, Enquiry, 7 (the charter is printed in the Appendix), and Loftie, Westm. Abbey, I o. '" Widmore, Enquiry, 7. " Cott. MS. Titus, A. viii, fol. 4 seq. and Will. Malmesbury, Gesta Pontijicum (Rolls Ser.), 1 78. " See Widmore, Enquiry ; Loftie, U'cstm. Abbey, and Dep. Keeper's Rep. xl, 546. The charter given in Cott. MS. Faust. A. iii, fol. 1 7 seq. is a manifest forgery. " Lives ofEdu\ Confessor (Rolls Ser.), 417, and see charter of Ethelred dated 986 in Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. viii, App. ii, 28, and one of Leoftvine dated 998 in Kemble, Cod. Dip/, mccxciii. " See above, note 11. The statement that Dun- stan actually ruled the monastery is of course absurd. 434 RELIGIOUS HOUSES and if the monks fled they must have returned, for the contemporary biographer of Edward the Confessor speaks of the king having determined, because of his love of the prince of the apostles, to restore a monastery built in honour of St. Peter, which stood outside the walls of London, ' parvo quidem opere et numero paucioribus ibi congre- gatis monachis sub abbate in servitio Christi,' though even for these few the livelihood given by the faithful was barely sufficient. The place, however, was suitable, lying as it did near the City, in the midst of fertile meadows, and on the banks of the great water way which carried the world's merchandise to London.'" This is sober history : legend again intervening tells how Edward, having subdued his kingdom, vowed a pilgrimage to Rome to return thanks for his success, but was absolved by the pope at the instigation of the English nobles, who feared for the hard-won safety of the realm if the king were to go abroad. The condition of the ab- solution was that Edward should build or restore a monastery in honour of St. Peter, but before the bishops bearing the message had returned to England, a hermit, Wlsinus by name, sought the king, and told him that the prince of the apostles had appeared to him in a dream foretelling the return of the ambassadors and pointing out the ancient monastery of Thorney as the spot where he wished his church to stand. '^ However this may be, Edward threw himself into the work with characteristic devotion. The new building grew apace, and the king is said to have brought monks to Westminster from Exeter, when he erected the latter into an episcopal see.'' Many a legend grew up around the king and his new foundation, and the story of his illness and death about the time of the consecration of the abbey put the crowning touch to its connexion with the life and death of the last king of the old English royal lineage.'* It is therefore not surprising that the Conqueror, with his usual diplomacy, made a great display of devotion to the church. He boasted that on his first visit to the place he had offered 5 marks of silver and a precious pall on the altar of St. Peter, two not less precious ones at the shrine of St. Edward and 2 marks of gold and two palls on the high altar. This was the beginning of that intimate connexion between the abbey and its royal patrons which has made its history more political and national than that of any other religious foundation in England. Two interesting entries in the Customary of the abbey illustrate tiiis connexion. One, that the brethren were allowed to eat with bishops or Benedictine abbots either in the abbey or in the royal palace, as also with kings, queens, or other magnates. The other that the sacrist, in pointing out any relic in the church to a stranger, must do so shortly unless the visitor were a king or queen or some earl of royal lineage.'^ The effect of this connexion upon the character of the house as a religious community is not easy to estimate in the absence of full visitation records. The lack of historians, and the extraordinary number of forged documents in a monastery which should have been in a position to produce as great a school of chroniclers as Saint Albans, do not speak very well either for the critical and literary sense of the house or for its scrupu- lousness. The works of Richard of Cirencester and of Robert of Reading and the other con- tinuators of the ' Flores ' of the so-called Matthew of Westminster are the best known historical writings produced in the abbey. John Bever or ' of London ' wrote a history from the time of Eneas to 1306, chiefly compiled from Geoffrey of Monmouth and other sources. Sulcard, Sporley, and Flete, all wrote short annals of the abbey, chiefly concerned, however, with the characters of the abbots. The at- mosphere, moreover, seems to have engendered a keenness of political partizanship hardly in accordance with the monastic ideal. This was pre-eminently the case in the reign of Henry III, and again under Edward II, when the writer of the ' Flores ' was bitterly hostile to the king, and a dispute arose concerning the election of an abbot who was said to be favoured by Piers Gaveston.^'^ At the same time the royal in- fluence was more than once exercised in favour of discipline, and in early days at least, secured the appointment of abbots of administrative ability and high character. Edwin, who was a great friend of the Con- fessor and had apparently been abbot of West- minster almost throughout his reign, must have died within a few years of the Conquest,^' and if the fifteenth-century chronicler of the house is to be believed, his successor was deposed after exhortation from King William and Lanfranc at the end of four years' rule.^- The next appoint- ment was the work of the king and the arch- bishop. Vitalis had been abbot of Bernav (Evreux diocese) and had done much to improve " Lives of Edtv. Confessor (Rolls Ser.), 417. '^ Ibid., lines 1739-1814 of the French Metrical Life, and Cott. MS. Titus, A. viii, fol. 4. " Leland, Coll. (ed. Hearne), i, 81. " Cf. in the inventory of the abbey furniture taken at the dissolution of the house ' An Awlter clothe . . . with the Birth of o' Lord and Seynt Edwards story'.' Trans, of Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. iv, 325. " Customnry of Sf. Jugusdne's, Canterbury, and St. Peter's, U'cstm. (Hen. Bradshaw Soc), ii, 52, 123. In ' this connexion also may be noticed the thirty-two ' Quysshyns for Estates ' noted in the inventory printed in Trans, of Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. iv, 346. '" Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. i, App. 94. " Cott. MS. Faust. A. iii, and see Widmore, His- tory, 17. " Cott. MS. Faust. A. iii. 435 A HISTORY OF LONDON that house ; he was now forced, against his will, to accept promotion to Westminster."' Hardly any details are known of his rule here, however, and his very name has been almost eclipsed by that of his more famous successor, Gilbert Crispin. Gilbert was a Norman by birth and educated from a very early age in the abbey of Bee Hellouin under Anselm. The biographer of his family states that he had all the liberal arts at his finger ends, and that his life was so perfect as well in the sphere of action as in that of con- templation that Lanfranc, who must have known him as a young man at Bee, called him to be abbot of Westminster.^ There can be no doubt that Anselm thought most highly of the new abbot, for he wrote to him in the warmest terms of congratulation on his promotion, rejoicing that God had been pleased to make known to men his secret judgement of Gilbert, and that having brought him up in learning and wisdom, and nurtured him in holiness, he had now called him to be a shepherd of souls."* Crispin seems to have been a man of many- sided activity, for as well as his scholarly and literary tastes he apparently possessed administra- tive talents, and was also employed politically by the king.^^ His best-known writings are the ' V^ita Herluini,' the principal authority for the early history of the abbey of Bee, and the ' Dis- putatio Judaei cum Christiano,' which he sub- mitted to Anselm for approval.^' According to Pitts and others he also wrote homilies on the canticles, treatises on Isaiah and Jeremiah, and on the State of the Church, and several other works of a doctrinal or critical description.^' His administrative zeal is illustrated by the fact that he enlarged the camera of the monks so that clothing might be provided for as many as eighty brethren over and above the abbot, for whose wardrobe I o marks a year was in future to be set aside, with the stipulation that he should receive nothing further from the chamberlain.^^ A papal bull of doubtful authenticity ascribes to his influence also a grant of immunity from epis- copal jurisdiction, and although the details were in all probability invented to meet later troubles,'** the connexion of his name with the tradition shows that he left a general impression of vigorous government. It would seem, more- over, that he was an eager exponent of Christi- " Angl.-Sax. Chron. (Rolls Ser.), i, 350, and see letter of Willl,-im I to the abbot of Fecamp, printed in Widmore, History, App. No. II. " ' De nobili genere Crispinorum ' in Migne, Pij- trologiae, cl, 738. " Ibid, clviii, Letter xvi. ** Diet. Nat. Biog. and Eadmer, Historia (Rolls Ser.), 189. " Both printed by Migne. '' See Diet. Nat. Biog. " Customary (Hen. Bradsh.iw Soc.), ii, 149-50. *• See infra. anity to the Jews, and had one Jewish convert amongst his monks at Westminster.'^ After the death of Gilbert in 1 1 17 a vacancy of four years ensued,'^ during which the abbey seems to have suffered considerably from unauthorized alienations. The next abbot, Herbert, a monk of the house, was appointed in 1 12 1," and all his energies and all the influence of the king hardly availed to restore the house to prosperity.''' The reign of Stephen, more- over, brought fresh misery ; Gervase of Blois, Herbert's successor, was a natural son of the king, and a bad ruler. Within very few months of his consecration the chapter sent Osbert, the prior of the house, to the pope to obtain the canonization of the Confessor, but Innocent II replied that so im- portant a festival ought to be to the honour of the whole realm and therefore asked for by the whole people, consequently he postponed the cere- mony until sufficient testimony to the popular desire should be produced — probably a euphe- mism for the restoration of the order and good fame of the monastery, for at the same time the monks were exhorted to observe the rule and set a good example. There had evidently also been complaints as to alienations of the posses- sions of the church, and their recovery was committed to the bishop of Winchester." It was probably at this time that Innocent wrote to Gervase exhorting him to still the murmurs in the house, and to administer its goods with the counsel of the brethren. He was to try to recover the churches and tithes which had been dispersed without the consent of the chapter,'^ to banish strangers from sharing his secrets, to put down gatherings of knights and laymen in the monastery, to remember that ecclesiastical matters are altogether exempt from the secular arm, to try to be worthy of his calling, and to love the life of Christ-like poverty. The regalia of the Confessor and the insignia were not to be sold without common consent, and the brethren were to show canonical obedi- " ' Disputatio Judaei' in Migne, Patroloffae, cYix, 1005 seq. " Jng/.-Sax. Chron. (Rolls Ser.), i, 371 ; ii, 214. " Eadmer, Historia (Rolls Ser.), 291. " Magnum Rot. Seae. (Rec. Com.), 150, and Cott. MS. Faust. A. ill, fol. 75 Mem. of5t. Edmund's Abbey (Rolls Ser.), iii, 251 ; Ann. Mon. (Rolls Ser.), iv, 423 ; Customary of IVestm. (Hen. Bradshaw Soc), loS ; Cott. MS. Faust. A. iii, fol. z6z d. to Rome.*^ It is difficult to determine what were the exact rights of the case, as the abbey based its claim to exemption on a papal bull of the date of the foundation.**^ A very untrust- worthy charter of Dunstan in 959 renounces all rights of the bishop of London in Westminster,''' and there occurs in the doubtful grant of exemp- tion to Abbot Gilbert already mentioned " a tradition of a quarrel as to episcopal claims as early as the time of Abbot Wulnoth, who died in 1049.*' Other ostensible papal bulls of the twelfth century follow the Dunstan tradition.** However this may be, the claim to exemption was probably prescriptive, and the archbishop of Canterbury and the other arbitrators of 1222 were justified in pronouncing in favour of the abbey." There seem to have been revivals of the question, in part at least, in 1229-30, 1 254, and i268.«« Westminster was one of the exempt houses which appealed against the visitation of the abbots of Boxley and Beigham and the pre- centor of Christchurch, Canterbury, in 1232. The papal mandate for the visitation seems to have been issued in due form, and upon the plea that several of the great houses were ' in spiritu- alibus deformata et in temporalibus . . . graviter diminuta.' In the case of Westminster at least the latter charge was probably true, for when the prior of Ely visited a little later he ordered that the conventual seal should be kept under three keys to prevent unlawful alienations,*^ and in 1232 and 1235 special appeal was made to the abbot's tenants to give him an aid on account of his debts."" At the same time there is no reason to suppose that the condition of the house at this time was otherwise unsatisfactory ; Matthew Paris calls the abbot vir religiosuSy and Prior Peter, who died a few years later, was noted for his great holiness.'^ The visitors, how- ever, on coming to St. Augustine's, Canterbury, behaved with such violence that the monks of that house, together with those of St. Edmunds, " Matt. Paris, Chron. Majora (Rolls Ser.), iii, 66. " VVilkins, Concilia, \, 598-9, without stating, how- ever, which bull or which foundation. " D. and C. Westm. Book No. 11, fol. 35. ** Supra. " Cott. MS. Faust. A. iii, fol. 157. ^ D. and C. Westm. Book No. 1 1, fol. 6, 10, &c. *' Wilkins, Concilia, loc. cit. The appropriation of the church of Staines to the infirmary and guest- house of the abbey, which was also in dispute, was confirmed, but the convent surrendered the manor and church of Sunbury to the bishop. Widmore {Hist. 63) thinks it was at this date that the first archdeacon was appointed. "* D. and C. Westm. Book No. 11, fol. 667, and Cott. MS. Faust. A. iii, fol. 183, li^d. ^ Cal.of Papal Let. i, 142. '" C<;/. of Pat. 1225-32, p. 478, and 1232-47, p. 98. " Flora Hist. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 321. 438 RELIGIOUS HOUSES St. Albans, and Westminster, refused to acknow- ledge their authority.'^ In spite, however, of an appeal to Rome, and the issue of a papal indult, the visitors published an inhibition that no one should pray in or make offerings at Westminster, whereupon the pope ordered that if they did not revoke everything which they had done to the prejudice of the abbey, the bishop and prior of Ely and the prior of Norwich should annul their proceedings/' The chief offender in the matter was the Cistercian abbot of Boxley,'* and the event seems to have caused a serious coolness between West- minster and the whole Cistercian order. The compiler of the Customary, at the end of the thirteenth century, remarks that at one time Cistercians used to come to the abbey in great numbers, being received in the refectory and sleeping in the dormitory 'as brethren of our order,' and that not infrequently as many as four or more Cistercian abbots had dined together at the high table, but he implies that this had become a thing of the past since the repulse of the visitors.'^ Abbot Richard de Berking died at the close of the year I 246." Matthew Paris calls him ' vir prudens literatus et religiosus,' and his acquisitions led the Westminster chronicler to wish that all abbots would follow his example. From the pope he obtained the right to give episcopal benediction and first tonsure, and from the king he received a grant of the amercements of the abbey tenants. He gave to the abbey a reredos depicting the history of our Saviour, and another of the life of King Edward, as well as certain vestments, and the chronicler records with pride that he was molestus sive onerosus to his neigh- bours. But his best claim to an honourable place in the annals of Westminster should be based on his division of the estates and organi- zation of the constitution of the monastery." His successor, a second Richard, was elected on account of his friendship with the king.'* Perhaps in consequence of this election the relations between the abbey and the crown became closer than ever. In 1247 Henry pre- sented, and carried personally to Westminster, a portion of the blood of our Lord which had been sent to him from the Holy Land. The pro- cession from St. Paul's was attended by all the priests of London vested in copes and surplices, and the king himself on foot and with eyes cast down carried the relic ' through the uneven and " Matt. Paris, Chron. Majora (Rolls Ser.), iii, 238-9, and Ann. Mon. (Rolls Ser.), i, 89. " Cal. of Papal Lei. i, 133. '* Matt. Paris, Chron. Majora{Ro\h Ser.), iii, 239. " Customary (Hen. Bradshaw Soc), ii, 37 and 107. " Matt. Paris, Chron. Majora (Rolls Ser.), iv, 586. " Cott. MS. Claud. A. viii, fol. 56. For his con- stitutional work see infra. " Fkres Hist. (Rolls' Ser.), ii, 320. muddy streets.' After being borne in this wise through the City, and rotmd the church and palace, amid singing and exultation, it was finally offered by Henry to 'God and St. Peter, and his dear St. Edward.' '» Unfortunately Henry's piety was as injudicious as his administrative policy, and anyone to whom he showed favour could not fail, sooner or later, to become involved in the political strife of the day. As early as the year 1222 indications had not been wanting of the possibility of an out- break between the abbey and the City. In a wrestling match between the tenants of West- minster and the citizens of London, the former had suddenly, either on impulse or of set pur- pose, flown to arms and driven the Londoners back to the City. Here the common bell was rung, and in spite of the pacific efforts of the mayor, a serious political riot developed ; the leader, Constantine son of Arnulf, encouraged his followers with the seditious cry ' Montis Gaudium, Montis Gaudium, adjuvet Deus et dominus noster Ludovicus.' The maddened populace threatened the houses of the abbot with destruction, stole his horses, and ill-treated his men, while he himself barely escaped by taking refuge in the house of one of the king's officials. Ultimately the justiciar held an inquiry, hanged the ringleaders, and, since the people still murmured, took sixty hostages and banished them to various castles throughout England.*" The king, however, failed to take permanent warning by this outburst. In 1250 he demanded for the abbey certain privileges prejudicial to the charters of the City. The mayor offered some resistance, and finally appealed to the earl of Leicester, who, with other barons, effectually complained to the king, and rebuked the abbot, who was regarded as the instigator to the aggression.*' At the same time, and according to Matthew Paris in the same spirit, Henry, to the great indignation of St. Albans, confirmed the rights of Westminster in the manor of Al- denham — a step which at such a time was less judicious than just. In the meantime it became evident that the king's devotion to the abbey was even a stronger motive with him than his friendship for the abbot. About the year 1251 Richard attempted to repudiate his predecessor's division of the abbey revenues, and meeting with opposition from the convent set out for Rome. He appears to have been a man of prepossessing appearance and manners, and no little business capacity, and was accordingly received with " Matt. Paris, Chron. Majora (Rolls Ser.), iv, 641-3. ^ Roger of Wendover, F/ores Hist. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 265 ; Matt. Paris, Chron. Majora (Rolls Ser.), iii, 72 and 73 ; Jnn. Mon. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 78-9 ; Cott. MS. Claud. A. viii, fol. 53. *' Matt. Paris, Chron. Majora (Rolls Ser.), v, 127-8. 439 A HISTORY OF LONDON favour by the pope who made him one of his chaplains, and sent him home after a prolonged stay in Rome, armed with powers to reduce his convent to submission. Both parties appealed to the king, the convent in a spirit of humility, and the abbot apparently with the utmost confidence, relying on the papal authority and his own friendship with Henry. He must accordingly have been somewhat surprised when his over- tures were utterly rejected, and he was driven from the royal counsels and favour. Seeing that victory was not easily to be his, he submitted to the arbitration of Richard earl of Cornwall and John Mansel, provost of Beverley, but when they pronounced in favour of the convent he attempted a further appeal to Rome, which was only frustrated by the king's order forbidding anyone to lend him money or to accept his bonds.*' In August, 1252, an amicable settlement was reached with the convent, though Matthew Paris states that the abbot was never restored to Henry's favour ; this statement, however, is open to doubt in view of the part Richard played in the crisis of 1258. The king, being determined not to confirm the charters, and unable to obtain financial aid from the constitutional party without so doing, appealed to the abbots of St. Albans, Reading, Waltham, and Westminster for help. Abbot Richard at once acceded to this request, but the other three houses were proof against his evil example, and probably saved the political situation. Henry was forced to summon the Mad Parliament, and the committee of twenty- four was chosen, the abbot of Westminster being one of the twelve appointed by the king.*' He died near Winchester in July of the same year, according to some authorities, of poison adminis- tered by the Poitevins, though it would seem scarcely politic on their part to avenge them- selves thus on one of the most loyal of the king's adherents.^ Richard of Ware, the new abbot, reaped the fruits of his predecessor's anti-popular attitude. In 1265 Henry attempted to restore to the monks the liberties which had been taken from them by the City ; ** but in May, 1 267, he himself was forced to borrow all the jewels, pictures, and precious stones of the church as well as the gold from the shrine of St. Edward.*^ The following year the popular party became so much exasperated that they broke into the church in the king's absence and carried off the royal treasure deposited there. The chronicler re- marks that ' by God's mercy the rebels spared Matt. Paris, Ci«». Af<7/«r Cott. MS. Claud. A. viii, fol. 69. 445 A HISTORY OF LONDON this it would appear that the Westminster Use was closely allied to that of Sarum. There are, however, certain differences in the introits and grails, and the sequences of St. Thomas of Can- terbury, St. Edward the Confessor, St. Peter ad Vincula, and the Common of the Apostles are peculiar to Westminster, as are also the distribu- tion of lessons on Easter Eve and the collect before the first lesson on that day. The missal also contains a greater number of prayers for private use by the celebrant than any other English mass book.'" On hearing of Litlington's death the king sent John Lakyngheth, a candidate of his own, to Westminster ; but the convent, disregarding the royal wishes, elected their archdeacon, William of Colchester. Richard was greatly annoyed, and for some time refused to admit the new abbot ; eventually, however, he was pacified, and wrote to Rome, satis gratiose, on William's behalf."* The century closed pros- perously. A long-continued dispute with the canons of St. Stephen's, Westminster, was de- cided largely in favour of the abbey ; '*' Christ- church, Canterbury, gave their share of the com- mon Benedictine hall at Oxford to the monks of St. Peter's,"* and the king was munificent in his benefactions and in the assistance he gave towards the completion of the new buildings."' In the tragedy with which the reign ended Abbot Colchester played a somewhat inexplicable part. '" The Litlington Missal has been printed by the Henry Bradshaw Society with a liturgical introduc- tion by Dr. Wickham Legg, from which the above notes are taken ; Missale ad Usum Westm. pt. iii, introd. passim. The liturgical colours given in the Westminster Customary (60-1) are as follows : — The first Sunday in Advent and every Sunday to the feast of the Purification (or Septuagesima Sunday if it fell earlier than the Purification), white. The vigil and feast of the Nativity, the feast of the Circumcision, high mass on St. Edward's Day, the octave of St. Edward's Day, high mass on the feast of the Epiphany, and the octave of that feast, white. Ascension Day and its octave, the vigil and feast of the Nativity of St. John Baptist, the fe.ists of the Assumption and the Nativity of the Virgin and the feast of St. Michael, white. Septuagesima, Sexagesima, and Quinquagesima Sun- days, dark red isub-rubeus). The first Sunday in Lent and Passion Sunday, black. The octave of Whitsunday, embroidered, or either scinliilata, red, saffron {croceus), or grey {glaucus). Passion Sunday to Ascension D.iy and other Sundays throughout the year except the above, also the feasts of the Decollation of St. John Baptist, St. Edward, St. Thomas the Archbishop, and other martyrs, red. '" Higden, Polychron. (Rolls Ser.), ix, 89. '" See account of St. Stephen's, infra. ^ Lit. Cant. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 14. '" Cal. of Pat. 1 1^1-6, passim. He was with the king in Ireland at Whitsun- tide, but the following autumn he was one of the commissioners sent to the Tower to receive Richard's abdication,'^* and was among those who recommended the king's entire isolation from any of his former companions ; "' at the same time he was appointed one of the executors of his will,'*** and was suspected of complicity in the conspiracy against Henry IV in 1400."' Very few details of the history of Westminster in thefifteenth century survive. Beyond a statement by one of the chroniclers of the day to the effect that if the Lollards succeeded, one of their first enterprises would be the destruction of the abbey,"' the monastery seems to slip out of the general current of national history, and the few notices that do occur are purely domestic. About the middle of the century a discontented monk accused the abbot of having recourse to a necro- mancer to discover the thief of certain plate from his chapel and wine-cellar ;'*' this in itself, how- ever, is insufficient evidence as to the character of the abbot or the state of the house — one mal- content among some forty or fifty monks would be scarcely surprising, though it may be noted that the abbot resigned in 1463.^" A real in- stance of misgovernment arose, however, some few years later, when Abbot George Norwich was asked to retire to another house for a time on account of his maladministration and debts. The debt incurred amounted to at least 3,037 marks 6s. 8d., and the resources which should have met it had been reduced by alienations and grants in fee. A certain Brother Thomas Ruston, evidently a partisan of the abbot, was holding four offices, and had brought them to decay by his neglect ; he had burdened the house with his own debts, and was suspected of having embezzled six or seven copes at the time when he was keeper of the vestry. The memorial presented to the abbot was signed by thirteen monks, two of whom, Thomas Milling, the prior, and John Eastney, were afterwards them- selves abbots."* The tone of the document reflects great credit on the spirit of the house at the time : it is at once businesslike, moderate, and respectful, and the abbot wisely acquiesced in the scheme set before him, and appointed Milling one of the five commissioners to admmister the abbey during his retirement. Milling was elected to succeed Norwich as abbot in 1469,"' but his rule was short, for in "' Trokelowe and Blandford, Jnn. (Rolls Ser.), 248, 252. "' Rolls of Par/. (Rec. Com.), iii, 426^. '™ Nicolas, Test. Vet. 33. '" Trokelowe and Blandford, Ann. (Rolls Ser.), 330. '^' Walsingham, Hist. Angl. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 298. '" Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. viii, pt. i, 265. '" Ca/. of Pat. 1461-7, p. 290. '« D. and C. Westm. 'Abbots ' (22). '" Ca/. of Pat. 1467-77, p. 179. 446 RELIGIOUS HOUSES 1474 he was consecrated bishop of Hereford. He was succeeded by John Eastney, who, like Norwich, was appointed by papal provision.^" Several slight indications point to a decaying vigour in the monastery at this time. That the abbey should surrender its cherished privilege of free election to the pope twice within a period of twelve years was without precedent; in 1478 moreover, the king complained to Sixtus IV that the house was going to decay on account of the civil war and floods,^'' and though the expression was doubtless an exaggeration, yet the pope thought the situation sufficiently grave to warrant him in absolving future abbots from going to Rome for confirmation.'*^ The numbers of the brethren, moreover, during the fifteenth and six- teenth centuries show a steady decline. In the eleventh century Abbot Gilbert had made pro- vision for eighty monks,''" and about the year 1260 there is said to have been an increase in the community ; ''' at the election of Abbot Islip in 1500, however, there were but forty-six monks present, in 1528 there were forty-four, in 1534 there were forty-three, and the follow- ing year forty-one, while the deed of surrender was signed only by the abbot, prior, and twenty- three others.''^ But if numbers were declining the old splendour of ceremonial was still maintained. The funeral of Abbot Islip in 1532 must have been one of the most impressive scenes ever witnessed at Westminster. The abbot had been an energetic statesman, an able administrator, and a great builder,''^ and he was mourned with extraordinary pomp. The magnificent obituary roll which was circulated amongst the religious houses of England announcing his death has an interest apart from the beauty and skill of its workman- ship, due to the fact that it commemorates the last Englishman who died as abbot of this most national of English monasteries, and perhaps it is not altogether without significance that while the four pictures of the roll are mediaeval in character the drawing of the initial letter of the brief shows signs of renaissance influence.''* Not very much is known of William Boston, the last abbot. He seems to have acquiesced '*' Cal. of Pat. 1467-77, p. 472. '«« D and C. Westm. 'Abbots' (28). '*' Ibid. See above, note 112. "° See above, note 29. '" D. and C. Westm. Book No. 1 1, fol. 662 d. "' D. and C. Westm. ' Abbots' (30) and ' Monks ' <47) ; Dep. Keepei's Rep. viii, App. ii, 48. Probably some of the monks had died of the plague which was rife in the abbey in 1536; L. ani P. Hen. Fill, xi, SOI. '" Diet. Nat. Biog. "* See Vctusta Monumenta, vii, pt. iv, ' The Obituary Roll of John Islip ' (ed. W. H. St. John Hope). These notes also contain extracts from the contempo- rary account of Islip's funeral, for which cf. also Widmore, Hist. 206 et seq. without much question in the dealings of Henry VIII and of Cromwell, and to have felt that private judgement was no match for authority. At the examination of Sir Thomas More in 1534 he said that however the matter seemed to the prisoner he had reason to think he was wrong seeing that the Great Council had determined otherwise ; More, he argued, ought to * change his conscience."" The following year he wrote to Cromwell asking him to secure him the free bestowal of his bailiwick of Westminster, and stating that he would be glad to appoint Cromwell himself to the office."* His compliance, however, did not save his house from a visit from Dr. Legh, which, to judge from Ap Rice's report to Crom- well, was by no means respectful."' This was in October, 1535 ; in July of the following year the king issued royal injunctions to Westminster ; the abbot was to administer the monastery ac- cording to the rule of St. Benedict and the custom of the house, ' notwithstandmg any injunctions' given by the vicar-general or his commissaries ; the monks were to be allowed to leave the mon- astery, with permission, for honest recreation ; they might occasionally entertain women of upright life at their table, and when they were sick they were to be kept by the infirmarer, with help, in cases of need, from the abbot himself. The injunctions stated that the abbot was to render an account to the vicar-general as often as it seemed good, but Boston erased the entry, adding at the side ' oute w' this elles he and hys deputys may call me weeklye to accept."'* By the beginning of the year 1540 Boston was anxiously pleading to 'be delivered from the governance of this house' and seeking to avoid the king's indignation. He seems to have been thoroughly afraid of incurring Henry's wrath, for he wrote to someone in authority — probably Cromwell — ' As for my pension, I pass not how little soever it be, so I may have the King's Highness my gracious lord.' Possibly this seem- ing pusillanimity was accounted for by the fact that he was suffering from a painful disease, and expected but 'a very short painful bodily life."'' However this may be he seems to have obtained favour, but not the retirement he coveted ; his convent was dissolved on 16 January, 1540, pensions of from ^^lo to 56^. 8^. being granted to seven of the brethren,'*" but in the following December the new cathedral church was erect- ed. Abbot Boston being appointed dean of the new foundation."' With this point the history of Westminster as a religious house practically ends. There is no lack of information as to the ad- ministrative details and daily life of the abbey. '"L. and P. Hen. Fill, vii, 575. '"Ibid, ix, 237. '"Ibid. 622. '"D. andC. Westm. 'Jurisdictions,' 36, 43, 29 (13). "''L. and P. Hen. Fin, -av, JO. '» Ibid. 69. •'' Ibid, xvi, 3.33 447 A HISTORY OF LONDON At a very early date Abbot Gilbert had made provision for the clothing of eighty monks, and Abbot William endowed the kitchen with a revenue of ;^I50 lis. gd., including the manors of Ashwell (Herts.), Longdon (Worcs.), and Morden (Surrey),"' but the turning-point in the constitutional history of Westminster was reached when Richard de Berking made his composition with the monastery in 1225.^" He assigned to the convent the manors of Peering, Stevenage, Wheathampstead, Aldenham, Battersea, Wands- worth, and Knightsbridge, with the farms of Deene and Sudborough, Shepperton and Halli- ford (Halgeford), Kelvedon and Hendon, with reliefs and escheats and the 10 marks a year which his predecessors had received for their clothing and _^8 from the tithes of Droitwich ; for fuel he assigned the farms of Denham (;^I5)> Holwell {£6), and Datchworth {60s.), and the brushwood from Pyrford ; for wages for the convent he assigned £6 from the church of Oakham ; and for repairs in the dormitory and elsewhere, lOOs. from the manor of Islhamp- stead and the revenues of the mills of Westmin- ster, saving to the abbot free multure. To the charges of hospitality he appropriated the church of Staines and half the church of Wheathampstead with a rent of j^io from ' Wokendune ' (Essex) and ^8 from Westminster, and half the herbage of Westminster. The composition goes on to say that the abbot in chapter deputed one or two brethren for the keeping of hospitality, while for keeping the manors assigned to the convent ' he made some of the brethren proctors and obedientiaries as many as the convent thought fit.' This is evidently not the first institution of obedientiaries at Westminster, but it may have been the occa- sion of an increase in their numbers^** and the definition of their status, for the document further states that the abbot must remove them readily on complaint of the convent, but that he could not do so at his own pleasure without assigning good cause. With regard to the maintenance of hospitality, the convent was to imdertake all entertainment except that of kings, legates, arch- '** Cott. MS. Faust. A. iii, fol. 237. It does not appear whether this was Postard or Humez. '" Ibid. fol. 225-30. '*' The following is a list of the Westminster obedi- entiaries compiled from various sources, between the reign of Edward I and the dissolution of the monas- tery : — Prior, sub-prior, chamberlain, two cellarers, almoner, sub-almoner, guest-master, third and fourth priors, m.ister of the novices, archdeacon, precentor, suc- centor, infirmarian, sacrist, refectorian, steward of the granary, treasurer, treasurer intrinsecus, keeper of St. Mary's Chapel, keeper of the shrine of St. Edward, war- den of the new work, wardens of the manors of Queen Eleanor, of Richard II, of Henry V, and of Henry VII, keeper of the churches, scrutator, bailiff of the liberty of Westminster and bailiff extrivsecus ; while the abbot had a treasurer, seneschal, and bailiff of his own. bishops, and nuncios with twelve or more horsemen ; for these the abbot was to provide, as also for all guests whom he had himself invited. The abbot retained the advowsons of all churches on the conventual manors, as well as the service and wardship of all who owed knight's service, and he received the homage of every free tenant of the abbey. In return he had to answer to the king for all scutages, and to defend the abbey and its property in all suits ecclesiastical and secular ; he was also bound to provide fuel and a dish of meat for the ' misericorde ' of the con- vent from the feast of the Epiphany to Septua- gesima, and gruel in Lent, as well as bread and beer on the occasion of the ceremonial feet- washing of the poor on Maundy Thursday and wine for the wassails of the convent on the same day. He had to secure the convent against inundations of the Thames, and to re- pair the walls of the monastery. The convent, on the other hand, undertook to pay any fines which might be exacted by the king's court from any of their minors, to answer for the hidage on their own lands, and not to waste or alienate their woods or emancipate their villeins without the consent of the abbot. No abbot or prior was to visit the conventual manors without the consent of the whole convent, lest by too frequent visits its share should be dimin- ished. With regard to the abbot's maintenance, he might eat in the refectory with the convent when he liked, and might at any time bring as many as four people with him ; and when resi- dent within the monastery or at Eye he was to receive six loaves daily from the cellarer, but when elsewhere he could not claim bread or any other food from the convent. He was responsible for certain anniversaries and the liveries [lihera- tiones) of the servants on the principal feasts. This arrangement, with certain modifications, remained in force throughout the Middle Ages, but it was not always acquiesced in without ques- tion. In 1227 the convent complained that their share was not sufficient, and the bishops of Bath, Salisbury, and Chichester were called upon to mediate ; the manors of Ashford (Midd.) and Greenford were added and dos. from the manor of ' Suberk,' on condition that nothing should be exacted from the abbot in the way of victuals, firewood, or contributions towards the debts of the prior and convent.^** After the great quarrel with Abbot Crokesle in 1252, the bishop of Bath and John Mansel, provost of Beverley, made certain provisions which seem to point to an attempt on the part of the convent to interpret the original composi- tion wholly in their own interests. The abbot was to be allowed to remove the obedientiaries according to the rule of St. Benedict, and for reasonable cause ; he was not to be bound to find flesh for the convent, and was to be admitted '" D. and C. Westm. Book No. 11, fol. 66z. 448 RELIGIOUS HOUSES to visit the five principal manors assigned to the cellarer, one day in the year, for purposes of correction, with reasonable procuration. For the appointment of the cellarers the prior and con- vent were to nominate four brethren, from whom the abbot was to make choice of two, and the guest-masters were to be chosen in the same way ; the cehrarius extrinsecus was to choose honest seculars to act under him, and to hear such causes as ought not to be entertained by monks. The common seal was to be kept under four keys, held respectively by a monk appointed by the abbot, the prior, the sub-prior, and a monk appointed by the convent. The obedientiaries were to show their accounts annually or oftener, and any surplus was to be spent on hospitality ; the abbot was not to send the brethren from place to place unnecessarily or without consulta- tion ; '*^ the church of Ashwell was assigned to the guest-master, and the church of Peering for the support of an increased number of monks and additional anniversaries.^*' That further difficulties as to the compositions arose at the end of the century may be gathered from a decree passed by the prior and convent during the vacancy on the death of Abbot Richard de Ware in 1283. Some of the clauses are merely in confirmation of the original composi- tions, others point to fresh difficulties ; thus the new abbot was to provide a grange for the con- ventual tithes at Staines ; he was not to remove the cellarer, almoner, or guest-master without consent ; he was not to imprison the brethren except for open theft, or on conviction of enor- mous crime ; he was not to hand over the care of the walls against the Thames to any obedien- tiary ; he was to have the appointment of only seven of the servants ; he was to furnish the king's clerks at the Exchequer with bread and beer ; he was not to extort money from the officers of the monastery, nor gifts on feast days from the gardener, keeper of the granaries, or others ; he was to demand nothing from the chamberlain beyond one light for his bedroom. It was also arranged that the gifts to the abbot from the obedientiaries on the ten principal feasts were not to exceed 4;. each ^^* if he were at Westminster, or I2d. if he were elsewhere. The agreement was to be enrolled in the martyrology, and read in chapter once a year. This provision, however, was not sufficient to prevent Abbot Wenlac from once more attempt- ing to override the constitution ; ^*' his quarrel '*' This probably refers to the practice of banishing unruly monks to the cells of the abbey, as in the case of Roger of Aldenham in 1307 (sec ju/>ra). '»' D. and C. Westm. Book No. 11, fol. 662 J. "* Later altered to ' one sextarius of wine or its value.' D. and C. Westm. Book No. 11, fol. 669. The manor of Amwell was to be assigned to the cellarer as soon as the new abbot returned from Rome. "^ Ibid. fol. 668. ■ with Prior Reginald appears to have turned chiefly upon this point, and during the vacancy of 1308 the whole convent once more swore to the articles, and undertook that whichever of them should be elected as abbot should not pro- cure from the pope any letters prejudicial to the arrangement.^*" Passing from the general outlines of the con- stitution to the details of the daily life, it is clear from the Customary that the abbot, no doubt owing to his political position, could not be relied upon for the oversight of the daily routine. This was accordingly committed to the prior and sub-prior, and to that one of the obedientiaries who, as keeper of the order of the day, presided at the high table at meals, and regulated the entertainment of guests. The standard of courtesy in the monastery was high ; thus if anyone made a noise with the cover of his cup, or upset anything on the cloth during the read- ing at meals, immediate and public penance was exacted."' Any one who was obliged to leave the table during meat had to go through an elaborate ceremony of asking leave of the presi- dent. No brother was to gaze about him during dinner nor to throw things from table to table, nor yet to sit with his hand under his chin or over his face, ' eo quod sic sedere mesticiae et doloris aut studii immoderate, seu agoniae indi- cium est.' Everyone was to keep his tongue from talking, and to hold his cup with both hands according to the good old English custom. It was the Normans, according to the compiler of the Customary, who introduced the slovenly habit of holding the cup in one hand.''^ Discipline in the dormitory is discussed at length in the Customary. The brethren were to prepare for bed as secretly and simply as possible, they were not to keep riding apparel or dirty boots about their beds, but everyone might have one peg and no more on which to hang his clothes. There were strict rules against gay- coloured counterpanes, and the utmost silence was enjoined — snorers and those who talked in their sleep were to be banished to a separate room. Each brother was to have a separate bed, chiefly, says the compiler of the Customary, because secret prayer is best offered to God when there is no witness. No one was to give place to unholy thoughts before he slept, but to lie down con- templating God only, that he might have rest of body and peace of mind. When the bell rang for mattins all were to rise promptly, to sign themselves with the cross, and repeat privately certain prayers before they spoke. But if life in the monastery was carefully regulated, it can hardly have been austere. The plain convent food was supplemented with a '=° Ibid. 669. ''' Unless there were guests present, when the penance was not exacted until the convent was alone. "' Customary, 127. 449 57 A HISTORY OF LONDON goodly number of pittances ; ^^' the gardener had to supply apples, cherries, plums, pears, and nuts ; and cheese, which had once been supplied only rarely and ' by the grace of God,' ^^* was by the middle of the thirteenth century a usual dish. The large staff of servants were bidden to serve the brethren mamuete et honeste. As regards clothing, each monk had a new frock and cowl annually, and underclothing whenever he needed it ; no one was to wear underclothing which had been much mended. Though, according to the rule, no brother ought to have other than lamb's wool lining to his cloak, yet in cases of manifest necessity a more costly fur might be used, provided it were hidden at the collar and cuffs with a lamb's wool edging, lest the sight of such luxury should be an occasion of stumbling to any. Felt boots and woollen socks were supplied at the vigil of All Saints, and stockings again at the vigil of St. Thomas, while on the Saturday before Palm Sunday boots and socks were to be distributed to any Benedictine guests, as well as to the members of the house. Hospi- tality was always regarded as one of the most sacred duties of the abbey ; great stress is laid upon its observance in all the compositions, and in the Customary the most minute regulations are given for the entertainment of various ranks of guests, from the great Benedictine abbot down to the humblest clerk or truant monk. The actual wealth of the church of the abbey is too well known"*' to require discussion, but there are many points of interest with regard to the revenue of the monastery and its distribution amongst the obedientiaries. From the Valor "* it appears that the clear value of the abbey property in 1535 amounted to the enormous sum of £2>A1° O^- ^i^^. The abbot's lands in Gloucestershire included the manors of Deerhurst, Hardwicke, Bourton cum Moreton, and Todenham, and rents in Sutton; in Worcestershire he held the manors of Longdon, ' '" The pittancer had to supply pittances from the revenues of the church of Oakham everj' day in the year, except on the feasts of St. Peter and St. Paul, and St. Peter ad Vincula, certain of the greater anniversaries, and Good Friday. They were supplied to all the brethren within the cloister, and to any guests in the guest-house within the precincts. Pit- tances might consist of rice, oysters, eggs, or cheese, but more properly they were of fish of various kinds — one and a half plaice, or two soles, six eels, or other fish in numbers according to their size. The pittancer also had to provide beer and mead on certain feast days {Customary, 75 et seq.). Pittances were also supplied on certain occasions by the obedientiaries, and the pittancer himself had other resources from which to draw. "* The brethren had once been expected to rise when the cheese w.is carried through the refectory, but this primitive custom had now been dropped. "*' See for example the inventory printed by Mr. Walcott in Load, and Midd. Arch.Soc. Trans, iv. 313. "^ Valor Ecd. (Rec. Com.), i, 410 et seq. Chaddesley, Pensham, Binholme, Pinvin, Wick, Pershore, and Birlingham ; in Middlesex he held the manors of le Nete, Staines, Laleham and ' Bil- lets,' and the rectory of Hendon ; in Surrey, the manor of Pyrford, and the farms of ' Alferthyng ' and Wandsworth ; in Buckinghamshire, the manor of Denham ; in Oxfordshire, the manor of Islip with Stokenchurch ; in Berkshire, rents in Poughley ; and in Suffolk, the priory of St. Bartholomew Sudbury. The foundation of Margaret, countess of Richmond, was worth ;^9i 15. net, and included the rectories of Ches- hunt (Herts.) and Swineshead (Lines.), but out of this 24J. yi. was paid annually in rents, and £q.(> 13^. ^d. to two readers in theology at Oxford and Cambridge, ;^io to a certain preacher at Cambridge, and ;^io to the poor. The foundation of Henry VII was worth ;^58o 17X. '^\d. clear; it included the rectories of St. Bride London, Great Chesterford, New- port Pound, Witham, Cressing, Chrishall, Ketton or Kedington .'' (' Ketton and Cowpes ') and Good Easter (Essex), Stanford (Berks.), Swaffliam (Nor- folk), and Bassingbourn (Camb.) ; four of the prebends of St. Martin le Grand, the free chapels of Playden (Sussex), Tickhill (Yorks.), and ' Uplambourne ' (Wilts.), the manor of ' Os- wardbesoken,' (r Osberton, Notts.), and the priory of Luffield (Bucks.). The treasurer's was always by far the most richly endowed of the conventual offices ; in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries his revenues came principally from some twenty- four demesne manors, chiefly in Hertfordshire, Essex, and Middlesex. His total income for the year 1302-3 wasj^658 o^. 7.\d. ; from Michael- mas, 1378-9, it was £'^^\ 15J. ']\d. ; and two years later, ;^527 195. ']\d. At the close of the following century (1499-1500) it had risen to ^^837 2/. 7^a'.,andin 1 501-2 itwaS;^888 3^. 7j'J'. His expenses fell chiefly into nine groups — pur- chase of corn and malt, gifts, anniversaries, pittances, kitchen expenses, pensions, pleas, sub- sidies and other contributions, and gifts to the abbot. Of these the purchase of corn was the heaviest item, ranging from £\if\ 15^. \o\d. in 1378-9 to ;^458 5J. ■2.\d. in 1501-2 ; pittances in 1378-9 amounted to £^\b 1 91. id.., and in 1 380- 1 ;^I3 i6x. 8^., while in the sixteenth century they cost about ^^28 or ;^29 a year. Kitchen expenses seem to have been met by a fixed sum, in the fourteenth century ;^i82 lOJ., and in the sixteenth ^^184 is. ; gifts in the four- teenth century cost about ;{^33, and in the sixteenth ^c) or ;^io. The total outgoings of the year 1378-9 were ^^834 is. b\d.; those of the years 1499-1500 ;^79i 7^. 4^'."^ Turning to the rolls of the sacrist, his income for the year 1338-9 was about ;^ioo, in 1379-80 it was ;^222 6^. \od. and in 1483-4 ^^191 is. J^d. His outgoings were chiefly purchases of wax and oil, wine for pittances and "« D. and C. Westm. Treas. Rolls. 450 RELIGIOUS HOUSES for the sacrament, coal and tallow, purchases of church furniture and the maintenance of the fabric of the church, and the usual wages, gifts, pittances, subsidies, and procurations. The general purchases of 1338-9 amounted to about ^23, those of 1379-80 to ^^36 lox. O^d., and those of 1483-4 to ;^43 ys. ioJ(/. On church furniture in 1379-80 the sacrist spent ;^I0 3/., including 6s. 8d, for mats for the choir and chapter, 45. 6d. for red, white, and green thread for the abbot's vestments, 21 s. \d. for incense, "js. bd. for a pall for the high altar, and 25^. for bread for the sacrament ; and in 1483-4 similar items amounted to £6 155. 5c/. The mainten- ance of the fabric cost ^^33 3^. \\\d. in 1338-9, ^43 i6j. \d. in 1379-80, and ^^56 8i. in 1483-4- Another interesting account of the fifteenth century shows how the convent contributed to provide 'seyng' books for their church. The total cost of two books was 1005, the largest items being 261. 8^. each for the writing, and in one case 145. \d. 'for fflorishing of grete lettres and for the lynyng of grete letters and smale.' The abbot and forty-eight monks contributed, and one brother ' payeth for the peecyng of the book and fyndeth the writer his bedde.' '" The new community which entered upon this goodly heritage of wealth and many-sided activity was intended to consist of a bishop, dean, twelve prebendaries, ten readers at the two universities, scholars to be taught in grammar, twenty students of divinity at Oxford and Cam- bridge, twelve petty canons to sing in choir, twelve laymen to sing and serve in choir daily, ten choristers, a master of the children, a ' gospeller ' and a ' pistoler,' two sextons and twelve poor men decayed in the king's service.*^' The old community had not so far dissociated itself from the royal plans as to be totally ex- cluded from the new foundation, and the abbot, prior, and several of the monks found places in the cathedral church. But the foundation was short-lived, and has but little history. In 1550 the bishopric was dissolved, and on 21 November, 1556,^" just sixteen years after the first founda- tion of Henry's collegiate church, Dr. Fecken- ham, late dean of St. Paul's, and fourteen monks were once more installed at Westminster. On the following day they went in procession after the old fashion, in their monk's dress and cowls of black say, with two vergers carrying two silver rods in their hands, and at even- song time the vergers went through the cloister to the abbot and so went to the altar, and there my lord knelt in the convent, and after his prayers was brought into the choir with the vergers and so into his place and at once he began evensong.^"" '" D. & C. Westm. ' Monks,' 47, 5. "' L. and P. Hen. Fill, xvi, 333. "' Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. i, App. 96. «"> Machyn's Diary (Camd. Soc), 1 1 8. For a few short years something or the old splendour seemed to be restored to this little community ; on 29 November, Feckenham was consecrated and wore his mitre, and in the following April the duke of Muscovy dined at his table — an indication of his high political place.^"^ But, as Fuller justly remarks, the new abbot ' like the Axiltree stood firme and fixed in his own judgement, whilst the times like the wheels turned backwards and forwards round about him.' ^"^ The same writer goes on to tell the story of how when Queen Elizabeth sent for Feckenham shortly after her accession, he was found setting elms in the orchard at West- minster, and characteristically would not follow the messenger until he had finished his task.^°' But neither his saintliness nor his known justice to Protestants during the previous reign ^*'* could save him from the results of his firmness of attitude nor his monastery from a second dissolution. On 21 May, 1 5 60, the queen once more con- stituted the abbey a collegiate body consisting of a dean and twelve prebendaries,^*** as in Henry VIII's foundation, though, according to Wid- more, the choir was not so large a body as that established twenty years earlier.^"' Of the history of Westminster as a com- munity after its second dissolution, it is not easy to speak. Much might be said of individuals, for many of the deans of the collegiate church, such as Launcelot Andrewes, John Williams, Francis Atterbury, and Samuel Wilberforce, have been famous in the annals of the English church; but their fame, whether as divines or as politicians, has been for the most part of national rather than of local importance. Much again might be told of the abbey as the scene of epoch- marking events, such as the riot on the occasion of the trial of the earl of Bristol in 1641,^°' the holding of the Westminster Assembly,^"* and of pageants, coronations, and funerals innumerable, but here again the interest can hardly be said to be local. Yet the one connecting link between the pre-reformation and the post- reformation abbey is perhaps to be found in this closeness of connexion between its history and that of the nation, a connexion which had more "' Ibid. 119, 132. «" Church Hist. (ed. 1655), bk. ix, 178-9. '»' Ibid. "•* Diet. Nat. Biog. He saved twenty-eight people from the stake at one time in Mary's reign. »»'Pat. 2 Eliz. pt. ll,m. 26. ^'^ Hist. 139. "" Rep. on MSS. of Lord Montagu of Beaulieu (Hist. MSS. Com.), 138. ™ Cf Rep. on Montagu House MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com.), i, 300, ' the Bill for the Council of Divines was debated, and resolved they should meet 13 th of June and sit in Hen. 7 Chapel in Westminster, and that each divine should have 4/. a day to defray their charges, and the countries must bear it.' 451 A HISTORY OF LONDON than once saved it from utter destruction. This feature, however, was exaggerated hy the Reformation, which swept away that indepen- dence which, at its proudest, had bowed to the supremacy of the pope alone, and had given the greatest individuality to Westminster history. The dependence upon the crown which was substituted for this only served to emphasize the political aspect of the abbey church, and to make its preferments the stepping stones to higher things — mere interludes in the life of men whose greatest fame was attained elsewhere. Nor is this the happiest aspect of the abbey history, for preferment thus given in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in- evitably engendered a certain amount of subser- vience to the patrons even upon the part of such men as Dean Goodman and Dean Andrewes. Thus Goodman and his prebendaries, after refu- sing from early in December, 1596, until the close of the following April, to grant at Queen Elizabeth's request a lease of Godmanchester rectory which was contrary to the statutes of the foundation,^' finally gave way before the queen's importunity.^'** Andrewes, moreover, showed a like subserviency to Cecil, postponing what was apparently a most necessary visita- tion of the abbey lands in 1601 until he heard whether the secretary was intending to visit the abbey.2" That promotion in the collegiate church con- tinued to depend on interest with persons of in- fluence in the state is clear from the most casual glance at the numerous petitions for prebends to- wards the close of the seventeenth century .^'^ In 1 69 1 it was proposed for the better distribution of church preferment and the freeing the king from a great deal of importunity that the prebends of Westminster should be limited ' to ministers of London and Westminister ' ; and that ' the minister of St. Margaret's, Westminster,' should ' always be, as at present, one of the prebends, because the House of Commons go to that church, and therefore it is fit there should be encouragement for a good preacher.' ^" But canvassing for prebends was still practised as late as 1780,^" and the possibility of a vacancy at Westminster was regarded as likely to be a desirable factor in Pitt's political programme in 1787.=='' The sympathies of the canons of West- «» Ca/. of MSS. at Hatfield House (Hist. MSS. Com.), vi, 503-4. "0 Ibid, vii, 169, cf. 182. »" Ibid, xi, 355. '" e.g. Cal. S.P. Dom. 167 ^S/'assim, and 1675-6, pp. 353, 431, 432, &c. ; cf. also Diet. Nat. Biog. under John Williams. *'' Cal. S.P. Dom. 168 1-2, p. 49. "• Rej). on Behoir Castle MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com.), tii, 34- '" Re/>. on MSS. at Dropmore (Hist. MSS. Com.), i, 286. minster in the troubles which preceded the Civil War would seem, at first sight, to have been with the extreme High Church party ; it is at least certain that in the quarrel between Laud and Bishop Williams, who was dean of West- minster, the prebendaries furthered Williams' overthrow to the utmost.^'' Some of the evi- dence, however, points to the quarrel beingrather a matter of personal irritation than of doctrinal conviction. In 1636 the dean and canons wrangled over the possession of a certain pew in the abbey, which the dean claimed as his by right and only by courtesy shared with him by ' noble ladies and such of the prebendaries who were bishops,' while the canons maintained that it was the joint property of themselves and of the dean.-'' The dean, it was said, stooped to threaten one of the vergers who gave evidence in the dispute.^'* Another cause of friction was the suggestion of Dr. Gabriel More that a missing register of chapter acts might possibly be in the dean's pos- session.'" Nor do the epithets 'the little urchin' and ' the little meddling hocus pocus,' applied presumably to Laud by Osbaldeston in his correspondence with Williams,"" seem to raise the quarrel above the plane of personal ani- mosity. Whatever may have been the opinions of the prebendaries, however, the extreme Puritan party had no sooner gained the upper hand in London than they took steps to reduce the abbey to a conformity with their own views. On 24 April, 1643, a committee was appointed to receive information from time to time of any monuments of superstition or idolatry in the abbey church of Westminster, or the windows thereof. . . and they have power to demolish the same where any such ... are informed to be.'" On 21 August following the subdean and pre- bendaries of the cathedral granted ' free use and liberty of their pulpit for such ministers of God's word to preach every Sunday afternoon as shall be nominated ... by this House.' -" In the course of the following year pictures were planed out, the high altar in Henry VII's chapel was taken down, angels were removed, and the crucifix at the north end of the abbey and pictures ' at the conduit leading to the new palace ' cut down. In September the organ loft and more pictures were taken away, and in November seven more pictures and the ' Resur- "« See Cal. S.P. Dom. 1636, p. 265. For a full account of the quarrel between Williams and Laud, which, in its broader issues, hardly belongs to West- minster history, see Gardiner, Hist, of Engl vols, vii, viii. »" Cal. S.P. Dom. 1635-6, p. 218. . "' Ibid. 347. '" Ibid. "° Diet. Nat. Biog. Lambert Osbaldeston. Com. jfourn. iii, 57. Ibid. 213. 452 RELIGIOUS HOUSES rection where the kings and queens stand in the abbey ' vanished.^^' In 1644 orders were issued for 'the disposal of the proceeds of church plate for proper preachers to be provided.'^^^ In 1645 Dean Williams's commendam expired, and Richard Steward, who was appointed his successor, was never installed, the collegiate church being hence- forth under the guidance of a special committee appointed by the House of Commons.^^* In 1648 the committee were commanded to take effectual care that there be preaching in the abbey church of Westminster ... on the Fast days, and that they take some effectual course to restrain walk- ing by any person or persons in the abbey, cloister, or churchyard during the time of sermon and divine service, and to restrain and punish the playing of children or others in any part of the said places in any time of the Lord's Day to the profanation thereof. "« The parliamentary party valued the abbey as a place of worship — though 'monuments of superstition and idolatry ' were so ruthlessly removed there seems to be no evidence of the building itself ever having been desecrated ^" as so many other cathedrals were — but for the ancient immunities of the precinct and liberty of Westminster they had scant respect. The sheriff of Middlesex soon held undisputed sway within the bailiwick, hitherto immune from all foreign interference, and many months after the Restoration the dean and chapter still complained that though they have an undoubted right by charter to the bailiwick of Westminster, during the late distrac- tions the sheriffs much abused their liberty, and the present sheriff daily arrests the bodies of the inhabi- tants, though requested not to do so by . . . the high steward of the city."' The old order was only restored at West- minster gradually after the return of Charles II. John Earle, the first dean of the Restoration, was one of the wisest and most popular men of his day, and pursuing the policy of conciliation which was at first adopted towards the leading Nonconformist divines, he admitted Richard Baxter ^^' to preach in the abbey. At the beginning of July, 1 660, Samuel Pepys came to Westminster in the afternoon and heard ' a good sermon by a stranger, but no Common Prayer yet,' and in the following October the service '" Hiit. MSS. Com. Rep. xii, App. ii, 132-3. '"Ibid, iv, App. 188. "^ Ordinance of the Lords and Commons, 2 Dec. 1645. The dean and prebends, except Osbaldeston, are said to have deserted their charge. "* Com. Joum. v, 519. '" Cf however, Stanley, Memorials, 436, for a dese- cration reported in Royalist circles in July, 1643. "' Cal. S.P. Dom. 1 66 1-2, p. 494. »-°' Diet. Nat. Biog. • still fell so far short of his ideal as to call forth a somewhat scathing comment. After dinner to the Abbey, where I heard them read the church service, but very ridiculously. A poor cold sermon of Dr. Lamb's, one of the prebends, in his habitt, came afterwards and so all ended.'"' But gradual as the changes were they did not fail to provoke hostility ; two malcontents, John and Elizabeth Dicks, were reported to have said, after attending service at the abbey towards the close of the year 1 66 1, that to see the people bow to the altar made their hair stand on end, for it was mere mountebank play.^'^ Dolben, the succeeding dean, was a man of considerable energy and good sense. The act by which he signalized his installation — namely his persuasion of his canons to make the abbey an equal sharer in all dividends — provided the fabric fiind for many years to come. He was the first dean who on being promoted to the see of Rochester was allowed to retain his deanery in commendam, in order to augment the scanty revenues of his see, a practice which was con- tinued thenceforward until the time of Dean Vincent.^^^ A difficulty arose about this time with regard to the lodgings of the canons. The twelve prebendaries were all bound to residence, but had only eleven houses among them, so that it sometimes happened that a 'senior and useful prebendary ' was without lodging. The canons appealed to the king on the subject, and it was decided that they were to revert to what they described as their ancient custom, of per- mitting the seniors to have choice of lodging, on any removal, so that none but a junior might want a house.^'^ Dolben's successor, Thomas Spratt, originally known as a wit and satirist, probably received promotion in recognition of his bold support of high church doctrines and the divine right of kings. It was possibly in view of the latter conviction that he assented to the publication in the abbey of the Declaration of Indulgence on the famous occasion when only four clergymen throughout London could be found to read it. The earl of Clarendon, writing to Princess Mary of Orange, said that Spratt ' ordered one of the petty canons to read it, but went out of town himself over night,' and added ' he's a poor- spirited man.' ^'* This, however, seems a some- what unfair epithet, and William Legge, first earl of Derby, who was a boy in Westminster School '™ Diary. '" Cal. S.P. Dom. 1661-2, p. 188. '=' Diet. Nat. Biog. ''' Cal. S.P. Dom. 1667-8, p. 77, and ibid. Add. 1660-70, p. 728. Le Neve {Fasti, iii, 359, note 72) remarks that since the Restoration the prebendaries have not had any stall assigned, but have moved up in order of seniority. "* MSS. of Duke of Buccleuch (Hist. MSS. Com. Rep.), ii (i), 32. 453 A HISTORY OF LONDON at the time, and present in the abbey, seems to imply that the dean read the Declaration himself. There was, he says, 'so great a murmur and noise that nobody could hear,' and before it was finished no one was left in the church but 'a few prebends in their stalls, the queristers and the Westminster scholars.' Spratt himself could hardly hold the Declaration in his hands for trembling.^'' The early years of the eighteenth century were marred by a somewhat undignified quarrel between the chapter and Francis Atterbury, who was bishop of Rochester and dean from 171 3 to 1723. The first friction arose about the appointment of the vestry clerk of St. Mar- garet's ; this was in August ; by November Atterbury had persuaded some of the prebendaries to join him, and had fallen foul of Canon Only, curate of St. Margaret's, an old man of between seventy and eighty years, whom he is said to have treated worse than he ever treated anyone when he was dean of Christ Church, Oxford. ^'^ Again in June, 1722, the dean seems to have come into collision with his chapter about the appointment of a new receiver in the place of one Battely ; Atterbury wanted the post for his son-in-law Morris, but a majority of the canons were in favour of appointing the nephew of the last occupant of the office. Finding his will opposed, the dean claimed the sole right of appointment, and ordered Battely's nephew to give up all papers relating to the college. The prebendaries on the other hand drew up an order forbidding the surrender of the papers to anyone except such persons as should be appointed by the dean and chapter, while the deputy treasurer threatened to cashier all workmen, and stop the wages of all servants appointed on the dean's sole authority. ^^' This was at the end of June ; on 22 August political suspicion had fallen upon Atterbur}', he was seized * when sitting in the deanery surrounded with books and papers relat- ing to his domestic quarrels,' and was carried off to the Tower,^^* and it may be presumed that during the few remaining months before his final deprivation, he had but little time to quarrel with his canons. In weighing the evidence against him, however, it must be remembered that it rests upon the testimony of Stratford, one of the canons of Oxford, with whom he had quarrelled most bitterly while dean of Christ Church. There can be no doubt that Stratford had always disliked him,^'*' and it is possible that there was more fault on the side of the West- minster canons than these letters allow ; on the other hand, there seems to be ample evidence that in any position of authority he was high- ^ Diet. Nat. Blog. '^ Rep. on MSS. of Duke oj Portland (Hist. MSS. Com.), vii, 165, 172. "' Ibid. 325, 329, 330. •"Ibid. 332. Ibid, preface, p. xii. handed, and quick to avenge himself upon those who withstood him, and that he provoked con- siderable resentment in each of the cathedrals where he held preferment. The succeeding century passed comparatively uneventfully at Westminster. Dean Wilcocks completed the west front of the abbey, and Dean Vincent, who had been master of West- minster School before his promotion to the deanery, joined with the chapter in the restora- tion after the fire in the lantern in 1803, and obtained from Pitt fourteen annual grants for the restoration of Henry VII's chapel between 1807 and 1822. It was during the time that Wilcocks was dean that Widmore, the librarian of the abbey, published his History and Enquiry into the First Foundation of IVestminster Ahbeyy from the publication of which the revived interest in the historic past of the monastery and collegiate church probably dates. Dean Vincent studied the sixteenth and seventeenth-century chapter-books of the foundation, and has left an analysis of Flete's history of the abbey,^*" and it was only three years after his death that Brayley and Neale published the first volume of their large history. It was probably in this movement that the attempt originated to make Westminster a great national church in a sense other than that which had prevailed during the seventeenth and eigh- teenth centuries. It was not sufficient that the dean and canons should owe their promotion to and be in close connexion with the crown, nor that the church should be the scene of national pageants and ceremonies ; the later deans felt that the great past of the abbey entitled it to a closer connexion with the spiritual and intellec- tual life of the people. This was the meaning of Dean Trench's institution of evening services in the nave, and yet more of Dean Stanley's attempt to make the abbey a great national church, common to men of all shades of opinion, where differences might be forgotten in the memories of a common past. List of Abbots^* Orbrithus, ist abbot, ob. 616 Germanus, ist prepositus Aldred, 2nd prepositus, oh. 675 Syward, 3rd prepositus, oh. 684 Osmund, 4th prepositus, ob. 705 (605 by a mistake in the MS.) Selred, prepositus, ob. 744 Orgar, prepositus, ob. 765 Brithestan, prepositus, ob. 785 Orbrith, 2nd abbot, ob. 797 Alwy, abbot, ob. 820 "" Diet. Nat. Biog. '" The first fifteen names are from Cott. MS. Faust. A. iii. Many of these are probably fabrications of the chronicler, there seems to be no other evidence of their existence. 454 RELIGIOUS HOUSES Alwy, abbot, oh. 837-8 Algar, abbot, oh. 889 Edmer, oh. 922 Alfnodus, oh. 939 Alfricus, oh. 956 Wulsinus,^*^ 958-1004-5 Al wy,^^' 1004-17 Wulnoth,^* oh. 1049, or according to the Chronicle 1046 Edwyn,2^= 1049-68 GeoflFrey,^''^ deposed before 1 07 6 Vitalis,-'" 1076-7, oh. 1082 Gilbert Crispin,^" before 1087, oh. 1 1 17 Herbert,-''^ appointed 1 121 Gervase of Blois,"'" deposed (?) c. 1 1 53, oh. 1 160 Laurence,^"^ appointed c. 1 1 53 or 1 160 Walter prior of Winchester,-^^ 1175-9O William Postard,-^^ 1191-1200 Ralph de Arundel,^" 1 200-13 William de Humez,"^ 1214-22 Richard de Berking,^*^ 1222-46 Richard de Crokesle,"' 1246-58 Philip de Levesham,^^^ elect, oh. 1259 Richard de Ware,^^' 1259, occurs 1 279, oh. 1283 Walter de Wenlac,^"* 1283-1307 Richard de Kydington,^^" 1308-15 William de Curtlington,^" 1315-33 »" Cott. MS. Faust. A. iii. and Flores Hist. (Rolls Ser.), i, 506. »" Cott. MS. Faust. A. iii. '" Ibid, and Walter of Coventry, Hist. Coll. (Rolls Ser.), i, 63 ; Angl.-Sax. Chron. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 140. '*^ Cott. MS. Faust. A. iii ; Widmore, Hist. 17 ; Cart. Antiq. CC 2. "« Cott. MS. Faust. A. iii. '" Angl.-Sax. Chron. (Rolls Ser.), i, 350; Cott. MS. Claud. A. viii. "' Cott. MS. Faust. A. iii, where he occurs in a charter of Will. I ; cf. Eadmer, Hist. (Rolls Ser.), 189, and Jngl.-Sax. Chron. (Rolls Ser.), i, 371. "" Eadmer, Hist. (Rolls Ser.), 291. ''"Cott. MS. Claud. A. viii, fol. 47, 47a'.; Symeon of Durham, Opera (Rolls Ser.), ii, 330. «' Ibid. "' Ralph de Diceto, Opera (Rolls Ser.), i, 401-2 ; Chron. Steph. Hen. II, Ric. I. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 402. "' Ibid.; Flores Hist. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 106. *'• Walter of Coventry, Hist. Coll. (RoUs Ser.), ii, 215-16, 252. "' Jnn. Mon. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 41-3, 76. "« Walter of Coventry, Hist. Colt. (RoUs Ser.), ii, 252 ; Matt. Paris, Chron. My. (Rolls Ser.), iv, 586. '" jinn. Mon. (Rolls Ser.), i, 460 ; iii, 2 1 1 ; Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), iv, 589. "' Flores Hist. (Rolls Ser.), 439, note 4 ; Cott. MS. Claud. A. viii, fol. 60. ^'^ Ibid.; Cal. Pat. 1276-81, p. 302 ; Reg. Epist. Peckham (Rolls Ser.), i, 370 ; Flores Hist. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 60. "'^ Ibid. 60 and 140. '*" Cal. Pat. 1307-13, p. 45. '" Ibid. I3l3-I7,"p. 298. Thomas de Henley,^*^ I333~44 Simon de Bircheston,^" 1344-9 Simon de Langham,^^* ^349 Nicholas Litlington,-"' 1362-86 William of Colchester,-^^ 1387-1420 Richard Harweden,*^' occurs 1435, resigned 1440 Edmund Kirton,^^ provided by the pope 1440, ceded 1463 George Norwich,^" provided 1463, resigned 1469 Thomas Milling,^"' 1469-74 John Eastney,^" provided 1474-93 George Fascet,^'^ 1498-1500 John Islip,"^ 1 500-1 532 William Boston or Benson,"* last abbot of the old foundation, 1533 John Feckenham,^'* 1556-60 Deans ""^ William Boston,-"' 17 December, 1540, oh. 1549 Richard Cox, October, 1549, deprived 1553 Hugh Weston, 1553, resigned 1556 William Bill, 1560, oh. 1561 Gabriel Goodman, 1561-1601 Launcelot Andrewes,^'* 1 60 1 -5 Richard Neile or Neale, 1605-10 {in com- mendam from 1608) George Mountayne, 16 10-17 Robert Tounson, 1617-20 ''* Ibid. 1330-4, p. 465. '" Ibid. 1343-5. P- 369, Wars of Engl, in France (Rolls Ser.), ii, 747. ^" Ibid. ^■^ Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. iv, App. 1 7 1 ; Cal Pat. 1385-9, p. 245. '"^ Cal. Pat. 1385-9, p. 270 ; Dugdale, Mon. Jngl. i, 276. '*' Cal. Pat. 1429-36, p. 467 ; Ibid, 1436-41, p. 395 ; Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. iv, App. 171. ^•^ Cal Pat. 1436-41, pp. 455, 488; ibid. 1461-7, p. 290. '"' Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. iv, App. 171 ; Cal Pat. 1467-77, p. 179. ""Cal. Pat. 1467-77, p. 179; Stubbs, Epis. Succession. "' Cal Pat. 1467-77, p. 472 ; Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. iv, App. 171. '" Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. iv, App. 171. '" Ibid.; Mon. Fetusta, vii, pt. iv ; Widmore, Hist. 206. "* L. and P. Hen. Fill, vi, g. 417 (21), xvi, 333. "' Machyn's Diary (Camd. Soc), 118, 235 ; Pat. 2 Eliz. pt. 13, m. 5. "" This list, except where otherwise stated, is taken from Le Neve, Fasti (ed. Hardy), iii, 347 et seq. Checl^ed by the Diet. Nat. Biog. and Stubbs, Epis. Succession. "' L. and. P. Hen. Fill, xvi, 333. •" Cal. of MSS. at Hatfield House (Hist. MSS. Com.), xi, 236. 455 A HISTORY OF LONDON John Williams, 1620-45 ('" commendam from 1621) Richard Steward, 1645 (never installed) John Earle, 1660-2 John Dolben, 1662-83 (from 1666 held deanery with bishopric of Rochester, as did his successors until 1802) Thomas Spratt, 1683-17 13 Francis Atterbury,-" 1713-23 Samuel Bradford, 1723-31 Joseph Wilcocks, 1731-56 Zachariah Pearce, 1756-68 (resigned the deanery, but not bishopric) John Thomas, 1768 (bishop of Rochester 1774) Samuel Horsley, 1 793-1 802 William Vincent, 1802-15 John Ireland, 1816-42 Thomas Turton, 1842-5 Samuel Wilberforce, 1845 William Buckland, 1845-56 Richard Chenevix Trench, 1856-64 Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, 1864-81 George Granville Bradley, 1881-1902 Joseph Armitage Robinson, 1902 The first seal of the abbey "^^ is a large vesica 3 in. by 2f in., made, it would seem, in the first quarter of the twelfth century. It gives a repre- sentation of St. Peter, the patron saint of the house, wearing a pall and seated on a throne with his right hand raised in blessing and holding his keys in his left. Across the field the inscrip- tion PETR VS AP l's xFi liiv runs in three lines, each line being broken by the figure of the saint. The legend, of which very little remains in the museum example, was : — SIGILLV ECCl'e SCI PETRI APL'i WESTMONASTERII Of the second seal we have examples of two states. The earlier of these,**^ which belongs to the very beginning of the thirteenth century, is round, about 2J in. in diameter. The reverse shows St. Peter vested and wearing mitre and pall, seated on a throne and holding a crosier in his right hand and the keys in his left. His feet rest on a prostrate figure of a man. The obverse has the representation of St. Edward the Con- fessor similarly seated with his feet on a like figure. He holds in his right hand a flowered sceptre and in his left a conventional model of '■' Rep. on MSS. of Duke of Portland, K.G. (Hist. MSS. Com.), vii, 142. "» Harl. Chart. 84 F. 46. »' B.M. D.C. E. II 8 -19 J Add. Chart. 8473; L.F.C. xvi, 9. the abbey church. The field is powdered with flowers and sprigs. Of the legends only half a dozen letters remain. The second state of this remarkable seal,^** which appears to have been in use from the first quarter of the thirteenth century till the Dissolu- tion, has the same designs on reverse and ob- verse as the first state, of which it was evidently a close copy. It only differs from the first state in small details such as the arrangement of the folds and the decoration of the saint's vestments, and the can'ing of the king's throne, and the flower that tops his sceptre. The legend on each side is : — ijf DIMIDIA PARS SIGILl' ECCLESIE SANCTI PETRI WESTMONASTERII The fifteenth-century seal ad causas *** is a large vesica, 3J in. by 2^ in., having St. Peter and St. Paul sitting side by side in a canopied niche. St. Peter has a book and his keys in his left hand and St. Paul carries the sword of his martyrdom in his right hand and a book in his left. Above their heads, in a shield of arms which seem to be those of the abbey, a chief indented with a mitre and a crosier therein. On the left of the saints is a smaller niche in which St. Catherine stands, wearing a crown and holding her wheel ; and on their right in a similar niche is St. John the Evangelist holding in his right hand his symbol of a chalice, from which a serpent issues, and in his left a palm branch. Below is St. Edward with crown and sceptre between two shields of arms which are, on the left hand, the Confessor's cross and martlets impaled with the keys of the abbey, and on the right the royal arms of Henry IV, France quartered with England. The legend, which has a cross between each word, is : — SIGILLU COMMUNE ECCL'iE BEATI PETRI WESTMONASTERII AD CAUSAS The seal of Abbot Richard Harweden *** (1430-40) is a large vesica 2f in. by if in., show- ing St. Peter crowned with a papal tiara, seated in a canopied niche, blessing with his right hand and holding one key in his left. An indistinct shield overhead has arms that may be those of this abbot. To the left of St. Peter is a smaller niche in which St. Catherine stands, while a like niche on the right has a figure of St. John with his symbols. Below is the abbot in prayer. The legend is entirely broken away. Abbot John Islip's (1500-32)^" has a some- what similar seated figure of St. Peter, who holds in his left hand a patriarch's cross. Above is a shield of the keys, and in niches on either side are '»* B.M. Ixviii, 75-6 •^ B.M. Ixviii, 78. Egerton Chart. 361. >** Ibid. 80. 456 Ibid. 79. RELIGIOUS HOUSES St. Edward and St. John. Of the legend only 8IGILV ioh'is . . . remains. There are several fragments of seals of cham- berlains of the abbey in the British Museum collection, all belonging to the first half of the sixteenth century. The most perfect are those of William of Westminster (1511)^'' and William Overton (1537).''" The earlier seal is a small vesica if in. by ijin., with counterseal ^ in. by /^ in. The seal has two standing figures under a double canopy of St. Peter and St. Edward, with shields of the keys and the Confessor below. Of the broken legend the words : — . . . CAMERARII MONASTERII SCI PETRI WE . , . alone remain. The little counterseal has the head of a monk, with the legend : — EGO SVM QVI PECCAVI Overton's seal and counterseal are of similar type, but coarser in execution. HOUSE OF BENEDICTINE NUNS 3. ST. HELEN'S, BISHOPSGATE The nunnery of St. Helen was founded in the early part of the thirteenth century ^ by William son of William the goldsmith, in the place where a church of St. Helen had already existed in the reign of Henry II. The church had been granted to the dean and canons of St. Paul's by a certain Ranulf and Robert his son, who with a third person to be named by them were to hold it for their lives.^ After the dean and canons gained possession they gave the patronage to William son of William, and not only allowed him to found the nunnery, but also to bestow on it the advowson of the church on condition that the prioress after election by the nuns should be presented to the dean and chapter and swear fealty to them,' and should promise to pay a pension of ^ mark from the church, the obventions of which the convent might for the rest convert to their own use, and neither to alienate the right of patronage nor become subject to any other body. Though there is evidence that the claim of the nuns to some land was disputed, and was renounced by them before 12 16,* there is no- thing to show what the endowment of the nunnery was at its foundation. Among its earliest possessions, however, may be reckoned a quit-rent of 4.S. in the parish of All Hallows Lombard Street, sold by the prioress probably before 1230,' a rent of 265. 8^. from land in the parish of St. Mildred, Canterbury, alienated by the convent in 1247,^ ^'^'^ ^h acres of land '* Add. Chart. 22448. '" Ibid. 6065. ' Before 1 2 1 6, as Alard, the dean of St. Paul's who gave permission for the foundation, died in that year. Newcourt, Repert. Eccl. Lond. \, 363. ' Dugdale, Mon. Angl. iv, 551. ' The dean and chapter were careful to guard their rights from any episcopal encroachment which might result from the bishop's receiving the profession of nuns there. Lond. Epis. Reg. Sudbury, fol. 139. • Cott. Chart, v, 6 (2). 'Guildhall MS. 122, fol. 263. • Cal. of Chart. R. ij 318. which they held in Stepney in 1248.' The earliest notices of the house occur in the will of William Longespee, earl of Salisbury, who left five cows to the nuns in 1225,* and in the gift of two oaks made by Henry III in 1224 to the master of St. Helen's,^ an officer of whom there is no other mention. The nuns figure in the inquisition of 1274-5 ^^ as having about sixteen years before closed with an earthen wall a lane called St. Helen's Lane running from Bishopsgate Street to St. Mary Axe, down which men had been used to ride and take carts. This is probably the lane cross- ing their ground which Henry III in 1248 had licensed them to inclose.^^ Edward I gave to the priory in 1285 a piece of the True Cross ^^ which he had brought from Wales, and went on foot accompanied by earls, barons, and bishops to present the relic. The nuns about this time seem to have been in need of financial help. They petitioned the king to examine their charters and allow them to hold in frankalmoign henceforth, '^ and it was no doubt in consequence of the inquiry he had ordered that he gave them in 1306 the right to hold a market and fair at Brentford.^* Arch- bishop Peckham, in May, 1290, gave the prioress and nuns leave to celebrate the Festival of the Invention of the Cross notwithstanding the in- terdict placed on the City by his authority.^* In ' Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, Liber A. fol. 44. ' Ro(. Lit. Claus. (Rec. Com.), ii, 71. 'Ibid, i, 6oi3, 618, 643. '° Hund. R. (Rec. Com.), i, 413, 409, 420. " Cox, Ann. of St. Helen's, Bishopsgate, 1 1. " Chron. of Reigns of Edtv. I and Edw. II (Rolls Ser.), i, 93. The chronicler says the Holy Cross called 'Neit.' " Par/. R. (Rec. Com.), i, 475. Annis incertis Edw. I and Edw. II. The petition must have been after Nov. 1290, as they ask the favour 'for the sake of the soul of the late Queen.' " Chart. R. 35 Edw. I, m. 18, No. 49. " Reg. Epist. fohan. Peckham (Rolls Ser.), iii, 970 and 971. 457 58 A HISTORY OF LONDON October of the same year the pope offered re- laxation of penance for a year and forty days to penitents visiting the convent church on the festivals of St. Helen and of Holy Cross,^* and an indulgence of forty days was given by Ralph, bishop of London, in 1306, to those visiting the church and making contributions to the fabric.^' These grants were in all probability made in aid of the rebuilding of the church, the expense of which had largely been defrayed by two brothers, Salomon and Thomas Basing, the latter bequeath- ing also to its maintenance by will enrolled in 1300^* some rents in the parish of St. Bartholo- mew the Little and elsewhere. Several of the Basings became nuns of St. Helen's,^' one indeed was elected prioress in 1269 ;'"' this may account in part for the benefactions of the family, which altogether must have been extensive : William, the sheriff of 1308, is said by Stow to have been reputed a founder,^'^ and Henry de Gloucestre, grandson of Thomas, by will dated 1332"' established there a chantry of two chaplains which he endowed with an income of 1 1 marks of silver. During the next few years the endowments of the nunnery received further additions : in 1344 the prioress and convent undertook to found a chantry in their church and one in St. Mary le Bow for the soul of Walter Dieu- boneye of Bletchingley, cheesemonger of Lon- don, in consideration of his gifts to them ; ^' in 1 346 John de Etton, rector of Great Massingham, left them his dwelling-house and fourteen adja- cent shops near Cripplegate for the maintenance of chantries ; ^* and for the same purpose Walter de Bilynham bequeathed to the priory in 1349 tenements in the parishes of St. Mary Magdalen Old Fish Street, and St. Mary Axe, at Holborn Cross and ' Cokkeslane ' ; "' the church of Ey- worth, CO. Bedford, was also appropriated to " CaJ. Pap. Letters, i, 521. " Lond. Epis. Reg. B.ildock and Gravesend, fol. 7. '* Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, \, 147. He speaks of himself and his brother Salomon as erecting the church. In this will, however, no mention is made of William, said to be brother of Thomas. Cox, op. cit. 6. " Dyonisia de Gloucestre, a nun of St. Helen's, received from her uncle, Thomas Basing, a quit-rent in the parish of St. Botolph Billingsgate, for life. Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, i, 147. Elizabeth, daughter of Henry de Gloucestre, was also a nun there. Cox, op. cit. 7. " Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 77, No. 2039. " Stow, $urv. of Lond. (ed. Strype), ii, 100. " Cox, op. cit. 6 and 7. " Harl. Chart. 44, F. 45 ; Sharpe, Cal. of Letter Bk. F. 115. ■' Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, i, 687. He left bequests to two nuns of the house, one of whom was his sister. "Ibid, i, 581. of another indulgence.' may give a clue to the them in 1331 by the pope at the king's request.'* The nunnery, either through misfortune or mis- management, could not have been very prosper- ous for some years before the Black Death, or the church would not have been reported in 1350 as in danger of going to ruin, a state of things which the pope tried to remedy by the grant Its need at this time to the date of the attempt to recover the market and fair of Brentford, rights which the nuns considered they had lost because, being an inclosed order, they were unable to follow them up.-' In 1374 the priory received an important bequest of lands and tenements in the parishes of St. Martin Outwich, St. Helen, St. Ethelburga, and St. Peter Broad Street, from another London citizen, Adam Fraunceys, mercer, charged with the maintenance of two chantries in the chapels of St. Mary and of the Holy Ghost ^' in the church. A curious case occurred in 1 385. Joan Heyronne, one of the nuns, on the plea that she was so crippled with gout that she was unable to perform her canonical duties, secretly appealed to the pope, and obtained from him an order that an allowance of ^^lo a year should be paid to her from the goods of the monastery. Constance, the prioress, seems to have resented this action, and with the help of the sub-prioress and one of the nuns kept Joan shut up in a room, it was alleged without food suitable to her state of health, until the dean and chapter of St. Paul's commanded that she should be set at liberty and permitted to go where she would in the priory.'" On which side right lay is doubtful : the prioress may have been exasperated by intrigues against her autho- rity, but she appears to have been unduly severe, and this view of her rule is perhaps confirmed by the flight and marriage of another of her nuns in 1388.'^ Too much discipline was certainly not the characteristic of the house in the next century, judging from two sets of injunctions, one issued by Dean Kentwode in 1432,'- and the other believed to be also of that period.'' From the latter'^ it appears that the nuns hurried through the services, for they were ordered to say them fully and distinctly and not so fast as they had been doing, and that they ^ Cal Pap. Letters, ii, 368. " Cal. Pap. Pet. i, 198. ^ Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), ii, 403, No. 138. Annis incertis Edw. III. '^ Sharpe, Cal. of mils, ii, 171. »° Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 25, No. 1 1 12. " Ibid. A. Box 25, No. 1 1 10. " Cott. Chart, v, 6, printed in Dugdale, op. cit. i^'. 553- " Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 57. " Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 77, No. 2041. 458 RELIGIOUS HOUSES were addicted to vanity in dress,^' perhaps a result of the entertainment of guests by the prioress, which was forbidden in future. The prioress seems not to have taken her position seriously enough : she was told to content her- self with one or two dogs, and one of her maids was to be removed for certain causes moving the dean and chapter, 'et hoc propter majorem honestatem dicte priorisse.' The dean was probably not satisfied about the administration of the house, since he required the holder of a corrody to show the grant, that it might be known whether he had fulfilled the services due from him, and ordered an inquiry to be made of the prioress and each nun whether there were other burdens on the nunnery ; the prioress was also to show who had the custody of the missals, books, and ornaments, and how they were kept ; and the number of seals was to be reported. Dean Kentwode in 1432, after providing that divine service should be performed night and day, that the rule of silence was to be duly observed, and full confessions made to the confessor appointed by him, proceeded to order that secular women were not to sleep in the dorter ; nor were secular persons to be admitted after compline or locked within the bounds of the cloister ; a discreet nun was to be appointed to lock the convent doors so that nobody could get in or out, that the place be not slandered in future, and the prioress herself was to keep the keys of the postern door between the cloister and churchyard, ' for there is much coming in and out at unlawful times ' ; the nuns were not to look out into the street, not to speak to secu- lar persons, nor receive gifts or letters from them without leave of the prioress, and the letters were to be such as could cause no ill report ; measures were to be taken that strangers should not see the nuns nor the nuns them at service in the church ; sisters appointed to office must be of good character ; a suitable sister was to be chosen to teach the rule to those who did not know it ; a proper infirmary was to be estab- lished where the sisters could be tended in illness ; no dancing or revelling except at Christmas and other suitable times, and then in absence of seculars, was to be allowed. As was not un- natural amid so much laxity the business of the house was mismanaged, and fees, liveries, and perpetual corrodies were given to various persons, officers of the house and others, ' to . . . the dilapi- dation of the house's goods.' The impression gathered from the injunctions is that the priory was regarded as a kind of boarding-house. It is not unlikely that the rich City families found it a convenient place in which they could dis- pose of their unmarried daughters with an allow- " They were ordered to wear veils according to the rules of their order, not too sumptuous in cha- racter. ance,'° and did not much consider whether they had a religious vocation. The convent in 1458 paid £■](} ids. 8d. in part payment of a larger sum,'' and this bor- rowing of money may be a sign that they had begun the alterations to the church to which Sir John Crosby is said to have contri- buted 500 marks.'* Crosby would have been interested as a parishioner of St. Helen's, for he built his magnificent house close to the priory upon land rented to him by the convent in 1466.'' The satisfactory state of the house in the early sixteenth century is shown by the bishop of London's choice of one of the sisters to be prioress of Holy Cross at Castle Hcding- ham ; *" but the spirit of unrest roused by the religious changes under Henry VIII seems soon to have affected the priory, since in 1532 some nuns ran away.^' A proof of the im- portance of the house at this time is furnished by the intrigues over the election of the last prioress in 1529.^^ A certain Margaret Vernon, who was not a member of the convent, solicited the support of Wolsey and of Cromwell in turn. According to her, the king's saddler had offered 200 marks to secure the appointment of his sister, and Margaret herself owned that she had been willing to pay Wolsey ;^ioo for the post, which she however never obtained, Mary Rol- lesley, a sister of the house,^' being made prioress. There is some excuse for the nuns in the grants of annuities made by them in 1534-8, although they were forbidden by the Kentwode Injunctions : one was to Cromwell,** and the " Besides the provisions by legacies already men- tioned there is a deed (B.M. Chart. Toph. 39, quoted in Dugdale, op. cit. iv, 552) where a sum of looj. was to be paid annually to the convent during the life of one of the nuns, Joan de Bures. The fact that Richard II in 1 377 exercised his coronation right and nominated a nun to the priory seems to imply that by that time admission was desirable but not easy. Cal. of Pat. 1377-81, p. 20. " Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 77, No. 2046. M Weever, Ancient Fun. Monum. 421. " Add. MS. 15664, fol. 228-30. " Lond. Epis. Reg. Fitz James, fol. 137B. ^^ L. and P. Hen. Fill, v, 982. Petition to the king of John Stanton, servant to Thomas Patmer, late merchant of London, now in the bishop of London's prison. On complaining to Parliament on behalf of his master he had been told by the Lord Chancellor that he was at the conveying of certain nuns from St. Helen's. " Ibid. V, 19. Margaret Vernon's letters are placed under 1531, but the last prioress was elected in 1529. " Madox, Formul. Angl. 440. Elizabeth RoUesley, by will dated 1 5 1 3, left to her daughter Mary, a nun of St. Helen's, a legacy of j^'5. ** Cox, op. cit. 14. 459 A HISTORY OF LONDON others to various persons * for good counsel,' ** of which they certainly stood in need. But these were as useless in averting the fate of the house as was the denial by the nuns of the papal supremacy/' though they may have ob- tained better conditions for the inmates. The priory was surrendered 25 November, 1538,^' but there are no signatures to the deed. In January, 1539, the king granted to the prioress, Mary RoUesley, a life pension of £2,0 ; to Mary Shelton one of £^ ; to five other nuns pensions of £2, 6s. Sd. each ; and to the remain- ing eight pensions of four marks each.** The number of nuns appears to have been about stationary since 1466, when eleven besides the prioress witness a deed.*' The convent was probably much larger in the fourteenth century, for in 1372 seven nuns took the vows at one time 60 The only official mentioned besides the prioress is the sub-prioress. The business of the nunnery was managed by a steward, ^^ who collected the rents of the lands owned by the priory, and had an annual salary oi £12 with 20J. for his livery, eatables and drinkables, two cart-loads of fuel, lO qrs. of charcoal, and the use of a chamber within the priory precinct.'^ From a document apparently of the sixteenth century*^ the household expenses of the priory for a year were £it,^ is. (>d.; of this the sum of j^22 was spent on corn, £i>0 135. 4^. on meat and other victuals, ^^lO on thirty pittances. The debts of the house at the same time amounted to ;^90 4J. ^d., and included ^15 owing to Robert ' at ye Cokke,' brewer, £() 13X. 4^. to a ' cornman,' ^^4 to a fish- monger, and 56J. 2d. to another, £() 12s. ^.d. to a butcher, ^^6 13;. i^d. to a draper, and 20;. to John, the servant of the prioress. The income of the house amounted in 1535 to ^^376 6;. gross and ;^320 15;. 8^;^. net," and was chiefly derived from possessions in London,'^ where the nuns held nearly the " Cox, op. cit. 20. 21 Jan. 1538, a pension of 4 marks to John Lewstre. Ibid. 22. 26 June, 1538, to John RoUesley an annuity of 4 marks. Ibid. 23, 24 and 25. « L. and P. Hen. VIII, \\\, 1025 (2). " Ibid, xiii (2), 908. "Aug. Off. Misc. Bk. 233, fol. 101-3. Six nuns were alive in 1556, of whom one was allowed 66s. %d. a year, the others 53/. \d. each. Add. MS. 8102, fol. 3. " Add. MS. 15664, fol. 230. " Lend. Epis. Reg. Sudbury, fol. 139. " Cox, op. cit. 15. » Ibid. " Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's. A. Box 77, No. 2042. " Fahr Eccl. (Rec. Com.), i, 393- " These were worth ^312 6s. \J. a year. Ibid, i, 392. whole of St. Helen's parish and lands and rent in sixteen other parishes.'' The convent also owned at this time the manor of Bordeston or Burston in Brentford,*' which they had held in 1290, and woods in Edmonton, co. Middlesex ; rents in Eyworth, co. Bedford, where they had land in 1316;** land in East Barming, co. Kent ; " the manor of Marks '" and land at Walthamstow,'^ co. Essex ; rents in Ware, co. Herts., where they had a holding in 1392;" the manor of Datchet,'' co. Bucks. ; since 1303 and earlier they had held the advowsons of St. Mary Axe, St. John Walbrook, St. Mary Woolnoth and St. Ethelburga, with pensions of 4 marks and 2s. respectively from the last two ; ** to them also belonged the rectory of St. Helen's " and the church of Eyworth," appropriated to them in 1 331.'' The prioress in 1346 held a fraction of a knight's fee in East Barming, '^ and in conjunction with Anna le Despenser half a knight's fee in Eyworth. '^ Prioresses of St. Helen's, Bishopsgate D. occurs <:. 1210'° Matilda '1 Helen, occurs 1229-30, 1235-6, 1243-4,'' 1247,''' 1248,'* died 1255" Scholastica, died 1269'' Felicia de Basinges, elected 1269" Joan de Wynton, died 1324"^ Beatrix le Boteler, died 1332" ^ L. and P. Hen. Fill, xviii (1), 982, 346 (54), 981 (68) ; xix (i), 1035 (50, 55, 68, 135), etc. " Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), i, 475. " Feud. Aids, i, 19. '' Hasted, Hist, of Kent, ii, 1 5 I . ' St. Helen's is a deputed manor in Barming ... it formerly belonged to the nunnery of St. Helen's, London, hence its name.' ^ Morant, Hist, of Essex, i, 68. " L. and P. Hen. Fill, xv, 557. " Cal. of Pat. I 391-6, p. 156. ^^ L. and P. Hen. Fill, xv, 498 (35). "* Mun. Guildhall Lond. ii (i), 236. ** Ibid. " Falor Eccl (Rec. Com.), iv, 196. " Cal. Pap. Letters, ii, 368. ^ Feud. Aids, iii, 45. ^' Ibid, i, 22. ■° Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 57. Her letter — Cott. Chart, v, 6 (2) — must be before 12 16 as it is addressed to A. the Dean. " A grant by her is witnessed by William Fitz Alice and John Travers, so that it must have been made early in the thirteenth century. Guildhall MS. 122, fol. 263. '' Hardy and Page, Cal. oj Lond. and Midd. Fines, 18, 22 and 28. " CaL of Chart. R. (P.R.O.), i, 318. " E. the prioress, presumably Elena. Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, Liber A. fol. 44. " Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 27. " Ibid. 57. " Ibid. " Ibid. 27. "' Ibid. 28. 460 RELIGIOUS HOUSES Eleanor de Wynton, elected 1332,'" occurs 1344" Margery de Honilane, occurs 1354*^ Constance Somersete, occurs 1385,*' died i398« Joan, occurs 1399** Alice Wodehouse, occurs 1458'' Alice Ashfield, occurs 1466*' Alice Trewethall, occurs 1488'' and 1497-8'' Elizabeth Stamp, occurs 1512°" and 1518,*'' resigned 1528 '^ Mary Rollesley, elected 1529,"^ surrendered 1538'' A seal in the Augmentation Office represents St. Helen standing under the Cross, which she embraces with her left arm, and holding in her left hand the three nails of the Passion. On the right, opposite to the empress, is a multi- tude of women with extended arms and upraised countenances. Beneath is a trefoiled niche, and under it a woman's (?) head and left arm in the same attitude as that of the figures above. The legend is : — SIGILL . MONIALIVM . SANCTE . HELENE LONDONIARVM 94 HOUSE OF CISTERCIAN MONKS 4. EASTMINSTER, NEW ABBEY, OR THE ABBEY OF ST. MARY DE GRACIIS In 1350 King Edward III founded in the parish of St. Botolph without Aldgate a mon- astery to be called St. Mary of Graces in honour of the Virgin, to whose mediation he attributed his escape from many perils by land and sea.^ The site was a place called the New Church- yard of Holy Trinity, because it had been ac- quired by a certain John Corey, clerk, from Holy Trinity Priory for a burial ground during the plague.^ St. Mary's was made subject to Beaulieu Regis,' and from this abbey came the five Cistercian monks ^ who under Walter de Santa Cruce,' as president, formed the convent of the new foundation. The original endowment consisted of some lands and tenements in East Smithfield and '° Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 28. She was sub-prioress. »' Harl. Chart. 44, F. 45. *' Cal. Pap. Letters, iii, 528 ; Sharpe, Cal. of Letter Bk. G. 44. "' Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 27. " Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 25, No. 1 106. She is here called Constance only. ^ Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 28. '« Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 77, No. 2046. She seems to have resigned before 1466, for a nun of this name witnessed a lease then. Add. MS. 15664, fol. 230. " Ibid. ** Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 76, No. 20I2. «'CoX, op. Cit. 12. '"Ibid. *" Chiktie, Some Account of Parish Clerks, 38. " L. and P. Hen. Fill, v, p. 9 n. " Ibid. " Ibid, xiii (2), 908. "Cox, op. cit. 15. Cf. imperfect example attached to Harl. Chart. 44, F. 45. ' Add. Chart. 39405. An inspeximus in the reign of Henry VIII. °- Stow, Surv. of Land. (ed. Strype), ii, 13. ' Cal. of Pat. 1422-9, p. 89. Inspex. of patent of 1351. Tower Hill which, like the site, had been bought by the king of John Corey,* and a sum of 20 marks to be received annually from the tellers of London for their ferma-gilda.' In 1358, however, the income thus derived being found insufficient, the king ordered 40 marks a year to be paid to them out of the Exchequer until he should provide otherwise for them, but he stipulated at the same time that another monk should be added to their number.* He moreover granted to them in 1367,' together with some small rents in London, the advow- sons of St. Bartholomew's the Little and of Allhallows Staining,^" and two years later he gave them lands, tenements, and rents in London worth about 60 marks a year which had been forfeited to the crown under the Statute of Mortmain." But the king must have felt that the income of the abbey fell far short of the thousand marks with which he had intended to endow it,^^ and towards the end of his reign he took steps to supply the de- ficiency. Before his death " he granted to the abbey the fiiversion of the manors of Westmill, Little Hormead, and Meesden, co. Herts., with the • Add. MS. 15664, fol. 138, a transcript of Rot. Pat. 32 Edw. Ill, pt. I, m. 20. The k ng asked that some mon!;s might be ent: from Beaulieu in I 35 I. Cal. of Pat. 1422-9, p. 8 . ' He had been abbot of Garendon and came to St. Mary Graces at the king's request in 1350. Cal. of Pat. 1348-50, p. 560. ° These were given by the king in August, 1353. Add. Chart. 39405. ' Ibid. 8 Add. MS. 15664, fol. 138. ' Add. Chart. 39405. '" This church was appropriated to them by the bishop of London, February, 1 368. Lond. Epis. Reg. Sudbury, fol. 105 and 1 06. " Add. Chart. 39405. " Cal. of Pat. 1388-92, p. 364. " In the fiftieth year of his reign. Newcourt, Repert. Eccl. Lond. i, 837, 847 ; Chauncy, Hist, oj Herts. 330. 461 A HISTORY OF LONDON advowsons of the churches ; and he enfeoffed John, duke of Lancaster, and others trustees of the manors of Gravesend, Lenches, Leybourne, Wateringbury, Gore, Parrocks and Bicknor, co. Kent, the manor of Rotherhithe and the rever- sion of the manor of Gomshall, co. Surrey, and the advowsons of the churches of Gravesend, Leybourne, and Bicknor, so that they might ultimately convey them to the convent in frankalmoign.^^ The trustees gave the property to the abbey in 1382 for a term of forty years,'' the convent then leased it to Sir Simon de Burley, on w^hose death for treason in 1388 it fell to the crown. ^^ King Richard, however, had no wish to benefit at the expense of the monastery, and committed the manors to certain persons who were to pay the revenues arising from them to the monks. Finally, in 1398, he made them over to the convent in frankalmoign." King Edward had also bequeathed to the abbey in a similar way the reversion of the manors of Bovey Tracey, ' Northlieu,'^* Holsworthy, ' Longe- acre,' co. Devon ; Blagdon, Lydford,'^ Staunton, CO. Somerset ; and ' Takkebere ' co. Cornwall, with the advowsons of Blagdon, Lydford, •Northlieu,' and Holsworthy ; but when Sir James d'Audele, the life-owner, died, Richard II gave them to his half-brother John Holland, earl of Huntingdon, granting to the abbey instead 1 10 marks to be received every year from Scarborough church as long as the schism and the war with France lasted, and afterwards from the Exchequer.-" John Holland was executed in 1400, and his estates forfeited, whereupon Henry IV revoked the letters patent of his pre- decessor and gave the manors in question to the abbey in frankalmoign.^' It is difficult to say what occurred afterwards, for though the abbey had possession of at least one of the manors after the Hollands had been restored in blood,^- it appears to have held none of them in the next century. In the early days of the foundation the en- dowment was probably little more than sufficient for the maintenance of the monks, so that the construction of the necessary buildings did not proceed very rapidly. The abbey church dedi- " Pat. 22 Ric. II, pt. I, m. 26, in Dugdale, Mon. Jug/. V, 718. " Exemplif. 6 Hen. IV of the indenture, L.P. Exch. (Ser. i), bdle. 7. '* Dugdale, op. cit. v, 718. " Pat. 22 Ric. II, pt. I, m. 26, in Dugdale, Mon. yingl. V, 718. '« Northleigh (?) " West Lydford. ^ Henry IV granted the money from the Exchequer. Exch. Letters Pat. (Ser. l), bdle. 7. " Cal. of Pat. 1399-1401, p. 274. " The heir of the Hollands held at his death in 141 7 the manor of Holsworthy among others {Cal. Inf. p.m. (Rec. Com.), iv, 24), but the convent certainly possessed it in 1 421 (B.M. Chart. L.F.C. xiv, 27). cated to St. Anne was aided by a relaxation of penance offered by the pope in 1374 to those who on the principal feasts during a period of ten years visited it and gave alms.^' But the cloisters and houses were possibly not begun in 1368,^'' and were certainly not completed in 1 379, for the trustees then made the convent an annual grant of 100 marks from the manors in Kent ^' partly to meet this expense, and in 1 39 1 the abbot and monks received a pardon from the king for sell- ing wood belonging to the manor of Watering- bury to raise fiinds for their new building.*^ The abbey before the end of the fourteenth century appears to have occupied a position of some importance, for when Pope Boniface IX issued letters^' exempting the Cistercian Order in England, Wales, and Ireland from the jurisdic- tion of the abbot of Citeaux as an adherent of the anti-pope Clement VII, the abbot of St. Mary's was ordered, with those of Boxley and Stratford, to convoke the order, and the abbey was named as the meeting place of the chapter-general. The royal foundation and patronage of the abbey may partly account for this and other tokens of papal favour : between 1390 and 1400 the pope conferred on three of the convent the dignity of papal chaplain,^* and in 141 5 the use of the mitre, ring, and other pontifical insignia was granted to the abbot and his successors.^' A case which occurred about 1401 shows that unruly spirits were sometimes found even within the walls of a monastery. Ralph Bikere, a monk of St. Mary, Swineshead, had been sentenced to imprisonment for violence to his abbot and breach of the rule concerning private property. He fled to St. Mary Graces, made his profession and was allowed to remain.'" Soon afterwards the abbot of Beaulieu, during a visitation of St. Mary Graces, found that he had turned William de Warden, the abbot, out of the dormitory, laid violent hands on him, hindered him from disposing of the goods of the monastery, and applied many of these goods to his own purposes, that he had then apostatized, appealed to the secular tribunal, and caused the appeal to be " Cal Pap. Letters, iv, 199. "The bishop of London in 1 368 said that the abbot and convent had petitioned him to appropriate Allhallows Staining to them because they were ex- tremely poor ; the church, cloister, and necessary houses were not yet built, and their house was founded in a barren and uncultivated spot, all of which he found to be true. Lond. Epis. Reg. Sudbury, fol. 105. " Madox, Formul. Angl. 268. The grant was made for the sustenance of the abbot and monks and ' pur les edefices necessaires illoeqx afFeres come leur Religion demandc* »' Cal. of Pat. 1388-92, p. 397. " This was about 1396. Burton, Chron. Mon. tie Melsa (Rolls Ser.), iii, 258. The letters were revoked in 1397. Cal. Pap. Letters, v, 9. '* Ibid. V, 275, 292, 310. " Ibid, vi, 465. '»Ibid. V, 346. 462 RELIGIOUS HOUSES notified to his abbot." He was sentenced by the abbot of Beaulieu to be imprisoned, and the judgement against him was finally confirmed by the pope,'^ though at first he had obtained letters of rehabilitation.^' The house in 1427 was so much impoverished owing to the mismanagement of Abbot Paschal, who seems to have obtained his position wrongfully'* and to have taken advantage of it to plunder the abbey,'" that it was committed by the advice of the council to Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, the bishop of Winchester, the abbot of Beaulieu, and others.'^ A question as to the custody of the temporalities arose in 1 441, the abbey being called upon to answer for £s^^ ^^^- ^o*^- ^^^^ ^^ ^^ ^^^ *° the king from its lands in London and Middlesex during the vacancy on the death of the last abbot, John Pecche. The abbot and convent appealed to the king, who acknowledged that his predecessors had never had the custody at such times, and promised for himself and his heirs that the convent should in future be unmolested in this respect." The civil wars do not seem to have affected the position of the abbey at all ; its charters were confirmed by both Edward IV ^' and Henry VII,'' and the abbot served on the various commissions for the administration of the district adjoining the abbey, both under Ed- ward IV *" and Henry VIII." It was probably during the reign of Edward IV that the Lady Chapel was added at the expense of Sir Thomas Montgomery." After the difficulties with Rome had arisen the king appointed Henry More the abbot of St. Mary's, among others,*' to visit the houses of the Cistercian order in England, Ireland, and Wales, and More received the thanks of Margaret, marchioness of Dorset, in i533 for the zeal he had shown in the reformation of the house of Tiltey.** Reform, however, was not what the king wanted, and the abbey of Cogge- shall must have been given to More in com- mendam in 1536,*' either because his precarious " Cal. Pop. Letters, v, 517. It appears rather extra- ordinary that he should commit the same faults twice. " Cal. Pap. Letters, v, 602. " Ibid, v, 517. " Nicolas, Proc. and Ordin. of the Privy Council, iii, 269. His entrance to the office is spoken of as ' intrusio.' " The jewels of the house had apparently been pawned. Ibid. '^ Cal. of Pat. 1422-9, p. 394. " Add. Chart. 39405. ^ Cal. of Pat. 1461-7, p. 162 ; 1476-85, p. 4. " Add. Chart. 39405. *» Cal. of Pat. 1476-85, pp. 215, 466. «' L. and P. Hen. Fill, i, 1972 ; ibid, v, 166 (8). " His will is dated July, 1489, and directs that his body shall be buried in the Lady Chapel which he had lately made. Nicolas, Testam. Vet. 396. " L. and P. Hen. Vlll, v, 978 (6). " Ibid, vi, 1304. "Ibid, xi, 385 (37): health made a speedy recurrence of first-fruits likely,*' or more probably because he could be relied on to surrender when required. More indeed gave it up to the king in about eighteen months,*' and made a good bargain, for he was reimbursed for all his expenses and received a pension of 1 00 marks for life from Sir Thomas Seymour who obtained the site and lands.** The surrender of St. Mary Graces seems to have taken place in September, 1538.*' At that time there were ten monks including the abbot, only one more than there had been in 1376,^" before the richest endowments had been made. They all received pensions for life : the abbot 100 marks, the sub-prior ^^6 13^. 4^/., and the others ;^5 6;. 8a'. each.°^ More was still living ' in 1544."= From the time of Richard II "' there was a prior as well as an abbot ; afterwards there appears to have been also a sub-prior, as at the dissolution one of the monks is so called.'* The income of the abbey in 1535 amounted tOj^6o2 iiJ. I ojd'. gross and j^ 5 47 os. 6i^. net," of which more than ;^300 was derived from rents and ferms in London and the suburbs,"' and the rectory and tithes of Allhallows Staining." " Ibid, xi, 392. Anthony Knyvet, writing to Cromwell, says that it would profit the king to give Coggeshall to More, since he was likely to have the first-fruits and the monastery again in a few years, for More was once a year ' almost gone.' •Mbid. xiii (I), 221. "Ibid. " The pensions granted to the abbot and monks in April, I 539, were to be enjoyed from the preceding Michaelmas (Aug. Off. Misc. Bk. 233, fol. 262-3). Many of the abbey lands were made over by the abbot and convent in December 1538 to Sir Thomas Audley to be held of the king {L. and P. Hen. Vlll, xiii (2), 969). Wriothesley, however, in his Chron. (Rolls Ser.), i, 94, says the surrender took place 31 March, 1539. '" The original number of monks was five ; the king had ordered one more to be added in 1358 (Add. MS. 15664, fol. 138) ; and two were to be added as a condition of the bequest of Nicholas de Loveyne, knt., in 1375 (Add. Chart. 39405). " Aug. Off. Misc. Bk. 233, fol. 262-3. " L. and P. Hen. Vlll, xix (l), 368, fol. 19. " Burton, Chron. Mon. de Melsa (Rolls Ser.), 277. William de Wendover, the prior, was made abbot of Meaux in 1399. There is mention of another prior in 1400. Cal. of Pat. i 399-1401, p. 397. " L. and P. Hen. Vlll, xiv (i), 688. The office of prior seems to have been vacant at this time. " Valor Ecd. (Rec. Com.), i, 398, 399. ^ Ibid, i, 398. Edward III had given the abbey tenements and rents in the parishes of St. Dunstan in the East, St. Martin Vintry, All Saints 'at Hey- wharf,' St. Michael Paternoster, St. Sepulchre, St. An- drew Holborn, St. Swithin, St. Mary Woolchurch St. Bride, St. Mary Billingsgate, &c. Add. Chart. 39405. Tenements were also left to the monks in the parishes of St. Michael Queenhithe, and Allhallows Thames Street. Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 564, 437. " Valor Ecd. i, 398. 463 A HISTORY OF LONDON The convent owned two water-mills called ' Crasshe Mills ' in East Smithfield '* by the be- quest of Sir Nicholas de Loveyne in 1375," and the manor of Poplar,*" co. Middlesex ; the manors of Westmill, Meesden, and Little Hor- mead,*^ co. Herts ; the manor and castle of Leybourne," the manors of Wateringbury/' Fowkes," Gore, Bicknor, Gravesend, Parrocks, ' Herber,' and Lenches,*' Swancourt,*' Slayhills Marsh," tenements in Woolwich,** and land in Cobham *' and Rainham,™ co. Kent ; the manors of Gomshall, and Rotherhithe,'' and land in Ewhurst,'^ co. Surrey. They also possessed the advowsons of St. Bartholomew's by the Ex- change," Westmill,'* Hormead, Meesden," I^id- ley,'* Gravesend, Leybourne, and Bicknor," and received a yearly pension of 40J. from the church of Emley,'* co. Kent. In 1428 the abbot held half a knight's fee in Meesden, and in conjunction with John Tewe two knights' fees in Westmill.'* Abbots of St. Mary of Graces William de Sancta Cruce, occurs 1350^" and 135881 William de Warden, elected 1360,'^ occurs 1402*^ Ranulf, occurs 141 7 ** Paschalis, occurs 1421 *^ and 1422*^ William, occurs 1423'' " Valor Eccl. i, 398. Valor Eccl. i, 398. " Ibid. ^ Hasted, H'tst. of Kent, ii, 270. " Add. Chart. 39405. " Ibid. » Ibid. " Valor Eccl i, 398. ^ Hasted, op. cit. ii, 584. " Ibid, ii, 544. ^ Cal. luq. p.m. (Rec. Com.), ili, 162. *" Hasted, op. cit. i, 501. " Cal Inq.p.m. Hen. VII, \, No. 506. " Valor Eccl (Rec. Com.), i, 398. " Cal oflnq. p.m. Hen. VII, No. 400. " Add. Chart. 39405. " Chauncy, Hist, of Herts. 230. " Newcourt, Repert. Eccl Lond. \, 837, 847. '* B.M. Chart. Toph 2 ; Hasted, op. cit. i, 281. " Ibid, i, 452 ; ii, 208, 517. " Ibid, ii, 675. " Tend. Aids, ii, 446, 451. ™ He was at first called president. Col. of Pat. 1348-50, p. 560. The title abbot is used in letters patent of 1353. Add. MS. 15664, fol. 146. " Pat. 32 Edw. Ill, pt. I, m. 20 in Add. MS. 15664, fol. 138. " Dugdale, Mon. Angl. v, 7 1 7. " Cal. Pap. Letters, v, 547. " Anct. D. (P.R.O.), A. 1790. »» B.M. Chart. L.F.C. xiv, 27, " Cal. Pap. Letters, vi, 319. " Anct. D. (P.R.O.), B. 2052. John Pecche, died c. 1440^ Robert, occurs 1442-3*' Edmund, occurs 1480 "^ John, occurs 1483," 1503," 1508,'' and 151 1 '* Henry More, elected 15 16,'' occurs 1527'* and 1532,^ surrendered 1538'* The common seal of the monastery in the fourteenth century '' represents the Virgin, crowned, seated in a canopied niche, the Child on her right knee. In a smaller niche with pent roof on the left. King Edward III, the founder, kneels in adoration ; in a similar niche on the right two monks, one offering a book to the Virgin. In the base, on a square carved plinth, a shield of the royal arms of Edward III. Legend : — SIGILLV . COMVNE MONACHOR BEATB MARIE DE GRACIIS An abbot's seal of the fourteenth century "^^ is a pointed oval, and represents the abbot with mitre standing in a canopied niche, with smaller niches at the sides ; he lifts up the right hand in benediction and holds a pastoral staff in the left hand. At each side a shield of arms : left Ed- ward III ; right, per pale, dextra, per fesse, in chief a lion's face, in base a fleur-de-lis, sinistra, a pas- toral staff in pale, for the monastery. Legend wanting. A seal of Abbot Paschal, 1420-21,^°^ is a pointed oval, and bears a representation of the abbot standing in a canopied niche, with smaller niches at the sides. He wears a mitre, and holds in the right hand a pastoral staff, in the left hand a book. At each side a shield of arms : left Edward III ; right. City of London. In the base under a depressed arch, with masonry at the sides, a shield of arms like the shield on the right in the preceding seal. Legend : — SIGILLV : PASCHALIS ! ABBIS : MONASTERII : BtE : MARIE : DE : graciis * Add. Chart. 39405. It may have been earlier, for the king in November, 1440, says that the abbey had since John's death been grievously vexed by divers processes out of the Exchequer. *' Hardy and Page, Cal. of Lond. and Midd. Fines, 237. " Cal of Pat. 1476-85, p. 215. " Ibid. 1476-85, p. 466. " Madox, Formul Angl. 338. His surname appears to have been Langton. Dugdale, op. cit. v, 717. "' Ct. R. of Meesden in Harl. R. N. 18. •* Ct. R. of Westmill (ibid.). " Lond. Epis. Reg. Fitz James, fol. 64. ^ Harl. Chart. 75 G. 7. " Ibid. 1 1 1 C. 36. ^ L. and P. Hen. VIII, xiii (2), 969. » B.M. Seals, Ixvii, 98. ••» Ibid. 89. "" Ibid. XXXV, 170. 464 RELIGIOUS HOUSES HOUSES OF AUSTIN CANONS 5. PRIORY OF HOLY TRINITY OR CHRISTCHURCH, ALDGATE The priory of Holy Trinity, Aldgate, was founded in 1107 or 1108^ by Maud, queen of Henry I,^ on a spot once occupied by a church in honour of Holy Cross and St. Mary Magda- lene. The abbey of Waltham had some kind of right there, but relinquished it on compensation by the queen,' and the new priory was freed from all subjection save to the bishop of London.* Besides the site of the house the queen gave to the canons the gate of Aldgate, with the soke pertaining to it,* including the churches of St. Augustine Pappey, St. Edmund Lombard Street, and Allhallows on the Wall,' and two-thirds of the ferm of Exeter, which amounted to £2^ I2S. 6dJ It is said that by her will she made other grants to the priory, but that while the king allowed the canons to have the relics and ornaments, among which were a piece of the True Cross and a wonderful basket of gold, silver, and precious stones sent to King Henry by the Emperor of Constantinople, he refused to let them have the lands bequeathed to them, or to allow her to be buried in their church.* Whether this was so or not, Henry showed him- self on other occasions well inclined to them, granting them sac and soc, toll and team,' &c., in their lands ; acquittance of all gelds and scots, aids and customs,'" wardpenny and forfeitures ; '^ and the exclusive right of trying their own ' 1 107 A.D. is the date given by Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 134; Matt, of Westm. Floret Hist. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 40. In Lansd. MS. 448, fol. 6, the date of foundation is given as 1 108. ' The foundation has also been ascribed to Richard de Belmeis, bishop of London, see Dugdale, Mon. jingl. vi, 152, and to Norman, the first prior, see Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 134, but there can be little doubt that the queen was the founder. ' Cart. Antiq. R. N. i. •Ibid. N. 13. ' Lansd. MS. 448, fol. 3 ; and Cart. Antiq. R. N. 14. * Stow, Surv. of Lond. (ed. Strype), ii, 5. ' Lansd. MS. 448, fol. 3 ; Cart. Antiq. R. N. I 5. It was £zty 'ad scalam,' Cott. Chart, vii, 2 ; see Madox, Hist, of Exch. i, 276, 277. * Guildhall MS. 122, fol. 16. This is a transcript of the register of Holy Trinity, now at Glasgow. Stevens's account of the priory in Hist, of Abbeys, ii, is taken from the register. ' Anct. D. (P.R.O.), A. 6242 (Rec. Com.), 460, 461. '» Anct. D. (P.R.O.), A. 6286 (Rec. Com.), 460, 471, 472. ii, 79. " Cart. Antiq. R. N. 4. '» Lond. Plac. de Quo Warr. Pkc. de Quo Warr. tenants in their court.'^ He had, moreover, by royal charter " permitted them to close with a wall the road between the church and the city wall. The priory received enthusiastic support from the citizens, pious women supplying the canons with food " in the early days of the foundation. But the best evidence of the feeling with which it was regarded is the grant which connected the house henceforth in such a peculiarly intimate way with the City, the gift of the soke of the English cnihtengild'' in 1125," in virtue of which possession the prior became the alderman of Portsoken Ward. The success of the house must doubtless be attributed largely to the first prior, chosen by Anselm's advice.'' Norman, an Englishman by birth, had studied under An- selm in Normandy, and is famous for introducing the rule of St. Augustine into England for the benefit of St. Botolph's, Colchester, of which he had been a canon.'* He considered that a prior, except in his greater responsibility, ought to differ in no way from the canons, and made rules that his successors should live in common with the brothers, and sleep in the dormitory ;" provisions not always observed by them.^" Norman died in 1147, and was succeeded by Ralph who had been made sub-prior some time before to relieve Norman of the burden of administration. His management of the affairs of the house is said to have been exceedingly "Anct. D. (P.R.O.), A. 6286 (a.d. 1108-28); Plac. de Quo Warr. (Rec. Com.), 460, 471, 472. " Cart. Antiq. R. N. 2. " Guildhall MS. 122, fol. 12 ; Stevens, op. cit. ii, 77- " Cart. Antiq. R. N. 3. Confirmation of the grant by Henry I, Cart. Mon. de Ramesaia (Rolls Ser.), i, 133. Convention between Reginald abbot of Ramsey and Prior Norm.in, by which the abbot gave up the claim which he had over the land of the gild which had been given to Holy Trinity church in return for the relinquishing of Norman's claim over the chapel and garden of the abbot (i 1 14-30). '* Guildhall MS. 122, fol. 639 ; Round, Commune of Lond. 98. Stow gives 1 1 1 5 as the date, op. cit. ii, 3. "Guildhall MS. 122, fol. 11 ; Stevens, op. cit. ", 75- " Stevens, op. cit. ii, 77. He was absolved from his obedience by Arnulph, prior of St. Botolph's, when he was appointed head of Holy Trinity. The priory of St. Botolph appears to have claimed some kind of right there, c. 1223, for the arbitrators ap- pointed by Pope Honorius III referred the matter to the bishop of London who decided that as the con- vent of Holy Trinity was only subject to the bishop of London, it was free from all visitation, &c. Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 24. "Guildhall MS. 122, fol. 18; Stevens, 465 op. cit. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. ;. 59 A HISTORY OF LONDON able,-' and the task could have been no easy one, considering that the priory, which was almost entirely burnt down in 1132,^- suffered great losses by fire again while under his rule. He appears to have secured powerful supporters for the house — King Stephen^' and Queen Maud,-^ two of whose children were buried in the church," and Henry II "^ — and it was to him that Pope Alexander III directed the bull of 1 162, granting the prior power to correct excesses in his priory, and to recall fugitives not- withstanding royal or other secular prohibition.^ Ralph, who died in 1167, had been a friend of Becket,^ a fact which was duly noted when all connexion with the martyr redounded to the glory of the house. At the time, however, when Gilbert Foliot was excommunicated by Becket, William, Ralph's successor, and the convent did not side with the archbishop, but joined their prayers to those of ' their mother, the church of London,' in interceding with the pope on behalf of the bishop of London. During the interdict of 1208 the canons were not deprived of the consolation of religion, for by the bull of Innocent III in 1207'" they were permitted in such circumstances to celebrate the divine offices with closed doors, without ringing of bells, and in a low voice. But their property must have suffered with that of all the clergy from the royal exactions, and it is the more surprising that they should have taken the king's side in his quarrel with the barons. They certainly seem at first to have refused, like the deans of St. Paul's and St. Martin's, to publish the sentence of excommunication and interdict " Stevens, op. cit. ii, 79. The author of the register says that the revenues increased to double their value through his wisdom. ** Ibid. 179. This date may be a mistake for 1 1 J 5, when a fire occurred which spread from London Bridge to St. Clement Danes. " Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 153. Queen Matilda confirms Stephen's grant to Ralph the prior and the monks of Holy Trinity of looi. land in Braughing in frankalmoign. -*Lansd. MS. 448, fol. 5. Queen Matilda grants the priory the church of Braughing. " See charter of Eustace, count of Boulogne, Cart. Antiq. R. N. 8. -°«Anct. D. (P.R.O.), A. 6242. Grant by King Henry to the canons of Christchurch, London, that they shall hold their tenements in peace with all the liberties which they had in the time of King Henry his grandfather (l 155-62). '" Rymer, Foedera (Rec. Com.), i fi), 21. '* Stevens, op. cit. ii, 79. The statements h«ve to be taken with caution. The author of the register says that the death of the archbishop was that night revealed to Ralph in a dream. Ralph, however, was certainly dead at the time of Becket's murder. *' Robertson, Materials for the Hist, of Thomas Becket (Rolls Ser.), vi, 632-3. A similar letter was sent to the pope by Stephen, the next prior. Ibid, vii, 490. *> Rymer, Foedera (Rec. Com.), i (i), 82. against the City and the opponents of the king when they were ordered to do so by the abbot of Abingdon in pursuance of the papal mandate,'' but they must have ultimately given way, since Gualo, the papal legate, allowed them in 121 7 to appropriate the church of Braughing, co. Herts., 'for their devotion and obedience to Rome in the discord between the king and barons in which they have suffered not a little damage.' '' The priory about this time'' was under the guidance of Peter de Cornwall who, according to the fifteenth-century author of the register, possibly a partial critic, was the first of all the learned men of England of his day, and is said by his arguments to have converted a Jew to Christianity. ** He not only wrote much him- self, but appears to have encouraged others to write, for it is believed that the Itinerarium Ricardi I was the work of one of the canons, Richard de Temple, who succeeded him as prior.'' The Lady Chapel dedicated by Arch- bishop Stephen Langton '^ was added to the church by Prior Peter. The priory found itself involved in several struggles for its rights with the foreigners who came into England after the king's marriage, and must have heartily echoed the sentiments enter- tained by the clergy for Archbishop Boniface and by the inhabitants of the City for Queen Eleanor. The canons of Holy Trinity took the same stand as those of St. Bartholomew and St. Paul's in opposing the attempted visitation by the archbishop in May, 1250, and were excom- municated by him in consequence." The pope declared the sentence of excommunication null and void,'* but after two years decided the point in dispute against the priory, and condemned the convent to receive the archbishop as metropolitan to visit their churches, and to pay procurations." In the case of the church of Bexley, of which the archbishop had despoiled the priory without a shadow of justice,^" the papal court after long " Roger of Wendover, Ckron. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 1 74. It is not stated, however, that the convent sent to the abbot a distinct refusal to obey, as the deans did. "Lansd. MS. 448, fol. 5 ; Cott. R. xiii, 18 (2). " The author of the register makes him prior from 1 197 to 1 22 I (Stevens, op. cit. ii, 80), but Newcourt {Repert. Eccl. Land, i, 5 60) gives Gilbert, 1214, between two priors, either of whom might be Peter de Corn- wall, as the initial letter of both names is P. " Stevens, op. cit. ii, 80. " Stubbs, Introd. to Memorials of Ric. I (Rolls Ser.), i, pp. Ixvi, Ixvii. ** Robert Grosteste, Epistohe (Rolls Ser.), 191. " Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. v, 1 24. »* Cal. Pap. Letters, i, 264. " Ibid. 276. *" The church had been given to them by William Corbeuil, archbishop of Canterburj-, the grant being afterwards confirmed by Archbishops Theobald and Thomas Becket.and by Popes Innocent II,EugeniusIII, Innocent III. Lansd. MS. 448, fol. 9; KymcT, Foedera (Rec. Com.), i (i), 14, 15, 82. 466 RELIGIOUS HOUSES litigation pronounced in favour of the priory in 1254.'*^ The convent, however, though com- pletely establishing its claim, was not wholly victorious, for when Master William, who had been put into the church by Boniface, was raised to a bishopric, it was conferred by papal licence on Ubaldino, nephew of the cardinal of Santa Maria in Via Lata ; and the court of Rome decided, while annulling the grants to William and Ubaldino, that the prior and convent were to pay an annual pension of 25 marks to the latter until they had secured for him a benefice worth at least 60 marks per annum.** While this case was proceeding, a difficulty had arisen in the internal affairs of the priory itself.*^ There had been some irregularity about the appointment of the prior, John de Toking, but his election had been in the end confirmed by the bishop. He had been in possession for over two years, when during his absence at Rome,** presumably over the Bexley affair, an inquiry was ordered by the bishop, and he was suspended for non-observance of his oath. But John had been of service to Albert of Parma,*^ the papal legate in England, and the pope in 1254, declaring the oath simoniacal in nature, dispensed him from any obligation to fulfil it, and gave him power to hold the priory. It would seem that in the defence of the material interests of the house the prior neglected a more important duty, for the discipline and supervision must have been lax if Matthew Paris' tale is true that in 1256 one canon killed another, and then wounded himself to prove provocation.*^ The king up to this time had shown himself well disposed towards the priory : besides the confirmation of their charters in 1227, he had in 1253 granted them free warren in their demesne lands in the counties of Hertford, Kent, and Middlesex, and had given them leave to hold a weekly market and an annual fair at their manor of Corney.*' It is possible therefore that his severity in taking the priory into his hand in 1256 because a thief who had escaped from Newgate took refuge there,** may have been due to the queen's influence. Eleanor was just then engaged in a contest with "Harl. MS. 6839, No. 23. Pope Innocent IV died Dec. 1254, and Alexander iV, his successor, ordered the sentence to be carried out in 1255. *' Rymer, Foedera (Rec. Com.), i (i), 362. " Cal. Pap. Letters, i, 299. " The papal letter above merely says he was sus- pended in his absence, but the letter of the pope in 1254, printed in Rymer, Foedera, i (i), 306, makes it clear that he had been to Rome. "Albert had been sent to England in 1 2 52 to offer Sicily to the earl of Cornwall. Gasquet, Hen. Ill and the Church, 349. *^Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), v, 571. " Cal. of Chart. R. i, 427; Guildhall MS. 122, fol. 790. " Stow, Surv. of Loud. (ed. Strype), ii, 5. the convent over the custody of St. Katharine's Hospital, which she was determined to wrest from them, though they held it by the grant of the founder, Maud wife of King Stephen.*' The civil courts in 1255 twice decided that the perpetual custody of the hospital belonged to the priory. She then declared to Fulk, bishop of London, that the priory had wasted the goods of the hospital and unjustly detained its charters and seals, and requested him to make an inquiry. From the inquisition taken on St. Giles's Day, 1257, '^ appears that the priory and convent had appointed one of their own canons to be master of the hospital, but with this exception they do not seem to have exceeded their rights. The bishop, however, deprived them of the custody, and made the brothers and sisters of St. Katharine renounce all obedience to them. In 126 1 Bishop Henry de Wengham and others suc- ceeded, by threatening the prior with the king's displeasure, in obtaining an oral surrender of the custody. The canons appealed to Rome, and obtained a decision in their favour from Pope Urban IV,*** but to no purpose ; they never regained the custody of the hospital. Eustace, prior 1264 to 1280, took advantage of the disgrace into which the City fell after Evesham, to inclose within the priory bounds a piece of the high road running from Aldgate to Bishopsgate.*^ Certain ordinances for the prior of Holy Trinity, issued by ' John bishop of London,' are probably to be attributed to Bishop John ChishuU during Eustace's time of office.'* In these the bishop enjoins the prior to dwell at home more with the brethren, giving greater attention to his divine ministry, and resorting more frequently than he is wont to the obser- vances of his profession in choir, chapter, and other places, that he may teach his brethren by the example of his life, and by the word of doctrine inspire them with zeal for religion, not annoying them with bitter words, but re- proving them, if they go astray, in all patience. He is also ordered not to concern himself with secular business beyond what necessity demands,'* but to appoint a fitting person of the monastery to each office with the consent of the convent or the greater part of the same. These persons, and the bailiffs of the manors, are to render an •' Guildhall MS. 122, fol. 750-4 ; Ducarel, ' Hist, of Hospital of St. Katharine,' in Bibl. Topog. Brit, ii, 3 et seq. '° Rymer, Foedera (Rec. Com.), i (i), 439. " Rot. Hund. (Rec. Com.), i, 407, 412, 418. " They are on a little membrane which is fastened into the Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 5, at the place where the ordinances of Archbishop Robert Winchelsey, I 303, are given. If they are by Chishull their date would be 1275 or 1276. " It may have been owing to this injunction that Eustace refused to act in person as alderman of Portsoken Ward and appointed a deputy. Maitland, Hist, of Lond. loi I. 467 A HISTORY OF LONDON account of receipts and expenses twice a year before the prior and six of the older and more discreet of the chapter, and the next day a brief summary is to be given in the chapter, that the state of the house may be clear to all. The prior, whom all the convent shall obey, is to see that he carries on the business of the house with the counsel of the convent or the greater and senior part of the same. None of the canons is to eat or sleep elsewhere but in the places as- signed for those purposes. They are not to be permitted to go beyond the bounds of the house except for good reasons, and then are to be accompanied by one of the older monks. Other injunctions are concerned with attendance at mass, the care of the sick canons, and the obser- vance of the rule of silence, and that forbidding private property. In the summer of 1290 the prior, William Aygnel, came into collision with the royal authority. He had cited Edmund earl of Corn- wall, in the hall of Westminster, to appear before the archbishop of Canterbury, and as the earl was there in obedience to the king's summons to Parliament, the prior's action was considered to be in contempt of the king." He was sent to the Tower to remain there during the king's pleasure, and a fine of ;^ioo was imposed. But a few months later the canons paid such honour to the body of the late queen, which rested at the priory after entering London on its way to Westminster,^' that they reinstated themselves in the king's favour, and the fine was remitted. '* A view of the condition of the priory at the beginning of the fourteenth century is afforded by the ordinances made by Archbishop Robert (Winchelsey) after a visitation in 1303." It will be noted that the points on which amend- ment was needed are much the same as thirty years before. The brethren were all to be present at divine service, and no one was to absent himself before the end without leave of the sub-prior ; silence was to be kept better than it had been, and those who persisted in talking when they should not were to be punished ; the prior was not lightly to grant leave to the canons, especially to the younger ones, to go out, and those canons who had leave to go beyond the bounds of the monastery were to take a fitting companion with them and to return within the time assigned ; the canons were not to receive money for clothes, but clothes of one value and quality, and shoes, were to be given out according to the means of the priory by an officer deputed for that purpose, and the old clothes and shoes were to be given up before ^ Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), i, 17. " It seems to have reached the priory on 13 Dec. 1290. Chron. of Edv.'. I and Eiizv. II (Rolls Ser.), i, 99. " Cal. of Pat. 1281-92, p. 420. " Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 5,6. fresh ones were supplied ; the prior, sub-prior, and cellarer were to visit the sick every day and supply them with suitable food ; two-thirds of the convent were to dine in the refectory every day and were all to have food and drink of the same quality and quantity, and the prior was to make choice of the third part as seemed expedient to him and have them to dinner in his room ; secular persons, and particularly women, were to be excluded from the choir, cloister, and other inner places, and especially from the offices of the house, unless they were women of good fame passing through on a pilgrimage and leaving when their devotions were over. Then follow the ordinances dealing with the administration of the house : all the officers of the priory were to give an account of receipts and expenses to the prior before the older and more discreet of the whole convent as often as they should be re- quired, but the rendering of the account was not to be deferred beyond a year ; the seal was to be kept under guard of three keys, so that no document should be sealed out of the chapter or in the absence of the greater part of the convent, and every letter before and after sealing was to be read aloud in the presence of the convent or the greater part of the same ; the alienation or letting at farm of the house's possessions, and the selling of liveries or corrodies without cause approved by the diocesan, were strictly forbidden, since in these matters the monastery was found to be exceedingly burdened. The regulations as to conduct indicate a laxness in the fulfilment of religious duties and in some of the minor observances of the rule, but nothing worse. That the inquisitors sent by the pope to inquire into the charges against the Templars sat several times at the priory '* is doubtless no proof of anything but its great standing and the size of its buildings ; but after the dissolution of the Order of the Temple one of the knights would hardly have been sent there to live" if the character of the house had not been good. The ordinances dealing with the financial affairs of the priory disclose difficulties, of which there is clear evidence two years later when an action for the recovery of a debt of ^^300 was brought against the prior.^ This seems to be the first notice of the burden of debt *^ which, in spite of the riches of the priory, oppressed it at intervals henceforward. What was the cause of " Wilkins, Concilia, n, 334, 335, 337, 344. " Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 848. *• Tear Booh, Mich. 33 Edw. I to Trin. 35 Edtv. I (Rolls Ser.), 84. *' The priory seems to have needed help, however, in 1250, when a chantry was erected for Master Rich.ird de Wendover in return for 30 marks given by him to amend the state of the house. Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 24, Nos. 1748 and 1750. 468 RELIGIOUS HOUSES the strain in this instance it is impossible to say, for the corrodies and liveries may have been not the reason but the result of the need of money and a way of raising it.^^ Circumstances seem to have been sometimes unpropitious, since in 1282 the prior and convent had found papal bulls necessary to force their tenants to pay the rents due to them,*' and the bishop of London, in appropriating the church of Bromfield to their uses, spoke of the burdens due to their charitable works and difficulties caused by hostility in time of war." In 1318 again they alleged the sudden spoliation of the greater part of their substance as a reason for refusing Pope John's request to admit a certain John de Cantia as a canon.'* They were, doubtless, referring to the seizures of their manors of Braughing and Corney and various other lands of which they recovered seisin in 1318-19; but although they were awarded damages to the extent of ^432 18s. lod. against Masters Geofirey and John de Hengham and others, they had not received the money in 1324.*^ The canons found it easier to resist the pope than the king, who, not content with a provision for one of his clerks on the election of a new prior,*' attempted, and for a time successfully, to charge the priory with the main- tenance of some of his old and infirm servants. This method of performing a duty was too conve- nient not to be abused, and if Edward I obtained an asylum there for one** or two servants, his son provided in this way tor four.*^ At last the prior and convent had to protest, and Edward III, acknowledging in 1335 that such charges were contrary to the charters of the priory, promised " Eustace son of David de Staunford granted to the prior and convent in 1256 rents and land in London for an annuity of 6 marks. Guildhall MS. 122 fol. 827-8. In 1284 Michael of St. Albans and Gonilda his wife quitclaimed to the priory some land and houses, or rather the lease of them, and in return Michael could have board and lodging if he chose to live in the priory, or if he wished to live with his wife a certain allowance of money. Sharpe, Cal. of Letter Bk. A, 158. *' Rymer, Toed, i (2), 609. " Cott. R. xiii, 18 (18). " Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 37. ^ Abbrev. Pkc. (Rec. Com.), 344. "In 1 3 1 6 the king sent to the convent requesting them to assign a suitable pension to his clerk John de Funtenay until they shall provide him with a suitable benefice. Cal. of Close, 1 313-18, p. 424; ibid. 1323-7, p. 506 ; ibid. 1330-3, p. 332 ; ibid. 1339-4'. P- \(>\y Sec. . . . ^ Cal. of Close, 1318-23, p. 694. Request to prior and convent to grant to William de Lughte- burgh, the king's envoy, for life such maintenance as Simon le Kew, deceased, had in their house at request of the late king. ^^ Cal. of Close, 1313-18 p. 69; ibid. 1318-23, p. 694; ibid. 1323-7, p. 345; ibid. 1331-3, p. 392. that the corrodies should cease with the lives of the holders,'" and although he did not alto- gether keep his word,'^ the practice soon after- wards died out. There are occasional hints of the great im- portance of the house. In 1294'^ and 1309'' the prior acted as one of the collectors of the taxes on the clergy ; in 1340 he was appointed with the bishop of London and the dean of St. Paul's to collect and value the tax of the ninth sheaf, lamb, and fleece in the City ; '* and in 1 3 16 the Court Christian, before which John de Warenne brought a suit for divorce from his wife, the king's niece, was composed of two canons of St. Paul's and the prior of Holy Trinity.'* Like most monasteries it was used as a place for the deposit of valuables : a certain Tiged' Amadei had chests there in 1275;'* Bartholomew de Badlesmere, from the statement of his widow in 1327-8, evidently kept some of the charters of his estates in the priory ; " and during the London riots of 1326 a raid was made on the house, and the treasure placed there by the earl of Arundel was carried off."* But it is in its relation to the City that it is most interesting. It was one of the three London churches which had schools ' by privilege and authority of antiquity,' '* St. Paul's and St. Martin's being the others. In times of distress or of rejoicing the church of Holy Trinity was the goal of the solemn processions made through the City ; '" and it was in the priory that the mayor and the representatives of the wards assembled in time of war to consider the question of the City defences.*"^ That the prior as alderman of Portsoken took an active part in City affairs is shown by his being engaged with Thomas Romayn the mayor and others in 1 3 10 in choosing the London contingent of the army raised for the war with Scotland.*^ '» Cal. of Pat. 1334-8, p. 117. " Cal. of Close, 1343-6, p. 565. In 1345 Walter de Stodleye was sent to the priory to receive such maintenance as Master John de Stretford, deceased, had there at the king's request. " Ibid. 1288-96, p. 396. " Ibid. 1307-13, p. 227. " Cal. of Pat. 1340-3, p. z8. " Ibid. I 313-17, p. 434. ''^ Cal. of Close, 1272-9, p. 233. " Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), ii, 430^. " Chron. of Edw. I and Edw. II (Rolls Ser.), i, 32'- " Liber Custum. in Mun. Gildhall Lond. (Rolls Ser.), ii (l), 5, ' privilegio et antiqua dignitate.' ™ Chron. of Edw. I and Edw. II (Rolls Ser.), i, 278. 1 315 was a year of great scarcity, and a solemn procession was ordained to go up to the church every Friday; ibid, i, 358, the procession of rejoicing for the taking of Berwick, 1333, went from St. Paul's to Holy Trinity. «' Mun. Gildhall Lond. (Rolls Ser.), ii (i), 149. ^' Cal. of Close, 1307-13, p. 307. 469 A HISTORY OF LONDON The very list of the monastery's property is sufficient testimony of the light in which the house was regarded by the citizens, for it had possessions in seventy-two London parishes in 1 29 1.'' Nor had it by that date exhausted its popularity, as is shown by the grants and bequests still made to it, though there were now many newer foundations. Ralph le Blund ^ in 1295 , left to the priory rents in the parishes of St. Mary Woolchurch and All Hallows Bread Street, for the establishment of a chantry ;*° Thomas Romayn, alderman, in 131 2 bequeathed to it 100 marks ; ^* Walter Constantyn in 1349 left tenements and a brewery in the parish of Holy Trinity for the maintenance of its church and the establishment of a chantry in the church of St. Katharine Cree ; *' Thomas de Algate, rector of 'Sheering,' CO. Essex, left to his brother Nicholas the prior, and to the convent of Holy Trinity, tenements and rents in the parishes of St. Katha- rine within Aldgate, St. Andrew Cornhill, and St. Botolph without Aldgate ; *^ and John Malewayn, in 1361,'^ left the residue of his goods, after payment of certain bequests, to the maintenance of chantries there, besides a money legacy to the work of the church. These are, moreover, only examples of many other be- quests.'" The convent certainly needed everything it could get. The rebuilding of the church had been begun about 1339,^^ and engrossed all its available funds, even before the Black Death diminished its revenues, and thereby increased the difficulty of repaying loans which had to be contracted if the work was to go on. The pope in 1352 offered a relaxation of penance to those who contributed to the restoration during a period of ten years.'' But the house was still burdened with debt in 1368 when Master John Yong, official of the court of Canterbury, gave jTioo to its relief,^' and was rewarded by a daily mass being established in the church for his good estate in life, and for his soul after "^ H.irl. MS. 60, fol. 7, 8. ^ Ralph le Blund was sheriff in 1 291. " Sharpe, Ca/. ofWilh, i, 126. ^ Ibid, i, 238. Thomas Romayn was mayor in 1309. " Ibid. 594. »* Ibid, ii, 10. 8' Ibid, ii, 39. *' For other bequests to them see Sharpe, Cat. of Wills, i, 536, 537, 580, 597, 636 ; ii, 17, 67, 155, 163, 197. 333. &c. " From 1339 to 1345 there are continual acknow- ledgements of debt by the prior : j^55 in 1339, ^^^ Cal. of Close, 1339-41, pp. 239, 339; gio and /106 13/. \d. in 1340, ibid. pp. 477, 490 ; ^^loo in I34i,ibid. 1341-3. P-.^?!; in i 343. £80. X^oo, and two sums of ^4°. i^'*^- '343-6, pp. 102, 229, 233.241 ; L\° i" 1344. ibid, p. 363; and f^\^o in 1345, ibid. p. 572. " Cal. Pap. Letters, iii, 434. '' Cott. MS. Nero, C. iii, fol. 179, 180. The gift is said to be in relief of the debt by reason of erecting and rebuilding of the church. death. The same fact is also apparent in the grants of corrodies and pensions which were evi- dently made to raise money.'* There may have been other complications which prevented the priory's extricating itself from its difficulties, for in 1369'* the convent had procured from the pope a bull similar to that of 1282 directed against those who occupied its property, and when the king took it into his hands in 1380 he attributed the loss of revenues and the decrease in divine services to its being harassed by rivals.'* After this the convent appears to have enjoyed for more than half a century a tranquillity inter- rupted only by the arrest and imprisonment of one of its members by the council in 1429, for some unexplained cause." In 1438, however, the condition of the house called for serious attention. The archbishop of Canterbury, in a letter to the bishop of London,^* said that he had heard that the prior at the bishop's last visitation was accused of dilapidation and con- sumption of the goods of the house and other wrongdoings, and that the bishop, although re- quested by many noble persons to proceed to correction and reformation in these matters, had neglected to do so. The bishop answered that he had found nothing proved against the prior, William Clerk, for which he could be justly re- moved, but as his administration of the temporali- ties of the priory had been foolish and imprudent, he had committed the management of these, with consent of the prior and convent, to one of the canons and some secular persons, and hoped that the heavy burden of debt might in a short time be lightened and the necessities of the fraternity relieved. This arrangement did not suffice to meet the case, and the next year the king, to raise the house from the deplorable state of want " and insecurity to which it had been reduced by its inefficient head, took it into his hand, and committed it to the care of the abbot of Leices- '' The indenture between the convent and Robert de Denton, Cal. of Pat. 1377-81, p. 194, states that the pension of 25 marks and the 100 faggots yearly, &c., are given to him for a sum of money paid by him to the convent, and though there is not the same evidence in the other cases (ibid. 72 and 74), it is plain that they are agreements of the same kind. " Stevens, op. cit. App. 328. ^ When he appointed the archbishop of Canter- bury, the Chief Justice of the King's Bench, &c., to the custody and rule of the priory, i Jan. 1 381. Cal. of Pat. 1379-81, p. 599. " Devon, Issues of the Exch. (Pell Rec). It is the more mysterious as this canon, John Asshewell, is called prior, and William Clerk, who was elected in 1420, was still prior in 1438. See Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 151 ; Lond. Epis. Reg. Gilbert, fol. 84. '» Ibid. ™ Pat. 17 Hen. VI, pt. 2, m. 31. The king states that it has come to such want that of the lands, tenements, &c., belonging to it, alms and other works of piety for the souls of his ancestors cannot be maintained. 470 RELIGIOUS HOUSES ter, and the priors of St. Mary Overy, of Newark, and of Stone.*"* If the loans requested for the defence of Guienne can be taken as showing the relative wealth of the lenders,'"' the priory seems in 1453 to have scarcely regained its old posi- tion,'"^ though it probably had before 1 48 1, as Edward IV marked his sense of the standing of the house by petitioning the pope to allow Prior Thomas Pomery to use the crosier and mitre."" The bishop of London had been accused of laxness in the exercise of his powers over the priory in 1438, but the same failing could hardly be urged against Bishop Hill in 1493.'"^ On a visitation of the priory he found that Thomas Percy, the prior, had not only wasted the goods of the house, but had given occasion for scandal by his relations with a married woman named Joan Hodgis. Hearing afterwards that Percy, to facilitate his intercourse with Joan, had given her the office of em- broiderer by letters patent to which he had forced the canons to affix the common seal, the bishop extorted a resignation from him by threatening to depose him, and put Robert Char- nock in possession. Percy turned Charnock out, and was in turn forcibly ejected by the bishop. The case, tried first in the court of Canterbury and then at Rome, was decided against the bishop on the ground that he had exceeded his rights by taking the law into his own hands,'"' but a sentence adverse to Percy must also have been delivered, for he was not prior in 1506'"^ nor in 1509,'"' though he may have been rein- stated before his death in 15 12.'"* In the early years of Henry VIII the priory must have seemed as important as ever to the ordinary observer, who could judge only by the position it held in the City and at the court,'"^ and by its lavish '<" Pat. 17 Hen. VI, pt. 2, m. 31. "" A certain measure of favour may have been shown to religious houses. '"' j^20 was required from the prior, ;^ioo from one of the aldermen, Nicholas Wyfold, and ^40 from Thomas Tyrelle, knt. Letters and Papers lllust. the Wars of English in France (Rolls Ser.), il (2), 489. "" Tanner, Notit. Mon. quotes MS. 1 70, C. C. Camb. fol. 197. '»* Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 119. Fabyan says, 'in this year (1493) Dr. Hylle, bishop of Lon- don, grievously pursued Percy, then prior of Christ- church in London.' Chronicle (ed. Ellis), 685. ^"^ Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 119. 'The bishop ... by taking the law into his own hands had been guilty of contempt of the executive, and was condemned to make amends.' '* L. and P. Hen. Fill, xvi, 503 (i 5). A lease by Prior Thomas Newton, Feb. 1506. '»' Anct. D. (P.R.O.), A. 1773. ""He died prior in 1512. Lond. Epis. Reg. Fitz James, fol. 84. '™ In the cellarer's account, L. and P. Hen. Fill, ii (i), 115, there are notices of presents to the queen, to the king's footmen, the king's waits, the lord of misrule of the king's house. hospitality."" But it was keeping up appearances when it should have been engaged on retrench- ment and strict economy. If it had ever been on a sound financial footing since the middle of the fifteenth century, it was again involved in difficulties by the maladministration of Percy, and on the accession of Henry VIII it owed money to the crown,"' which it never appears to have been able to pay."^ It was exempted from the payment of the two-tenths to the king in 1517 from its lands in Braughing, Layston, and Edmonton, because of the debts with which the house had long been and still was burdened."' In 1526 Bishop Tunstall gave leave to the prior, Nicholas Hancocke, to with- draw from the monastery for three years, in order to relieve the debts of the house, which was to be entrusted to the charge of suitable and skilful persons chosen by the prior and convent. "■* Its condition was evidently rather hopeless, and the reason given by the prior and convent for their surrender of the house to the king in February, 1532,"' viz., that it had so deterio- rated in its fruits and rents, and was so heavily burdened with debt, that unless a remedy were quickly provided by the king it must become extinct, was much nearer the truth than the majority of such statements. Hancocke's friends, however, considered that he had betrayed his trust to secure an easier competency for him- self.'" In that case the desired object was not immediately attained, since he was afraid to stir out owing to an undischarged butcher's bill."' No one would lend to him, he complained, as he had given up his house, and if something were not done for him he would have to go into sanctuary, which would be a disgrace to Cromwell."' At last he received an annuity of 1 00 marks,'" with which he professed himself well satisfied. The canons, who numbered eighteen at the time of the surrender, are said to have been sent ""See the Liber Coquinae, Mich. 1513-Mich. 1 5 14. Ibid. Brewer remarked that the provision made for the guests was more plentiful and varied than that for the convent. The weekly bill for the steward who arranged for the guests amounted to more than that for the convent. On Trinity Sunday they enter- tained thirteen persons, and the menu was a very long one. '" L. and P. Hen. Fill, i, 1639 and 3497. '" The priory may have paid this debt, but if so, it contracted another before the surrender. Ibid, v, 823. '" Lond. Epis. Reg. Fitz James, fol. 121. "* Ibid. Tunstall, fol. 156. ■"Lansd. MS. 968, fol. 50, 51. "° He says that all his friends turn from him and make slanderous reports of him, saying he reckoned on good profit and quietness in giving up his house. L. and P. Hen. Fill, v, 1735. "'Ibid. V, 1731. '"Ibid. V, 1732. "' Ibid. V, 1065 (34). 20 May, 24 Hen. VIII, 1532. 471 A HISTORY OF LONDON to other houses,^ but it is clear that provision was not made for all, since John Lichefeld, one of the latest admitted, wrote to Cromwell, saying that after his religious training he is an entire outcast, for no house will receive him.i" In the face of all this it is curious to read that Parliament in 1533-4 confirmed the gift of the monastery to the king ' because the Prior and Convent had departed from the monastery leaving it profaned and desolate for two years and more whereby the services, hospitality, etc. ... re- mained undone.' ^■^'' At first there was some idea of placing the friars of Greenwich in the vacant house,^-"" but in 1534 the king granted the site and all the possessions of the late priory in the parish of St. Botolph without Aldgate to Lord Audley.''" The City, in spite of the fact that the prior was an alderman, seems to have made no protest either about the surrender of the house or about the king's grant, yet it is evi- dent that they afterwards felt uneasy, for before the election of the first lay alderman of Port- soken in January, 1538,^^^'' there appears to have been some idea of buying Lord Audley's lands.'^i' The possessions of the monastery in 1 291 were reckoned in the Taxatio of Pope Nicholas as worth £21,$ los. (>\d. per annum, ''^ probably too low an estimate.'"^ No valor exists for the whole property ^-* in the reign of Henry VIII, but what the house held in London, valued at ^121 lbs. d^d.in 1291^^' and ^^i 05 i-js.^^d. in 1425,^^* was said to be worth £2>5S '^V- ^^- '" 1537,^^' and consisted of tenements within the site of the priory and in sixty parishes besides,^-* a pension of ;^ioo paid from the farm of the City since 1361 in return for tithes granted "° ' Chron. of Grey Friars,' Monum. Francisc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 194. '" L. and P. Hen. VIII, v, 1744. '"^Parl. R. 25 Hen. VIII (10). ""> L. and P. Hen. Fill, vi, 1 1 5. ">' Lansd. MS. 968, fol. 52-4. '"'' Rec. of the Corp. of Lend. Repert, x, fol. ijb. '"' Ibid, ix, fol. 262-3, 270. "* Pofe Nich. Tax. (Rec. Com.), 9, izb, x^b, \^b, 18, 21, zib, 22, 22^, 26, 26b, zgb, 37, 5i3, 52. '" From Harl. MS. 60, fols. 7, 8, 19, 25, 29, 39, 41, 54, 56, 57, 61, 62, 64, 70, 78, the total appears to be a little over £2<^o. '" A marginal note in the Lond. Epis. Reg. Tun- stall, fol. 51, gives it as ^£'508 13/. <)d. Wolsey's pro- curations in 1524 were rated on a value of ^^333 6s. 8d. L. and P. Hen. VIII, iv (i), 964. "' Pope Nich. Tax. (Rec. Com.) According to Harl. MS. 60, fol. 7, 8, ^129 y. zy. "* Stevens, op. cit. ii, 83. This was the worth of the rental. '" L. and P. Hen. VIII, xii (2), 777. "* In 1291 the priory held tenements in 72 parishes (Harl. MS. 60, fol. 7, 8) ; and in 1354 in 71 parishes. Anct. D. (P.R.O.), A. 2529. by the priory to St. Mary Graces'"' ; the churches of St. Botolph without Aldgate and St. Katharine Cree-church appropriated to the priory before the end of the twelfth century and by order of Pope Innocent III ''" served by two of the canons, and the advowsons of St. Ed- mund Lombard Street, St. Augustine Pappey, Allhallows on the Wall, the gift of the founder, and of St. Gabriel Fenchurch Street. From St. Edmund's a pension of 13^. ^d. appears to have been paid before the close of the twelfth century,'^' and from the others small sums were due yearly in I30i.'^' About 1 175 it was ar- ranged that the canons of St. Mary's, Southwark, should pay 10;. per annum from the church of St. Mildred.'^' At the time of the surrender the priory also held in Middlesex a manor at Totten- ham,"^ and the church the gift of Simon, earl of Northampton, to the priory early in Stephen's reign,"^ the tithes being added by David, brother of William the Lion, king of Scotland, before 1214; lands in Bromley''* and Edmonton,'"^ where grants had been made to the convent before 1227;''^ in co. Herts the church of Braughing given to them by Queen Maud "' the wife of Stephen, and appropriated to them in 1217;"° the manor of Braughing,"' where grants "' Close, 34 Edw. Ill, m.41 in Add. MS. 15664, fol. 142. "° This pope in his fourth year confirmed the an- nexation of the church of St. Botolph and the chapel of St. Katharine and St. Michael within the cemeter)' of the monastery made by apostolic authority. Cott. R. xiii, 18 (28) ; Stevens, op. cit. ii, 85. '" There was a dispute about the church between the priory and the chapter of St. Paul's, which was settled by Gilbert Foliot when bishop of London (1163-1189). It was then decided that the priory should present after the death of the present holder and should give half its pension to St. Paul's. From a confirmation of the settlement in I 300 the pension was evidently 13/. \d. Cott. R. xiii, 18 (23 & 24). '" Lib. Custum. in Mun. Gildhall. Lond. (Rolls Ser.), ii (I), 234. '" Cott. Chart, xi, 52. The church itself is said to have been given to them in the time of Prior Norman, but was granted away for a small pension. Guildhall MS. 122, fol. 566. '" L. and P. Hen. VIII, xix (l), 812 (32). The prior's manor of ' Tottenham ' is mentioned in a deed of 1310 (Anct. D. [P.R.O.], A. 7312), but in 1348 and in 1375 the earl of Pembroke held the manor. Chan. Inq. p.m. 22 Edw. Ill (ist Nos.), 47, file 46 ; 49 Edw. Ill (1st Nos.), 70, file 83. '" Cott. MS. Nero, C. iii, fol. 187. The grant was confirmed to the canons by Pope Innocent II in 1 1 37. Rymer, fo^dVrd (Rec. Com.), i (i), 14; B.M. Chart. L.F.C. xxx, 3. "« L. and P. Hen. VIII, x\ii, p. 696. '"Ibid, xiii (i), 646 (13). "* Charter of 1 1 Hen. Ill, Dugdale, Mon. Jngl. vi, 154. ■'^ Cott. R. xiii, 18 (l) ; Lansd. MS. 448, fol. 5. '" Cott. R.xiii, 18 (2). '" Lansd. MS. 960, fol. 54. 472 RELIGIOUS HOUSES had been made to them by the same king and queen and by Hubert the chamberlain ; "^ the manors of ' Bysholt,' Milkley, and Corneybury, and the church of Layston '^' acquired from Hugh Tricket in Stephen's reign,'** the church being appropriated to them between 1 1 89 and 1 1 99 ; ^*' the advowson of Astwick,"^ given by Richard son of William between 11 62 and 1 170 ;"' lands in Throcking"' in which place and Hodenhoe they held twocarucates in 1227 granted to them by Roger son of Brian and Matilda his wife,"' in Wyddial and Westmill,''" where they held land at the earlier date ; '*^ the manor of Berks- don,^'^ the gift of Richard de Anesty before 1227 ;'*' thehamlet of Wakeley,'^* and tithes in fiendish "* which were given by Hubert the chamberlain in Stephen's reign ^**; in 1291 the prior received a pension from the church of WyddiaP" and in 1428 one also from that of Westmill ''* ; in Essex the convent held the manor of Cann Hall or Canon Hall '*' with appurtenances in Wanstead and West Ham, which they possessed before 1207 ;^^*' the church of Walthamstow which, granted by Alice de Toeni'" and confirmed to them by Pope Eugenius III in 1147,'^^ had been appropriated '" The charter by which the queen confirms her husband's grant is given in Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 153. For Hubert's gift of 4 librates of land in ' Brackinges ' see charter 1 1 Hen. Ill, ibid. The prior was hold- ing the manor in 1274. Hund. R. (Rec. Com.), i, 191. '" Lansd. MS. 968, fol. 54. "* Eustace, count of Boulogne, confirmed to the canons the land of ' Cornea ' which Hugh Tricket sold to them. Cart. Antiq. R. N. 8. In 1253 they are said to hold the manor. Cal. of Chart. R. i, 427. For Hugh's grant of the church then called Lefstan- chirche, see Cott. R. xiii, 18 (5), and for both manor and church, Chauncy, Hist, of Herts. 128. '" Newcourt, op. cit. i, 843. "« Lansd. MS. 968, fol. 54. "' He made the grant in the presence of Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury. Cott. R. xiii, 18 (8). '" L. and P. Hen. VIII, xii (2), 1027. '" Charter of Confirmation 1227, Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 153. '» L. and P. Hen. VIII, xii (2), 1027. '" Charter of Confirmation 1227, Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 153. '" Chauncy, op. cit. 1 19. '■■' At this date the grant was confirmed to the prior. Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 153. '■^ Chauncy says this came into the possession of the priory at some time after 6 Ric. I, and the canons held it and the church until the surrender of the house. Op. cit. 120. '" L. and P. Hen. VIII, xiii (l), 1519 (69). "« Lansd. MS. 448, fol. 4. '" Harl. MS. 60, fol. 29 ; Feud. Aids, ii, 465. '" Feud. Aids, ii, 463. '" L. and P. Hen. VIII, vi, 94 ; Morant, Hist, of Essex, i, 3 1 . ''° Newcourt, Repert. Eccl. Lond. ii, 639. '" Cott. R. xiii, 18 (15). '" Rymer, Foedera (Rec. Com.), i (l), I J. to them by William de Sainte Mere I'Eglise,"' bishop of London 1191-1222; the churches of Black Notley and Bromfield, the gift of Walter de Mandeville before 1147,'" the former paying a pension of a mark, increased to two by Bishop William de S'=- M6re I'Eglise, the latter church appropriated to the priory in 1292'"; to the priory in 1291 and 1428 were also due pensions from Lambourne,'*^ Stapleford Abbots,'" and West Ham '^* ; land in Leyton given by Simon de Molins and his wife Adelina was one of the earliest grants made to the priory "'^ ; at the Dissolution the priory held in Kent the church of Bexley,'™ which with its tithes had been given to the canons by William Corbeuil, archbishop of Canterbury, between 1 1 23 and 1 1 35,''' and the appropriation of the church must have been of early date, for a controversy as to the vicar's portion was settled by Archbishop Stephen Langton, 1207-1228'"; in the same county Richard de Lucy had given them in Stephen's reign land in Lesnes,'" to which they after- wards added more,''* and the church of Lesnes"* where a vicarage was ordained before 1 2 1 8 ''^ ; in the thirteenth century the priory held land in ' Hamstead,' co. Surrey,'" and in the reign of Henry VI a messuage in the parish of St. Peter's, Oxford."* The priory held in 1428 a quarter of a knight's fee in Edmonton,"' where in 1353 it had also had another quarter called Peverel's fee,"° one knight's fee in Alswyk,'*' two half fees in Berksdon,"^ and in Corney a quarter fee '*' and a half,''* which latter it had possessed at an early date.'*' 'ss Newcourt, op. cit. ii, 635. '" Rymer, Foedera (Rec. Com.), i (i), 15. '"Cott. R. xiii, 18 (14). '^'Harl. MS. 60, fol. 56,andf^W. Aids, ii, 204. '" Harl. MS. 60, fol. 57 ; Feud Aids, ii, 204. '^Harl. MS. 60, fol. 62 ; Feud. Aids, ii, 194. '*' It was confirmed by Henry I. Cart. Antiq. R. N. 6. See also Charter, 1 1 Hen. Ill, Dugdale, Man. Angl. vi, 153. '" Hasted, Hist, of Kent, i, 166. '" Lansd. MS. 448, fol. 11. '"Ibid. fol. 12. '" Cart. Antiq. R. N. 20. Stephen confirmed the grant. B.M. Chart. L.F.C. xiv, 6. The priory still held land there (parish of Erith) in I 5 1 8. L. and P. Hen. VIII, ii (2), 4654. '" B.M. Chart. L.F.C. xiv, 14, 20, 23, and L.F.C. xxiii, 22, 23. '"Thorpe, Reg. /?# 325. '" B.M. Chart. L.F.C. xiv, 22. '" Add. Chart. 8793 and 9000. "' Cal. Chart. R. and Inq. a.q.d. (Rec. Com.), 378. "» Feud. Aids, iii, 383. '^Mbid. iii, 376. '*' Ibid, ii, 446. '»' Ibid, ii, 446, 453, "' Ibid, ii, 446. "*Ibid. ii, 453. "* Lib. Nig. Scacc. (Hearne), i, 390. 473 60 A HISTORY OF LONDON Priors of Holy Trinity, Aldgate Norman, the first prior,'*^ occurs in 1145,^*' died 11471^' Ralph, elected 1 148, died 1167^*' William, occurs 1169"" Stephen, elected 1 170, deposed 1197''^ Peter de Cornwall, elected 1197, died 1221^'^ Richard de Temple, elected 1222,"' occurs John de Toting, elected 1250,^^' occurs I26l"« Gilbert, occurs 1261,"^ died 1264^'* Eustace, elected 1264,"' died 1284^*" William Aygnel, elected 1285,^" occurs 1292,^°^ died 1294 -"' Stephen de Watton, elected 1294,^"* resigned Ralph de Cantuaria, elected 1303,^°^ died 1314=07 Richard de Wymbysshe, elected 1 314 (?),*"' resigned or was deposed 1325'°' Roger de Poleye, elected 1325,"" resigned, 1331211 "° Dugdale, Mon. Jtigl. vi, I 50. '»' Cott. Chart, xi, 6. ■" Stevens, Hhf. of Abbeys, ii, 79. "' Ibid. '" Robertson, Materials for the Hist, of Thomas Becket (Rolls Ser.),vi, 632, 633. "" Stevens, op. cit. ii, 79. '" Ibid. 80. Newcourt, however, gives Gilbert elected 1 2 1 4 between two priors whose names began with P. Repert. Eccl. Loud, i, 560. "' Cal. of Pat. 1216-25, p. 342 ; Stubbs, Introd. to Mem. ofRic. I (Rolls Set.), Ixvii. '" Guildh.ill MS. 122, fol. 170. According to the list given by Stevens, op. cit. ii, 80, he died in 1248. Dugdale gives the date of his death as 1252. Op. cit. vi, 150. '" Stevens, op. cit. ii, 80. He occurs 1250, Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 24, No. 1748. Dugdale says he received the royal assent to his election in 1252, op. cit. vi, 150. "" Anct. D. (P.R.O.), A. 1664. '"Ibid. A. 2394. '°' Stevens, op. cit. ii, 80. He was appointed papal chaplain in 1264. Cal. Pap. Letters, i, 408. "' He received the temporalities according to Stevens, December 1264, according to Newcourt, op. cit. i, 560, in 1268. "" Cal. of Pat. I 281-92, p. 147. '"^ The royal assent to his election was given ID Jan. 1285. Ibid. I 5 I. ™ Cott. R. xiii, 18 (18). ™' Cal. of Pat. 1 292-1 301, p. 70. *"* Ibid. 1 301-7, p. 120. '"' Stevens, op. cit. ii, 80. *°' Ibid. He did not receive the royal assent until 1 3 1 6 {Cal. of Pat. 1 3 1 3-17, p. 478), so that the date of his election is doubtful. *°' According to Cal. of Pat. 1324-7, p. I 24, he appears to have resigned, but Stevens says he was deposed. Op. cit. ii, 80. "" Cal. of Pat. 1324-7, p. 125. "' Ibid. 1330-4, p. 120. "" Ibid. '»Mbid. 123. Thomas Heron, elected 1331,^^' died 1340^^' Nicholas de London or Algate, elected 1340,^''' died 1377 "* William de Rysyng, elected 1377,^" died 139121^ Robert Excestre or Exeter, elected 1391,-'* died 1408-'" William Harrington or Haradon, elected 1407,^^ died 1420--' William Clerk, elected 1420 =^^ John Asshewell, occurs 1429 "' William Clerk, occurs 1432--^ and 1438**' John Sevenok or Sevenot, s.t.b. elected ^439> occurs 1440 "' Thomas Pomery elected 1446,'^' occurs 1478*^^ Thomas Percy, elected 1481,^''' deposed 1493 «i Richard Charnock, died 1507 {}) ^'^ Thomas Newton, occurs 1506"^' Thomas Percy, died 15 12 "■'■' John Bradwell, elected 1512,^'' occurs 1520- 1523,^'^ 1524=" Nicholas Hancoke, elected 15 24,*^* surrendered 1532=39 The seal attached to a charter of the late twelfth century =*" is a pointed oval, and shows Our Lor 1 seated on a rainbow, with a cruciform nimbus, lifting up the right hand in benediction. 111 Jl< JI6 Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. p. 121 443- 23. '" Ibid. '" Ibid. 1338-40, 1377-87 P- P 42 5 9 Sir SIS Lone Ibid. . Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 294. "' Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 151. In March, 1399, the pope conferred the dignity of papal chaplain on John Buntingford who is called prior of Christchurch, London {Cal. Pap. Letters, iv, 308), but in August, 1399, Robert Exeter was prior. Nicolas, Test. Vet. '+9- '-'" Stevens, op. cit. ii, 80. '" Ibid. '^^ Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 151. "' Devon, Issues of the Exch. 410. "' Anct. D. (P.R.O.), A. 2648. »« Lond. Epis. Reg. Gilbert, fol. 84. '-* Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 151. »" Anct. D. (P.R.O.), A. 2020. "' Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 151. '-' Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 54. "" Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 151. '" Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 119. "'Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 151. A lease in which Thomas Newton figures as prior is dated 20 February, 21 Hen. VII. See next note. "' L. and P. Hen. Fill, xvi, 503 (15). "* Lond. Epis. Reg. Fitz James, fol. 84-6. '^ Ibid. In a deed of 1509, however, he is called prior. Anct. D. (P.R.O.),A. 1773. "«Harl. Chart. 44 F. 50-4 ; 44 G. I, 3. '" Lond. Epis. Reg. Tunstall, fol. 51, Sec. *" Ibid. He W.1S sub-prior. "' Lansd. MS. 968, fol. 50. ""Cott. Chart, xi, 52. 474 RELIGIOUS HOUSES and holding in the left hand a book ; in the field on the right a star. Legend : — [siGiLLv : eccl'e .] scE . [trinitJatis : LVNDONIE A counterseal also of the twelfth century ^^ is oval in shape, the impression being that of an antique intaglio : a naked man holding some object in the left hand, and walking on an estrade to the right. The seal of Prior John Bradwell"- represents a shield of arms, and a Trinity for the priory. The legend round the shield is : — [PAJTER [FILIVS] SPS 6. THE PRIORY OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW SMITHFIELD The honour of founding the priory of St. Bar- tholomew appears to belong jointly to a clerk named Rahere ^ and to King Henry I,^ for though the means were supplied by the king, it is to the enthusiasm of the clerk that both the origin and success of the scheme must be ascribed. Accord- ing to an account written by a canon of the priory, apparently within seventy years of the foundation of the house,' Rahere spent his early life more like a courtier than a priest in attend- ance on the great nobles of his day, but experienced a change of heart while at Rome on a pilgrimage. He then fell ill and vowed, if he recovered, to found a hospital. Afterwards he had a dream in which St. Bartholomew appeared to him and directed him to build a church in his honour at Smithfield.* On his recovery and return to England he obtained this land from the king,* through the good offices of Richard bishop of London, and on it he built a house and church for a community of regular canons of whom he became the first prior, and, in close proximity, a hospital for the poor. The author already quoted says this event took place in 1123,° and there seems no reason to doubt his statement,' though he is clearly mistaken in assigning the consecration of the cemetery by Bishop Richard to the thirtieth year of Henry I, as the bishop died in 1128. Rahere's position "' B.M. Seals, Ixviii, 35. »" Harl. Chart. 44, F. 52. ' Cott. MS. Vesp. B. ix, fol. 41. ' Leland, Coll. i, 54. ' Moore, The Book of the Foundation of St. Bartholo- mew's Church in London, xli. * Cott. MS. Vesp. B. ix, fol. 41-3. ' Ibid. fol. ^ib. ' Ibid. fol. 46. 'Stow, Surv. of Lond. (ed. Strj'pe), iii, 232, gives 1 102 as the date, but if Bishop Richard played the part supposed, this must be much too early, since he did not obtain the see until 1 108. Matt, of Westm. Flor. Hist. (Rolls Ser.), ii, says the house was founded in 1 1 2 3 . was a very difficult one, for in addition to the ordinary anxieties attendant on the establishment of a new foundation he had to contend with intense enmity, on one occasion a plot being made against his life.* The hostility towards him seems to have come not entirely from one quarter, for he intended to go to Rome to secure the support of the pope,' although he had already found in the king a powerful protector. Henry gave the canons the site in West Smithfield, and the churches of Gorleston, St. Nicholas, Little Yarmouth, Lowestoft, and Belton,^** and also granted to them in 1 133 very ample charters " of privileges : he declared them free from all services and customs except the episcopal customs, viz. consecration of churches, baptism and rule of the clergy ; in all their lands they were to have sac and soc, toll and team, infangenthef and outfangenthef ; to the prior was granted the power to settle all disturbances of the peace, assaults, and forfeitures in his demesne; they were to be quit of shires and hundreds, danegeld and other gelds, building and repairing of castles, and of ferdwite, hegwite, wardpeni and averpeni ; throughout all the king's domi- nions their goods and men were to be free from toll, passagium, pedagium, wharfage, lastage, and stallage ; and the king granted his firm peace to those going to or returning from the fair held at the priory for three days from the eve of St. Bar- tholomew. The king provided at the same time that on Rahere's death the canons should choose one of themselves as prior, but if there should not be a suitable person there, they were free to choose one from a well-known place ; and that gifts of lands were not to be alienated without the consent of the chapter.^^ The house indeed seems to have been regarded as a royal founda- tion, and as such protected and patronized. Henry II confirmed all the privileges granted to the canons by his grandfather, and added another that they should not be impleaded save in the king's presence ; ^' Richard I laid down more definite rules with regard to the fair, granting the canons all the profits, forbidding the exaction of customs or tolls from those coming to buy and sell there, and ordering that no one should sell on the canons' land without their permission ; " John took the canons, their men and possessions into his protection, and forbade any interference with the church which he calls his demesne ' Cott. MS. Vesp. B. ix, fol. 483. ° Mr. Moore, op. clt. Ixi, sees in this projected visit to Rome a sign that the canons had difficulties with the clergy. '"The grant was confirmed Sept. 1 229, Cal. of Chart. R. i, 98. " There are two charters of this date, in one of which the king says that he will maintain and defend this church as he does his crown. Inspex. 2 Hen. VI, Add. MS. 34768, fol. gh-ii. " Add. MS. 34768, fol. 16. " Ibid. 20-8. " Cart. Antiq. R. L. (4). 475 A HISTORY OF LONDON chapel ; " and Henry III in 1227 confirmed their charters.^' But as usual the latter acted with an entire absence of fairness when the canons came into collision with one of his foreign favourites. Boniface of Savoy, as archbishop of Canterbury, was determined to exercise visitatorial powers in London. After being repulsed at St. Paul's and at the priory of Holy Trinity, he came to St. Bar- tholomew's.^' The canons, dressed in their most precious copes, received him with much honour, but on hearing that he had come on a visitation the sub-prior, the prior being absent, informed him that the bishop of London alone possessed this right, and they ought not to submit to its exercise by another. The archbishop, be- side himself with rage, struck the old man again and again ; the canons went to the rescue of the sub-prior, and tried to drag him away ; then Boni- face's Provencal followers rushed into the church, and a contest ensued in which the canons came off badly, as they were not, like the archbishop, equipped in armour beneath their vestments. By the advice of the bishop of London four of the canons went to the king to complain, but he refused to hear them, and fearing the temper of the Londoners, who were furious with the arch- bishop, he forbade anyone to interfere in the controversy on pain of life and limb. Boniface followed up his disgraceful conduct by excommu- nicating the convent officials, but this sentence was shortly afterwards annulled by the pope.^' The canons, however, never received any com- pensation for their sufferings, for the archbishop managed partly by threats, partly by promises, to suppress their complaints," and the question of archiepiscopal visitations was decided against them by the court of Rome in 1252."*' The disputes of the priory with the City, both of which arose over the fair, were not marked by any violence. The prior and canons, by the counsel of the king's treasurer, William de Haverille, and of their sokereeve John de Kondres, set up on the first day of their fair in 1246 a new ' tron,' with which all weighing had to be done.^' The mayor and the chief men of the City went on the next day to the priory and demanded that the practice should be abandoned as it was in contravention of the customs of the City, and the canons appear to have yielded the point at once. In 1292 an attempt was made by the warden of London to deprive the priory of half the profits of the fair,^^ but the prior must have given " Charter dated December, 1203. Chart. R. (Rec. Com.), i, 115. '« Cart. Antiq. R. L. (6). " Matt. Paris, Ciron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), v, 12 1-3. " Cal. Pap. Letters, i, 264. " Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), v, 1 78, 188. '" Cal. Pap. Letters, i, 276. *' Riley, Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs of Lond. 13. " Sharpe, Cal. of Letter Bk. C. 9. satisfactory proof of his right to the whole, for the City never made any further claim. The priory during this time had been steadily growing in wealth and importance. At the death of Rahere the house depended largely on obventions and charity, but the great increase in temporalities noticed between 1144 and 1174*' seems to have been well maintained. In London it had received the church of St. Sepulchre from Roger, bishop of Salisbury,^^ the church of St. Michael Bassishaw ^* from G. bishop of London ^^ in the twelfth century, and St. Mar- tin's, Ironmonger Lane, from Ralph Triket before 1253.^' ^^ Essex it possessed the manor of Shortgrove, which it held as early as the reign of Henry II ; ^' half the church of Danbury,^' the gift of Earl William de Mandeville before 1 1 90 ; '" the hamlet of Langley, granted by Robert Fitz Roger, to whom it had been given by Henry II ; '^ and the church of Theydon Bois, given by William de Bosco in the latter half of the twelfth century.'^ In co. Herts, the canons held the church of Hemel Hemp- stead in 1201;'^ and in 1253 '^^ '^'"g '^on- firmed to them the manor of Little Stanmore, the gift of William de Ramis,'* to whom they owed also the church of Bradfield,co. Essex ; the church of St. Laurence Stanmore, which had been given to them by Roger de Ramis ; '* lands in Shenley, obtained from Adam son of Elias de Somery, and Saer '* son of Henry ; and lands and rents in Tewin, given with land in Hertford, Amwell, and * Lockeleigh ' by Alex- ander de Swereforde, canon and treasurer of St. Paul's, to endow a chantry of four chap- lains.'' The king also confirmed to them in 1253 ^^^ church of Mentmore, co. Bucks, which had been given to the priory by Hugh Bussell and William son of Miles, and half the church of Wenhaston, co. Suffolk, granted by Geoffrey Fitz Ailwin.'* Between 1323 and 1353 lands were added for the establishment of chan- tries and anniversaries in Theydon Bois,'' co. " Cott. MS. Vesp. B. ix, fol. 59. **Cart. Antiq. R. L. 14. " Ibid. '* Either Gilbert Universalis, bishop of London 1 1 28-41, or Gilbert Foliot,who held the see 1 163-89. *' Cart. Antiq. R. L. 14. " Morant, Hist, of Essex, ii, 585. " Cart. Antiq. R. L. 14. '° He died in the second year of Ric. L Newcourt, Repert. Eccl. Lond. ii, 203. '' Morant, op. cit. ii, 614. " William de Bosco held a knight's fee in Theydon Bois in 1 166. Morant, op. cit. ii, 162. " They paid 200 marks for John's confirmation. Hardy, Rot. de Oblat. et Fin. (Rec. Com.), 181. " Cart. Antiq. R. L. 14 ; Plac. de ^0 Ifarr. (Rec. Com.), 478. " Cart. Antiq. R. L. 14. ^^ Ibid. " He died in 1246. Jnn. Mon. [Rolls Sst.), in, 171. '' Cart. Antiq. R. L. 14. '' Ca/. of Pat. 1348-50, p. 270. 476 RELIGIOUS HOUSES Essex, and in London,*" Acton," Kentish Town, and Islington,*^ co. Middlesex, in which last place the priory had a holding in 1253.*' The priory must have been popular in the City: in 1291 it had holdings in forty-eight London parishes,** and it is reasonable to suppose that much of this property was derived from London citizens, seeing that in the fourteenth century bequests from them were so numerous.*' The standing of the house is probably shown by the frequent choice of the prior as collector of the clerical tenth.** The archbishop of Canterbury visited the priory in 1303, and made certain ordinances :*' the rule of silence is to be better observed by the canons ; money is not to be assigned them for their clothes, but garments are to be allotted as needed, and the officer charged with this duty is never to give them before the old ones are handed up to him ; the canons who are ill in the infir- mary are to be provided with suitable food according to the means of the monastery ; the • doors of the cloister and the houses in it are to be kept more strictly and closed at proper hours, so that the brothers may not be disturbed at ser- vice by the concourse of people. There was evidently little fault to be found with the monas- tery, and corroboration as to its satisfactory state is furnished by the fact that in 1306 the bishop of London, after deposing the prior of St. Mary's, Bishopsgate, put the sub-prior of St. Bartholo- mew's in his place,** and in 1308 sent to St. Bar- tholomew's a canon of St. Osyth's to be disciplined for his wrongdoing.*' The injunction ordering that no liveries are to be sold without the per- mission of the bishop or archbishop, and that the powers granted are not to be exceeded,'" seems to indicate that money was needed just *" Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, i, 234, 278, 301, 451, 683. *' Cal. of Pat. 1327-30, p. 184. " Ibid. 1334-8, p. 2. *' Cart. Antiq. R. L. 14. " Harl. MS. 60, fol. 627. *' Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, \, 234, 24;, 249, 278, 301, 329, 350, 427, 451, 494, 508, 531, 578, 683 ; ii, 166, 208, &c. " He occurs in this capacity in 1328, Cal. of Close, '327-30. P- 3'2 ; i° 1337, ibid. 1337-9. P- 33 ; in I 339, ibid. I 339-41, p. 502 ; and in 1362, Epis. Reg. Sudbury, fol. 88. The prior was the collector of 5a'. in the mark of ecclesiastical goods in 1322. Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. viii, App. i, 633. In i 341 he, with the other collectors of wool, was rebuked by the king for his neg- ligence, and empowered to appoint a deputy if unable to act. B. M. Chart. L. F. C. xiv, 28. In I 331 and I 340 he was appointed collector of the taxes imposed on the order by the general chapter. Cott. MSS. Vesp. D. I, fol. 44^, 47^. It may also be remarked that it was at this priory that the earls and barons assembled to hear the result of their negotiations with the citizens of London in I 32 1. Chron.of Edw.l and Edw. II (Rolls Ser.), 296. *' Lond, Epis. Reg.,Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 6. *^ Ibid. fol. 6. " Ibid. fol. 1 6. «> Ibid. fol. 6. then, possibly for building, as additions were certainly made to the church soon afterwards.'^ It seems probable that disputes between the priory and the hospital arose at an early date, for King John in 1 203 '^ declared that the hos- pital was at the disposition of the prior and canons, and that whoever would separate it from that church should come into the royal right ; and Eustace bishop of London made an arrangement between them a few years later." At length serious discord between the two houses made a settlement imperative, and this was accomplished by Simon bishop of London in '373-" The authority of the priory over the hospital was maintained in a general way, viz. the brothers had to ask leave of the prior to elect a master and obtain his confirmation of their choice, and new brothers and sisters had to swear fealty to the prior. If the prior was practically excluded from interference with the internal affairs of the hospital, he was freed from all responsibility for its maintenance. The advantages of the arrangement doubtless became more apparent to the priory at the beginning of the next century, when it experi- enced great difficulty in raising sufficient money for its own needs. In 1409 the monastery was in debt through the rebuilding of the cloister, bell-tower, and chapter-house, and further neces-- sary work was prevented by lack of funds. Meanwhile its income had fallen off : inroads of the sea had seriously affected its property in the neighbourhood of Yarmouth ; tenements in London, from which ten years ago an income of 100 marks had been derived, now did not yield half that sum ; and through the malice of a powerful enemy the endowment of a chantry had been lost, while the obligation of maintain- ing two priests for celebrating masses still re- mained." The prior John de Watford, who was present at the Council of Pisa," made use of his opportunity to plead the cause of his house, and Pope Alexander, the day after his election to the papacy," granted a special indul- gence to penitents who during a period of ten years visited the priory on the three days before Easter and on the Festival of the Assumption, " A bequest for the maintenance of the work of the church is made in a will enrolled in 1 3 14. Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, I, 249. In 1321 the king pardoned the alienation of land in the parish of St. Sepulchre to the prior and convent of St. Bartholomew for the building and maintenance of the said church. Cal. of Pat. 1 3 17-21, p. 597. St. Mary's Chapel which is mentioned in 1322 (Sharpe, CaL of Wills, i, 301) appears to have been recently built (ibid, i, 427). " Chart. R. (Rec. Com.), i, 115. " Lond. Epis. Reg. Bray brook, fol. 285. Eustace was bishop of London 1221-29. '* Ibid. fol. 285-7. " Cal. Pap. Letters, vi, 151. " Wylie, Hist, of Engl under Hen. IF, iii, 369. " Capgrave, Chron. of Engl. (Rolls Sen), 297. 477 A HISTORY OF LONDON and gave alms ; and he empowered the prior to choose six priests to hear confessions on these occasions.^* The priory, however, seems to have plunged deeper and deeper into debt. When the bishop of London visited the house in 1433," he found its affairs seriously embarrassed through extrava- gance and bad management : its income was about ;^500, and it owed much more than this sum, annual pensions and corrodies alone amount- ing to £iOJ. Decided measures were necessary if the priory was ever to be freed from its obli- gations, and the bishop, at the request of the convent, took the financial administration for the time being entirely out of the hands of the prior and convent, and appointed his commissary to receive all the revenues, rendering an account twice a year to the convent in the presence of Walter Shuryngton, chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster. To the prior was assigned a sum of j^20 for his maintenance, to each canon lOO^., and to each cleric 48^. 4^., while small amounts were also allotted for pittances and as provision in case of sickness. Beyond these expenses and an allowance of ;^40 for repairs to property, the whole income of the house was to be devoted to the payment of debts. At the end of the fifteenth century there was some ill-feeling between the priory and the City, and in consequence the drapers and tailors of London determined not to take booths in the precinct at the time of the fair.*"' William Bolton, who became prior about 1506, made extensive improvements to both priory and church.^^ He had evidently great talent as a builder, and was appointed master of the king's works by Henry VIIL'^ At the chapter of the order in 1 5 1 8 the excuse made and accepted for his absence was the royal busi- ness ; the same reason might possibly have been offered for his neglect to fulfil the office of visitor in the diocese of London, but in this case he was fined j{^ 10.*^' Apparently his capacity lay all in the one direction, as when Wolsey tried to secure the see of St. Asaph for him in 15 18, the king refused on the ground that though masters of the works had been promoted before, it had been not for their skill in building, but for other qualifications, ^ Cal. Pap. Letters, vi, 151. " Doc. of the D. .ind C. of St. Paul's, A. box 25, No. 645. ^ Rec. of the Corp. of Lond. Repert. i, fol. 38. " Stow, Surv. of Lond. (ed. Strype), iii, 225. In I 517 the priory was exempted from the payment of the two-tenths to the crown, owing to the great expense of rebuilding the conventual church. Lond. Epis. Reg. Fitz James, fol. 121. '' He held the post in April, 1 5 18, L.and P. Hen. VIII, ii, 4083 ; and payments to him occur from Feb. I 5 19, ibid, iii, p. 1534. <" Cott. MS. Vesp. D. i, fol. 68. such as profound learning.** For some years before he died in 1532 he was very infirm,** and his death was expected in 1527 when the friends of William Fynch, the cellarer, offered to con- tribute £2)^0 to Wolsey's college at Oxford if the cardinal would help Fynch to obtain the post. It is evident that outside influence was of great importance in elections at this time, for in 1529 another candidate was soliciting Cromwell's support,*' and Robert Fuller, abbot of Waltham, who finally obtained the priory in commendam^ promised Cromwell to recompense him largely for his favour.*' The orthodoxy and the conduct of the canons must have been considered unexceptionable, or otherwise the judges of John Tewkesbury, on con- demning him for heresy in 1531, would not have sent him to this monastery to remain there until released by the bishop of London.™ It is certain, however, that Prior Robert was always prepared to adapt his views to those of the king in re- ligious matters, for the compliance of the prior and canons can be read in the terms they secured when the priory was surrendered in October, 1539 : '^ Fuller received a life grant of most of the property of the priory ; " to the sub-prior was assigned an annual pension of ^^ 1 5 ; to each of ten canons one of ^^6 13J. \d. ; and to two others one of ^^5 each.'' The pensions also seem to have been paid with great regularity.''* The number of inmates shows a great decrease from that of earlier times: in 1 1 74 there had been thirty-five canons in the priory,'' and there were twenty in 1381,'* thirty years after the depopulation caused by the Black Death. The officers of the house included sub-prior, cellarer, sacristan, infirmarer, refector, and chamberlain." The income of the house in 1291 appears to have been about ^^152,'* of which more than half was derived from property in London." At " L. and P. Hen. VIll, ii, 40S3. " Ibid, xiii (l), 260. °° Ibid, iv, 3334. ^' Ibid, iv, 54:0. ^ Ibid. V, 1207 (24). *' Ibid, v, 1044. '"Ibid, v, 589. " Ibid, xiv (2), 391. " Ibid, xvi, p. 715. The manors in Essex, Hert- fordshire, and Middlesex, the fair, and the buildings in London except the chief messuage of the priory, which was in the tenure of Sir Richard Riche. ^ Ibid, xiv (2), 391 (2). "Aug. Off. Misc. Bk. 249, fol. 16, \6b, 20, 20^, 23, 231J ; ibid. 250, fol. zxb, 22, 23, 23^, 24, 24^, 28^, z\b, 32, 324 34^, 353. " Cott. MS. Vesp. B. ix, fol. ^^b. '^ Lond. Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 264. " Cal. of Chart, and R. in. Bod/. Lib. 163. " The reckoning h.is been made from the Taxatio for the diocese of London in Harl. MS. 60, fol. 6, 17, 26, 28, 39> 42, 59' 67. 73. 78, 81, 82, 86, 87, with the addition of property in other dioceses given in Po/>e Nich. Tax. (Rec. Com.). " Spiritualities, ^^8 8/. id. and temporalities, £jo \os. 8d. 478 RELIGIOUS HOUSES the Dissolution its revenues were reckoned at j^773 o;. i|^. gross, and ^693 os. lo^d. net,*" rents and ferms in London and the suburbs alone amounting to £4^1 31. jd.^^ Its property at that time comprised the manors of Canonbury, Acton, Renters in Hendon, Great Stanmore, Canons in Little Stanmore, and lands in Port- pool, Little Stanmore and ' Shardington,' per- haps Charlton, co. Middlesex ; *^ the manors of Langley Hall in Clavering,*' and Shortgrove,*^ and meadowland in Walthamstow,*' co. Essex ; the manors of Tewin,^* Holmes in Shenley," and Walhall,** co. Herts. ; the church of St. Sepulchre, which had very early been appro- priated to the priory,*' the church of Theydon Bois, CO. Essex, which the canons had received licence to appropriate in 1335 ; ^° the rectories of Bradfield, co. Essex, Gorleston, Lowestoft, co. Suffolk, and Mentmore," co. Bucks., and the advowson of the church of Tewin ; ^^ the obla- tions of the chapel of St. Mary, Yarmouth,*' and pensions from the churches of Wenhaston, co. Suffolk, and Danbury," co. Essex. In 1291'" and 1428 '^ the priory had also received a portion of 2 marks from the church of Sunbury in Middlesex. The prior held in 1303 a quarter of a knight's fee in Bradfield," and a fraction of a fee in Tewin ; ** in 13 16 he held a whole fee in Little Stanmore;'' in 1346, a quarter of a fee in Bradfield ; '*■ in 1428 he still held this quarter fee in Bradfield, '°' and appears to have held moreover half a knight's fee in Acton and a quarter in Islington.'"" The church was rich in plate, possessing at the suppression of the priory more than 500 oz. of gilt plate, 370 oz. of parcel gilt, and 311 oz, of white plate.'"' *• FahrEccl. (Rec. Com.), i, 407, 408. " Ibid, i, 407. Auditors of the accounts of the collectors of rent in the City and suburbs were ap- pointed in 1533 at a salary of 40;. per annum, and 20s. a year for their clerk. Karl. Chart. 83, A. 43. *' Mins. Accts. 32 Hen. VIII, given in Dugdale, Mon. Angl.vx, 297. *^ Morant, //«/. of Essex, ii, 614. " Ibid, ii, 585. " Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 297. ^ Ibid. ; L. and P. Hen. Vlll, xvi, p. 715. "' Add. Chart. 1992. ^ L. and P. Hen. Fill, xvi, p. 715. *' Newcourt, Repert. \, 530. ^ Cal. of Pat. 1334-8, p. 173. They owned the rectory in 1526. Lend. Epis. Reg. Bonner, fol. 47^. " Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 297. '^ Chauncy, Hist, of Herts. 274. '' L. and P. Hen. Vlll, xvi, p. 716. " Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 297. A pension of sor. from Danbury church was being paid in 1428. Feud. Aids, ii, 207. '= Harl. MS. 60, fol. 26. « Feud. Aids, iii, 378. " Ibid, ii, 129. '* Ibid, ii, 434. ^ Ibid, iii, 373. '""Ibid, ii, 154. "' Ibid, ii, 218. "^ Ibid, iii, 383. "" Monastic Treas. (Abbotsford Club), 26. Priors of St. Bartholomew's, West Smithfield Rahere, occurs 1123'°* and 1133,'°' died Ii44i«« Thomas, elected 11 44, died 1174'"' Alan, occurs f. 1 1 81"''- 1 204 Richard, occurs 1202-3 "" G., elected and resigned 1213 ''" John, removed 1232''' Gerald, elected 1232,"^ occurs 1233 "' ^^^ 1237-8''* Peter le Due, occurs 1242 and 1251,"* re- signed 1256"^ Robert, elected 1256,^^' occurs 1257 "* Gilbert de Weledon, elected 1262 "' John Bacun, occurs 1264 '^'^ Hugh, occurs 1274,'^' died 1295 ^^ John, occurs 1306,'^' 131 7,'-* 1321,^^' 1323^'° John, occurs 1338, 1339,'"' and 1 340,'-* died 1350'^' Edmund de Braughyngg, elected 1350,"" resigned 1356 '" John de Carleton, elected 1356 "^ Thomas Watford, occurs 1362,"' died 1382 "* '" Matt. Westm. Flor. Hist. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 1123. '"* In a charter of Henry I, of which an inspeximus by Henry VI is given in Add. MS. 34768, fol. 9^-1 1. ""■ Cott. Vesp. B. ix, fol. 59^. '"' Ibid. fol. 593. He was a canon of St. Osyth's. "^ Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 71, No. 1798. "^ Hardy and Page, Cal. ofLond. and Midd. Tines, 6. "" He was a canon of Oseney, and a few days after his election as prior he became a monk at Abingdon. Ann. Mon. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 41. '" Ibid, iii, 130. "» Ibid. '" Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. London, A. parcel 2. "* Hardy and Page, op. cit. 24. He is here called Gerard. "* He is called Peter le Due in 1242 {Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 15), but Peter only in 1237, ibid. 3. "« Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 291. '" Ibid. "' Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 9. "' Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 291. "" Ibid. '" Cal. of Close, 1272-9, p. 117. '" Cal. of Pat. 1 292-1 301, p. 131. '^' He is called John de Kemsingham in Cal. of Chart, in BodL Lib. 162. "*■ Doc. ofD. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 23, No. 168. '" Cal. of Close, 1318-23, p. 288. '^« Ibid. 1323-7, p. 149. '"Ibid. 1337-9, P-523 ; 1339-41. P- 330- '" Year Books Edw. Ill, Easter and Trinity Terms, \\th year (Rolls Ser.). He is here called John de Pekesden. ''^ Cal. of Pat. 1348-50, p. 505. ■"' Ibid. p. 535. "' Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 291. '" Ibid. "' Inspex. and confirm, in 1390 of an indenture between him and John de Mirfeld. CaL of Pat. 1388-92, p. 234. '" Lond. Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 264. 479 A HISTORY OF LONDON William Gedney, elected 1382,"' resigned 1 39 1 i3« John Evton or Repyngdon, elected 1391 "' Simon Wynchecombe, occurs 1392 and 1393"' John Eyton, occurs 1394, died 1404"' John de Watford, occurs 1 406 and 1413,'** resigned 1414"^ William Coventree, occurs 1433 "^ Reginald, occurs 1437"' John, occurs 1439 '** Reginald Colyer, occurs 1445,^" 145 3,"° and i465,"Mied I47ii« Richard Pulter, elected 1 471,"' occurs 1473,^^ died 1480 >" Robert Tollerton, elected i48o,"'died 1484"' William Guy, elected 1484,^" occurs 1489, 1 501, and 1504"' William Bolton, elected 1505,^^* died 1532 '" Robert Fuller, elected 1532,"* surrendered I 539 159 "* He was the convent cellarer. Lond. Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 264. ™ Cal. of Pat. 1388-92, p. 359. '" He was a canon of Repyngdon. Ibid. 386. "* He is mentioned as one of the executors of a will. Cal. of Pat. 1391-6, pp. 252, 257. "' John occurs in I 394, the prior who died in 1 404 is called John de Eyton. Ibid. 498 ; ibid. 1401-5, p. 414. "° Cal. Pap. Letters, vi, 76, 392. "' In March, 1 41 2, he received a dispensation to hold for three years a benefice as well as the priory provided he resigned the priory within that term. He was evidently no longer prior in March, 141 5, since he is addressed by the pope as canon of St. Bartholomew's. Ibid, vi, 277, 463. '" Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 25, No. 645. '" Dugdale, Men. Angl. vi, 291. '" Ibid. It is not clear whether he became prior or was .ilready prior then. ■" Sharpe, Cal of Wills, n, 511. Colyer had at one time left the monastery without leave of his superior, and lived in the world though with- out abandoning his habit. The pope ordered the bishop of London to absolve him from excommuni- cation in 1424. Cal. Pap. Letters, \\\, 11 :,. "•^ Cal Cod. MSS. Ratvlinson Bibl. Bodl. 182. '" Cal. of Pat. 1461-7, p. 497. "' Ibid. 1467-77, p. 260. '" Ibid. 265. ""'Add. Chart. 38861. '" Cal. of Pat. 1476-85, p. 189. '" Ibid. 201. "' Dep. Keeper's Rep. ix, App. ii, 40. "* Cal. of Pat. 1476-85, p. 442. '^ William without any surname occurs at these three d.ites. Anct. D. (P.R.O.), B. 2173, B. 2056, B. 2204. "° Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 29 1. '" Lond. Epis. Reg. Stokesley, fol. 80. "* The canons left the choice of a prior to the bishop of London, Master Roland Lee, and John Olyver, who appointed Fuller, abbot of Waltham. Ibid. fol. 80-90. "'L.andP. Hen. VIII, xiv (2), 392 (2). A fine example of the common seal of the priory is attached to a charter of 1533.^°" The obverse represents St. Bartholomew, seated on a carved throne, holding a book in his right hand and a knife in his left. In the field, on the left a crescent, on the right a star, each between two groups of three small spots. The style of work is of the thirteenth century. Legend : — SIGILLVM : COMMVNE : PRIOR* ET : COVETV[s : SCI : ba]rtholomei : London' . On the reverse is a church, with central spire, a cross at each gable end, masoned wall imitating ashlar-work and traceried windows, standing on a ship with a castle at each end, that on the left pointed, that on the right square, on the sea. In the field at the sides the inscription : — Legend : — NAVIS ECCL K CREDIMVS : ANTE t DEVM I PROVEHI BARTHOLOMEVM PER A seal 'ad Causas ' of the fourteenth century ^^ is a pointed oval, and represents St. Bartholomew standing on a corbel, holding in his right hand a knife, in his left a long cross. Legend : — ET CONV . . . . lond' ad cavs THCL I 7. THE PRIORY OF SOUTHWARK The original name of this priory, St. Mary Overy, signified St. Mary over the river. Stow recites a tradition, which he had from the lips of Linsted, the last prior, that, long before the Conquest, there was at Southwark a house of sisters endowed with the profits of a ferry across the Thames ; but that afterwards it was con- verted into a college of priests who, in the place of the ferry, built the first wooden bridge over the Thames and kept it in repair. This tradi- tion, however, is not supported by any known authority. Whatever may have been the nature of any earlier foundation on the same site, it was in the year 11 06 that the order of regular or Austin Canons was established at St. Mary's, Southwark.i The founders or re-founders at this date were William Pont de I'Arche and William Dauncey, two Norman knights. It is said that Bishop GifFard lent them much assistance, and in 11 07 built the nave of the church ; hence he was sometimes termed the founder. The principal grants that were made to the canons in the twelfth century were the church of St. Margaret, Southwark, by Henry I, lands at '" Harl. Chart. 83 A. 43. '" B.M. Seals, Ixviii, 26. 1 Ann. Mon. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 430 ; iv, 374. 480 St. Bartholomew's Priqrv [Obverse^ St. Bartholomew's Pkiorv {Re-verse) The Crossed Friars St. Helen's, Bishotsgatk The K.N1GHTS Hospitallers The K.NIGHTS Hospitaller The Knights Hosfitaller Monastic Seals : Plate II RELIGIOUS HOUSES Banstead by Mansel de Mowbray ; two weighs of cheese at 'Badleking' in the manor of King- ston Lisle in Berkshire ; lands at ' Waleton ' by Alexander Fitzgerald j 60 acres of land at ' Wadeland,' Foots Cray, by William de Warren; the tithe of his farm at Southwark, and con- firmation of grant of a stone building which had belonged to William de Pont de I'Arche, by King Stephen ; the church of All Saints, Graveney, confirmed to them by Archbishop Lanfranc ; and five City churches and many other advowsons from divers donors.^ On II July, 12X2, a terrible fire broke out on the Surrey side of the water, occasioning the loss of about 1,000 lives, in which the priory church, together with London Bridge with its houses and chapels, was consumed. The con- ventual buildings were also all destroyed save the frater.' In 12 1 5, when the prior and canons had moved into their new house, having temporarily occupied the hospital of St. Thomas, an impor- tant agreement was made between Prior Martin and the archdeacon of Surrey, warden of the hospital, which is cited in the subsequent account of the hospital. The rebuilding after the fire was materially helped by the munificence of Peter des Roches, bishop of Winchester, who also built a spacious chapel dedicated to St. Mary Magdalen, which afterwards became the parish church of that name, and the south aisle of the priory church.* In 1244 Bishop William de Raleigh, having incurred the enmity of the king, dared not tarry in his episcopal house, which adjoined the priory, but took refuge with the canons, and thence escaped by boat down the Thames to France." On 15 February, 1260, there was a great gathering in the priory church of Southwark, when Henry de Wengham was consecrated bishop of London by the archbishop of Canter- bury, in the presenceof the bishops of Worcester, Chester and Salisbury, and Richard, king of the Romans.* In the time of Prior Stephen the rebuilding of the priory church was taken in hand. A thirty days' indulgence was granted in 1273 to all penitents who contributed to the fabric' ' These benefactions and several others are set forth in detail by Manning and Bray {Hist, of Surr. iii, 562-5) : original transcripts or abstracts of most of these charters are to be found in Cott. MS. Faust. A. viii, or in Nero, C. iii, where there are various original early charters of Southwark Priory on fol. 188, 196, 197, and 201. ' Matt. Paris, CAron. Maj. (Rolls Sen), ii, 536 ; Ann. Mon. ii, 82, 268. The date (1207) given for this in the Annals of Bermondsey is clearly a mistake. * Manning and Bray, Hist. ofSufr. iii, 560. ' Matt. Paris, Ckron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), iv, 285-6 ; Fbr. Hist. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 270. •Ibid, ii, 443. ' Harl. MS. 5871, fol. 184. On 1284 John Peckham, archbishop of Can- terbury, visited the monastery, where it appears there was some friction among the brethren. On 21 May in that year he issued injunctions to the prior for the better order of the house. He commanded that no canon should on any account enter the city of London or the town of Southwark without another canon or lay brother, or eat or drink there unless with peers or prelates ; that silence should be maintained in the church, choir, cloister and frater ; that the sub-prior should not only study the dignity of religion, but also the bonds of charity, and should correct the faults of the brethren with due gentleness, especially in the absence of the prior; that the money of the house should be placed in the hands of two of the brethren, who should account for it to the prior. The archbishop in- veighed particularly against * the detestable crime ' of any of the brethren holding property, and put any so doing under excommunication. He at the same time removed Hugh de Chaucumbe, the cellarer ; William de Cristeshall, almoner and infirmarer ; and Stephen, the chamberlain and sacrist, injoining that one canon should not hold the offices of almoner and infirmarer.* The taxation roll of 1291 shows that the income then accruing from temporalities was considerable, viz. in Winchester diocese, ;^27 IS. 3^., of which above ;^22 was for rents in Southwark ; in Chichester diocese, _^2 is. t^d.; in Rochester diocese, ;^8 ; in Lincoln diocese, ^3 15J. ; and in London diocese, rents out of no fewer than forty-seven parishes, amounting to 3^7° 3^- Si^' Th^ °"'y spiritualities entered are a pension of 13J. ^d. for the prior out of the rectory of St. Mildred's Poultry, and 2s. for the canons out of the rectory of St. Bartholomew the Less. From an ecclesiastical taxation of a later date, cited in the priory register,' it appears that the priory then held the rectories of Graveney, worth yearly 8 marks ; Wendover, 42 marks ; Stoke Poges, 1 8 marks ; Reigate, 20 marks ; Betch- worth, 24 marks ; Banstead, 20 marks; Mitcham, 20 marks; Addington, 12 marks; Newdigate, 1 2 marks ; St. Margaret, 1 3 marks ; St. Mary Magdalen, 6 marks ; and Tooting, 40;. There were also pensions to the priory of 4$. from the church of St. Mary Magdalen, of 2s. from Newdigate, of 20s. from Woodmansterne, of 45. from Tooting, of 5 marks from Swanscombe (Kent), and of 13X. j^d. from Leigh. On the day of St. Philip and St. James, 1304, the following nineteen were the professed of the priory : William Whaleys, prior ; Adam de London, fraterer; Henry de Kersalton, pittancer; Henry de Blockele ; Peter de Cheynham, pre- centor ; Ralph de London, cook ; John de Gatton ; Geoffrey de Wendover ; John de Lech- 481 ' Reg. Epist. J. Peckham (Rolls Ser.), ii, 717-18. ' Cott. MS. Faust. A. viii, fol. i66b. 61 A HISTORY OF LONDON lade ; Roger de Wynton, sub-prior ; Roger de Reygate, cellarer (erased) ; Symon de Westmin- ster ; John de Cantuar ; John de Northampton ; John de Wynton, sub-cellarer ; Robert de kancia, cellarer ; Robert de Wells ; and John de Ardenere.^" In May, 13 13, the prior and convent of Southwark obtained licence for the appropriation in mortmain of the church of Newdigate, which was of their advowson.^^ Henry de Cobham, keeper of certain of the late Templars' lands in Kent, Surrey and Sussex, was ordered in October, 1313, to pay to the bishop of Winchester the wages of ^d. a day assigned by the late archbishop of Canterbury and the whole provincial council for the main- tenance of Richard de Grafton, a Templar placed in the priory to do penance.'^ The priory had to maintain other pensioners : thus in April, 131 5, Peter prior of Southwark and his chapter granted to Thomas de Evesham, clerk of the king's chancery, in consideration of his good service to them, a yearly pension of iooj. for life out of their manor of Tadworth ; ^' and in October, 131 9, Hugh de Windsor was sent to the priory for his maintenance, in consideration of his good service to Queen Isabel.^* And again a grant was made by Edward III in February, 1344, at the request of Richard earl of Arundel, who would have to come to London very often to treat of various matters for the king, that he should lodge in the priory, and have the use of suitable houses (chambers) there for him and his household during the king's pleasure.'' Pardon was granted to the priory and convent of Southwark in 13 14 for having acquired in mortmain, without the late king's licence, various shops and messuages in Southwark, and lands in Mitcham, Chelsham, and Kidbrooke ; " and in January, 1332, a like pardon was granted them for entering without licence from the king's progenitors into 6 marks of rent in London, bequeathed to them by Sabina, late the wife of Philip le Taillour, citizen of London, for daily celebration for the souls of Philip and Sabina.^' The bishops of Winchester not infrequently used the priory church. For instance Bishop Sendale held ordinations there in 1 3 16, 131 7, and 1318 ;'* on 10 March, 1352, John Sheppey '" Cott. MS. Fanst. A. viii, 493. Another list drawn up in 1298 gives a total of twenty-one, but several are erased ; and another of 1 302 (both on fol. 50^) gives nineteen. " Pat. 6 Edw. II, pt. 2, m. 9. " Close, 7 Edw. II, m. 23. " Ibid. 8 Edw. II, m. 9 d. '« Ibid. 13 Edw. II, m. lt,d. " Pat. 18 Edw. Ill, pt. I, m. 48. " Ibid. 7 Edw. II, pt. 2, m. 23. " Ibid. 6 Edw. Ill, pt. I, m. 27. " Sendalis Reg. (Hants Rec. See), passim. was consecrated bishop of Rochester in this church.^' The priory was again burnt or severely damaged by fire in the reign of Richard II. Considerable repairs and rebuilding were at once undertaken.^ The work must have been accom- plished by the beginning of the year 1 390, for on 7 February Bishop Wykeham commissioned his sufiragan, Simon bishop of Achonry, to reconcile the conventual church of St. Mary Overy and the annexed church of St. Mary Magdalen, and to dedicate the altars and grave- yard.^' To this work John Gower, the poet, is said to have been a liberal contributor. Bishop Wykeham again on 12 February, 1391, obtained the services of John bishop of Sodor to reconcile the church of St. Mary Overy, the adjoining parish church of St. Mary Magdalen, and St. Mary's chapel in the conventual farmery, and their respective graveyards, after pollution by bloodshed.^^ The nature of the afiray or accident is not known. The bishop gave notice on 7 January, 1395, of his intention to visit the priory on the Wed- nesday after the conversion of St. Paul,-' and in June, 1397, he commissioned John Elmere the official, William Stude an advocate of the Court of Arches, and John de Ware, to visit it.** The result of this latter visitation was that the newly appointed prior, Kyngeston, was found to be suffering from so serious an infirmity as to be incap.ible of ruling his house, and that the discipline had in consequence become very lax. The custody of the house was therefore com- mitted to the sub-prior and John Stacy, another of the canons, with full power of punishing excesses and delinquencies. They were to call to their aid, if necessary, William Stude and John Ware, the bishop's visiting commissioners. No canon was to leave the house except for some grave cause and with a special letter from the two custodians, under pain of imprisonment. The sub-prior was enjoined to have an account of rents received during the last four years made up for audit, and the bishop also put forth several other practical injunctions for the due manage- ment of the temporalities.^* In March, 1398, Prior Weston was licensed by the bishop to let benefices appropriated to the priory, with a proviso that none of the buildings belonging to these rectories were to be used as taverns or for any illicit or dishonourable trades that might bring discredit on the church. In the following month the bishop visited the priory.^^ In February, 1399, Prior Weston " Stubbs, Reg. Sacr. Angl. 77. '" Stow, Chron. 542, 597. " Winton Epis. Reg. Wykeham, iii, fol. 24 13. " Ibid, iii, fol. 249. " Ibid, iii, fol. 279. " Ibid, iii, fol. 293^. " Ibid, iii, fol. 296-7. "^ Ibid, iii, fol. 30 1 3. 482 RELIGIOUS HOUSES was admonished by Bishop Wykeham not to alienate the endowments of the house.^ By his will dated 15 August, 1408, the poet Gower left his body to be buried in the priory church, 4.0s. to the prior, 13;. 4^. to each priest-canon, 6s. 8d. to each canon in his novitiate, to each valet within the gates 2s., and to each serving boy I2d. For the service of the altar of the chapel of St. John, where he was to be buried, he left two full sets of vestments, one of ' blew ' baudkyn mixed with white colour, and the other of white silk ; one large missal, and a new chalice.^* In 1406 the marriage of Edmund Holland earl of Kent, with Lucy, daughter of the duke of Milan, who brought her husband a dower of 100,000 ducats, was celebrated in the parish church. Stow records another wedding in this church of some importance in February, 1424, when James I, king of Scotland, after a captivity of eighteen years, was released and married Lady Joan Somerset, daughter of the duchess of Clarence by her first husband, John earl of Somerset. In the ninth year of the rule of Henry Werkeworth, in the year 1424, there was hanging in the tower of the priory a ring of seven bells. The first, called Augustine, weighed 38 cwt. 7 lb. ; the second, Mary, 27 cwt. 3 qr. 131b. ; the third, Stephen, 1 9 cwt. 3 qr. 7 lb. ; the fourth, Ave Maria, 15 cwt. gib. ; the fifth, Laurence, 13 cwt. 7 lb. ; the sixth, Vincent, 7 cwt. 21 lb. ; and the seventh, Nicholas, 5^ cwt. 9 lb. But in that year Prior Henry caused the bells to be increased in weight and number so as to form a ring of eight bells, which were hung in the newly constructed tower of the priory church on the vigil of St. Bartholomew's Day, 1424. The first bell was called Trinity, the second, Mary ; the third, Augustine ; the fourth, Laurence ; the fifth, Gabriel ; the sixth. All Saints ; the seventh, John the Evangelist ; and the eighth, Christopher.^' On the death of Prior Henry Werkeworth in January, 1452, the usual brief was sent forth from the convent inviting the prayers of members of other religious houses for the rest of his soul. A copy of this document, wherein the highest praise is given to the late prior — vir Industrie laudahilis — is extant among the Peck MSS.^** John Bottisham the prior, who resigned in 1462, was granted a pension of twenty marks, in addition to his maintenance at the prior's table : also board and cloth for a gown for his servant. The ex-prior was further assigned a suitable chamber in the priory with a fireplace and wood for 300 fires ; also six quarters of charcoal, and nine dozen pounds of tallow candles. " Winton Epis. Reg. Wykeham, iii, fol. 309^. '' Taylor, jinnals of St. Mary Overy (1833). '' Cott. MS. Faust. A. viii, fol. 79*^. »» Add. MS. 4937, fol. 266. In 1469 the middle roof of the nave fell in ; it was repaired with woodwork, as also was the roof of the north transept.^^ A grant was made by Edward IV to South- wark Priory in 1475 of the advowson and appropriation of the parish church of West Tilbury, Essex, on condition of the convent promising to celebrate daily within their church a mass of St. Erasmus the Martyr, in which the priest should pray for the soul of the king's father, Richard duke of York, and for the good estate of the king and his consort Elizabeth, and for Edward prince of Wales and the king's other children, and for their souls after death. '^ Dr. Thomas Hede, commissary of the prior of Canterbury, visited the priory on 6 May, 1 50 1, during the vacancy of the sees of Win- chester and Canterbury. Prior Michell reported favourably of the spiritual condition of the house, but he stated that there was a debt of £i()0 when he entered on his office, and that the debt did not now exceed ;^ioo, and that there were no valuables pledged. The seal was kept in the sacristy under four keys, the respective custody of which was in the hands of the prior, sub- prior, sacrist, and precentor. He had not ordered a balance sheet for that year, but was prepared to do so when requested. Richard Hayward, sub-prior, testified that silence was duly observed at the proper times and places ; and that the debt of the house was the fault of the predecessor of the then present prior. William Kemp, sacrist, Richard Holand, precentor, canons John Hale, Thomas Archer, John Corcar, Richard London, William Godwyn, Thomas Eustache, Humphrey Furnor, and William Major, acolyte, were content to report omne bene. William Walter, acolyte, said that he had been professed for six years, and was two years ago ordained acolyte, but that he had not been presented for further orders. John Hall, acolyte, twenty-one years of age, said he had been professed for seven years, and was ordained acolyte four years ago.'' An important chapter of the canons regular of St. Austin was held in their chapter-house, Leicester, on Monday, 16 June, 15 18, when one hundred and seventy joined in the procession, of whom thirty-six were prelati or heads of houses. As night came on they adjourned till Tuesday morning at seven, and when they again assembled, the prior of Southwark, with every outward demonstration of trouble and sorrow, appealed for a stricter and verbal observance of their rule. His manner and address excited much stir, but he was replied to by many, parti- cularly by the prior of Merton. On the first day of this chapter a letter had been read from Cardinal Wolsey observing with regret that so few men of that religion applied themselves to '' Taylor, Annals, 28. " Pat. 15 Edw. IV, pt. 2, m. 10. " Cant. Archiepis. Reg. Sede Vac. 483 A HISTORY OF LONDON study. On Wednesday, the concluding day of the chapter, Henry VIII and his then queen were received into the order.** In 1535 the clear annual value of this priory was declared to be ^^624 6s. 6d. Their rents in Southwark alone realized ;r283 4J. 6d. On November I ith of this year there was a great procession by command of the king, at which were present the canons of this church, with their crosses, candlesticks, and vergers before them, all singing the litany." Prior Bartholomew Linstcd and the convent 'surrendered' on 27 October, 1539. The prior obtained a pension of ;^I00, two of the monks £8 each, and nine monks £6 each. A note to the pension list, which was signed by Cromwell, stated that the prior was to have a house within the close where Dr. Michell was dwelling.^' Priors of Southwark Aldgod,'' 1106 ; died 1131 Algar, died 1 132 Warin, died 1 142 Gregory, died 1 151 Ralph, died 1 155 Richard, 1155 ; ruled nine years Valerian, about 1164 William de Oxenford, died 1203 Richard de St. Mildred, died 1206 William Fitz-Samari, died 1207 Martin, elected 1 207 ; died 1218 Robert de Oseney, elected 1218 ; died 1225 Humphrey, elected 1225 Eustace, elected 1243 Stephen Alan, died 1283 William Wallys,'8 1283 Robert de Henton, collated 1292''; deposed 1305 "0 William Waleys, occurs 1 304 Peter de Cheyham, 1305 " Peter, occurs 1315 ; died 1327 Thomas de Southwark, elected 1327*'; resigned 1331 >* Cott. MS. Vesp. D. i, 63. •^Taylor, Jnna/s, 28. »' L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiv (2), 40. " The names of the priors are taken principally from Cott. MS. Faust. A. viii, fol. 118^, 177, and Karl. MS. 544, fol. 100. " In 1283-4 * prior was dean of Arches {Reg. Epist. Peckham (Rolls Ser.), ii, 645 ; Ann. Mon. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 400) ; a prior was deposed 1294 {Reg. Epist. Peckham (Rolls Ser.), iii, 1065. See also Cat. Pap. Letters, v). " Winton Epis. Reg. Pontoise, fol. II. " Ibid. Woodlock, fol. 13. " Ibid. fol. 20. He was elected by the chapter, but owing to an informality the election was void and the bishop appointed on his own authority. " Ibid. Stratford, fol. 104-^. Robert de Welles, elected 1331 ; died 1348 John de Peckham, 1348 ; resigned 1359 Henry Collingbourne, ? 1361 ; died 1395 John Kyngeston, elected 1395*^ ; died 1397 Robert Weston, elected 1398"; died 1414 Henry Werkeworth, 1414 ; died 1452 John Bottisham, elected 1453 ; resigned 1462 « Henry de Barton, elected 1462 ; died i486 Richard Brigges, collated 1486*^; died 1491 John Reculver, elected 1491 *' ; ^499 Robert Michell, elected 1499 > resigned 1512 Robert Shouldham, 15 12 Bartholomew Linsted (Fowle), c. 1512 ; surrendered 1 5 39 The pointed oval seal'** of the eleventh cen- tury represents a king standing, with crown having loose straps ending in trefoils as in the great seal of William II ; in the hands is an inscribed scroll (illegible). Legend : — SIGILLUM SCE MARIE SVDWERKENSIS ECCl'iE Of the second seal,*' of the twelfth century, there are only imperfect impressions. Obverse : The Blessed Virgin on a throne, with Holy Child on left knee, and a fleur-de-lis in right hand ; within a pointed oval inscribed : ave : maria : gracia : plena : dns : tecum : benedicta. Legend : SIG E : SAN ERCHA. Reverse : A small counterseal of an issuing from clouds. Legend : angel AVE MATER MISERICORDIE. The third seal,*" used by Prior Henry Col- lingbourne in 1375, and by Prior Robert Weston in 1414, is pointed oval, and has canopied niches, within which arc the crowned Virgin and Child, St. John Baptist with Agnus Dei, and St. John the Evangelist with eagle. In the base is the prior kneeling. The legend is destroyed. Of a seal ad caiisas,^^ used in 1383, there is only an imperfect impression, of which the lower half is wanting. It is a pointed cval, and represents the Annunciation. Legend : — GILL BE K. AD : CAUSAS. A seal used by Prior Henry Werkeworth in 1422 bears the crowned seated Virgin and Holy Child. The impression is imperfect." " Ibid. Wykeham, i, fol. 248-9. ** Ibid, iii, fol. 296-7. " Ibid. Waynflete, fol. 42, 45^, 113^. " Ibid. fol. 113. " Ibid. Courtenay, fol. 10. «« B.M. Seals, Ixxii, 65. *' Dugdale, Mon. Jngi. vi, 171. Add. Chart. 15672 ; Harl. Chart. 53, H. 16. " Harl. Chart. 43, I, 43. Ibid. 44, I, 58. 484 RELIGIOUS HOUSES HOUSES OF MILITARY ORDERS 8. THE TEMPLE The first mention of the Knights Templars in connexion with England is in 1 128, when Hugh de Payens, the master of the order, visited this country,^ and received aid both in men and money for the cause. The foundation of the house outside Holborn Bars probably dates from this time, for Hugh de Payens before he left appointed a prior to preside over the English branch of the order,' and since other settlements here were cells of the Temple at London it follows that this central house must have been established early. Among the first patrons of the Templars in this country were Earl Robert de Ferrers,' Bernard de Balliol,'* King Stephen and Queen Matilda," but the earliest grant made to them in London of which there is evidence was Henry II's gift or confirmation* of the place on the Fleet by Castle Baynard, the watercourse for a mill, a messuage by Fleet Bridge,^ and the advow- son of St. Clement Danes.* Henry seems to have been a great benefactor of the knights, for he gave them lands in other parts of England.' It is probably to him that they owed the silver mark paid from the revenues of many of the English counties in 1 1 55,^" since it is called 'alms newly constituted.' In Henry's reign there are indications that the Templars were already playing that part in diplomacy and finance which was so remarkable a feature of their career. Richard de Hastings, the master of the Temple, and two others were entrusted with the castles which were to be delivered to Henry II on the marriage of his son with Margaret of France, and found it expedient to leave France when Henry by a piece of sharp practice had the two children married and secured the castles.'^ Hastings' influence was also used to persuade Becket to accept the Con- ' Hoveden, Chronicle (Rolls Ser.), i, 184. ' Addison, The Knights Templars, 82. ' Cott. MS. Nero, E. vi, fol. 92. * Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 819. ' Ibid. 820, 821, 843 ; Cott. MS. Nero, E. vi, fol. 289. ^ In the inquisition made in 1 185 by the master of the Temple Henry II is not mentioned in connexion with this property, but Gervase de Cornhill is said to have given one messuage and William Martell another. Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 82 1. ' The gr.int printed in Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 818, must have been before 1 1 62 asT. the chancellor is one of the witnesses. "Ibid. 'Ibid. 821. ^'' Kwntfc, Great Roll of the Pipe, 1155-58, pp. 3, 6, 8, 9, 13, 14, 16, 19, 21, 24, 26, &c. " Hoveden, Chron. (Rolls Ser.), i, 218. stitutions of Clarendon. '^ That the Templars were at this time employed by the king in monetary affairs is shown by Walter of Coven- try's story " of Gilbert de Ogrestan, the Knight Templar who, appointed collector of the tenth, was detected in embezzlement in 1 188, and severely punished by the master. The extent of the possessions acquired by the Templars in England during a period of scarcely sixty years can be seen in the return to an in- quisition ordered by Geoffrey Fitz Stephen, the master of the Temple, in 1185.^* The list in- cludes land in London, and in every part of the country, Essex, Kent, Warwickshire, Worcester- shire, Salop, Oxfordshire, Cornwall, Lincolnshire, Yorkshire, &c., and the holdings were large in many cases. At this time their possessions were divided into districts, apparently for the purposes of revenue, and one of these is called the ' Baillia ' of London." The master, of course, had his head quarters here, but the ordinary administra- tion of the house seems to have been carried on as elsewhere by a preceptor.^' There was also a prior,^' whose duties were presumably religious, for he was warden of the chapel.'* In 1 1 84 the house was transferred to what was probably a more convenient situation in Fleet Street,'' and was henceforth known as the New Temple. The church, round like the one in Holborn,^" was dedicated the next year by Heraclius, patriarch of Jerusalem, to the honour of God and the Virgin.'^ Richard I confirmed to the Templars all the previous donations made to them, granting them exemption from all pleas, suits, danegeld, and from murdrum and latrocinium,'' but otherwise he appears to have come but little in contact with them,''' a striking contrast to the relations of the Templars and the crown in the next two reigns. If the papal bull declaring the immunity of persons and goods within the houses of the " Ibid. 222. " Hist. Coll. (Rolls Ser.), i, 360. " K. R. Misc. Bks. No. 1 6, given in Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 821-31. " Ibid. '° Doc. of D. and C. of Westminster, London, B. Box I . An early grant of land by Castle Baynard is witnessed by William preceptor of London. " Wilkins, Concilia, 346. " Ibid. 335. " Stow, Survey 0/ London (ed. Strype), iii, 270. '" Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans. (New Ser.) '' ^57- " Stow, op. cit. iii, 270. An interesting point in connexion with the removal from Holborn is raised by the alleged burial of the earl of Essex in the cemetery of the New Temple in or about 1163. Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, 237. ^' Rymer, Foedera (Rec. Com.), i (l), 49. "^ i.e. of course in England. 485 A HISTORY OF LONDON order was issued, as seems most likely, by Inno- cent III in 1200,^* it would largely account for the use of the New Temple as a place of deposit for royal treasure which could be drawn upon as necessary. The other function of a bank performed by the New Temple, the advance of money, was made possible by the accumulation there of the revenues of the order in England. John had continual transactions of this kind with the Temple : ^^ in 121 2 he had 10,000 marks from which he directed sums to be paid out,"* in 1 213 he deposited 20,000 marks there,^ while in 12 15 Aymeric, master of the Temple, lent him 1,100 marks to obtain troops from Poitou.^* Nor did John's dealings with the Templars end here : he had as almoner a Templar, Roger,-' who in 12 15 had charge of business ^^ not usually associated with his office ; Aymeric, the master, was sent by him as his envoy to Normandy in 1204 '' ; a Templar and a Hospitaller were employed in a similar capacity in 1205 ^^ ; it was at the preceptory of Ewell that he made his submission to the pope,^' on which occasion Aymeric supplied him with the gold mark for the offering '^ ; and he was resid- ing at the New Temple when the barons made their demands ^' which led to the granting of Magna Charta at Runnymede, where Aymeric again figures as one of the king's supporters.'' Naturally, John made several gifts to the order which he found so useful. The confirmation of their privileges in the first year of his reign can hardly be reckoned in this category, seeing that they paid for it ^^1,000," but apart from this he gave to the Templars the isle of Lundy,'* land at Huntspill and Cameley before 1203,'' Hare- wood,'"' ' Radenach,' *' and some houses in Northampton in 1215.** " Cott. MS. Nero, E. vi, fol. 57. It is in the third year of the pontificate of Pope Innocent. If this is Innocent III the date would be 1 200 ; if Innocent IV 1245- " The money due to Queen Berengaria was sent to the Temple and paid out to her envoys there. Cal. of Pat. 1216—25, P- 243- ^^^ ^1^° Hardy, Rot. de Liberate (Rec. Com.), 8, where money owing to Queen Eleanor is to be sent to Aymeric, master of the Temple, 2 Nov. 1200. ^^ Rot. Lit. Claus. (Rec. Com.), i, 1 24, 1 34. -' Ry mcr, Foedera (ed. 1737), i (l), 56. -» Rot.Lit. Claus. {Ktc.Com}),\,^^l^. " Ibid, i, 230. '" It w.as chiefly to do with ships, see ibid. 231^, 233'^, 234> 236^. &c. " Yldixdiy,Rot.de Liberate (Rec. Com.), 81. '- Rot. Lit. Claus. (Rec. Com.), i, 27^. " Addison, op. cit. 152. " Rot. Lit. Claus. (Rec. Com.), i, 148^. " Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 584. ^ Ibid, ii, 589. " Hardy, Rot. de Oblai. and Fin. (Rec. Com.), 1 3. '^ Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 842. " Hardy, Rot. de Liberate (Rec. Com.), 66. " Rot. Lit. Claus. (Rec. Com.), i, 227. *' Ibid. 1,183^. "Ibid. 1,196. The relations of Henry III with the Templars are in a greater degree those of his father. Through the New Temple was paid in instal- ments the money due to Louis of France,^' and there were deposited 500 marks for the expedi- tion to Poitou** in 1 22 1 and for 'the good men of Rupella'^* in 1232, and sums for similar purposes in 1224^^ and 1225,*' while the king obtained loans*' from the Temple as occasion arose. The house acted indeed as the royal treasury,''^ the king's wardrobe being located there in 1225.^'' The master of the Temple," Alan Marcell, was employed by the king in negotia- tions abroad in 1224, and Robert de Sanford, master in 1236, was one of those sent by the king to escort Eleanor of Provence to England '^ ; Thomas, a Templar," was in charge of the king's great ship in 1225 and 1226, and another Templar was acting as the king's almoner in 1 24 1.'* Henry had such a high opinion of the order that at one time he intended to be buried in the New Temple," where he established in 1231a chantry of three chaplains with an income of ^8 a year.'* In the eleventh year of his reign he had confirmed all grants made to the Templars with sac and soc, tol and team, &c., exempting them from sheriflfe' aids, hidage, carucage, danegeld, &c., waste, regard and view of foresters, from tolls in markets and fairs throughout his realm, and granting them the amercements of their men." He gave to them also a wood in Carlton called Kingswood,'* and the manor and advowson of ' Roel.' " The king was present with a number of the chief persons of the kingdom when, in 1240, the new part of the Temple church was dedicated.'" Relaxation of penance had before this time'^ been offered to those visiting the church, some of the " Ibid. 1,41 5, and Cal.of Pat. 1216-25, p. 284. " Cal. of Pat. 1216-25, p. 303. " Rot. Lit. Claus. (Rec. Com.), i, 471 3. " Cal. of Pat. 1216-25, p. 523. *' Ibid. 1225-32, p. 54. " Ibid. 1216-25, pp. 537» 544, S46;^«/. Lit. Claus. (Rec. Com.), i, 479, 612. " Cal. of Pat. 1225-32, p. 466. '" Ibid. 1216-25, p. 505- " Rot. Lit. Claus. (Rec. Com.), i, 626. " Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 335. " Rot. Lit. Claus. (Rec. Com.), ii, 33, 98, 112. " Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. iv, 88. " Cal. of Chart. ^.1,135,211. Eleanor of Provence expressed the same wish, see Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 818. ""• Cal. of Chart. R.\, 135 ; Cal. of Pat. 1225-32, P- 439- " Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 844. *« 20 March, \ i Hen. Ill, Cott. MS. Nero, C. ix, fol. 28. '' Cal. of Chart. R.\,z\\. ^ Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), iv, 11. " H., archbishop of Canterbury, who offered an indulgence of this kind, was probably Hubert, 1189- 1207. That of Wm. bishop of London, is dated 1205. Cott. MS Nero, E. vi, fol. 2\b. 486 RELIGIOUS HOUSES indulgences being perhaps anterior to the founda- tion in Fleet Street,^^ but after 1240 several prelates, among whom were the bishops of Ely, Waterford, and Ossory,*' tried in this way to attract the alms of the faithful, particularly for the maintenance of lights. It is uncertain whether the papal indult of forty days was granted by Innocent III or Innocent IV.** The tombs of some of those buried there, among them the Earls Marshal*^ and Hugh Bigod,*** and the relics in which the church was very rich,*' may have thus ** proved a source of in- come. The size and situation of the Temple, and the power of its occupants, recommended it as a place of residence to other persons besides John. As early as 1 1 92 the archbishop of York had stayed there *' on the memorable occasion when he set the rights of Canterbury at defiance by having his cross held erect at Westminster, and the Temple church was suspended by the bishop of London from celebrating divine service in consequence. The association of the Temple with the collection of papal grants'" in this country may have been an additional induce- ment to Master Martin, the notorious papal agent, to take up his abode there, 1244-5.'' The ambassadors of the king of Castille were also lodged there in 1255,'^ when the apartments of Sanchez, the bishop-elect of Toledo,'^ must have presented a curious contrast to those of the brethren. The Templars under Edward I hardly appear to have maintained the dominating position they had held during the last two reigns in the affairs of the crown. Guy de Foresta, the master of the Temple, is certainly represented as going to Scotland on the king's business in 1273 ;'* the New Temple is mentioned as a royal treasury in 1274 and 1276,'' and the Temple treasurer as the receiver of the tallage of London in " T., archbishop of Canterbury, may, be Theobald, 1 139— 6 2, and Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, may be Thomas i Becket, 1162—70. Ibid. fol. 24. "Ibid. fol. 25. " Ibid. fol. 24. " Matt. Paris, Chnn. Maj. iii, 43, 201 ; iv, 136. '* Cott. MS. Nero, E. vi, fol. 25^. " These included the knife with which St. Thomas of Canterbury was killed ; two crosses containing wood of the True Cross, and some of the Holy Blood ; and there were six pyxes and coffers containing relics not named. L.T.R. Enr. Accts. 18, rot. 7. This inventory is given in full in Baylis, The Temple Church, 141-5. "^ Cott. MS. Nero, E. vi, fol. 24^, 2^b. '' Hoveden, Chron. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 187. ™ Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), iv, 557; Cal. Pap. Letters, i, 1 70. " Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), iv, 379, 420. '' Rymer, Foedera (Rec. Com.), i, 325. " Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), v, 509. " Cal. of Close, 1272-9, p. 57. '^ Cal. of Pat. 1272-81, pp 52, 140. 487 1274 ; '* Hugh, the visitor-general of the order, was moreover appointed by the king in 1299 " to repay the Friscobaldi for a loan. But in- stances of this sort were now rare, where before they were frequent, the Italian merchants taking their place in the royal finance, and the mendi- cant orders in diplomacy and other business. Yet the king's robbery of part of the treasure there in 1283 '' shows that as a place of deposit for valuables its popularity was still unrivalled or it would not have been singled out for this distinction, though a severe shock must then have been given to the credit it had hitherto deservedly " enjoyed. The decline of interest in crusades, the fall of Acre, and loss of the Holy Land in 1291, and the rise of new religious orders, would all tend to decrease the gifts made to the Templars, but these were numerous*" enough during the last years of Edward I to prove that the knights were still regarded with favour by many. There were absolutely no signs of the storm which was so soon to overwhelm them. On 1 3 October, 1307, the Templars in France were all arrested by King Philip.*' Edward II, far from crediting the accusations made against them, at first expressed himself strongly in their favour.'^ But on the receipt of a letter from Pope Clement V in November,*^ he abandoned their cause, and on 8 January, the Templars in England were by his order suddenly seized and imprisoned.*^ The process before the papal in- quisitors, Deodatus, abbot of Lagny, and Sicard de Vaur, canon of Narbonne, did not begin until 20 October, 1309.*' The charges may be summed up as blasphemy, apostasy, idolatry, and heresy : they were said to deny Christ at their reception into the order, to trample the cross under foot and spit on the crucifix, to adore the image of a cat, to believe that the grand master and the preceptors, many of whom were laymen, " Cal. of Close, \z-ji-i:), p. 63. " Cal. of Pat. 1 292-1 301, p. 419. " Stow, Sftrz*. of Lend, iii, 271. The treasures of the Poitevins had been seized there in 1258 for the use of the kingdom (Matt. Paris, C-^/on. Maj. (Rlls Ser.), V, 704), but in a period of upheaval necessity overrides all other considerations. " The Templars had steadfastly refused in 1232 to surrender to the king the treasure Hubert de Burgh had entrusted to them until ordered to do so by the owner. Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 232. *" In 1298 Ralph de Algate granted them 4 marks annual quit-rent in Walbrook. Cott. MS. Nero, E. vi, fol. 27. Edmund, earl of Cornwall, the king's cousin, gave them common pasture in all his hundred oflsleworth. Ibid. fol. 78. See also for alienations to them, Cal. of Pat. 1292-1301, pp. 26, 542; ibid. I 301-7, pp. 134, 301, 322. *' Addison, op. cit. 202. '^ Ibid. 205, 207. ^ Addison, op. cit. 207. A translation of the papal bull is printed by Baylis, op. cit. 123-6. »^ Ibid. 210. "^ WAVm%, Concilia, 329. A HISTORY OF LONDON could absolve them from their sins, to make sacrilegious mockery of absolution, and to be guilty of the vilest immorality.^^ Misconception of symbolic ceremonies may account for some of the accusations, most of which, however, can- not be explained in this way, and seem too improbable to be true,*" since it is difficult to see how such acts imputed, not to a few individuals, but to the whole body, could have long remained undiscovered, especially when the hospitality exercised at the various houses is remembered. The examination lasted until i8 March, i^io,^^ but elicited nothing derogatory to the order. The king then, urged by the pope, ordered the constable of the Tower to deliver his prisoners to the sheriffs of London *' to be disposed of by them in various places in the City so that the in- quisitors might have easy access to them.'" In spite of the tortures inflicted, only three, of whom one, John de Stoke," appears to have been the treasurer of the New Temple, confessed the truth of the articles. Testimony obtained by torture is always doubtful, and that given volun- tarily must on this occasion be regarded with suspicion, for it was supplied by secular priests, monks and friars,'* the enemies and rivals of the accused,'^ and even then it was often mere hear- say. The majority of the Templars, among them those of the New Temple, acknowledged themselves guilty of heresy, especially as to the efficacy of the absolution given by the master, submitted, and were reconciled to the Church.** The master, William de la More, however, refused to confess crimes of which he was innocent,^* and remained in the Tower until his death.'* The number of Templars belonging to the New Temple at the time of their arrest may have been thirteen," excluding the master. Of ^ Wilkins, Conci^a, ii, 331-2. Chronicles of Edw. I and Edw. 11 (Rolls Ser.), i, i 80-2. " See, however, Hallam, Middle Ages, \, 138-42. ** Wilkins, Concilia, ii, 346. *' Addison, op. cit. 243. '" Sharps, CaL of Letter Book D, 248, 259. " The John de Stoke who confessed evidently resided at one time at the New Temple, see Wilkins, Concilia, ii, 345, 387. '^ Ibid 359-63. " The Templars had received many privileges that had made them unpopular with the clergy, and ill- feeling can be traced as far back as 1228, see Rymer, Foedera (3rd ed. 1737), i (i), 103 ; i (2), 8, 9. " Wilkins, Concilia, ii, 390. " Ibid. ** Addison, op. cit. 276. ■' The sheriffs of London account for wages to fourteen brothers besides six chaplains, four clerks and four servants, &c. L.T.R. Enr. Accts. 18, rot. 7. Himbert Blanke, one of these brothers, was, how- ever, preceptor of Auvergne, and therefore did not really belong to the London House. From the list of the Templars sent to the Tower there would seem to have been only eight at the New Temple besides the master (Wilkins, Concilia, ii, 346), but two had cer- tainly died before this time. L.T.R. Enr. Accts. 18, rot. 7. these, three were serving brethren, two, brothers, John de Stoke was treasurer, Michael de Basker- vile, preceptor, and Ralph de Barton, priest, prior and warden of the chapel.''" Some of these probably survived the suppression of the order in 1312 to subsist as best they could, for the pen- sions of ^d. a day were not regularly paid,'* until they were received into various monasteries." The Templars at the time of the suppression owned in London and the neighbourhood the manor of Cranford '"* which had been given to them by John de Cranford,'"' the manor of Lilestone or Lisson Green '"- granted by Otho son of William in 1237,'°^ lands in Hampstead and Hendon belonging to that manor,'"* the manor of Hampton the gift of Lady Joan Grey,'"* and land in Hampton and ' Wyke ' given by Cristiana Haiwode ; '"* pastureland in Isleworth,'"^ meadowland in Hackney, co. Middle- sex,'"* a tenement at Charing,'"' which appears to have been granted by Gilbert Basset before 1185;"° tenements in Southwark valued in 1308 at £() <)s. 8d. net per annum;"' landsand rents in the parishes of St. Clement Danes,"* St. Dunstan West,'" where they had a holding in the 12th century,"* St. Bride,"' St. Mary Somerset,"^ St. Sepulchre,'" a messuage in ' Godrunlane ' in the parish of St. John Zachary, the bequest of John de Valescines in 1 256,"* and" a tenement in Holborn,'" and a quay and mills on the Fleet,'*" probably the most valuable of their property in London. They seem to have received a further grant of land here shortly after 1 185, since the gift of Walter son of Robert of land under Castle Baynard is not mentioned in the return to the inquisition of Fitz Stephen.'*"* "^ Wilkins, op. cit. ii, 346-7. ** Addison, op. cit. 286. " Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 848, Nos. liii, liv. "» L.T.R. Enr. Accts. 20. "" Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 832. "" L.T.R. Enr. Accts. 20. '" Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 832 ; Cott. MS. Nero, E. vi, fol. 73. "« L.T.R. Enr. Accts. 20. "» Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 832. •«« Ibid. "" Cott. MS. Nero, E. vi, fol. 66. "» Ibid. "» L.T.R. Enr. Accts. 20. "" Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 821. '" Cott. MS, Nero, E, vi, fol. 59^. "» Cal. of Close, 1307-13, p. 468. "' Ibid. 532. "* Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Lond. "' L.T.R. Enr. Accts. 1 8, rot. 7. »« Ibid. "' Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 23, No. 267. "» Anct. D. (P.R.O.), A. 2136. '" L.T.R. Enr. Accts. 1 8, rot. 7. "° A complaint was made in Parliament in 1306 about the diversion of the water for these mills. Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), i, 200. "'= Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Lond. B. Box i. D. 488 RELIGIOUS HOUSES The rents from the property in the City and suburbs alone from lo January to Michaelmas, 1308, amounted to over ;^50, although deductions were made for tenements unoccupied. '^^ The principal possession of the order in London was of course the New Temple itself, which is constantly referred to as a manor,^^^ and from the size of the buildings ^^^ and extent of the ground^** well deserved the term. The church contained altars to St. Nicholas and St. John besides the high altar, and appears to have been well provided with books,^^* plate and orna- ments ^'^ of silver, silver gilt, ivory and crystal, altar-cloths and frontals and vestments. The Temple was granted by the king to Aymer de Valence, earl of Pembroke, but Thomas, earl of Lancaster, claiming it as his fee, Aymer de Valence surrendered it to him on 1 October, 1314.^*' On the execution of Lan- caster the manor again fell to the crown, and was made over a second time to Aymer de Valence in 1322,'*" but when he died without issue in 1324 it lapsed to the king according to the terms of the grant. The bull of Pope Clement V granting the lands of the Templars to the Knights Hospitallers '^' had been unheeded in England, but after the statute to the same effect in 1324 ^^^ the knights of St. John were put in possession of the Temple with a great deal of the other property of the late order. It seems probable that they already held the consecrated portions such as the church and cemetery, since the claim of the prior to some houses erected by him on a portion of this ground, which had been seized by the younger Despenser, and escheated to the crown after his forfeiture in 1326, was evidently quite distinct from his right to the other portion of the manor.^^^ William de '" L.T.R. Enr. Accts. 18, rot. 7. '" Ca/. Rot. Pat. (Rec. Com.), 68, 133^. '" A council of prelates and clergy was held there in 1269, and mandates for convocations to be held there v/ere issued in 1273, 1282, I298, 1299, and 1302. Wilkins, Concilia, ii, 19, 93, 239, 253, 272. For mandate of 1299 %ts nho Cal. of Pat. 1 292-1 301, p. 450. One national council at least was held there. Riley, Chron. of Old Lond. 159. '"The sheriffs in 1 308 account for 60s. from the fruit of the garden sold in gross. L.T.R. Enr. Accts. 18. '" Among them were five antiphonaries, nine psalters, two legends, eight processionals, a martilogium and an organ book. Ibid. "^ In silver and silver-gilt there were four chalices, three censers, two basins, two lamps, a vase with sprinkler, a chest for relics — this last worth j^io — two silver cruets, Sec, while there were several objects in ivory, among them three pyxes and two tables with ivory images. Ibid. '" Cal. of Pat. 1313-17, p. 184. ''» Rymer, Foed. (Rec. Com.), ii (i), 480. ■=' Ibid. 167. '^° Stat, of the Realm (Rec. Com.), i, 194, 195. "' Cal. of Close, 1337-9, P- 7^- Langford, to whom the king had let the Temple, had part of his rent remitted for giving up these tenements,"^ and in June, 1338, Edward III made a grant of the whole manor to the Hospital in frankalmoign."' The history of the Temple as a religious house however had really ended with the fall of the original owners. The prior of Clerkenwell appointed one of his brothers to keep the church, and the allowance to him and the other chaplains figures in the expenses of the Knights of St. John in 1328."'^ The accounts of 1338 show that there were then eight chap- lains besides the warden, and that these eight were not of the order of St. John, but seculars like the thirteen who served the church in the time of the Templars. '''" In 1338 a definite sum was allotted to the warden, but the next year Ficketsfield and Cotells Garden were assigned him by the prior for his maintenance, and that of the lights and services of the church.^^'' The priests needed only part of the Temple buildings, and the others were let to the lawyers by the priory, it is said, in 1347,^^' at any rate about the middle of the fourteenth century. The prior of Clerkenwell occurs twice in an interesting connexion with the Temple : in 1373, when he was engaged in a dispute with the City over a right-of-way through the Temple Gate to the Temple Bridge ; ^^^ and in 1 38 1, when the rebels did a great deal of damage out of hatred to the same Prior Robert Hales, then the king's treasurer.'" At the suppression ot the order of Knights Hospitallers in England by Henry VIII in 1540 the New Temple, which in 1535 had been valued at £it2 lu.,''* passed to the crown.^'^ The master of the Temple and chaplains were still, however, allowed their stipends, and retained their posts, and a lease made by the master in 1542 of a messuage, and the master's lodging adjoining the church, stipulated that the four priests of the Temple should have two chambers in the house.'^'" The re-establishment of the order by Mary seems to have made no change at the Temple, except that the rent of ;^io due from the two societies of lawyers was again paid to the prior, for Ermested, who had been master in 1540, '"Ibid. 416. "' Cal. Rot. Pat. (Rec. Com.), 133* ,• Sharpe, Cal of Letter Bk. G. 324. ■''" Larking, The Knights Hospitallers in Engl. (Cam- den Soc), 218. '"•^ Ibid. 202. '" Cott. MS. Nero, E. vi, fol. z6b. '" Inderwick, Introd. of Cal of Inner Temple Rec. i, p. xi. '"^ Sharpe, Cal of Letter Bk.G. 322. '" Walsingham, Hist. Angl (Rolls Ser.), i, 457. '" Valor Eccl (Rec. Com.), i, 403. "' Inderwick, op. cit. i, p. xhii. '"^ Ibid, i, p. xliv. 489 62 A HISTORY OF LONDON continued to hold office.""" When Elizabeth succeeded provision was made for the payment of the master, four priests, and the clerk, as in the last year of Edward VI, but how long the staff of priests was maintained it is difficult to say. There are no further references to them, though they seem to have been there in Stow's time.'5'= I25I, Robert Turvile, occurs 1277,^" I28s-6,i^«and 1289^^' Guy de Foresta, occurs 1290,"* 1293,"' and 1294"" James de Molay, occurs 1297 "^ Brian le Jay, occurs 1298,^'^ died 1298 "^ William de la More, occurs 1298,"* and at the suppression Masters of the Temple Richard de Hastyngs, 1160 ^^^ Richard Mallebeench "^ Geoffrey son of Stephen, occurs 1 1 80 ^*' and 1 1 85 "3 William de Newenham ^** Thomas Berard, occurs 1200^" Aymeric de St. Maur, occurs 1200,"° 1205, and 1 2 16.1*' He died abroad "^ Alan Marcell, occurs 1220"' and 1228 "" Amberaldus, occurs 1229"^ Robert Mounford, occurs 1234 (?) "^ Robert Saunforde, occurs 1231, 1232,'" 1234,"* 1239-40,^" and 1247 "^ Rocelin de Fosse, occurs 1 250-1,"' 1253 ^^* Amadeus de Morestello, occurs 1254,"^ and 1258-9 ^«' Imbert Peraut, occurs 1267 '" and 1269 "' William de Beaulieu, occurs 1274^^ """ Inderwick, op. cit. i, p. xlvi. "'' Ibid, i, p. xlix ; Stow, Surv. (ed. Strype), iii, 272. '" Addison, op. cit. 277. "' Ibid. '" Cott. Nero, E. vi, fol. 466. '" Dugdale, Mon. AngJ. vi, 821. '" Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Lend. B. Box i. This document, a grant of land by Castle Baynard to Ralph the goldsmith, is undated, but it seems probable that it is later than a grant made by Geoffrey Fitz Stephen (ibid. Lend. D.), where William de 'Niwe- ham ' occurs as a brother of the Temple. '" Cott. MS. Nero, E. vi, fol. 466. "' Hardy, Rot. de Liberate (Rec. Com.), 8. '" Rot. Lit. Claus. (Rec. Com.), i, \-jb, 286. '*' See letter of Andrew de Celer announcing his death to Hubert de Burgh, Dep. Keeper^: Rep. iv, App. ii, I 56. '*' Rot. Lit. Claus. (Rec. Com.), i, 415. '5° Cott. MS. Nero, E. vi, fol. 466. '" Ibid. '" Ibid. This date can hardly be correct, unless ' Mounford ' is a mistake for ' Saunforde.' '" Fines, ibid. fol. 65. '■'* Ibid. fol. 73. '" Hardy and Page, Cal. of Lond. and Midd. Fines, 26. "^ Cott. MS. Nero, E. vi, fol. 149*, '" Hardy and Page, op. cit. 34. '" Cott. MS. Nero, E. vi, fol. 152. ™ Ibid. fol. 466. ''" Hardy and Page, op. cit. 40. '*' Wilkins, Concilia, ii, 339. The dates occur in the testimony given by brothers of the Temple at the time of the suppression, and as they depend on memory thev are probably not quite exact. '«» Cott. MS. Nero, E. vi, fol. 466. '"^ Rymer, Foedera (Rec. Com.), i (2), 514. Preceptors of London William de Bernewode, occurs temp. Geoffrey Fitz Stephen i" Alan, occurs 1205 ^'* and 122 1 "' Ralph de Leukeworth, occurs 1232 "' Ranulph de Bremesgrave, occurs 1272 "' Richard de Herdewyk, occurs 1294 **" John de Mohun, occurs c. 1296 ^^' Ralph de Barton, c. 1 300 '^^^ Michael de Baskervile, occurs 1303"' and 1308 18* Wardens under the Knights Hospitallers Hugh de Lichfield, occurs 1339 '*' John Almayn, occurs 1374 '*^ John Bartylby, occurs 1378-9 "*' John Burford, occurs 1 380-1 1**'' William Ermested, occurs 1540 and 1542 ; died 1560 !»«' '» Ibid. 450. '^ Ibid. "" Ibid. 75. '" Cal. of Pat. 1272-81, p. 208. "' Hardy and Page, op. cit. 61. "' Wilkins, op. cit. ii, 341. ■'' Cal. of Pat. 1 292-1 301, p. 22. "' He became grand master of the order in 1 297. Addison, op. cit. 193. '" Wilkins, op. cit. ii, 373. '" Addison, op. cit. 197. "* Cal. of Pat. 1292-1301, p. 391. '" He is called procur.itor of the ' baillia ' of London in a grant of land made by the master, Geoffrey Fitz Stephen. Doc. of D. and C . of Westm. Lond. D. A certain William w.is preceptor temp. William de Newenham. Guildhall MS. 122, fol. 614-15. '" TJo/. Lit. Claus. (Rec. Com.), i, SS^' i Hardy. Rot. Oblat. et Fin. (Rec. Com.), 309. '" Cal. of Pat. 1216-25, P- 3°3- '" Ibid. 1225-32, p. 490. "' Cal, Inq. p.m. (Rec. Com.), i, 79^. He also appears to have been preceptor both before and after this date, as he witnesses grants by Imbert de Peraut and Guy de Foresta, masters of the Temple. Cott. MS. Nero, E. vi, fol. 301. '" CaL of Pat. 1 292-1 301, p. 88. '*' Dep. Keeper's Rep. vii, App. ii, 252. Some time between 1292 and 1302. '" Wilkins, Concilia, ii, 337, 346. He was pre- ceptor for two years between 1 298 and 1 303. '« Ibid. 346. '^ L.T.R. Enr. Accts. 18, rot. 7. '" Cott. MS. Nero, E. vi, fol. 26^. '" Sharpe, Cal of Letter Bk. G. 322. "*" Inderwick, op. cit. i, p. xxi. "^'' Ibid. '^ Ibid, i, pp. xliii, xliv, xlix. 490 RELIGIOUS HOUSES There is a seal attached to a charter of the twelfth century. ^^' It is light brown in colour, and has on the left a representation of the Agnus Dei. Legend : — SIGILLVM TEMPLI The seal ^^ of Robert de Saunford, master of the Temple c. 1241, is dark green, and bears on the right an Agnus Dei with nimbus. Legend : — SIGILLVM TEMPLI The obverse of a seal used by William de la More, master, 1304,^*' resembles the above. The reverse, a small oval counter-seal, with beaded borders, shows on the right a couped bust of a bearded man wearing a cap. Legend: — TESTIS SVM AGNI There is also a seal of the preceptor or master 1303.''" It is dark green, and represents a crescent inclosing a cross formy fitchy ; below, a lion passant of England, and between two stars. Legend : — S' PRECEPTOR ' MILI ... T . . . 9. ST. THOMAS OF ACON The hospital of St. Thomas of Aeon was founded in honour of St. Mary and St. Thomas of Canterbury for a master and brethren of the military order of St. Thomas the Martyr by Thomas Fitz Theobald de Helles, whose wife Agnes was sister of the murdered archbishop.^ The earliest grants of which anything is known, beyond the founder's gift in frankalmoign of the birthplace of the saint in the parish of St. Mary Colechurch for their church,^ were those of Geoffrey Fitz Peter, earl of Essex,' who gave them the custody of the hospitals of St. John the Baptist and of St. John the Evangelist at Berk- hampstead early in the thirteenth century, and of Margaret de Tanton, who made over to them her manor in Coulsdon, co. Surrey, shortly before 1235.* '«' Harl. Chart. 86, C. 63. "« Wolley Chart, iii, 28. »' Harl. Chart. 83, C. 39. "° Ibid. 84, A. 44. ' Chart, of 14 Edw. Ill, coniirming grants to the hospital, printed in Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 646. The grant by Thomas Fitz Theobald in the cartulary of the hospital belonging to the Mercers' Company is witnessed by Eustace de Fauconberg, bishop of London, 1 22 1-9 (Watney, The Hospital of ^t. Thomas of Aeon, 237). But this must be a confirmation of the deed of foundation, which Stubbs seems to think was early, for he argues from it that the Order of St. Thomas must have arisen before the surrender of Acre, 1 1 9 1 . Introd. to Mem. of Ric. I (Rolls Ser.), i, p. cxii, n. 5. ' Pat. 1 8 Edw. II in Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 647. ' Ibid. 647. * Cott. MS. Tib.C. v,fols. 235*, 23615. The grant was confirmed by Henry III in the nineteenth year of his reign. Ibid. fol. 236. In 1239 they also obtained a rent from some houses in the parish of St. Mary Cole- church, and then or shortly afterwards they received from Robert Herlizun tenements in the parishes of St. Giles without Cripplegate, St. Michael Bassishaw, and St. Mary Alder- manbury.*" From Henry III they acquired a messuage between the church of St. Olave and their house in 1268,' and in 1269 they received some houses in Ironmonger Lane from Richard de Ewelle in exchange for two mills at Wapping' obtained by them from Terric de Algate early in the century.' Ewelle returned the mills to them five years later as the endowment of a chantry in their church*; and in 1282 the reversion of a house in the parish of St. Stephen Walbrook was left them by Richard de Walbrook to mamtain another chantry." The church of St. Mary Colechurch, the advowson of which had been bought by the master and convent in 1247-8,'" appears to have been appropriated to the hospital by Pope Alexander IV in 1257." There is very little early information about the house beyond the history of these acquisi- tions. The conventual church was probably begun in 1248, when the brothers had leave from the pope to erect a chapel. The episcopal licence for the consecration of a cemetery dates from about the same time.''" At this period the community cannot have been very large, for twenty years later there are said to have been only twelve brothers.'"' The house in 1279 was engaged in a contest with Archbishop Peckham as to his right of visitation,'^ and while still in disgrace it incurred the archbishop's anger on a fresh score. One of the brothers, Robert Maupoudre, seems to have run away, for the archbishop in August ordered him to be restored to the hospital without delay." As he did not return, the master, Robert de Covelee, took the law into his own hands, and *^ Watney, op. cit. 2 1 . Mr. Watney's information was derived from a cartulary belonging to the Mercers' Company, extracts from which he has printed in an Appendix, pp. 237—97. ' Cal. of Chart. R. ii, 98 ; Par/. R. (Rec. Com.), vi, 743. «Cott. MS. Tib. C. v, fol. 161^. 'Ibid. fol. 153. There is an inspeximus, fol. 1533, of the charter after Terric's death by Geoffrey de Lucy, who became dean of St. Paul's 1237. 'Ibid. 160^. » Sharpe, Ca/. of mils, i, 60. '" Watney, op. cit. 22, " Watney, op. cit. 240. The bishop of London's letters of appropriation were not, however, given until 1262. Ibid. "" Ibid. 23, 237-8. '"> Ibid. 24. " Reg. Epist. Johan. Peckham (Rolls Ser.), iii, 1020. " Ibid, i, 44. 491 A HISTORY OF LONDON seized him and another priest, Thomas Car- penter, as they were about to celebrate divine service in St. Clement Danes and kept them imprisoned. The archbishop, in October, directed the dean of Arches to command the master to set the prisoners at liberty within two days, and summon him and his accom- plices." What happened exactly it is diffi- cult to say ; all that is certain is that the brethren were absolved on 30 November from a sequestration following on their refusal of visitation,^' nothing more being said about Maupoudre's case. About the end of the thirteenth century the Templars claimed the custody of the hospital in virtue of an agreement with the chief master of the order of St. Thomas of Aeon. The brethren had no desire to become subject to another monastic body, and at their request Edward I interposed,*^ and as if the house were vacant *' appointed a warden to take charge of it during his pleasure.*' When this warden, Henry de Durham, died, the king in 1304 gave the post to his clerk, Edmund de London, for life." Edward II, however, soon after his accession forced Edmund to resign and gave the custody to the rector and convent of Ashridge, co. Herts.'" The brethren now found themselves in the very position they had tried to avoid, and laid their case before the pope '* and also before the king's council, who decided in 1315 '^ that if the rector were allowed to hold the hospital the wish of the founder would be rendered of no effect, and accordingly annulled the grant, and appointed Robert de Bardelby, king's clerk, to be warden until the return to England of Richard de Southampton, who had formerly been elected master. Independence was thus restored to the house, not, however, much to its benefit. Henry " Reg. Eplst. Johan. Peckham (Rolls Ser.), i, 75. " Ibid, iii, 1 020. The point is rather obscure, for the author of ' Annales Londinenses,' Chron. of Edw. I and Edtv. 11, says that in 1280 John de Peckham, archbishop of Canterbury, visited London and excommunicated the brothers of St. Thomas of Aeon for their disobedience, but he does not specify in what the disobedience consisted. '^ He took the house into his hand. Add. MS. 4526, fol. 38. This king, according to Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 667, made a grant to the brothers of the advowson of the church of ' Rothelegh ' and the chapels annexed, but it appears rather to have been given to the Templars for their convent at Acre. " Abbrev. Plac. (Rec. Com.), 131. " Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), i, 287. " Cal. of Pat. 1 30 1-7, p. 208. »" Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), i, 287. *' Cal. Pap. Letters, ii, 73. The pope summoned the rector to appear before him within four months with all the papers touching the case. "The case was being tried in April, 13 15, Cal. of Close, 13 1 3-1 8, p. 224, and Bardelby was appointed in June, Cal. of Pat. 13 13-17, p. 293. de Bedford,^' who succeeded Richard'* in 1318, was either careless or rapacious," and under his rule not only were the chantries neglected, but the house was reduced to great poverty, so that in 1327 outside intervention was again necessary, and the custody of the house was entrusted to the mayor and commonalty "' of the City, who were empowered to amend what- ever they saw amiss in its state. A few months later the church was broken into, and robbed of silver plate, books and vestments, and at the manor of Coulsdon some cattle were taken away.'' This connexion with the City probably ac- counts for the marked interest taken in the house by London citizens, as shown by the many bequests to the place and the number of chantries established there. In 1339 tenements and rent in Shiteburnelane (Sherborne Lane) and Candelwyk Strete (Cannon Street) were left by Matilda, widow of William de Caxton, to found a chan- try,'* and an annual rent of 7 marks from a ' seld ' in the parish of St. Mary le Bow was bequeathed by Walter de Salyngg" for the same purpose ; John Godchep provided for the main- tenance of two chantries by the bequest of a tenement in the parish of St. Mary le Bow ; ^ and chantries were established under the wills of Thomas de Cavendych, mercer and draper, 1348,^* and of Simon de Benyngton, 1368.'' There were also numerous legacies to the fabric and the work of the church. '' The hospital did not depend, however, entirely upon its fixed income. Like the Templars, the brothers of St. Thomas had papal indulgences to collect alms in churches once a year,'* and this may have been a profitable source of revenue, espe- cially after the suppression of the older and more "He was master Sept. 1 3 18. Ibid. 13 17-21, p. 205. "Richard occurs Oct. 13 17. Cott. MS. Tib. C. V, fol. 2493. A brother of the same name was reported by Henry de Bedford as a vagabond, and a mandate was issued for his arrest in 1 3 18. Cal. of Pat. 1 3 17-21, p. 260. " He was deprived for simony and dilapidation, and evidently resisted the attempt of Nicholas de Clifton, who had been appointed to his place, to take possession. Cal. of Pap. Letters, ii, 273. ''Cott. MS. Faust. B. i, fol. 216^ and 217- CaL of Pat. 1327-30, p. 58. " CaL of Pat. 1327-30, p. 280. Robbery in two places at the same time rather suggests spite on the part of the perpetrators. '» Sharpe, Cal of Wills, i, 458. ''Ibid, i, 436. See also Cal. of Pat. 1334-8, p. 422. '" Sharpe, op. cit. i, 441. "Ibid. i,_ 547. " Ibid, ii, 121. This does not exhaust the list. See ibid, i, 355, 535, 624, 636. " Ibid, i, 504, 571, 637, 648, 658, 662, 686, 688, 692, 696 ; ii, 139, 144, 220, 229, 302. " Cal of Pat. 1 301-7, p. 340. 492 RELIGIOUS HOUSES popular order,'' though it had the disadvantage that adventurers and cheats sometimes forestalled the collectors'* and reaped the harvest. The relaxation of penance granted by the pope in 1365 to those who on the principal feasts of the year during the next ten years visited the chapel of Holy Cross in the church of St. Thomas," was either intended to repair the losses of the house consequent on the Black Death or to raise money for the rebuilding of the church, which does not, however, seem to have been begun until 1383.'* This must have been a long and costly undertaking, for it was a large and beau- tiful church with choir, nave and side aisles,'' and several chapels.'*" The pope in 1400 came to their aid again, and offered the indulgence of the Portiuncula to penitents who, on the feast of St. Thomas the Martyr, visited and gave alms for the conservation of the church. Many must have been expected to take advantage of it, for the pope gave an indult to the master and six other confessors deputed by him to hear the confessions.'*^ The rebuilding operations appear to coincide with the increased importance of the house in Cheapside, which from 1379 was the principal house of the order.*^^ In 1444 the brothers seem to have felt the necessity of putting the house on a more secure footing. What was the immediate cause of their uneasiness does not appear, for the destruc- tion or loss of title deeds mentioned was evi- dently not of recent date. In answer, however, '* Protection for various periods is given to the attorneys of the master and brethren collecting alms, in 1318, Cal. of Pat. 1317-21, pp. 256, 260; 1319, ibid. 344; 1327, ibid. 1327-30, p. 5; 1329, ibid. 364; 1330, ibid. 1330-4, p. 9; 1331, ibid. 64. '° The king's bailiffs are ordered to arrest unau- thorized persons collecting alms in name of the brethren in 1321, 1323-4, 1346. See Cal. of Pat. 132I-4, pp. 25, 234, 358 ; 1324-7, p. 48 ; 1345-8, p. 206. " Cat. Pap. Letters, iv, 48. " Protection from arrest was given by the king in 1383 to two stonemasons hired by the master of St. Thomas of Aeon for the work of rebuilding his church. Cal. of Pat. 1381-5, p. 310. Some addi- tions appear to have been made many years before, for Matilda de Caxton left a bequest to the new work of the church in 1339. Watney, op. cit. 292. " NewcQurt, Rcpert. Eccl. Lond. i, 554. *° The chapels of Holy Cross (Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 506), Our Lady, Holy Trinity, Sts. Nicholas and Stephen (Watney, op. cit. 133-4). There are also several altars mentioned besides (ibid.), and the offer- ings at two of these, viz. the altar of St. Thomas and the high altar, were of sufficient importance to be noted as a separate item in the Valor Eccl. (Rec. Com.), i, 391. *' Cal. Pap. Letters, v, ^j6. *"" Stubbs, InlroJ. to Mem. of Rk. I (Rolls Ser.), i, p. cxii, n. 5. Earlier, the master of the order had resided in Cyprus. to their petition to the king in Parliament,*^ it was ordained that the house should be reckoned a corporate body with powers to implead and be impleaded and to purchase, and should have a common seal ; that the brethren on a vacancy might elect a master without first asking leave of the king, and without any obligation to grant the king a pension or corrody out of the hospital, seeing that there never was one granted before. In 1454 James, earl of Wiltshire and Ormond, made over to the hospital the manor and the advowson of the church of Hiilcott and a croft called 'LytuU Milne Hamme,'^' co. Bucks, to endow a chantry in the church where his mother was buried," and the house must have derived great benefit from grants in London,^' for it continued to be a favourite with the citizens.^' Yet when John Yong became master on the removal of Richard Adams in 15 10, he found it burdened with a debt of over ^718.^' Yong seems to have had a gift for finance, as he not only paid this off, but within the eight years following met all but ;^8o of expenses, amount- ing to ;^i,43i \s. Sd., for repairs to houses, mills, and other buildings in ruins, for walls by the Thames,*' and for new buildings*' within and without London — no easy task considering that " Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), v, 74^. See also Lond. Epis. Reg. Tunstall, fol. 120. *' Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), v, 257^. " Joan, countess of Ormond, was buried in the chapel of Holy Cross 1430. See Sharpe, Cal of Wills, ii, 506, and Wriothesley, Chron. (Camd. Soc), 171. " Rents and tenements for the maintenance of chantries and obits were left by Robert Guphey, mercer, in 141 2, Thomas White 141 9, William Oliver 1432, Henry Frowyk, mercer and alderman, and William West, ' marbeler,' 1453, Stephen Kalk 1493, William Martyn, alderman, and Nicholas Alwyn, alderman, 1505. Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 395, 417, 460, 542, 562, 617 ; Misc. of Exch. bdle. 24, No. 8, fol. \\b. and 23-5^. An idea of the proportion of gain in these cases can be gathered from the details given in Misc. of Exch. bdle. 24, No. 8, fol. 55, as to two houses belonging to the hospital which brought in £\ I 7/. zd., out of which a salary of ^4 had to be paid to a chantry priest, leaving a clear income of £"] Js. zd. " It is noticeable that nearly all the persons of im- portance buried in the church were London citizens ; among these were Stephen Cavendish, mayor 1362, Sir Edmund Shaa, mayor 1482 (he founded a chapel in the church, Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 612), William Browne, mayor 151 3, and Sir William Butler, mayor I 51 5. Stow, Surv. of Lond. iii, 37, 38. For a list of people buried there, see Watney, op. cit. 173-5. " Misc. of Exch. bdle. 24, No. 8, preface. *' To prevent inundations on their lands in Stepney and Wapping. Ahbrev. Plac. (Rec. Com.), 352. *' They had lately added a fresh piece of land to the hospital, which they obtained leave to connect with the old buildings by a gallery across a street, April, I 5 18. Stow, Sarr. of Lond. (ed. Strype), iii, 39 ; Rec. of Corp. of Lond. Repert. 3, fol. 2051^. 493 A HISTORY OF LONDON the annual expenditure of the house exceeded its revenues by ;^ 1 1 7 4^- 2(/. Some of the credit of this fortunate result is undoubtedly due to the Mercers' Company, whose relations with the hospital had long been of the most cordial kind,'" and became even closer in 15 14, when the master and brethren accepted the company as their defenders and advocates." Under this arrangement the master of St. Thomas had to give an account of his ad- ministration every year before the wardens and assistants of the society, and when the mastership was vacant the company chose two or three of the convent, from whom the brethren had to elect a master within eight days. Rights such as these doubtless implied responsibilities, and the Divine Providence to which the writer of the account attributes the payment of the debt " probably took the form of the Mercers' Company. It is evident that the convent acquiesced quietly in the religious changes : they acknow- ledged the king's supremacy in 1534," and though objection was taken to the windows of their church where the story of St. Thomas of Canterbury was displayed," nothing was said against the brothers. The difficulties of which the master, Laurence Copferler, complained to Cromwell" in 1535, seem to have been caused by some business quite unconnected with the house, apparently his employment on a commis- sion 'de walliis et fossatis,' such as preceding masters had served on.'^ The house was surrendered 20 October, 1538,'' and Sir Richard Gresham's petition that the work done there in aid of the poor and sick might continue under the rule of the City Cor- poration was unheeded,'' the place being let to Thomas Mildmay.'^ The brothers, who had *' Since 1407 the company had had for their use a room in the hospital, and a chapel in the church (Watney, op. cit. 36), and from 1442 they had made yearly payments to the hospital for masses for deceased brothers and sisters (ibid. 43). The hospital received from the mercers £66 13;. ^d. in 1502, ^^loo in 1 51 1, and loans of ^^40 and ;^loo in 1513 and I 5 14 (ibid. 66, 67). " The bishop of London's confirmation is dated 1 5 14, but the hospital had obt.iined the assent of Pope Leo X before. Lond. Epis. Reg. Fitz James, fol. 118. " Misc. of Exch. bdle. 24, No. 8, preface. '^L. and P. Hen. nil, vii, 921. " Ibid, viii, 626. These were removed. Ibid, xiii (2), 523. " Ibid, vii, 1636. He says that the people cessed for payment of the labourers will not p.iy, and that he goes in fear of his life from the unpaid men. " C 131. ^d. to the church and ^^13 6i. ^d. to the expense of roofing it.^' The church appears to have been both large and handsome, for it measured 300 ft. in length and 89 ft. in breadth, and the columns and pavement were of marble.^' Between the aisled nave and the choir stood the altars of St. Mary, of Holy Cross, and of Jesus and the common altar, and on each side of the choir were two chapels, those of St. Mary and All Hallows on the north, and those of St. Francis and the Apostles on the south.^ The church was finished in 1327,^° but a storm in 1341 did great damage,^^ and work was still going on in 1345, when the cloister was being built ^' and the houses repaired. his help to the aqueduct ; and in the grants to the building of the church London citizens again showed themselves generous. It is the proportion that seems reversed in the two cases. " Monum. Francisc. (Rolls Sen), i, 513. " Shepherd, ' The Church of the Friars Minors in London,' in Arch. Journ. lix, 245 ; Monum. Francisc. i, 503. 504- " Harl. MS. 544, fol. 43. Joyner's Chapel afterwards, that is when this church was built, became a great part of the choir. ''" Monum. Francisc. (Rolls Ser.), i, 513. *' Ibid. 514. "Ibid. 515. " Harl. MS. 544, fol. 49. " Mr. Shepherd, in the article already referred to, has constructed a very clear plan of the church and its different parts from Cott. MS. Vitell. F. xii. "In Monum. Francisc. i, 513, it is distinctly said that the church was begun in 1306, and (i, 515) that the work was finished in twenty-one years, but this latter passage continues, ' inceptum enim erat MCCCXXVII.' According to the monk of St. Albans it was not yet dedicated in 1357, when Queen Isabella was buried there. Chron. Angl. (Rolls Ser.), 38. ''Riley, Chron. oJOldLond. 286. " Cal. of Pat. 1343-5, p. 476. 503 A HISTORY OF LONDON It is possible that additions were made throughout the century : the glazing of the windows was done at the cost of various people who were not all contemporaries,^* and the choir stalls were the gift of Margaret Segrave, countess of Norfolk, about 1380.^' The convent buildings were enlarged a little after 1360, an alteration made necessary by the numbers that joined the order.'" In 131 5 and 1325 there were seventy-two inmates of the friary ,^^ and in 1 346 the king had to check the influx of foreign friars into the London house,'^ ostensibly in the interests of the English brothers, but possibly in the fear of spies. There is also proof that about a hundred friars died at the time of the Black Death, for recent excavations on the site of the old burial- ground led to the discovery of a pit evidently made at the time of an epidemic, and about a hundred bodies in this had upon them the leaden crosses used by the Franciscans, but in this case not inscribed with the formula of absolution, and showing other signs of hasty construction.^' It would perhaps be difficult to overrate the influence of the Grey Friars, particularly in the fourteenth century. Queen Isabella chose as her confessor one of this convent, Roger Lamborne, a man of good family,'* and as the gifts of Gilbert de Clare to the church are said to have been made at the prompting of his confessor, Geoffrey de Aylesham,'' so the gene- rosity of Margaret, countess of Norfolk, may have been partly due to Friar William de Wood- ford.'^ Roger Conway of the convent of Worcester received a papal licence in 1355 ^o reside in London, for the spiritual recreation of himself and of the many English nobles coming to the friary." He is interesting not only as a spiritual adviser of the fashionable world, but as having answered the tract of the archbishop of Armagh against the mendicant orders.'* The " See Mr. Shepherd's notes on the donors of win- dows, op. cit. 259-62. Sums were bequeathed to the fabric of the church in 1 36 1 and 1436. Sharpe, Cal. of Will!, ii, 49, 481. " Harl. MS. 544, fol. 48. She gave ail the material, and the making cost her 350 marks besides. '" Monum. Francisc. (Rolls Ser.), i, 512, " Little, op. cit. 441, n. 1. " Cal. of Close, 1346-9, p. 150. " The Antiquary, Hi, 72. " Monum. Fraiicisc. (Rolls Ser.), i, 541. He was her confessor in 1327, and still held the office in 1343. Little, op. cit. 2, 37 ; Cal. Pop. Letters, Vu, 88. Either before or after his time John Vye, also friar of this house, was her confessor. E. B. S. Shepherd, op. cit. 269. " Monum. Tranche. (Rolls Ser.), i, 514. ^ Her connexion with him is shown by 3 grant she made to the Minoresses for the term of the life of ' her well-beloved father in God William de Wydford.' Cal. of Pat. 1381-5, p. 452. " Little, op. cit. 239. " Wadding, Ann. Minorum, viii, 127. regard in which the house was held is also testified by the persons of high rank '^ and the prominent citizens*" who chose the church as a place of burial. The popularity of the Grey Friars with the rich and powerful was doubtless one of the reasons for the vehement attacks made on them, although the attitude towards them can be suffi- ciently accounted for when one remembers that they continued the practice of begging while they had given up a life of poverty, and any doubt on this last point vanishes after seeing the list of property stolen from John Welle,*^ a Minorite dwelling in London, 1378. Their shortcoming in this respect was the immediate cause of WyclifFe's hatred. No definite part in this controversy can be ascribed to the London house, for it was only after 1390 that Friar Woodford, WyclifFe's opponent, lived there.*^ During the reign of Henry IV the part played in political affairs by some of the English Fran- ciscans*' must have caused all of the order to be looked at askance by the court. Hence perhaps the reason why it was not to noble patrons such as those who built their church, but to a London citizen, the celebrated Richard Whittington,** that they owed the new library, begun in 142 1 and completely finished in about four years. In like manner it was to the efforts of two inmates of the convent, William Russell *' the warden and Thomas Winchelsey, that they were in- debted for most of the improvements in the convent buildings. " See list printed by Mr. Shepherd from the Cotton MS. in the article in Arch. Journ. lix, 266-85 • Queen Margaret d ied 1 3 1 8 ; Queen Isabella died 1357; Queen Joan of Scotland died 1362 ; the heart of Queen Eleanor of Provence ; Beatrice, duchess of Brittany, daughter of Henry III ; Isabella, countess of Bedford, daughter of Edward III ; John de Hastings, earl of Pembroke, died 1389 ; Margaret de Redvers, countess of Devon, died 1292 ; John, duke of Bour- bon, died 1433 ; James, Lord Saye and Sele, died 1450 ; Richard Hastings, Lord Willoughby and Wells, died 1503 ; Walter Blount, Lord Mountjoy, K.G., 1474, &c. *° Gregory de Rokesley, mayor, died 1291 ; John Philpot, mayor, died 1384; Nicholas Brembre, mayor, died 1399; Stephen Jennyns, mayor, died 1 523. Arch. Journ. lix, 266-85. *' Little, op. cit. 78. " Ibid. 247. But Shirley, the editor of Netter's Fasciculi Zizaniorum (Rolls Ser.), thinks that Woodford may have delivered a course of theological lectures which touched on WyclifFe's opinions at the Grey Friars of London in 1 3 8 1 . " Stow, Annals (ed. 161 5), 327. Eight grey friars were hanged at London and two at Leicester, all of whom had published that King Richard was alive. According to the chronicler Richard II had as confessor a Franciscan named William Apledore. Ibid. 287. ** Monum. Francisc. i, 579. The total expense was ^^556 16/. 8^., of which Whittiugton contributed X400. *» Ibid. 520. 504 RELIGIOUS HOUSES The names of these two friars occur again in another very different connexion. On 15 May, 1425, Russell*' appeared before the archbishop of Canterbury, presiding in his provincial coun- cil at St. Paul's, on a charge of preaching that personal tithes need not be paid to the parish priest, but might be devoted instead to charitable purposes. The opinion of the archbishop was against him, and Russell pro- fessed himself willing to submit, but as he did not appear*' to make the public renunciation of this doctrine at St. Paul's Cross in accordance with the archbishop's order, he was declared excommunicate. He thereupon betook himself to Rome, where he was imprisoned by the pope for his erroneous opinions. Winchelsey, who was considered the most famous doctor of the order, had also been sum- moned before the same convocation** on an apparently groundless charge of heresy. When Russell however managed to escape to England in January, 1426, he was sheltered for a night at his friary, when it is said that Winchelsey came from Shene expressly to see him. In con- sequence of this Winchelsey was accused and condemned by convocation in April following for favouring heresy. He submitted to the court, and on behalf of himself, the London convent and the whole order, read a declaration at St. Paul's Cross repudiating Russell's opinions. Russell probably surrendered himself,*^ as he was not kept long in prison by the bishop of London after he had recanted at St. Paul's Cross in March, 1427. The Grey Friars may have thought that they had re-established their reputation for orthodoxy by the part their provincial played against Pecocke,'" bishop of Chichester. The remem- brance of their former check did not at any rate deter them from joining the Carmelites in their attack on the beneficed clergy in 1465,*^ and their representative in the disputation at White- friars went so far that he was cited to appear before the archbishop at Lambeth for heresy. He pleaded exemption from all episcopal juris- diction, but the privilege was judged not to hold in this case. Whether he withdrew or explained away everything obnoxious to the authorities or not does not appear, but it would seem he was acquitted, and he alone ventured to answer Dr. Ive '^ when he lectured at St. Paul's Schools on the opposite side. The return of the Grey Friars in 1502 to their whitish-grey habits, which they had for some reason temporarily abandoned,^^ looked at " Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 438. " Ibid. 439. ** Ibid. 433. " Little, op. cit. 258. '° Chron. of the Grey Friars of Lond. (Camd. Sec), 20. " Col/, of a Lond. Citizen (Camd. Soc), 229. " Ibid. 231. It seems from the chronicle that these lectures took place after the citation for heresy, but it is not at all clear. " Chron. of Grey Friars of Lond. (Camd. Soc), 27. ^ 5 in the light of subsequent events, appears a ludic- rous attempt at outward profession when the spirit had completely departed : for the rest of their history may be summed up as a firm determination to stand well with the king at whatever cost of principle. Their relations with the court are shown in the next collision with the ecclesiastical authorities. Dr. Henry Standish, then resident in the London house, provincial '^ of the Grey Friars, and a popular court preacher, was accused of heresy " in the convocation of 1 5 IS' He may have thought with some reason that the real charge against him was the opinion he had expressed in favour of the Act of 4 Henry VIII, by which the benefit of clergy was curtailed. At all events the king took this view, and the members of Convocation " found themselves in their turn accused of an attack on the secular power, and had enough to do to excuse themselves without pursuing the case against Standish. The close connexion of the Grey Friars and the City was illustrated more than once about this time : on the petition of the warden and friars it was decided in 1 5 14" that the mayor and aldermen as founders should go in pro- cession to the house every year on St. Francis' Day ; and when the nave of the church was to be paved with marble London citizens con- tributed the money; and a further outlay being necessary in 15 18 the provincial and the warden applied to the City, and at the request of the Court of Common Council the sum required, ;^i6 ids. 2id., was raised by the companies.'' The feeling that as Friars Minors of London they must sympathize with the London poor undoubtedly caused John Lincoln's attempt '* to use their influence to persuade the City authori- ties to take measures against the foreigners with whom the populace was so enraged. But Dr. Standish was not the man to run any risk, and saying that it was not a fit subject to touch on in a sermon, escaped any ill consequences of the evil May Day of 15 17. The attitude of the friars in the affair of the prisoner who escaped from Newgate and took "' Rec. of Corp. of Lond. Letter Bk. M. fol. 237- " L. and P. Hen. VIII, ii (i), 1314. " Their bitterness against Standish comes out in more than one passage : see L. and P. Hen. Fill, ii (l), 1312, where Tayler the prolocutor says that the strife between Church and State over ecclesiastical liberties was fomented by Standish ; see also ibid, ii (I). 1 31 3 (4)-. ^ 1508 is given as the date in Chron. of the Grey Friars of Lond. (Camd. Soc), 29. From the word- ing of the entry in the City records, however, the procession seems not to have been undertaken before 1 5 14. Rec. of Corp. of Lond. Letter Bk. M. fol. 224. " Ibid. Repert. i, fol. 13, 14. ** Grafton, Chron. (ed. 1809), ii, 289. See, too, Brewer, The Reign of Hen. VIII, i, 245, 249. 05 64 A HISTORY OF LONDON refuge in their church may have offended the City,'*" but in 1529 the usual procession was not to take place ' in consequence of the unkindness and ingratitude of the friars.' *' Stand ish seems to have been taken as an ex- ample by the wardens during the period of re- ligious change. Cudner, on behalf of his con- vent, acknowledged the king as supreme head of the Church in 1534,^" and it is unlikely that Friar Forest and others of the Observants would have been sent to this house if the king had not been certain of the opinions entertained there. Chapuys said that the Observants, while they refused to take the oath, were treated by the Conventuals worse than they would have been in ordinary prisons,^' and the hostility shown to them by Thomas Chapman, the warden, when Forest again fell under suspicion is sufScient indication of the treatment meted out to them in London. In a letter to Cromwell Chapman says*- that he has not forgotten the command to search out Forest's friends, but the time assigned had been too short. He has now learned more, and sends the names of those who had given Forest a small sum of money, adding : ' I will be true to my Prince, and so will all my Brethren. I dare depose for them that were no Observants.' One friar was so eager to show his loyalty that he laid information against one of his fellow brethren, misrepresenting a conversation of which he had only heard part.*' The accused managed to clear himself," but such spying must have made life unendurable, and gone far to justify the warden in declaring that 'all the house would willingly change their coats provided they have a living,' and that * they all longed to change their coats.' *' The house was surrendered on 12 November 1538, by Thomas Chapman, S.T.D., the war- den, and 26 friars.** Chapman was granted a life pension of ;^I3 6s. 8^.,*' and payments, but '*' ' Chron. of Grey Friars ' in Monum. Franchc. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 193. *' Rec. of the Corp. of Lond. Repert. viii, fol. 62b. ^ L. and P. Hen. Fill, vii, 665. ^' Ibid, xiii (l). Pref. p. xvi. They were cer- tainly severely treated. See letter of one imprisoned at Stamford. Ibid, vii, 1307. " Ibid, xiii (I), 880. ^ L. and P. Hen. VIII, xiii (i), 658. The accused friar, Geoffrey Turner, had been talking in the buttery with some laymen, and the conversation had turned on King John. The friar had said that the monk reported to have poisoned the king was to be blamed for striking before God struck. '"' Turner figures as one of the friars at the sur- render. Dep. Keeper's Rep. viii, App. ii, 28. " In a letter to Master Newell, steward of the archbishop of Canterbury. L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiii (2), 251- •^ Ibid, xiii (2), 808. "Aug. Off". Misc. Bks. 233, fol. 163. The Last payment made to him was 35 Hen. VIII. L. and P. Hen. Fill, xix (i), 368. apparently not pensions,** were made to twenty of the friars. The fixed income of the house derived from lands and houses in the immediate neighbourhood of the church and monastery *' was only ;^32 19X.,'*' so that the friars must still have depended on alms for the greater part of their revenues.'^ The importance of the house may be gauged by the amount of plate in the church at the time of the Dissolution — i,520oz. of gilt, 600 oz. of parcel gilt, and 770 oz. of white plate.'' Wardens of the Grey Friars Henry de Treviso, the first warden, 1224 " Salamon,'* occurs c. 1230 Peter of Tewkesbury, occurs 1234'* John de Kethene, before 1239 '* A., occurs c. 1 252-8 " J., occurs 1282 '* Salomon de Ingeham, occurs 1292 or 1293 " Nicholas, occurs 1294*" and 1295 *^ Henry de Sutton, occurs 1302 ** ^ Ibid, xiv (2), 236. They do not appear in the Augmentation accounts after this time, 31 Hen. VIII. *' L. and P. Hen. Fill, xv, 1032 ; xvi, 1 500; xvii, 1258 ; xix (i), 1035 (6, 55). '"Stow, Surv. of Lond. (Strype's ed.), iii, 130. Stow says the church was valued at this amount, but as the church must h.ave been worth much more, I have presumed that he meant the income of the friary. " They benefited considerably by bequests, for although the sums left to them were often small, the friars were remembered in the wills of most London citizens. Another important source of income was the establishment of chantries and obits : in 1 45 8 William Cantelowe arranged that daily masses should be said for him and Thomas Gloucester, and gave to the friars X2'-'° '°'' ^^ repair of their church. Anct. D. (P.R.O.), A. 1 1 314. " Monastic Treasures (Abbotsford Club), 19. There are unfortunately very few notices of bequests like that of Marie de St. Pol, countess of Pembroke, who left a gold chalice and an image of St. Louis of France to the high altar of the Friars Minors. Sharpe, Cal. of IVills, ii, 195. " Monum. Francisc. (Rolls Ser.), i, 7. " Ibid, i, 12, 41. It was Roger Niger, bishop of London 1 229-41, who demanded canonical obedience from him. " Little, op. cit. 127. " It was while Helias was minister-general, i.e. before 1 2 39, that Scotland was made a sep.irate pro- vince and John was sent there from London. Monum. Francisc. i, 32. " A. was warden sometime between the date when the troubles over Gascony began between the king and Simon de Montfort and 1258, when Adam de Marisco died, for he is mentioned in a letter of Marisco's. Monum. Francisc. i, 396. " Reg. Epist. J. Peckham (Rolls Ser.), iii, 1029. " Little, op. cit. 320, n. I. *" Monum. Francisc. ii, 61. " Ibid, ii, 62. '' Ibid, i, 514. He gave a window to the church. Harl. MS. 544, fol. 48. 506 RELIGIOUS HOUSES Thomas de Whapelad, occurs 1303 *' William de Querle, occurs 1324 ** and 1330^ John Malberthorpe, occurs 1369'* Robert, occurs 1391 " and 1393"* John Bruyle, occurs 1398'* William Russell, occurs 1425*' John Alen, S.T.P.^» John Kyrie, occurs 1440" and 1458,'" died 1474" William Goddard, the younger, died 1485°* James Walle, died 1494 '^ Andrew, occurs 1498 °° Walter Goodfield, f. I 5 1 1 (?) " Henry Standish, D.D."'* James Cutler, S.T.P.,^^ occurs 15 14, 15 15, andi5i8i«'' Thomas Cudner, occurs 1526^" and 1534^°^ Thomas Chapman, S.T.D., surrendered the house 1539'"' There is a seal of this friary of the four- teenth century.^'** It is a pointed oval in shape, and bears a representation of a carved corbel on which stand two saints, a tree with several birds being between them. They hold up a shrine with trefoiled canopy and three ^ Cal. of Pat. 1 301-7, p. 108. ** Rymer, Yoedera (Rec. Com.), ii (i), 551, " Cal. of Close, 1330-3, p. 132. ^ Monum. Francisc. (Rolls Ser.), i, 521. " Cal. of Pat. 1388-92, p. 522. ''' Sharpe, Cal. of Letter Bk. H, 390. He is here called Robert Hyndone. *' Monum. Francisc. i, 523. ^ Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 438. " In Cott. MS. Vitell. F. xii, fol. 277, he is said to have been sometime warden. Mr. Litlle thinks that he may be the John Alien, B.D., of Cambridge, who was incorporated B.D. of Oxford I Dec. 1459. " Little, op. cit. 265 ; Anct. D. (P.R.O.), c. 1479. »» Anct. D. (P.R.O.), A. 113 14. " Cott. MS. Vitell. F. xii, fol. 2j-]b. " Ibid. fol. 282^. Little, op. cit. 263. »^ Cott. MS. Vitell. F. xii, fol. 290. "' Harl. Chart. 44, F. 47. =" Hediedini52l. Cott. MS. Vitell. F. xii, fol. 277^. This MS. only says he was sometime warden. Mr. Little shows, op. cit. 127, that he must have held the post after 1 5 i o. Of course he may occur after Cu tier. '* Little, op. cit. 112. If he was warden shortly before 1 5 i 5 it might account for the mistake in Keil- wey's Reports (L. i?«i/ /". Hen. Fill, ii (i), 1313), where he is called warden though Cutler then held the office. Standish was provincial at that date (Rec. of Corp. of Lond. Letter Bk. M. fol. 237), and became bishop of St. Asaph in 15 18. L. and P. Hen. fill, ii (2), 4074 and 4083. ^ Rec. of Corp. of Lond. Letter Bk. M. fol. 224,2 37. ""Ibid. Repert. i, fol. 13. According to Cott. Vitell. F. xii, fol. 276^, he died 1530, but Mr. Little, op. cit. 126, makes it evident that the wardens did not hold office for life. "" L. and. P. Hen. Fill, iv (3), 5870 (6). ™ Ibid, vii, 665. '»' Ibid, xiii (2), 808. '" B.M. Seals, Ixviii, 39. spires, each topped with a cross. In the shrine is a saint seated on a throne and holding in the right hand a sword, in the left a book. The background is diapered lozengy with a small star in each space. Legend : SIGI VS . FRATRVM LONDONIAR MIN Only a fragment remains of the large red seal used by the receiver in 1498.'"* It represents a shield of arms of the city of London. The legend is wanting. 13. THE WHITE FRIARS The house of the Carmelites or White Friars-' in Fleet Street was founded by Sir Richard Gray, knt., in 1241,' and thirteen years after- wards was of such importance that a general chapter of the order was held there.' The site was good owing to its proximity to the City and to the river, the main road between London and Westminster. Like all urban or suburban situations in mediaeval times, however, it must have left much to be desired as regards healthi- ness, considering that in 1290 many of the friars died owing to their unsanitary surround- ings.* The neighbourhood, perhaps because of its being outside the City gates, soon had other drawbacks, and in 1345 the friars complained that they were impeded in the celebration of divine worship by the brawls of people of bad character in the adjoining lane." The temptations and risks to which religious houses were exposed from the deposit of treasure there are illustrated hy the robbery at the White Friars in 1305.° The robbers came after the hoard of a certain knight, and were helped by one of the friars. The prior and brethren were bound, and the sum of ;^400 was carried ofF by the robbers and their accomplice, who was afterwards caught and hanged. This incident argues that the house was already of some standing, but its importance increased greatly after the fall of the Templars, when, with the neighbouring priory of the Black Friars, it succeeded to the position hitherto held by the Temple as a centre for the transaction of affairs of state. The Chancery was established ■»> Harl. Chart. 44, F. 47. ' Pope Martin IV changed the cloak of the Car- melites, which before had been of various colours, to white. Walsingham, Hist. Angl. (Rolls Ser.), i, 20. ^ Stow, S»/f. of Lond. (Strype's ed.), iii, 267. ' Villiers de St. Etienne, Bibl. Carmel. i, 623. * Pari R. (Rec. Com.), i, 61. In 1375, on com- plaint of the White Friars, the m.iyor and sheriffs were ordered to have a lane cleared of filth. Sharpe, Cal of Letter Bk. H, 16. ' Cal. of Close, 1343-6, p. 544. " Flor. Hist. (Rolls Ser), iii, 128 ; Ciron. ofEdw. I and Edw. 11 (Rolls Ser.), 144. 507 A HISTORY OF LONDON there for a time/ and, during the reigns of Edward II and Edward III especially, councils, both royal * and ecclesiastical,' were held at the White Friars. That the house owed its position not merely to a convenient situation is shown by the employ- ment of its members in political and diplomatic business. The convent seems to have gained its freedom from livery of the king's stewards and marshals through Friar Adam Brown who was a clerk of Edward 11.^° John de Reppes, prior in 1343, was engaged in important negotiations for both the king and the pope between 1344 and 1348.^' He received in return many privi- leges from the pope, among them leave to retain his chamber in the London house for life,^" and faculties similar to those of bishops to meet the requirements of the many noble personages who came to confess to him.*^ This seems to indi- cate that, like the Franciscans and Dominicans in the fourteenth century, the White Friars were popular with the English nobility." Their patrons, however, were not all of the one class. Thus, while the priory was rebuilt in 1350 by Hugh Courtenay, earl of Devon,^* it was to the mayor and commonalty of the City that they owed the grant of Crockers Lane for the west end of their church ; '* and the frequent mention of the friars in the wills of London citizens^' attests the general favour in which they were held. Moreover, the fraternity of the Concep- tion of the Blessed Virgin Mary, established in the conventual church about 1364, was said to owe its foundation to certain ' poor men ' of the City and suburb.^' It may also be noticed, as bearing on this point, that when the rebels of 1 38 1 were carrj'ing on their work of destruc- tion at the Temple and the Savoy they appear to have left the White Friars in peace, and 'C<»/.?/"C/i;/sion to build another, ordered them to be less noxious to the friars.'"' At some date between 1265 and September 1 27 1,* they bought from Queen Eleanor, then warden of London Bridge, for the sum of 60 marks and the maintenance of the chantry of Richard le Kew, certain tenements in Cole- church Street, in the parish of St. Olave Jewry, and of St. Margaret Lothbury. They also possessed houses in Candelwyk Street (Cannon Street), in the parish of St. Mary Abchurch,' bequeathed to them by Gilbert de Tanyngton as the endowment of a chantry. In spite of the suppression of the smaller orders of Mendicants "Ibid. Ixviii, 10. " Ibid. Ixxiii, II. ' Engl. Hist. Review, ix, article by Mr. Little, who refers to Matthew Paris, Chron. Maj. v, 612, 621. ' Monumenta Francisc. (Rolls Ser.), 72. ' Stow, Surv. of Lond. iii, 53. '' The hospital of St. Thomas of Aeon held houses in ' Colchurche Strete,' opposite the church of the Friars of the Penance of Jesus Christ. See Cartulary printed in 'WsXne^y, Hospital of St. Thomas of Aeon, 256. "^ Tovey, Anglia Judaic a, 192. Tovey refers to Close, 56 Hen. Ill, m. 3. * Sharpe, Cal. of Letter Bk. C, 61, ' Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, i, 14. 513 65 A HISTORY OF LONDON by the Council of Lyons in 1274, the little community in London managed to maintain itself for some years longer. It figured in the wardrobe accounts of 28th year of Edward I,^ and was still in existence in October, 1302/ But the condition of the friars must have been the reverse of flourishing, and in March, 1305,* the king granted them licence to make over their chapel to Robert Fitzwalter, who was to make himself responsible for a chantry of two chap- lains for the souls of Eleanor the late queen, the king's ancestors, and others. The house was presided over by priors, none of whose names survive. 16. THE CROSSED FRIARS The Friars of the Holy Cross are said to have first come to England about 1244,' but it was not until 1298 that they obtained a footing in London. About that date, on land in Hart - Street, at first rented and afterwards bought from the prior of Christchurch, Aldgate, their house was founded by Ralph Hosier and William Sabernes, who afterwards themselves joined the order. During the following twenty years they were engaged in building the monastery and church,' to the great dissatisfaction of the rector of St. Olave's, who found himself thus deprived of a source of income. At length a settlement * was made by the dean of Arches and Stephen, bishop of London, which provided that all who so chose might be buried in the conventual church and cemetery, but the rector was to have the burial dues of those who belonged to or had died in his parish ; the maintenance of a lamp in the church of St. Olave, and payment of an annual sum of 2^ marks, secured the priory from all other demands of the rector, who on his side was not to hinder the dedication of the monas- tery, church, and cemetery. ' Liicr Quotid. Contrarotul. Gdrdtnb. 2 8 Edvi. /, 3 1 . 12 March, to the Friars of the Sack by Friar Edmund de Dover there, 1 9/. ' Cal. of Pat. I 301-7, p. 47. * Ibid. 316. Robert Fitzwalter had petitioned the king for this licence in 1304. See Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), i, 162. ' John de Oxenedes, Chronica (Rolls Ser.), 1 74. ' They were established there 28 Edw. I, for in that year a sum of 28/. to them figures in the king's Wardrobe Accts. Lib. Quotid. Contrarotul. Garderob. 28 Edw. /, 31. Prior Stephen granted to these two men three tenements for 1 3/. %d. per annum. Stow, Surv. of Land. (Strype's ed.), iii, 74. Later on it is said they founded their house on tenements purchased of Richard Wimbush, prior of Holy Trinity, I 3 19. ^ In I 3 19 the church was built but not yet dedi- cated, and the cemetery was still unconsecrated. Guildhall MS. 122, fol. 126-7. * Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 46, 47. The material progress ot the priory was not rapid, the acquisition of land and rent to the yearly value of lOOi., for which they had received licence in 1 33 1,' taking twelve years.* This property lay in Tooting,^ Tooting-Graveney,' and ' Legham,' ' co. Surrey, and in the parishes of St. Olave, Hart Street, and St. Bartholo- mew without Bishopsgate {sic)^" London. A chantry of two chaplains established there by Andrew de Bures^^ in 1331 was endowed with land in 'Aketons' and Waldingfield, Suffolk; another '- for one chaplain by Dame Hewysia Gloucestre (1335) with a tenement in Seething Lane, and the house appears to have obtained one or two little pieces of land elsewhere," but in 1 34 1 " the revenues of the priory were still so small that the convent was released from payment of the subsidy. It would, however, perhaps be a mistake to imagine the house extremely poor. The fact that the friars were endeavouring in 1342 to provide accommodation at Oxford for thirteen of their number to study at the university " doubtless proves nothing but that they took the same interest in education as the friars of other orders ; but it is difficult to believe that if they had been without financial support they would have begun a costly chapel in 1350.'* Moreover in 1359 three of the friars carried off goods estimated to be worth ^^87 13^. i^d.^' so that unless a large amount is to be deducted for the bulls and muniments stolen, the priory seems to have been fairly well furnished. This is not, by the way, the only robbery in which members of the house were concerned, since in 1 39 1 John Bures, then prior, was pardoned for abetting a man who some years before had stolen property valued at 600 marks from the house of the bishop of Bath and Wells.'* ' Cal. of Pat. 1330-4, p. 41. •Ibid. 1343-5, p. 115. Perhaps St. Botolph's The land was alienated ' Ibid. 1334-8, p. 222. • Ibid. 1330-4, p. 223. •Ibid. 416. '» Ibid. 1343-5, p. 115. without Bishopsgate. " Ibid. 1330-4, p. 197. by Andrew to the prior and Crutched Friars of Wel- netham to find two chaplains to celebrate in the London house. In 1350 the prior and convent of the Crossed Friars, London, granted to Sir Andrew de Bures and Alice his wife a room and stable in the priory whenever they came to London. Cart. Toph. 33. " Sharpe, Cal. of mils, i, 406. " Cal. of Pat. 1330-4, p. 49. Robert de Hegham had leave to alienate to them 1 5 acres of land and 8/ rent in Shudycampes and Nosterfeld. " Cal. of Close, 1 341-3, p. 175. " CaL of Pat. 1340-3, pp. 403, 498. " Ibid. 1348-50, p. 445. " Riley, Mem. of Lond. 303, 304. " Cal. of Pat. 1388-92, p. 429. 514 RELIGIOUS HOUSES Before the end of the century they had added considerably to their resources. John de Caus- ton, alderman of London, in 1350 gave them a tenement with gardens and shops near the Tower, and a tenement called the Cardinalshat at ' Grascherche ' as the endowment of the two chantries founded by him in the con- ventual church '^ ; tenements near Dowgate, and in ' Syvedenlane ' were bequeathed by another London citizen, Richard Rothyng, in 1379, also for the establishment of a chantry ^'^ ; and in 1383 Sir Richard Abberbury, kt., granted to them lands and houses in Donington,^^ but these they seem afterwards to have lost, as in 1447 Richard's heir, Thomas de Abberbury, made them over to the duke of Suffolk. ^^ The priory must have been popular with the foreigners who lived round its precincts, for the Fraternity of the Holy Blood of Jesus, founded in the church in 1459, and the Brotherhood of St. Katharine, established there in 1495, were both of German origin.^' It is evident too that the house was not viewed unfavourably by the citizens generally, since on the petition of the prior for aid in the rebuilding of the church in 1520 ^^ the City accepted the patronage of the foundation, pressed its claims upon the fellow- ships of London,^* and in 1522^^ granted some common soil for its extension. It was probably to the good ofRces of their new patrons that the priory owed the bequest of ;^50 made to the new buildings in 1524 by Sir John Skevington, alderman," and that of £6 iT^s.^d. left in 1523 by Robert CoUyns, haberdasher of London.^* Sir John Milbourne, who had been mayor in 1 52 1, purchased some land of the friars in 1534 for his almshouses,^^ and had his obit celebrated in the conventual church.'** Such assistance as was procured was not, how- ever, sufficient to rescue the house from its em- barrassments. A woman named Margaret Johnson complained to Cromwell about 1534 that she and her husband had lent the convent large sums in 1 5 1 2 and other amounts since, but " Doc. of D. and C. of Westminster, London, B. Box I. 'o Sharpe, Cat. of Wills, ii, 213. " Cal. Pap. Letters, v, 12, 13. " Cal. Rot. Pat. (Rec. Com.), 291. ^' Stow, op. cit. ii, 75, 76 ; Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iv, 44, 5 2 . " Rec. of Corp. of Lond. Repert. v, fol. 52. Just about this time, viz. in 1 52 1, the bishop of London confirmed the Fraternity of the Visitation of the Virgin Mary in the church of the Crossed Friars, but the brotherhood of course may have been of earlier foundation. Lond. Epis. Reg. Fitz James, fol. 142. " Stovif, op. cit. ii, 74. '* Rec. of Corp. of Lond. Repert. iv, fol. 122^. " L. and P. Hen. Vlll, iv, 952. *' Ibid, iii, 3175. " Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, iii, i 38-42. '" Herbert, Livery Companies of Lond. i, 413. had not for ten years received the annuity promised in return. '' The priory in 1525 had borrowed money on security of a silver-gilt cross and some vestments, and in 1535 had not dis- charged the debt ;^- in 1527 it borrowed ^27 lOj. from George Tadlow, haberdasher of London;'' and in 1538 it owed ^40 to William Fernley, a mercer, and ^{[loo to the executors of a certain Walter Marsshe.'* After 1530 monetary difficulties were not the only ones with which the convent had to con- tend. The religious changes did not meet with the approval of John Dryver, prior of the house in 1532, and of course spies were not lacking to report the imprudent expression of his opinions. He had said that if it were true that the king was determined to put down certain religious houses he should be called ' Destructor Fidei,' and in speaking of a fall the king's jester had had from his horse had remarked that ' the fool should say . . . that the king should have a fall shortly.' '* It is unlikely that he would have been allowed to remain prior after this, and it was Edmund Stretam who as head of the house acknowledged the royal supremacy on 17 April, 1534.''= Robert Ball, the friar who was one of the witnesses against Dryver, was prior in 1535," and was the subject of the well-known letter of John Bartelot to Cromwell.'* Bartelot's story was that he and some others, having caught the prior in an act of gross immorality, had been bribed not to tell by a sum down and a promise of more. The prior not paying the second amount was arrested, but found a friend in the chan- cellor, who declared that it was a heinous robbery on Bartelot's part. As far as one can judge it appears to have been an attempt at intimidation and blackmail based on the fact that the court policy was known to have but the half-hearted adherence of the convent. It is not without significance that when the provincial of the Austin Friars in 1535 refused to let the Spaniards celebrate the emperor's victory in Africa in that church until he knew the king's pleasure, they went to the Crossed Friars for their service.'^ A priest there was reported to have tried to confirm a penitent in the old doctrines in February, 1535,''° and in March, 1536," a doctor and three or four others of the Crossed Friars were prohibited by Hilsey from hearing confessions. It is possible to see the reflection of these proceedings in the small "^ L. and P. Hen. Vlll, viii, i6i. " Ibid, ix, 1 168. '' Add. Chart. 24490. "Aug. Off. Misc. Bks. 250, fol. 40, 4i3. '' L. and P. Hen. Fill, v, 1209. Ibid, vii, 665. Ibid, ix, 1 168. 'Hbid. 330. " Ibid. 462. ^ Ibid, ix, 1092 *" Ibid. X, 346. 515 A HISTORY OF LONDON number of names''^ appended to the deed of surrender, 12 November, 1538 ; for in December, 1350, before the priory had had time to recover from the ravages of the Great Pestilence, there had been eleven besides the prior and sub-prior,''^ but the convent at the Dissolution had dwindled to six. Raphael or Ralph Turner,^ who heads the list, and was granted an annual pension of five marks for the term of his life,^' was not the prior, so that the house appears to have been without a head at this time. The possessions of the priory, valued at ;^52 13^. 4(/.*^ per annum, included the chapel of ' Chockesmythes ' with a messuage and garden adjoining and lands and wood in ' Wellutham ' Magna, ' Wellutham ' ^' Parva, and Bradfield Combusta, co. Suffolk,^' the site of the late priory of Barham,^' co. Camb., and tenements in St. Olave's Hart Street,'** St. Dunstan's in the East,'' Allhallows Dowgate, Allhallows Barking, and St. Botolph's without Aldgate.'- The plate of the house, forty-one ounces in parcel gilt,'' seems a very small quantity, but that stolen'* a few years before may never have been recovered, and some had certainly been pawned " or sold during the last period of the priory's existence. A seal of 1350 " bears a cross pattee between two crescents and two stars of six points within a carved gothic quatrefoil. Legend : — SIGILL COMVNE . DOMVS STE CRUCIS LONDON. A seal of the sixteenth century ^ represents Our Lord on the Cross, surrounded by the eleven disciples who kneel in adoration ; in the field the sun, moon, and stars. Legend : — S. FRATERNIT ANNO XVCXXVI FRM . CRVCIFEROR . LONDN 17. THE PIED FRIARS DE PICA OR FRIARS The London settlement of the Pied Friars is mentioned neither by Dugdale nor by Tanner, but that there was such a community seems certain, considering that it figures among other London houses receiving alms on the occasion of the second anniversary of Queen Eleanor of Castille,^' and that the king's wardrobe accounts of 1300 record a gift to these friars of 85.™ Priors of the Crossed Friars Adam,'° occurs 1298 and 13 19 " William de Charryngworth, occurs 1350 '* John Bures, occurs 1379'^ and 1391 ^^ John Lynoth, occurs 1384^' William Bowry, occurs 1512 '* and 1527 *' John Dryver, occurs 1532°* Edmund Stretam, occurs 1534^ Robert Ball, occurs 1535 *^ " L. and P. Hen. Vlll, xiii (2), 807. " Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Lond. B. Box i. " L. and P. Hen. Vlll, xiii (2), 807, and N.* In 1527 he was sacristan. Add. Chart. 24490. *' Aug. OiF. Bks. 233, fol. ^■]^b. ** Stow, op. cit. ii, 74. *' This may either be Welnetham or Waldingfield Magna and Parva. *» L. and P. Hen. Vlll, xv, 436 (88). *' Ibid, xv, 942 (19). Babraham (?). •"Ibid, xvii, 1258. ''Ibid, xvii (i), 75, " Ibid, xix(l), 1035 (6). " Monastic jT/vwanv (Abbotsford Club), 19. '*L.andP.Hen.Vlll,\\,l-]% (27). "Ibid, ix, 1 168. "'Stow, op. cit. ii, 74. "Guildhall MS. 122, fol. 126. ** Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. London, B. Box I. " Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 213. ^ Cal. of Pat, 1388-92, p. 429. " Lond. Epis. Reg. Br.iyhrook, fol. 390. He is probably identical with Bures. '■'Land P. Hen. Vlll, viii, 161. ^ Add. Chart. 24490. " L. and P. Hen. Vlll, v, 1209. " Ibid, vli, 665. *' Ibid, ix, 1092 and 1 168. 18. THE FRIARS DE ARENO A priory for friars of the order of St. Mary de Areno was founded in Westminster in 1267 by William Arnand, a knight of Henry III. It lasted just fifty years, the community coming to an end with the death of the last brother, Hugh of York, in 1317.'^ 19. THE MINORESSES WITHOUT ALDGATE The house of the Grace of the Blessed Mary was founded outside Aldgate in the parish of St. Botolph in 1293 ' by the brother of Edward I, Edmund carl of Lancaster, for inclosed nuns of the order of St. Clare.^ The first members of the convent were brought to England by the " B. M. Toph. Chart. 3 ; Doc. D. and C. of Westm. Lond. B. Box i. '^ B. M. Sloane Chart, xxxiv, 77. ^' Jrci. xxix, 179. She died 19 Edw. I. '° Liier Ouotid. Contrarotul. Garderob. 28 Edw. 1. " Cal. of Close, 1 3 1 3-1 8, p. 503. ' Or rather the foundation was then confirmed by the king, Pat. 21 Edw. I, m. 11, quoted in Dugdale, il/ra. ylngl. vi, 1553. It seems probable, however, that a slightly earlier date should be assigned, as the house is mentioned in the Taxatio of Pope NichoLis about 1291. ' As altered by Pope Urban IV. They were not Poor Clares, since they received endowments. Fly, 'Some account of an Abbey of Nuns,' Arch, xv, 93. 16 RELIGIOUS HOUSES earl's wife Blanche, queen of Navarre, in all probability from France, since the rule prescribed for their observance by Pope Boniface VIII was that followed in the nunnery of the Humility of the Blessed Mary at Saint Cloud. ^ The original endowment consisted of lands and tenements in the suburbs of London and £2>'~' '^^'^^ '" ^'- Law- rence Lane, Cordwainer Street, and Dowgate ; * but in 1295 the earl made a further grant of land in the field of Hartington, co. Derby, and the advowson of the church there,' and in the Taxatio of Pope Nicholas, Hartington and ' Northburgh ' churches both are said to be ap- propriated to the nuns.' Some more property in London was soon acquired from Henry le Galeys, who endowed a chantry in the chapel of St. Mary built by him in the conventual church where he was buried.' From the earliest foundation the house enjoyed important privileges. The king exempted them in 1294 from summonses before the justices in eyre for common pleas and pleas of the forest.^ The pope, Boniface VIII, ordered that nothing should be exacted from them for the consecration of church and altars, or for sacred oil or sacra- ments, but that the bishop of the diocese should perform these offices free of charge ; that in a general interdict they might celebrate service with closed doors ; that sentences of excommu- nication and interdict promulgated against them by bishops or rectors should be of no effect,^ and he declared them free from all jurisdiction of the archbishop of Canterbury and of the bishop of London,'" and acquitted them of payment of tenths '' to the pope. The house indeed seems to have been at first richer in privileges than in revenue: in 1 31 6 the nuns were exempted by the king from tallage on their land in London on account of their poverty ; ^^ in 1334 they petitioned the king that according to the papal bulls to them they might be quit of all papal impositions on the clergy or grants to the king, saying that otherwise they ' Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 17. See also Arch, xv, 93, n. D. ' The £^^0 was allowed them out of the manor of ' Shapwyk,' CO. Dorset (Cal. of Pat. 1292-1301, p. 87), until this grant was made in Nov. 1294. Dug- dale, op. cit. vi, 1553. ' Cal. of Pat. 1 292-1 301, p. 170. ' Pope Nich. Tax. (Rec. Com.), 247. ' Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 96 ; Chron. of Eilzv. I and Edw. II (Rolls Ser.), i, 128. Galeys was mayor 1273 and 1281-3, ^"'^ 'i'^'^ 1302. ^ Cal. of Pat. 1 292-1 301, p. 86; Plac. de Quo IVmr. (Rcc. Com.), 460. ' Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 17. " Ibid. Bull of Aug. 1294. " Ibid. Bull of June, 1295. They were exempted in 1 3 19 from payments of tenths granted by Pope Clement V to the king on showing these letters of Boniface VIII. Cal. of Close, 1318-23, p. 166. ■' Cal. of Pat. I 313-17, p. 449. could not live;" and in 1338'* and 1345'° they were pardoned from contributing both to tenths and fifteenths out of pity for their strait- ened condition. At length in 1347 ''the king granted that they should henceforth be quit of all tallages, explaining in 1353'^ that the grant exempted them from payment of both lay and clerical subsidies. It is possible that in these exemptions may be seen a sign not only of the nuns' poverty, but also of powerful influence exerted on their be- half, since the house always had a particular attraction for persons of rank.'* Queen Isabella gave the nuns in 1346 the advowsons of the churches of Kessingland and Framsden, co. Suffolk, and Walton-on-Trent, co. Derby, with licence to appropriate them, so that they would pray for the soul of King Edward II," and showed herself their friend in other ways.^" She was not the only patron of the Grey Friars to extend her benefactions to the sisters of the order : Elizabeth de Burgh Lady Clare bequeathed in 1355 ;^20, ornaments, and furni- ture to the house, ^20 to the abbess Katherine de Ingham, and 1 3^. \d. to each of the sisters,'' and Margaret countess of Norfolk granted to the convent in 1382 a rent of 20 marks from the Brokenwharf, London, for the term of the life of William de Wydford, a friar.^^ William Ferrers, lord of Groby, left to his daughter Eliza- beth, a nun at the Minories, ;^20, and to the abbess and nuns 10 marks ; ^' John of Gaunt in 1397 bequeathed ;^I00 to be paid among the sisters;^* and Joan Lady Clinton left to them by will in 1457 £,\^ to keep her anniversary.^"'^ " Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), ii, 86a. '* Cal. of Pat. 1338-40, p. 86. " Ibid. 1 343-5, p. 434. " Ibid. 1 345-8, p. 410. " Inspex. 1377, Cal. of Pat. 1377-81, p. 85. " Those buried in the church included Elizabeth countess of Clare, d. 1360 (Nicolas, Test. Vet. 56) ; Agnes countess of Pembroke, under her will of 1367 (ibid. 72) ; Edmund de la Pole and Margaret his wife, and Elizabeth their daughter (Lansd. MS. 205, fol. 21) ; Elizabeth duchess of Norfolk, by her will of 1506 (Nicolas, op. cit. 483), and Anne her daughter (Lansd. MS. 205, fol. 21). " Cal. of Pat. 1345-8, p. 125. '" It was at her request that Edw. Ill in 1340 gave them licence to acquire In mortmain property of the annual value of ^£30. Ibid. 467. In the last months of her life she gave alms to the nuns twice, the second donation being for pittances on the anniversaries of Edw. II and John of Eltham. Bond, 'Notice of the Last Days of Isabella, Queen of Edward II,' Arch. XXXV, 456, 464. " Nichols, Royal Wills, 30. Among the articles bequeathed were a reliquary of crystal, a large chalice of silver-gilt, and two cruets ' costelcs,' and two vest- ments, one of white the other of black cloth of gold. ''' Cal. of Pat. 1 38 1-5, p. 452. '^ Nicolas, Test. Vet. 76. " Nichols, Royal Wills, I 53. '» Nicolas, Test. Vet. 284. 517 A HISTORY OF LONDON Margaret de Badlesmere, who was living in the nunnery in 1323,-* was not the only widow of her position to find a retreat from the world there ; for Margaret Beauchamp, after the death of her husband, the earl of Warwick, had an indult from the pope in 1398 to reside there with three matrons as long as she pleased,^' and two of the abbesses had taken the veil after widowhood, Katherine wife of John de Ing- ham,** and Eleanor Lady Scrope, daughter of Ralph de Neville.^' Henry earl of Lancaster in 1349,^" and Matilda Lady de Lisle in 1353," received leave from the pope to visit the convent with a limited namber of attendants. The relations between the nunnery and the family of Thomas de Woodstock, duke of Gloucester, appear to have been of the closest kind. It was the duke who obtained for the nuns in 1394 the advowson of Potton church from the prior and convent of St. Andrew, Northampton, and arranged for its appropriation without expense to the abbey .^' His house adjoined the conventual church, and the abbess and sisters allowed him to make a door between the two buildings so that he could enter the church as he pleased, a privilege they were not prepared to extend to the lady who took the house after the duke's death.'^ The duchess died in the nunnery,'* and one of the daughters, Isabel, who had been placed in the nunnery at a very youthful age,'' though she had permission from the pope to leave if she would, chose to remain,'^ and in the end became abbess. '' All the nuns could not have '^ Cal. of dose, 1323-7, pp. 46, 48. " Cal. Pap. Letters, v, 177. " Cal. of Close, 1 339-41, p. 266 ; Lansd. MS. 205, fol. 21. '^ Ibid, and ^rch. xv, 104. '" Cal. Pap. Pet. \, 166. He was allowed to enter with ten persons. " Cal. Pap. Letters, iii, 488. She was allowed to enter once a year with two matrons. '' Add. Chart. 1995 i. " Cal. Pap. Letters, v, 544. " Trokelowe and Blaneforde, Chron. et Ann. (Rolls Ser.), 321. By will she left to the abbess and convent £() I y. \d. and a ' tonell ' of good wine ; to her daughter Isabel, minoress, then in her sixteenth year, various books, among them a French Bible in 2 vols, with gold clasps enamelled with the arms of France. Nicolas, Test. Vet. 147. '' The papal mandate says ' she was in infancy placed in the monastery and clad in the monastic habit.' Cal. Pap. Letters, v, 385. ^ The pope's permission to depart was given in 1401. In 1403 the king pardoned one of the ser- vants of the Minories at the supplication of the abbess and his kinswoman Isabel de Gloucestre. Cal. of Pat. 1401-5, p. 248. " Fly, ' Some Account of an Abbey of Nuns,' Arch. XV, 105. Henry V in 142 1 or 1422 author- ized Henry archbishop of Canterbury and others to pay to the abbey of the Minories an annual rent of 26 marks from the manor of Wethersfield during the lifetime of the abbess, Isabella of Gloucester. 5 been as contented with their lot, for in 1385 the king had ordered his serjeant-at-arms to arrest an apostate minoress, Mary de Felton, and deliver her to the abbess for punishment.'^ This connexion with the Gloucester family would in itself be sufficient to account for the favour shown to the minoresses by Henry IV, who almost immediately after his accession gave them the custody of the alien priory or manor of Appuldurcomb during the war with France, with permission to acquire it in mortmain from the abbey of Montebourg in Normandy,'' and in 1 40 1, in a confirmation of privileges granted to them by his predecessors, added another, that no justice, mayor, or other officer should have any jurisdiction within the precinct of the house except in the case of treason or felonies touch- ing the crown.*° The nuns did not succeed in purchasing Appuldurcomb,*'^ and they had the custody*' only until in 1461 Edward IV granted them the manor in mortmain.*' He did so 'on account of their poverty,' though during the preceding century they must have acquired a good deal of property by bequests** and in other ways.*' Either therefore the house must have had special difficulties at that time, or, as is more probable, its income was always rather small for the number it supported. In 15 15 twenty- seven of the nuns died of some infectious com- plaint,*^ so that there could hardly have been less than thirty or thirty-five before the outbreak. The sum expended there on food*' in 1532 was very little less than had been spent on the food of convent and guests at Holy Trinity Priory. It must have been shortly after the outbreak of plague that the convent buildings were de- stroyed by fire. The mayor, aldermen, and citizens of London contributed 200 marks besides the benefactions of private persons, but at the special request of Cardinal Wolsey to the Court of Common Council, it was decided in " Cal of Pat. 1385-7, p. 86. »• Ibid. I 399-1401, p. 34. *" Ibid. 543. *' In 1429 they are said to be still negotiating for the purchase. Cal. of Pat. 1422-9, p. 504. " The Act of Resumption in 145 I was not to be prejudicial to the nuns as regards this manor. Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), v, 224a. " Cal. of Pat. 1 46 1 -7, p. 88. ** Sharpe, Cal. of ffills, ii, 119, 208, 225, 382, 388, 397, 452, 496. All these bequests were made between 1368 and 1 441. " Cal of Pat. 1377-81, p. 432 ; ibid. 1382-92, p. 491 ; ibid. I 392-6, p. 530. " CAron. of the Grey Friars (Camd. Soc), 29. The chronicler simply says : * This year was a great death at the Minories, that there died 27 of the nuns.' Stow, Surv. ofLond. (ed. Strype), ii, 14, says 27 of the nuns besides servants died of plague. *' L. and P. Hen. Vlll, v, 1663. The year's ac- count for victuals, 1532, was ^^64 9/. \\\d. i.e. about 2 5/. a week. The weekly bills for guests and con- vent at Christchurch Priory in 1 5 14 amounted to L^ 6/. 5^^. 18 RELIGIOUS HOUSES 1520 to give 100 marks more to complete the building.''* The king also gave ;^200 at this time.^' The abbey was surrendered in March, 1539,'" and the terms granted to the nuns were not dis- advantageous when compared with those given to others. To the abbess, Elizabeth Salvage, was assigned a life pension of £i\.o a year, four nuns received life pensions of ^3 3^. 8^. each, ten £2 13;. ^d., nine £2., and a novice £1 6s. 8d. ;'' no provision appears to have been made for the six lay sisters.*^ Stow estimated the house to be worth j^4i8 8f. sd- per annum," but according to the /^a/or its income amounted to £2^^ 5*- ^o^d. gross, and ^^318 8/. 5^'. net.'* Its possessions included rents and ferms in London *' parishes : St. Mary-le-Bow,'^ Allhallows Thames Street," St. Michael Crooked Lane,'* St. Botolph with- out Aldgate," St. Magnus,^" St. Martin Vintry," St. Nicholas Shambles,'^ St. Andrew Undershaft ;" messuages and shops in Whitechapel," co. Mid- dlesex ; the manor of Appuldurcomb in the Isle of Wight ; the manor of Woodley, co. Berks. ; *° lands called 'Brekenox' in Cheshunt, co. Herts. ;^° messuages in Ringwould, co. Kent, and Marchington, co. Stafford ; the rectories and tithes of Hartington,*^' co. Derby, Potton, co. Beds.,** Kessingland and Framsden, co. Suffolk ; " Rec. of Corp. of Lend. Repert. v, fol. l^i>, 80. " L. art J P. Hen. nil, in, 1536. Henry may have had a kindly feeling for the nuns with whom his mother had friendly relations. Nicolas, Privy Purse Expenses of Eliz. of York, 8 and 57. '° Wriothesley, Chron. (Camd. Soc), i, 94. " Aug. Off. Bk. 233, fol. 227-31. " L. and P. Hen. Vlll, xiv (i), 680. " Stow, ^urv. ofLond. (ed. Strype), ii, 14. " Falor Eccl. (Rec. Com.), i, 398. "In 1532 the steward of the Minories accounted for ^^148 4/. lid. derived from rents in London. L. and P. Hen. VIII, m, 1663. <* Ibid. XV, 733 (33). " Ibid, xvi, p. 727. " Ibid, xviii (i), p. 554. " Ibid, xviii (I), 346 (54). "Ibid, xix (i), 1035 (6). " Ibid, xix (2), 340 (39). " Ibid, xix (2), 527 (6). " Ibid, xix (2), 527 (25). " Ibid. XV, p. 540. They were acquired by the nuns in 1480. Cal. of Pat. 1476-85, p. 65. " Valor Eccl. (Rec. Com.), i, 397. " L. and P. Hen. VIII, xv, 733 (64). " This was let at ferm in 1526 to George earl of Shrewsbury for £26 I 3/. 41/. a year. B.M. Chart. Toph. 19. " Given to them in 1394. ^^^- Chart. 19951. tithes in Wrestlingworth, co. Beds., and ' Quen- ton,' CO. Bucks.,*^^ and a pension from the church of Leake, co. Notts.,™ one of the earliest grants to the abbey,'' as it is mentioned in the Taxatio. Abbesses of the Minories Margaret, occurs 1294'^ Juliana, occurs 130 1 '^ Alice de Sherstede, occurs 1313'* Katharine de Ingham, occurs 1355'* Isabella de Lisle, occurs 1397 '* Eleanor Scrope,'' died 1398'* Margaret Helmystede, occurs 1400'' Isabella of Gloucester, occurs 1421-2*° Margaret, occurs 1 441*' Joan Barton, occurs 1479*'^ ^""^ 1480*^ Alice Fitz Lewes, occurs 1 501 *' Dorothy Cumberford, occurs 1524,** 1526,*' and 1529** Elizabeth Salvage, surrendered the house 1539*' A seal used by Dorothy Cumberford, the abbess, in 1526,** is a pointed oval. It represents the Coronation of the Virgin, and in the base on the left the abbess kneeling in prayer under a carved arch. Another seal of the same abbess *' represents a female saint, full length, holding in her right hand a pair of pincers and in her left a book. Legend : — SIGILLVM ORd' MINORIS '' Vahr Eccl. (Rec. Com.), i, 397. Quenton is probably Quainton. '» Ibid. V, 166. " Pope Nlch. Tax. (Rec. Com.), 311. " Cal. of Pat. 1292-1301, p. 105. " Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 96. '* Cal. of Close, 1 301-13, p. 569. " Nicolas, Test. Vet. 57. " Arch. XV, 103, 106. " She is given as an abbess in Lansd. MS. 205, fol. 21. " Arch. XV, 104. '» Sharpe, Cal. of mils, ii, 382. ^ Fly, ' Some Account of an Abbey of Nuns,' Arch. XV, 105. *' Sharpe, op. cit. ii, 496. '■» Christie, Parish Clerks, 37. *' Cal. of Pat. 1476-85, p. 227. " L. and P. Hen. VIII, xvi, 107 (33). " Harl. Chart. 44, F. 36. ^ B.M. Chart. Toph. 19. ^ L. and P. Hen. VIII, xvi, 107 (33). " Ibid, xiv (i), 680. ^ B.M. Chart. Toph. 19. ^ Harl. Chart. 44. F. 36. 519 A HISTORY OF LONDON HOSPITALS 20. THE HOSPITAL OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW The hospital of St. Bartholomew was founded at the same time as the priory by Rahere in the reign of Henry I.^ At first the priory and hos- pital seem to have been regarded as one institu- tion, for the royal charter of 1 133 was addressed to Rahere, the prior, the canons, and the poor of St. Bartholomew's Hospital ; ^ but a separation between them must have occurred quite early, since the grants of Henry II ' and Richard I * were made to the church and canons, that is to the priory, and there is evidence that by the be- ginning of the thirteenth century the hospital was a distinct community ^ with possessions apart from those of the superior house.* It is probable, therefore, that Alfune, the first proctor, was not concerned with the government of the hospital, but devoted himself entirely to finding the means of subsistence for the poor it sheltered, a sufficiently hard task, seeing that he begged food from door to door and in the markets of the city.' The later proctors, how- ever, occupied the position and had the duties of masters,* and in the end took the name. The rights of the priory over the hospital were the cause of much controversy, and the difficulty must have begun early, for the question was argued before Richard, bishop of London, about 1 1 97.' It was then decided that the proctor of St. Bartholomew's should do solemn obedience to the prior and should swear to minister faithfully in the hospital and not to alienate the lands and rents of the house without the consent of the bishop, prior, and canons, nor to admit anyone to a perpetual allowance of food or clothing without the assent of the prior and canons ; he must give an account twice a year of receipts and expenses in the presence of the bishop and the prior ; the proctor was to be chosen by the canons and the brothers from the latter, or from another com- munity if there were not a fit person in the hos- pital, but not from the priory ; if unsuitable, he was to be removed by common counsel of the canons and brothers ; chaplains were to be chosen " Cott. MS. Vesp. B. ix, fol. 46. * Cirt. Antiq. R. L, I. » Ibid. 2, 8. * Ibid. 9. ' Add. MS. 34768, fol. 376, 38. ^ Agrant wasmadein the twelfth centur}' by Stephen, the proctor, and the brethren with the consent of the prior. Hiif. MSS. Com. Rep, ix, App. i, 22. In 1230 the hospital is mentioned as holding land in ' Had- feld,' whereas the priory never seems to have possessed anything there. Cal. of Close, 1227—31, p. 301. ' Cott. MS. Vesp. B. ix, fol. 54-5. * Settlement as to the institution of the procurator. Doc. of D. and C. oi St. Paul's, A. Box 25, No. 643. » Ibid. by the prior and proctor, and to be removed by them if necessary ; the brothers and sisters were to receive the habit from the prior in the chapter of canons and were to do obedience to the prior ; all the brothers and sisters were bound to take part in the procession in the priory church on the Feast of the Purification of the Virgin, Palm Sunday, Easter Sunday, and Ascension Day. These ordinances apparently gave little satisfac- tion to the hospital, for the agitation to obtain more liberty led King John in 1204 ^* to declare that he would treat attempts to free the hospital from its subjection to the priory as attacks on the crown, and in 1223 or 1224 Eustace, bishop of London, at the request of both priory and hospital, made other regulations,^^ which settled the matter for a considerable period. They were as follows : — The prior was not to refuse his assent to the election of a master whom the brothers declared suitable ; if he should consider the person elected unfit, the matter was to be referred to the chapter of St. Paul's ; the prior was to give the master the habit in the chapter of the hospital ; the brothers appear to have been excused from attendance at the priory church on the four festivals, but two were to go on St. Bar- tholomew's Day, with two candles of 4 lb. weight; the brothers were forbidden to erect an altar or image of St. Bartholomew in the hospital, and to have a bell tower or more than the two bells they then had, and on Easter Eve they were not to ring before the priory ; they were refused the cemetery they had asked from Pope Benedict ; the allowances of food and the share in the anniversaries of the canons were to be given as before by the priory to the members of the hospital. Henry III, in the early part of his reign at any rate, appears to have taken an interest in the hospital : in 1223 he committed the custody of it to Maurice, a Templar,^- until he could make further provision for it ; in 1225 he gave the master four oaks for fuel,'^ and in 1 229 six more; ^* and in 1230 excused the brothers from the pay- ment of a tallage on their land in Hatfield.'' Some idea of the hospital in 1 3 1 6 can be gathered from the injunction of Gilbert Segrave, bishop of London,'* who ordered that as the business of the house could not be carried on by fewer than seven brethren, of whom five were priests, there '" Add. MS. 34768, fol. 373, 38. " Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, Lib. A, fol. 14. " Cal. of Pat. 1216-25, P- 37'- " Rot. Lit. Claus. (Rec. Com.), ii, 39. " Cal. of Close, 1227-31, p. 212. " Ibid. p. 301. '' Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 39. 40- 520 £■ MiNORESSES OF AlDGATE St. Kathekine's Hospital St. Bartholomew's Hospital (Rc-vcrst) St. Bartholomew's Hospital {Oh'verse) The Hospital q/ St. Marv, Rouncivall The Hospital of St. Thomas of Acon Monastic Seals : Plate III RELIGIOUS HOUSES should in future be that number of brethren" and four sisters and not more ; the difference in rank between the priests and laybrothers should be marked by their costume, the former wearing closed and round mantles, the latter short tunics ; none should be allowed to buy their own cloth- ing ; the sisters should wear grey dresses which were not to fall below the ankles. Inferences may be drawn from certain of the ordinances : the sisters seem as usual to have been treated un- fairly in the matter of food, since provision was made both as to quantity and quality ; discipline was not perfect, or it would not have been neces- sary to order the brothers and sisters to obey the master, to forbid wordy warfare, and to pro- vide for the punishment of manual violence ; the care of the sick poor was perhaps somewhat neglected, since the bishop reminded the brothers and sisters that they had entered the hospital to minister to their fellow creatures, and enjoined them to look after the sick in their turn as the master directed ; he also ordered the master to visit the sick frequently and provide for their needs according to the power of the house ; a difficulty which appears to have often arisen in the conduct of hospitals is shown by the injunction to the master to appoint a man of exemplary character to be doorkeeper, who would allow no one to enter the sisters' abode without leave of the master. Two rolls were to be made of the income and all goods falling to the hospital, of which the master was to have one and the brethren the other, so that they might know how affairs were administered, and accounts were to be given every quarter by those who received and dispensed the revenues of the house. Two years later, Bishop Gilbert's successor, Richard, visited the hospital,'' and found that its resources had been much diminished through excessive granting of corrodies, and forbade such alienations in future except with the consent of the diocesan. He noticed on this occasion that immediate repairs were needed to the infirmary and other buildings. The management of the finance of the hospital could have been no light task, for its endow- ments were not sufficient for its expenses and needed to be supplemented by an annual collec- tion in churches,^' a source of income abundant perhaps but inconstant because liable to be diverted.^" The house was excused from pay- " This injunction was observed for some time, for there were seven brothers present at the election of William Wakeryng as master in 1386. Lend. Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 282, 287. " Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 39. +o- " The master and brethren had received a papal indult for this. Cal. of Pat. 1324-7, p. 25. '" The king in 1 3 24 and 1 3 27 ordered his bailiffs to arrest persons pretending to be proctors of the brethren and collecting alms in their name. Ibid. 1324-7, p. 25 ; ibid. i327-30,'p. 18. I ment of fifteenths and tenths by Edward I and Edward II because of its poverty,^' and in 1 341 the king ordered the subsidy not to be levied on its goods, on the ground that if it had to meet any further charges its alms must be diminished. ^^ Another attempt to tax its possessions was, how- ever, made about ten years later,"' when it was probably less able to pay than ever, for in 1348 its debts amounted to ;^200 ^^ and the Black Death must have seriously affected the value of its property both in London and in the country. The master, brethren, and sisters accordingly petitioned the king who, in 1352, declared them exempt from aids and ordered proceedings against them to be stopped.^' The foundation of chantries especially in the thirteenth century must have been of considerable benefit to the funds of the house : a chantry of two priests established by William de Arundell and Robert Newecomen in 1325 ^^ was endowed with 37 acres of land in the parishes of St. Giles and St. Botolph without Aldersgate ; the cele- brated John Pulteney gave the bretjiren in 1330 a messuage and four shops in the parish of St. Nicholas ad Macellas to maintain a chantry in the church of St. Thomas the Apostle and another in their own church ;^' and the hospital received in this way, among other property,^' tenements in Holborn in 1339,^^ in the parish of St. Sepulchre in 1346,'" and in Watling Street in 1379.^1 The course of time had again made necessary a readjustment of the relations between the hospital and priory ,^^ and Simon Sudbury, bishop of London, with the consent of both parties made a fresh arrangement on this subject in 1373.'^ He then ordained that the leave of the " Close, 26 Edw. Ill, m. 28, printed in Dugdale, Mon, Angl. vi, 296. An inquiry had been made as to whether the hospital had been exonerated from taxes by these kings, and it was found that payments had been made at certain dates, but that Edward II had exempted it from all tallages and taxes and that its tenements in London were all held in frankalmoign. Chan. Inq. p.m. 26 Edw. Ill (ist Nos.), 55. " Cal. of Close, 1 341-3, p. 1 14. " A fifteenth and a tenth for three years were granted by the Commons in 1 348 (Stubbs, Const. Hist, ii, 398). The petition of the brethren appears to have been made to the king in the Parliament of I 35 1. -* Cal. of Close, 1346-9, p. 542. " Close, 26 Edw. Ill, m. 28, in Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 296. '' Cal. of Pat. 1324-7, p. 117. " Ibid. 1330-4, p. 22. '* Remainder of tenements in Addlane. Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, i, 523. Remainder of rent in parish of St. Dunstan in the West. Ibid, ii, 44. Bequest by Thomas Morice for a chantry. Ibid, ii, 108. " Ibid, i, 437. '" Cal. of Pat. 1340-3, p. 144. " Sharpe, op. cit. ii, 212. " Lond. Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 285-7. ^ Ibid. 521 66 A HISTORY OF LONDON prior must be obtained by the brethren before they elected a master, that they should choose a suitable person, a priest, or such as could be speedily ordained, and that the prior was to present their choice to the bishop ; the new master was to swear obedience to the prior and fealty to the prior and convent ; brothers and sisters were to be admitted by the master on his own authority, but were to take an oath of fealty to the prior and convent within three days ; the brethren and the canons were to ask alms in the name of their own house only, but if anything should be given to the brothers for the priory they were in duty bound to deliver it to the canons, who were to do the same as regards the hospital ; the master was to correct the faults of the brethren and sisters if he could, but the prior was to help him if so requested ; the master and brethren had full power to make any grants of their pro- perty without consulting the prior who in future was to have nothing to do with the hospital seal ; the ordinance of Bishop Eustace as to the offer- ing in the priory church on St. Bartholomew's Day was to remain in force, and his prohibition to the brothers to erect an altar of St. Bartholo- mew within the hospital was repeated ; but the hospital might now have a bell-tower and bells which could be rung on Easter eve at pleasure ; permission was also given to consecrate a ceme- tery in which might be buried all dying within the bounds of the hospital as well as others, pro- vided that such were not parishioners of St. Sepul- chre's, or did not die within the limits of that parish or of the priory ; the master and brethren were not henceforth to receive any allowance of food from the priory, and the master was to keep up the hospital of the sick. An appeal made in 1376 by three brothers and one of the sisters^* shows how difficult it is to arrive at a just conclu- sion in these matters. If the ordinances did not exist the natural supposition would be that they had been, as they said, wrongfully deprived for three years of an allowance of food from the priory through the collusion of the master, whereas the allowance had been stopped by authority of the bishop. It is unfair perhaps to pronounce judge- ment on the house from isolated cases relating to the conduct of individual inmates, such as that of Simon Dowel who had procured his election to the office of master by unlawful means, and was deposed by the bishop's com- missaries in consequence in 1322,^^ or that of an apostate priest who at any rate repented and desired to return in 1355'^; it is impossible, however, to avoid the feeling that the tone of a house must have been deplorable when, as in " Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 25, No. 646. " Lend. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 49-50. ^ Ca/. Paj>. Letters, v, 574. 1375, the master, Richard de Sutton, was publicly defamed for incontinence with one of the sisters and had to confess himself guilty.^' Whether Sutton was afraid of the punishment that would be inflicted, or really had grievances against the bishop's commissaries, he appealed to the court of Canterbury and involved the bishop of London in a dispute with the archbishop over their re- spective jurisdictions. In the course of these proceedings he was excommunicated, but the punishment for his original offence is not re- corded. He was not deposed, since he is men- tioned eleven years later as resigning his post.^* The hospital was repaired by a bequest of Richard Whittington in 1423,'' and before 1458 the church seems either to have been rebuilt or to have had a chapel added to it by Joan, Lady Clinton, for in her will of that date she speaks of ' my new church of the hospital of West Smithfield.' *" The rebuilding of the chapel of St. Mary and St. Michael in the cemetery was due to one of the royal clerks, Richard Sturgeon,''^ who died in 1456.''- Testimony to the good work done in the hospital is afforded by the king's pardon granted in 1464 to the master and brethren for all acquisitions in mortmain made by them without licence in consideration of the relief there given to poor pilgrims, soldiers, sailors, and others of all nations.*^ There are indications that the brothers did not fall behind their age in attention to learning : John Mirfield used his experiences in the hospital to write a book ' Breviarium Bartholomei ' at the end of the fourteenth century ; *^ another brother received leave from the pope in 1404 to study theology for seven years at a university from which he was not to be recalled without reasonable cause,^* while among the books presented by John Wakeryng, the master, to the library in 1463, was a beautiful copy of the Bible, the work of a member of the house named John Coke." Wolsey was empowered by the brothers in 1516 *' and 1524 *' to choose a master for them. In the first instance his choice fell upon one of themselves, Richard Smith, in the second upon " Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 54, No. 36. "* Lend. Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 282. " Stow, Surv. ofLond. (ed. Strype), iii, 232. *" Nicolas, Test. Vet. 284. Stow merely says she gave ^10 to the poor of the house and was buried there, op. cit. iii, 233. *' Harl. MS. 433, fol. 296. " Stow, op. cit. iii, 233. " Cal. of Pat. 1461-7, p. 323. " Moore, A brief relation of the past and present state of St. Bartiolometv's Hospital, 2 1 . " Cal. Pap. Letters, v, 604. ** Stow says it was the fairest Bible he had seen, op. cit. iii, 232. " Lond. Epis. Reg. Fitz James, fol. 66-70. *^ Ibid. Tunstall, fol. 80-6. 22 RELIGIOUS HOUSES Alexander Collins, prior of the Benedictine house of Daventry, whom he gave leave to change his order. When another vacancy seemed likely to occur in 1528 the king hoped that Wolsey would again secure the patronage ■" in which he expected to share, but this time the brothers asked the bishop of London to nominate, and Edward Staple was chosen.'" This continual delegation of powers may have been a diplomatic move to secure powerful interest and protection. The pope in granting a dispensation in 1532 to John Brereton, one of the king's chaplains, to accept the hospital if it were offered to him, de- scribed the house as much in debt, its buildings greatly in need of repair, and its property de- teriorated in value, and he suggested that Brereton as master might be able to relieve the hospital as he was already amply provided with benefices.^' When Staple resigned his office it must have been a foregone conclusion that it would be given to Brereton, for he procured the king's ratification '^ of the papal bull about three weeks before he was appointed by Richard Gwent, to whom the brothers had committed the nomina- tion." In the circumstances it was hardly likely that any difficulty would be raised as to the acknow- ledgement of the royal supremacy, subscription to which was duly made in June 1534 by Brereton and three others.'* Amid the general dissolution Sir Richard Gresham's appeal for the continuance of certain London hospitals '' was successful as regards St. Bartholomew's, which was recon- stituted in 1544.'^ The hospital, which in 1532 had consisted of. a master and eight brethren," was now to be composed of a master and four chaplains, namely, vice-master, curate, hospitaller, and visitor of the prisoners at Newgate,'* and to these were added as before sisters to care for the sick. In 1547, however, another change took place : the king gave the hospital to the City, and it was then arranged that the vicar of the church and a hospitaller should minister to the spiritual needs of the sick inmates.'' Some of the property of the hospital was granted with it, but the house needed to be re- furnished,^" and to a large extent to be re-endowed, •' L. and P. Hen. Vlll, iv (2), 4335. '" Lend. Epis. Reg. Tunstall, fol. 87-IOI. " Ibid. Stokesley, fol. 91. " L. and P. Hen. Vlll, v, 1370 (13). " Lend. Epis. Reg. Stokesley, fol. 91-2. " L. and P. Hen. Fill, vii, 921. " Ibid, xiii (2), 492. '« Ibid, xix (1), 812 (80). " According to the bull of Pope Clement VII, Lond. Epis. Reg. Stokesley, fol. 91. '» L. and P. Hen. Vlll, xix (i;, 812 (80). " Memoranda and Documents relating to the Royal Hospitals, App. iv, v. °'' Moore, op. cit. 25. Rebuilding may have been necessary, too, for there is a note, Oct. 1546, in the Repertories of the Common Council, xi, fol. 288, of the Lord Mayor's engagement to finish the new hospital in Smithfield. • and the citizens made liberal donations to this work.^' The business of the house was entrusted to twelve governors, of whom four were alder- men, who were chosen by the Lord Mayor and held office for two years, six retiring every year.*'* Sick and wounded soldiers and sailors found a refuge there both in 1627 *^ and in 1644,''' when in consideration of its services in this respect its lands were freed from assess- ment.i^* In the Dutch War of 1664*' and during the war with France in 1705 ^* the government again made use of the hospital. An account of the City hospitals in 1667 estimates the number of persons relieved in that year at 1,383, and those then in the hospital at 196.^' Much of its income was derived from property in London, so that it naturally was much affected by the Fire,^* and on this account the king gave permission to the governors for a time to turn the rooms in the Great Cloister into shops.** Commissioners were appointed by William III in August 1691 to visit St. Bartholomew's among the royal foundations within the City,™ but the result of the visitation has not been reported. The religious side of the house, which still had some degree of prominence in 1544, seems to have become of less and less importance, and is not touched upon at all in a description of the hospital in 1800.'' In the Falor the revenues of the hospital are represented as £,27^ '3^* ^'^^ gross and ;^305 6s. e,d. net.'^ Its possessions at that time comprised rents and farms in London valued at ^^292 4J. dd. per annum ; the manor of Ducketts in Tottenham and Harringay which had been made over to the house in 1460 by the feoffees of John Sturgeon to endow a chantry ;'* the manor or farm of Clitterhouse,'* rents and ferms in ' Alrichesbiri,' where the masters and brothers had a holding in 1241 ;" Hackney Marsh, Cudfield Marsh, Willesden and ' Lyme- " Stow, op. cit. iii, 234. "" Moore, op. cit. 28-9. «' Cal. ofS.P. Dom. 1627-8, p. 455. " Ibid. 1628-49, PP- 668-9. " Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. vi, App. i, 36. «> Cal. ofS.P. Dom. 1664-5, P- 1 14 ; ibid. 1665-6, p. 6. "« Cal. of Treat. Papers, 365. «' Cal. ofS.P. Dom. 1667, p. 21. «« Ibid. «' Ibid. Oct. 1668-9, p. 139. '" Ibid. 1690-1, pp. 473-4. " Moore, op. cit. 27. " Valor EccL (Rec. Com.), i, 388. " Harl. MS. 433, fol. 296 ; Lysons, Envir. of Lond. iii, 50. " It appears to have acquired this property in Hendon in 1446. Pat. 24 Hen. VI, pt. I, m. 5, quoted in Tanner, Notit. Mon. ; Lysons, op. cit. iii, 6. " Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 24, No. 608. A settlement was then made with the precentor of St. Paul's, who claimed it for his prebend of Port- pool. Its property there was called a manor in 1326. Cal. of Pat. 1324-7, p. 270. 523 A HISTORY OF LONDON hurst,' CO. Middlesex ; the manor of Fryern,"^ rents and ferms from Hatfield, ' Bradokes,' Rain- ham and Downham, which the master had held in 1326,"' and from Buraham, Aveley, and ' Shernwood ' Marsh, co. Essex ; the ferm of VVollaston, co. Northants, where the hospital had property in 1275 ;'* a rent in St. Albans, CO. Herts., and a small holding in co. Bucks. St. Bartholomew's also owned the church of Little VVakering, co. Essex, which had long been appropriated to it ; " the rectory of Hinton, CO. Somerset, and the patronage of the church of Holy Cross,*" an early foundation within its precincts. Among the possessions of the hospital in 1535 there is no mention of the manor of ' Stretle,' co. Cambridge, which had been given to the master and brothers in 1370 to pray for the good estate of Sir Walter Manny, knt., and to keep his anniversary after death.*^ Proctors and Masters of St. Bartholomew's Hospital Alfune«= Stephen ^' William, occurs 1222-3^ Hugh, occurs 1242-3'' Bartholomew, occurs 1259*^ and 1261 *^ Adam de Rothingg, occurs 1308 *' Simon Dowel, elected 1321,*^ deposed 1322^ William de Actone, appointed 1322'' William le Rouse, appointed 1323,'^ occurs 1324^' and 1336'^ '^ Morant, Hist, of Essex, i, 221. " Cal. of Pat. 1324-7, p. 270. Protection is granted to his servants carrying crops from his manors of Hatfield, Wakering, Rainham, and Downham. The hospital obtained some land in Downham and Rams- den Bellhouse in 1392. Ibid. 1391-6, p. 162. " Hund. R. (Rec. Com.), ii, lo. " Morant, op. cit. i, 307. «• Mun. GUdhrJI, Load, ii (l), 238. It figures in the list of London churches in 1303 given in the Liber Custum., but the entry is in a much later hand than the rest. *' Chan. Inq. p.m. 43 Edw. Ill (2nd Nos.), 51. *^ The first hospitaller or proctor. Cott. MS. Vesp. B. ix, fol. 54. *■ He occurs in the nvelfth century. Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 22. " Hardy and Page, Cal. of Land, and Midd. Fines, 16. «' Hist. MSS. Com. Ref. ix, App. i, 18. He is here called proctor, but a certain Hugh, master of St. Bar- tholomew's, witnesses a deed of the early thirteenth century-. Ibid. 36. "^ Ibid. 19. " Bartholomew, master of St. Bartholomew's Hos- pital, made a grant to the Grey Friars then. Monum. Fraiicisc. (Rolls Ser.), i, 499. '^ Cal. of Close, 1307-13, p. 58. *' Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 49. '^ Ibid. fol. 50. " Ibid. "Ibid. fol. 55. ** Cal. of Pat. 1321-4, p. 399. ^ Cal. of Close, 13 ^'3-7, p- 669. 1460," Laurence, occurs 1348'' Stephen de Maydenheth ^^ Richard Sutton, occurs 1373, iTil^^^ resigned 1386 ^« William Wakering, elected 1386,^' occurs 1390 ^**'' and 1392 ^"^ John Byry, died 1417^°' John Waker)'ng, occurs 1444-5,**'^ i463,i»'and 1464 '»« William Knyght, occurs 1473,'"' ^^^^ '473 ^"^ Thomas Creveker, occurs 1509,^*" died I 5 10 ''" Robert Beyley, elected 15 10,"' died 1 5 16"* Richard Smith, LL.D., elected 15 16,"' died 1524 1" Alexander Collins, elected i';24, ^" died 1528 "« Edward Staple, elected 152 1532 "8 John Brereton, LL.D., elected 1532,^^^ occurs 1534^'" William Turges, S.T.B., appointed 1544 ^" A seal of the twelfth century,^" oval in shape, represents St. Bartholomew with nimbus, lifting his right hand in benediction, and holding a long cross in his left. The saint is depicted half- length on the section of a church with round- headed arches, and two circular side-towers. Legend : — 1524, ^" resigned SIGILL CONVENTVS , DE ECC . . LVDON HOLO " Ibid. 1346-9, p. 542. ^ Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 25, No. 646. He was Sutton's predecessor. " Ibid. ^ Lond. Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 282. =" Ibid. ""' Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 285. "" Cal. of Pat. 1 391-6, p. 162. "- Stow, op. cit. iii, 233. "" Hardy and Page, op. cit. 1 94. '°* An indenture between him and Thomas Bur- goyne relating to the manor of Ducketts is given in Harl. MS. 433, fol. 296, but it is undated. Lysons, however, s.ays the grant took place in 1 460, Ent'ir. of Lond. iii, 50. "" Stow, op. cit. iii, 232. '°« Cal. of Pat. 1 46 1 -7, p. 323. ""Add. Chart. 15629. 108 Weever, Fun. Monum. 435. "" Anct. D. (P.R.O.), B. 2133. "" Lond. Epis. Reg. Fitz James, fol. 15. '" Ibid. fol. 66. '" Ibid. '" Ibid. fol. 66- 80. "^ Ibid. fol. 87. Staple was bishop of Meath, in commendam. L. and P. '" Ibid. Tunstall, fol. "' Ibid. fol. 80-86. "' Ibid. fol. 87-101. and held the hospital Hen. Vlll,v, 137° (i 3)- "** Lond. Epis. Reg. Stokesley, fol. 91. "' Ibid. fol. 91-2. '^ L. and P. Hen. VIII, vii, 92 1. He was the last master of the original foundation. Ibid, xix (l), 812 (80). "' Ibid. "= B.M. Seals, Ixviii, 22. 524 RELIGIOUS HOUSES A counter seal of the twelfth century ^^' shows a church with central tower, a cross at each gable end, and two tall round-headed arches in the wall, standing on a ship of antique shape, with curved prow at each end, terminating in a bird's head, on the sea. In a field over the tower is the inscription : — NAvis eccl' if On the left a wavy star of six points, on the right a crescent. Legend : — sigill' : PRioRis : ecclesie : sci : bartolomei A seal of the thirteenth or fourteenth century^^ is a pointed oval, and bears a representation of St. Bartholomew standing on a lion couchant guardant. The saint holds a knife in his right hand, a book in his left. Overhead is a trefoiled canopy pinnacled and crocketed. On each side in the field there is a tree on which is slung by the strap a shield of arms — England. Legend : — S'C . . . . E . HOSPITAL . . . SANCTI : EARTH . I . LONDON A counter seal of the thirteenth century,'^' in shape a pointed oval, bears an impression of an antique oval intaglio gem representing an eagle. Legend : — SI HOSPITAL' BARTHOL 21. THE HOSPITAL OF ST. KATHARINE BY THE TOWER The hospital of St. Katharine by the Tower was founded about 1148^ by Matilda the wife of King Stephen for a master, brethren, sisters, and thirteen poor persons^ on land in the parish of St. Botolph without Aldgate, bought for that purpose from the priory of Holy Trinity, Aid- gate.' The queen gave to the hospital for its maintenance a mill near the Tower of London with the land belonging to it,^ and confirmed the grant made by William de Ypres of an annual rent of ^20 from ' Edredeshethe,' ' after- wards Queenhithe. The perpetual custody of the hospital was conferred on the priory of Holy Trinity by Queen Matilda, who, however, re- '" B.M. Seals, Ixviii, 23. '" Ibid. 46. "' Ibid. 47. ' Ducarel, in his ' Hist, of St. Kath. Hosp.' Bii/. Topog. Brit, ii, says it was founded in I 148. The charter by which Matilda made a grant to the priory of Holy Trinity in exchange for the land on which the hospital was founded must be either 1147 or 1148 in date, as it is witnessed by Hilary bishop of Chichester, 1147-74, and Robert bishop of Hereford, II 31-48. ' Ibid, ii, I, 2, 100 ; Cott. Chart, xvi, 35. ' Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, p. i53,App. ix. * Ducarel, op. cit. ii, 100. 'Ibid. 100, 10! ; Cott. Chart, xvi, 35. served for herself and the queens, her successors, the choice of the master.' Nothing further is heard of the house until 1255, when Queen Eleanor of Provence dis- puted the claim of the priory to its custody.' The condition of the hospital shortly before must have been most unsatisfactory, for the canons of Holy Trinity had appointed one of their own number master in order to reform the brothers who were always drinking and quarrelling,^ and a suspicion arises that the priory may have been partly responsible for this by previously neglect- ing its duty of supervision.' Whether the queen's action was determined by her desire to secure a better working of the hospital, or by her resent- ment at the encroachment on her right of pre- sentation, it is impossible to say. The court of the Exchequer decided that the priory had established its claim to the custody, and an inquisition taken by the mayor and aldermen of London resulted in a similar verdict.^** The queen then called to her aid the bishop of London, who, in 1257, visited the hospital, removed the master appointed by the canons, and without a shadow of right ordered the prior and canons to refrain henceforth from all interference with the hospital.'^ In 1 26 1 Henry de Wengham, bishop of London, the bishops of Carlisle and Salisbury, with others of the king's council, prevailed on the prior to assent verbally to the renunciation of the convent's right, and then made a formal surrender of the hospital to the queen.'^ Eleanor waited for some years and then dis- solved the hospital, refounding it 5 July, 1273." This new foundation she endowed with land in East Smithfield, and all her lands and rents in Rainham ^^ and Hartlip, co. Kent, and in the vill of Reed,'' co. Herts., for the support of a master and three brothers, priests, who were to say mass daily for the soul of Henry III and the souls of past kings and queens of England,'* some sisters and twenty-four poor persons,'' of whom six were to be poor scholars. On the anniversary ^ Guildhall MS. l22,fol. 750-4 ; Ducarel, op. cit. 2, 102. ' Ducarel, op. cit. 3. * Ibid. 5. ' The letter of Pope Urban IV in 1264 shows that the prior and convent had had complete power there, instituting and depriving the brethren, who received from them the profession and habit, and took an oath to be subject to them in spiritual and temporal matters. Rymer, Foedera (Rec. Com.), i (i), 439. '" Ducarel, op. cit. 3, 4. " Ibid. 4, 5, 6. " Ibid. 6. " Ibid. App. v. " Hasted, Hist, of Kent, ii, 534. The manor of Queencourt, a farm called Berengrave, and a mill. " Chauncy, Hist, of Herts. 93. '^ Charter of foundation. Ducarel, op. cit. App. v. " Ducarel, op. cit. 8, gives the number of sisters as three, and that of the poor women as ten, but in the charter of foundation the number of sisters is not specified, and there appear to have been eighteen bedeswomen. 525 A HISTORY OF LONDON of the death of Henry III a thousand poor men were each to receive ^d. The right of appoint- ing the master, of filling vacancies among the brethren and sisters, and of changing the articles of the charter was reserved by the queen for herself and her successors, queens of England. In 1293 Thomas Leckelade who had been made master by Eleanor of Provence resigned, and the post was granted to Walter de Redinges for life.'* His administration appears to have been the cause of the dilapidation and deterioration of which the brothers and sisters complained and which caused the king in April, 1300, to order a visitation of the hospital to be made by John de Lacy and Ralph de Sandwich.^' The hospital was harassed in 1 3 10 by a demand of the Exchequer for a sum due from a former owner of the lands in Kent given to them by Queen Eleanor, but the king ordered the barons of the Exchequer to give the hospital a discharge.^" The right of the queen to make any change she thought fit in the hospital was called in ques- tion in 1333 and the point was decided com- pletely in her favour. Richard de Lusteshull, who had been made master for life by Queen Isabella on 24 June, 1318,°* was removed for wasting the goods of the hospital,^" and his post given by Queen Philippa to Roger Bast. Lustes- hull brought his case before the king and council in Parliament, and at first the king in 1333 ordered the justices to proceed to a trial and judgement even if Bast refused to appear."' Queen Philippa, however, showed that by the terms of the foundation charter the judges had no juris- diction, and the king decided that the matter rested with the queen and her council.^* It is evident that Queen Philippa took a keen interest in the hospital. She tried on two occa- sions -* to secure the appropriation to its use of the church of St. Peter, Northampton, with the chapels of Kingsthorpe and Upton, the patronage of which had been granted to the hospital in 1329 by the king.^^ In 1350 she founded a chantry in the hospital and provided for the maintenance of an additional chaplain by the gift of lands worth ;{^io a year." At this time too she drew " Ca/. of Pat. 1 292-1 301, p. 33. " Ibid. 548. The year before Walter had been ordered to appear before auditors with rolls and tallies and muniments to render accounts for the whole time of his custody. ** Ca/. of Close, 1307-13, p. 285. " Cal. of Pat. 1 3 17-21, p. 164. " A visit.ition of the hospital took place in 1327, and the visitors were empowered to remove the w.ir- den and any of the ministers, with the consent of Queen Isabella. Ibid. 1327-30, p. 60. " Cal. of Close, i333-7> PP- 47. 48. 63. "Ibid. 171. " In 1343, Cal. of Pap. Letters, iii, 88 ; and 1352, Cal. Pap. Pet. i, 236. '* Cal. of Pat. 1327-30, p. 420. " Ducarel, op. cit. 11. up a number of ordinances ^* to be observed by the inmates : the brothers and sisters were to have no private property except by the consent of the master ; they were not to go out without his leave nor to stay out after curfew ; the sisters were allowed 10s. a year for their clothing, the brothers 40J. ; the costume was to be black with the sign of St. Katharine, and the wearing of green or entirely red clothes was prohibited ; the brethren were to have no private conference with the sisters or any other women ; negligence or disobedience on the part of the brethren and sisters was punishable by lessening their portion of food and drink but not by stripes ; each sister was to receive in her room her daily allowance of a white and a brown loaf, two pieces of different kinds of meat value \\d. or fish of the same value, and a pittance worth \d. ; the portion of both brothers and sisters was to be doubled on fifteen feast days ; the master was to dine in the common hall with the brothers ; the almswomen were to wear caps and cloaks of a grey colour ; they were not to go out without leave of the master ; if their conduct was bad they could be removed by the master with consent of the brethren and sisters. Other ordinances concern the care of the sick and the transaction of business relating to the property of the house. The rebuilding of the church was begun by William de Kildesby the master, in 1343,^' and Queen Philippa had directed that all surplus revenues of the hospital should be devoted to this work.'" Judging, however, from the report following a visitation by the chancellor and others in 1377," the master can have found it no easy matter to secure a surplus. Some time before it had been necessary to give up the distribution to the thousand poor persons on St. Edmund's Day in order to provide properly for the poor women and clerks ; the income of the hospital was less than the expenditure by ^14 1 41. 6<^. without reckoning provision for the master or for the repair of the church and its possessions, and although John de Hermesthorp, then master, had spent ;^2,ooo on rebuilding '^ the nave of the church and other necessary work, much still remained to be done. The petition of one of the ladies of the princess of Wales to have possession of a corrody granted her by the king was refused by the chancellor, who said that no corrody existed there and that the hospital was imable to support one.'' It seems not unlikely " Ibid. App. ix. " Cal. of Pap. Letters, iii, 88. '" Ducarel, op. cit. App. ix. " Cal. of Pat. 1377-81, p. 507. ^ Bequests to the work of the church of St. Kathar- ine in I 361, 1 37 1, and 1 375, are mentioned in Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 30, 143, and 189. ^ Queen Philippa had obtained a corrody for one of her ladies by special request, though she must have known the resources of the house. Cal. of Pat. 1377-81, p. 508. 526 RELIGIOUS HOUSES that a reduction of the numbers on the foundation was gradually effected as a result of the report, for in 141 2 ^* there were ten poor women and not eighteen as before. Meanwhile the hospital had been adding to its resources: Edward III in 1376 made a per- petual grant of j^ 10 a year from the Hanaper for a chaplain to celebrate in the chantry founded by Queen Philippa,^* and left in trust for the hospital the reversion of the manor of Rushin- don in the Isle of Sheppey, and of a messuage, 60 acres of land, 200 acres of pasture, and 120 acres of salt marsh in the parish of Minster to provide another chaplain ; ^^ in 1378 Robert de Denton, who had intended to found a hospital for the insane in his messuages in the parish of Allhallows Barking, granted the property instead to St. Katharine's to establish a chantry ; '' John de Chichester, goldsmith of London, bequeathed to the hospital in 1380 lands and tenements in the parishes of St. Botolph Aldgate, St. Mary Abchurch, St. Edmund Lombard Street, and St. Nicholas Aeon for a similar purpose;'^ in 1 38 1 a messuage in Bow Lane was granted to St. Katharine's for daily celebrations for Thomas bishop of Durham ; " and in 1380 Richard II allowed the hospital to acquire in mortmain from the alien abbey of Isle Dieu the manor of Carlton, co. Wilts., and the advowson of the church of Upchurch, in Kent,''" in return for an annual payment of j^40 during the war with France and for the maintenance of three additional chantry chaplains. The hospital benefited considerably by the appointment of Thomas Beckington, the king's secretary, as master in 1440.*^ Henry VI not only gave to it in August of that year the manors of Chisenbury and Quarley, parcel of the alien priory of Ogbourne,^ but on Becking- ton's representing that the revenues of the house were still insufficient, he granted to it in 1441 an annual fair of twenty-one days from the feast of St. James, to be held on Tower Hill.*' He, moreover, exempted the hospital and precinct from all jurisdiction save that of the Lord Chan- '' John de Hermesthorp, the master, at that date left by will bequests to three brothers, three sisters, three secular chaplains, and ten poor women of St. Katharine's. Ducarel, op. cit. 13. " Ca/. of Pat. 1377-81, p. 151 ; Anct. D. (P.R.O.), D. 973. "^ The reversion was made over to the hospital by the trustees in 1392. Cal. of Pat. 1 391-6, p. 50. " Cal. of Pat. 1377-81, p. 266. " Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 219. " Cal. of Pat. 1377-81, p. 613. "Ibid. 559. " Ducarel, op. cit. 14. " The charter is given in App. xii, op. cit. " Inspex. of Queen Elizabeth given in App. viii, op. cit. 56. cellor and the master," and acquitted it from payment of all aids, subsidies,*^ and clerical tenths ; *^ no royal stewards, marshals, or other royal officers were to lodge in the hospital or its houses without the consent of the master,*' and no royal purveyor was to take the goods and chattels of the hospital against the master's wish ; *^ the master was to have court-leet and view of frankpledge within the bounds of the hospital ; *' and the master, brothers, and sisters were to have the chattels of felons, fugitives and suicides, waifs and strays, deodands and treasure trove,'" assize of bread and ale, custody of weights and measures, the cognizance and punish- ment of all offences against the peace in the same place,'^ and the cognizance of all pleas and the fines and amercements of all persons residing in the precinct ; ''"' any writs they needed were to be given to them free of all payment ; '' they were not to be deprived of any of the above privileges because they neglected to use them." John Holland, duke of Exeter, who died in 1448, was buried in the church of St. Katha- rine, to which he made an important bequest of plate" and tapestry. He also directed that in the little chapel where his body rested a chantry of four priests should be erected, to be endowed with his manor of Great Gaddesden in Hertford- shire, though apparently some other endowment was arranged, for the manor figures in the posses- sions of his son Henry, on whose death it passed to the crown.'* The general pardon to the warden, brethren, and sisters on the accession of Henry VIII " must have been a matter of form, since it is evident that the hospital enjoyed the favour of both Henry VII and Henry VIII : at the funeral of the former the large sum of ^^40 was given to the sisters ; '* Henry VIII '' and Queen Catherine established in the hospital church in 1578 a Gild of St. Barbara, to which belonged Cardinal Wolsey, the duke of Norfolk, the duke of Buckingham, and many other dis- " Ibid. 56. « Ibid. 59. « Ibid. « Ibid. « Ibid. 60. *' Ibid. 57 "> Ibid. " Ibid. 58. " Ibid. " Ibid. 60. " Ibid. 61. " To the high altar a cup of beryl garnished writh gold, pearls, and precious stones, a chalice of gold and all the furniture of his chapel except a chalice, eleven basins, eleven candlesticks of silver with eleven pairs of vestments, a mass-book, a ' paxbred,' and a couple of silver cruets which were to be given to the chapel in which he was buried. Ibid. 17-18. '^ Chauncy, Hist, of Herts. 559-60. " Ducarel, op. cit. 20. '» L. and P. Hen. Vlll, i, 5735. " If this had not been a favourite foundation of Henry VIII the bishop of Famagosta would not have sent certain relics to the king in 15 12 out of respect for the hospital. Ibid, i, 3456. 527 A HISTORY OF LONDON tin^uished persons,'" and amid the dissolution of so many monasteries and hospitals the king not only spared this house but in 1537 remitted the annual tenth, and the first fruits due from Gilbert Latham, who had been appointed master by Queen Jane Seymour.*^ The income of the house in 1535 was said to be ^^315 Ss. ^d.,^^ and its expenses ^284 85. J^d., ^^186 15J. being paid to the inmates of the hospital, viz., to the three brothers, ^^24 ; three sisters, ^24 ; three priests, ,^24 ; six clerks serving in the church, ^^40 ; ten bedeswomen, lo^d. a week each ; the master of the children, £?, ; for the main- tenance of the six children, £2^^ ; and ^5 each to the steward, butler, cook, and under- cook.''' The possessions of the hospital then included rents and ferms in the City and suburbs of London of an annual value of ;r2ii 19^. bd.,^* the manor of Queenscourt, with the farm of Berengrave," land in the parish of Rainham,^^ Rushindon Manor, with the farm of Daudeley,*^ in CO. Kent ; the manor of Quarley,^* co. Hants ; the manors of Chisenbury Priors ^^ and Carl- ton,™ CO. Wilts. ; and the manor of Queenbury, CO. Herts."^ In 1303 and 1428 the master held half a knight's fee in Reed, co. Herts.'^ The house also owned the advowsons of St. Peter, North- ampton, with its chapels of Kingsthorpe and Upton,'' of Queenbury,'* and of Quarley.'^ The advowson of Frinsted, co. Kent, had been granted to St. Katharine's in 1329 by Sir John de Crombwell,'^ who two years later obtained a papal mandate for its appropriation to the hospital." The religious changes must have greatly affected the house. The suppression of chantries " Stow, Suif. ofLond. (ed. Strype), ii, 627. " L. and P. Hen. VIII, xii (l), 795 (45). The surplus of the house in 1535 was X3'> which would not have sufficed for the tenth, amounting to ^31 11/. c,d. '^Mbid. ix, App. 13. According to the Falor Eccl. (Rec. Com.) it was £-i,t,'& 3/. 4a'. gross and £7,1 5 14/. zd. net. "^ L. and P. Hen. VIII, ix, App. 13. " Valor Eccl. (Rec. Com.), i, 386. " Hasted, Hist, of Kent, ii, 534. ^ Cal. Inq. p.m. Hen. VII, i, 606. " Valor Eccl. \, 3&6. «> Ibid. ^ Ibid. ; Hoare, Hist, of Wilts., Elstub and Everley, 17. '" Ducarel, op. cit. 1 20. '^ Ibid. ; Ch.iincy, Hist, of Herts. 93. " Feud. Aids, ii, 433, 447. " Bridges, Hist, of Northants,\, 445. " Chauncy, Hist, of Herts. 93. " The rectory of Quarley still belongs to the hos- pital. Lewis, Tofog. Diet, of Engl. " Cal. of Pat. 1327-30, p. 472. " Cal. of Pap. Letters, ii, 353. Hasted, however (op. cit. ii, 514), s.iys the advowson belonged to the owner of the m.inor, in which case St. Katharine's did not possess it. under Edward VI not only deprived it of much of its property but of the principal reason of its existence. The new order of things was marked by the king's appointment of a layman as master in 1549,'* and henceforth the post was regarded mainly as a reward for a servant of the crown. Fortunately most holders of the office held a more exalted view of their duty than Dr. Thomas Wilson, who used his position merely as an opportunity for plunder. He first attempted to sell the privileges of the liberty to the City Corporation, and when he was baulked in this by the action of the inhabitants, who appealed to Cecil in 1565,'^ he surrendered the charter of Henry VI to the queen and obtained a confirmation in 1566,*" omitting the grant of the fair, which he sold to the City for ^466 13J. 4^." The history of the house for more than a century was marked by no events of importance. In 1692 a certain Dr. Payne, in virtue of a patent he had obtained to visit exempt churclies, attempted a visitation of St. Katharine's, but the brothers absolutely declined to acknowledi;.e his jurisdiction,*- and were successful in maintaining the privileges of their house. Complaints against the master. Sir James Butler, caused a visitation to be made in 1698 by Lord Chancellor Somers, who removed Butler and drew up some rules for the government of the hospital.*' These order that the master shall be resident ; ^ that provision shall be made for the performance of religious services by the brothers ; ^^ that chapters shall be held *^ at which all business is to be considered ; ^ that the fines at the renewals of leases shall be divided into three parts, of which one is to be devoted to the repair of the church, another to be given to the master, and the third to the brothers and sisters ; ** any increase of the annual revenues shall be disposed of as follows : the allowance of the bedeswomen is to be doubled ; the stipend of ;^8 then given to each brother is to be increased until it reaches the sum of ^^40 ; the sisters' stipends are to be gradually raised to £10 each ; the surplus is then to go to the master until his whole income amounts to ;/^500 ; any further revenues shall be devoted to the main- tenance of an additional brother, of another sister, of two more bedeswomen, and if more '* Lansd. MS. 171, fol. 236. Elizabeth appears to have gone a step further when she made the lieutenant of the Tower master in 1560. Cal. of S.P. Dom. 1547-80, p. 150. '' Ducarel, op. cit., 23-7. " Ibid. 62-7. *' Ibid. 22. According to Ducarel the sale of the fair took pl.ice before the attempt on the privileges, but this can hardly be correct if, as he states, the appeal was made in 1565, for the confirmation of the charter is dated July 8 Eliz. i.e. 1566. '' Ibid. 32. '' Ibid. ^ Stowe MS. 796, foh so. «' Ibid. ^ Ibid. " Ibid, foh 52. «* Ibid, fol 54. 528 RELIGIOUS HOUSES still remain, it shall be used to provide a school.*' The income of the house seems to have benefited by Lord Somers' regulation, for a school was established there in 1705.'" The church, which seems to have been repaired about 1640,'^ escaped damage from the fires which occurred in the precinct in 1672 and 1734, and from the Gordon Riots,^^ to be destroyed with the rest of the hospital buildings in 1825, when the site was needed for the St. Katharine's Docks.'' A new church and hospital were then built in Regent's Park to continue Queen Eleanor's foundation, though numerous changes have made the house of the present day very unlike that of 1273.'* However, there still are sisters, bedesmen, bedes- women, brothers with religious duties to perform, and a master now also in holy orders, for Queen Victoria appointed clergymen in both the vacancies which occurred during her reign.**' Masters of St. Katharine's Hospital Gilbert, appointed 1257'' Walter de Runachmore, clerk, appointed 1263 '« John de Sancta Maria, occurs 1264" Thomas de Chalke, clerk, appointed 1266'* Stephen de Fulborne, occurs 1269 " Thomas de Lechlade, appointed 1273,""* re- signed 1293 '"^ Walter de Redinges, appointed 1293'"^ John Sendale, occurs 1306 ^"^ and 1315 '"* Adam de Eglesfeld, appointed 1317 '"* Richard de LusteshuU, king's clerk, appointed 1318,"^ occurs 1326^°' "Stowe MS. fol. 54, 55. ** Ducarel, op. cit. 32. " An action was brought at that time by the master, Henry Montagu, against the executor of the late master, Sir Robert Ayton, for dilapidations. Cal. ofS.P. Dom. 1640, pp. 283, 295, 482. '' Ducarel, op. cit. 31, 33. '' Thornbury and Walford, Old and New London, v, 273- " Ibid. V, 274. The master, sisters, bedesmen, and bedeswomen all seem to be non-resident. "» St. Paul's Eccl. Soc. Trans, v, xxxvi. " Ducarel, op. cit. 7. ^ Stowe MS. 796, fol. 47. " Cal. Rot. Pat. (Rec. Com.), 38. He is called ' Custos.' " Stowe MS. 796, fol. 47. »» Ibid. He is called ' Custos.' "" Ibid. "' Cal. of Pat. 1292-1301, p. 33. According to the Stowe MS. 796, fol. 47, Simon de Stanbrigge, canon of St. Paul's, was master of St. Katharine's in 1288. "' Cal. of Pat. 1 292-1 301, p. 33. '»' Stowe MS. 796, fol. 47. "" Cal. of Pat. I 31 3-17, p. 357. '°* Ibid. 1 31 7-21, p. 64. He was appointed by Queen Margaret. '»" Ibid. 164. "" Cal. of Close, 1323-7, p. 603. I 52 Roger de Bast or Basse, appointed 1327,*** occurs 1333 ^"^ William de Culshoe, occurs 1336''" William de Kildesby, appointed 1339,^" occurs 1343 "^ Walter de Wetewang, occurs 1 347 ^^' William de Hygate, occurs 1348 "* Paul de Monte Florio or Monte Florum, occurs 135 I "* John de Clisseby, occurs 1363"^ John de Hermesthorp, occurs 1368,^^' I377>'^* 1380,"' I398,»^»and 1403 '^'i Richard Prentys, occurs 141 1 '^^ William Wrixham, D.D., occurs 141 3 ^'' John Francke, occurs 1438 '^* Thomas de Beckington, LL.D., appointed 1440 1^^ John Delabere, occurs 1446 '^° Henry Trevilian, occurs 1 46 1,'" 1462,'^* 1464,1^' and 14691=" Lionel de Wydeville, clerk, occurs 1475 ^'^ William Wryxham or Wrexham, occurs 1484 "2 Richard Payne, clerk, occurs 1499"' '»* Ducarel, op. cit. 81. "" Cal. of Close, 1333-7, pp. 47, 63. He was no longer master in February, 1335, see Cal. of Pat. 1334-8, p. 76, where he is called Roger Wast. ""Ducarel, op. cit. 81. It is not clear whether the appointment was made in 1336 or whether he was master then. '" The king confirmed the appointment by Queen Philippa, 10 Jan. 1339. ^"^^ of Pat. 1338-40, p. 377- '" Ibid. 1343-5, p. 15 ; Cal Pap. Letters, iii, 88. '" Cal. of Pat. 1345-8, p. 364 ; Cal. Pap. Letters, iii, 219. "' Ducarel, op. cit. 8 1 . This may be the date of his appointment. "' Ibid. ^'^ Cal Pap. P^/. i, 416. "' Or perhaps was appointed then. Ducarel, op. cit. 82. '" Defi. Keeper's Rep. ix, App. ii, 66. Ducarel makes William de Kildersby master in 1377, but this must be a mistake. '" Cal of Pat. 1377-81, p. 599. '"Add. Chart. 10571. "' Anct. D. (P.R.O.), D. 973. '" Stowe MS. 796, fol. 47. Ducarel gives the date as 1402 when Hermesthorp was still master, op. cit. 82. ''' Ducarel, op. cit. 83. There seems to be a mistake in the name, for a William Wryxham or Wrexham occurs 1484, according to the Cal. of Pat. 1476-85, p. 432, Ducarel giving William Wernham as master then. "* Or was appointed then. Ducarel, op. cit. 83. "' Ibid. 14. "« Stowe MS. 796, fol. 47. "' Ibid. ™ Cal. of Pat. 1 46 1 -7, p. 140. '" Pari R. (Rec. Com.), v, 521a. ''"Cal of Pat. 1467-77, P- 135- "' Ibid. 541. '" Ibid. 1476-85, p. 432. See above, n. 123. •" Stowe MS. 796, fol. 47. ) 67 A HISTORY OF LONDON John Preston, clerk, appointed 1508,'^* occuis 1509^'* George de Athequa, occurs 1527 ^'^ Gilbert Latham, M.A., appointed 1536,'" occurs 1541 ^^^ Sir Thomas Seymour, kt., appointed 1547 ^^ Sir Francis Fleming, kt., appointed 1549^^ Dr. Francis Mallett, dean of Lincoln, appointed 1554,"^ surrendered 1560^''^ Sir Edward Warner, kt., appointed 1560 "' Thomas Wilson, LL.D., appointed 1560,^^ died 1581 "* David Lewys, LL.D., appointed 1581"^ Ralph Rookeby, appointed 1587,"' occurs 1595 143 Sir Julius Caesar, appointed 1596,"' died 1636 "0 Sir Robert Ayton, kt., appointed 1636,'" died 1 640 '" or before Dr. Coxe, appointed 1653 "' Geortje Montagu, occurs c. 1665,^'* died 1681"* William, Lord Brouncker, Viscount of Castle Lyons, appointed 1681,"^ died 1684"' •" Or occurs at this date. Ducarel, op. cit. 83. ''' L.andP. Hen. Fill, i, 121. "* He was bishop of LlandafF. Ducarel, op. cit. 83. "' Ibid. The king granted him livery of the lands of the hospital 20 March, I 537 (I. and P. Hen. Fill, xii (i), 795 (45)), so that the appointment may have been made in 1537. "^ Add. Chart. 24491. '" Ducarel, op. cit. 84. "» Lansd. MS. 171, fol. 236. '" Ducarel, op. cit. 84. Apparently Fleming did not make a formal surrender of his post before 1557. '•-' Cal. ofS.P. Dom. 1547-80, p. 150. '" Ibid. He was lieutenant of the Tower. '" Stowe MS. 796, fol. 47. As he was not a priest he found it necessary to obtain a new patent in 1563. Ibid. ^*^ Diet. Nat. Biog.\x\\, III. '** He was a judge of the High Court of Admiralty. Stowe MS. 796, fol. 97. '" He was one of the masters of the Court of Requests. Ibid. "' Cal. of MSS. of the Marquis of SaMury, pt. 5, 347- "' Stowe MS. 796, fol. 47. He had obtained in 1 591 a grant in reversion of the post which became vacant in 1596. Diet. Nat. Biog. viii, 205. '" Ibid. '" Dugdale, Moa. Angl. vi, 695. "' Cal. ofS.P. Dom. 1640, p. 283. '" He W.-1S put in by the Parliament. Stowe MS. 796, fol. 48. But in the CaL of S.P. Dom. 1658-9, p. 379, it hardly seems as if he were master in 1659, for ' Fleetwood, Vane, and Jones are to consider Dr. Cox in reference to the government of Catherine's hospital.' '** Cal. of S.P. Dom. 1665-6, p. 146. Ducarel says that the Hon. Walter Montagu was made master in 1660, and was succeeded on his death in 1670 by his brother Henry, and then by his stepbrother George. The author of the Stowe MS. 796 gives Henry Montagu as master in 1660, adding that Henry seems to have been a mistake for George. '" Stowe, MS. 796, fol. 48. '« Ibid. "' Ibid. Sir James Butler, appointed 1684,^^' removed Louis de Duras, earl of Faversham, appointed 1698, died i709^«'' Sir Henry Nelson, kt., LL.D., appointed 1709, died 1715 ^^^ William Farrar, appointed 1715, died 1737 '^^ Hon. George Berkley, appointed 1738, died i746>" Edmund Waller, jun., appointed 1747 *** Hon. Stephen Digby, appointed 1786^*' Major William Price, appointed 1800 "* Colonel Edward Disbrowe, appointed 1816'^ R-Iaj.-Gen. Sir Herbert Taylor, K.G.H., appointed 181 8 "* Rev. A. L. B. Piele, occurs 1904'^*' A seal of the sixteenth century,'^' pointed oval and cabled borders, represents St. Catherine standing on a carved corbel, slightly turned to the left, holding in her right hand a wheel, in her left hand a book. Legend : — S. HOSPITALIS : SCTE TVRRI ; CATERINE LONDO. IVXTA A later seal,"" pointed oval, with carved borders, bears a full length representation of St. Catherine, with nimbus ; the saint holds in her right hand a wheel, in the left a book. At her feet is a flower. A space has been left for the legend, but not filled up. The royal seal,''' ' ad causas ecclesiasticas,' is a pointed oval, and shows an ornamental shield of the royal arms of Edward VL Over it a crown with royal supporters. On a corbel an en- tablature in base, the inscription, sca katerina IVXTA . TVR IN LONDON ' s' REGIAE MAIESTATS AD CAVSAS ECCLESICS. 22. THE HOSPITAL OF ST. MARY WITHOUT BISHOPSGATE The priory or hospital of St. Mary without Bishopsgate was founded on the east side of Bis- hopsgate Street ' by Walter Brown,' a London citizen, and Rose his wife, on ground demised to them for that purpose by Walter son of Eildred, •" Ibid. '" Ibid. '" Ibid. '*' Ibid. He was chancellor of London and judge of the High Court of Admiralty. '«> Ibid. Dugdale, Mon.Angl. vi, 695. Ibid. ■•^ Ibid. ^^ Ibid. '^ Ibid. '« Ibid. He was vice-chamberlain to the queen. '^ St. PauPs Ecel. Soe. Trans, v, p. xxxvii, n. I. '«' B.M. Seals, Ixviii, 49. ""Ibid. 50. '"Ibid. 48. ' The high road is mentioned as the western boundary in Walter's charter, printed in Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 623. ' Ibid. 530 RELIGIOUS HOUSES an alderman. Brown endowed it with other land adjoining, which extended to the City boundary, and with lOOs. rent from tenements in Blanchapelton, and in various London parishes, AUhallows Staining, St. Margaret Pattens, St. Peter the Little, St. Martin Ludgate, St. Sepulchre, and St. Martin Outwich. The foundation stone was laid by Walter, archdeacon of London, June, 1 1 97, and the building was dedicated by William de Ste. Mere I'Eglise, bishop of London, 1199-1221, to the honour of God and the Blessed Virgin. The house con- sisted' of Austin canons, whose duties were religious, and lay brothers and sisters to whom the care of the sick poor was entrusted, all being under the charge of a prior. The prior and brothers acknowledged themselves subject to the bishop of London, and promised that they would not make alienations of land without his leave, which he could not, however, refuse unless it was clear that loss to the hospital would result. His permission had also to be asked in case of vacancy before the canons proceeded to elect.* The priory had only been in existence a short time when for some reason it was refounded in 1235,' and the church was moved farther to the east.' The all-important question of the water supply was settled at the end of 1277 ' by the gift to them of a spring called ' Snekockeswelle ' in Stepney by John, bishop of London, who gave them leave to inclose it and bring the water by underground pipes into the hospital precincts. The original endowment must by this time have been supplemented by numerous grants, but the income of the hospital up to 1280 evidently did not keep pace with the expenditure, since at that date the priory owed £6^ 8s.^ for meat. Apparently all difficulty on this score had not vanished in 1303, for the archbishop of Canter- bury, after a visitation, expressly stated that in his opinion the annual revenue of 300 marks ^ was sufficient to maintain the accustomed number of inmates, viz. twelve canons, five lay brothers, and seven sisters. Judging from these ordinances the administration of the priory had become rather lax. The ancient custom of allotting to the hospital a third of the convent flour supply, which the sisters afterwards dis- tributed as needed, had been abandoned ; bequests for special purposes had been diverted to other uses,^" and the lamps which at one time had been ' Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 5. • Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, Liber A. fol. 12. ' Dugdale, loc. cit. ° Ibid, from Leland, Coff. ' Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 29. ' Sharpe, Cal. of Letter Bk. ^,33. The prior was ordered to pay it within four years. ° Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 5. '° The legacy of Ela, countess of Warwick, is to be expended as she directed under pain of greater excom- munication and perpettlal deposition from office, viz. kept burning between the beds in the hospital had been taken away." The sisters seem to have received neither their proper portions of food ^^ nor their share of pittances, and no allow- ance was made to them for dress, which they appear to have provided for themselves out of the legacies ^' left by their charges to the priory. With regard to the canons the archbishop ordered that money was not to be given to them for clothing," but that they should be provided with clothes uniform in colour and quality, and that on receiving the new they should give up the old ; that those holding offices were to render full accounts before the whole convent,^' and that the cloistral canons and other hospital officials were not to go beyond the boundaries of the house singly or together, nor were they to ask leave of the prior to do so except for the evident utility of the priory. Their conduct indeed had not been exemplary : disobedience was not un- common,^' and scandal and prejudice to the monastery had been caused by their frequenting the houses ^^ of Alice la Faleyse and Matilda wife of Thomas, who apparently lived within the precinct. That the canons were themselves not anxious for reform is shown by the fact that in 1306 they elected as prior a certain Robert de Cerne,^* a notoriously unfit person, and as such promptly deposed by Ralph, bishop of London. Ralph then exercised the right he had in such a case by appointing the sub-prior of St. Bartholomew's, Philip de London, whose probity he knew and who he hoped would improve both the tone of the house and the administration of its temporal affairs. Philip and the canons arranged ^' that the deposed prior should receive a double allowance of bread, ale, and other food, \0s. per annum for his other necessaries, and a room near the infirmary, and for his servant a black loaf, a gallon of small beer, and one dish from the kitchen every day, and 55. annual wages, and that a companion should also be assigned to him. The bishopric being vacant in 1316 com- missaries of the dean and chapter of St. Paul's visited St. Mary's and issued some injunctions.**' The canons at first declined to pay procurations, though it is difficult to see on what grounds, 20;. per annum for pittance of canons, brothers, and sisters, 20/. to the poor for milk, 20/. to same for linen, and 20/. to them for wood. Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 5. " Ibid. fol. 6. " Ibid. fol. 5. " Ibid. fol. 6. The sisters are to receive h, mark annually for their clothes. Goods given or bequeathed by the sick lying in that house to the prior and con- vent shall be given up by the sisters, who are to take an oath so to do. " Ibid. fol. 5. " Ibid. fol. 6. '« Ibid. fol. 5. " Ibid. fol. 6. •» Ibid. fol. 6. " Ibid. fol. 9, 10. '" Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, Liber A, fol. 73^. 531 A HISTORY OF LONDON considering that when they needed to elect a prior in 1279*' in similar circumstances they had tacitly acknowledged that the dean and chapter occupied the bishop's place. However, after a threat of excommunication ^' they owned themselves wrong and paid the sum demanded, and the chapter of St. Paul's returned it to them for the use of the sick of the house. The better administration desired by the bishop appears to have been inaugurated by Prior Philip. The convent had been enriched to some extent between 1303 and 1331: in 1314 a chantry for four chaplains was erected by John Tany,^' one for two in 1325 by Roger de la Bere ; '* in 1 306 Edward I ^^ had given to the priory some land in Shalford and the advow- sons of the church of Shalford with Bromley Chapel annexed, of ' Woghenersh,' "^ Puttenham, and ' Duntesfeld,' " and leave to appropriate Shalford and Bromley and ' Woghenersh ' ; and in 1318 Edward II had granted the convent acquittance from all tallages,-* aids, pontages, pavages, and other payments. When the king in 1 34 1 ordered the exemption ^' of the priory from payment of the subsidy, he certainly said that its endowment was so slender as hardly to suffice for the maintenance of the convent and the poor in the hospital. This, however, may be another way of stating that the charity dis- pensed there was very great, as he had good reason to know, more than one of his old servants^" finding an asylum there. The position occupied by the priory must have by this time attained some importance, for the prior was appointed one of the valuers'^ of the 9th fleece, sheaf, &c., in co. Middlesex in 1340. The house was evidently the reverse of affluent towards the end of the fourteenth century. In 1394 a sum of j^86 10s. 6d. was owing to St. Paul's Cathedral for obits, chantries, and rents unpaid in some cases for many years ; '^ in 1399 " Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, Liber A. fol. I li. " Ibid. Note in the cover of the book. " Cal. of Pat. I 31 3-17, p. 92. " Ibid. 1324-7, p. 98. " Dugdale, Mon. yingl. vi, 625. " This is probably Wonersh, co. Surrey. " Duntesfeld appears to be Dunsfold, co. Surrey. March 28, 1342, the king granted licence to the prior and convent to appropriate ' Duntesfeld ' and Putten- ham. Cal. of Pat. I 340-3, p. 410. '* Plac. de Quo Warr. (Rec. Com.), 452 ; see, too, Cal. of Pat. 1340-3, p. 434, and Cal. of Cose, 1339-41, p. 600. " Ibid. 1339-41, p. 600. '° 17 Nov. 1309, Robert de la Naperie, who had been maimed in the king's service, was sent there to receive food and clothing and a chamber to dwell in. Cal. of Close, 1307-13, p. 236. When he died the king filled his place with Peter de Kenebell, 1330. Ibid. 1330-73, p. 159. Another such appointment was made 27 Oct. 1331. Ibid. 396. " Cal. of Pat. 1338-40, p. 502. " Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 77, No. 2048. the prior had to pawn a silver gilt censer for ^10;'^ and in 1400 it was arranged that in return for 300 marks granted to the prior and convent ' in their very great necessity for the relief of their house which was heavily burdened with debt,' they would give 1 2 marks annual quit- rent from their possessions in certain London parishes to the chaplain of the chantry of St. John Baptist in St. James's Garlickhithe." The causes of its poverty can only be con- jectured, but were probably the depreciation in the value of its lands owing to the Black Death, and repairs to the church and other buildings, since it is unlikely that they had escaped without much damage from the floods which in 1373 were said to occur there annually.'^ The pope in 1 39 1 granted an indulgence to those who visited and gave alms to the church and its chapels and to the hospital at Christmas, Easter, and other great festivals,^^ and the benefit derived may have been considerable, for crowds of people flocked to the priory on the three days following Easter Sunday,^' doubtless attracted by the sermons preached at the Cross in the church- yard .'* One of the canons in 1389 obtained a papal indult to hold a secular benefice,'' and a similar grant was made to John Mildenhale, the prior, in 1 40 1.''" The ordinances of William bishop of London, dated 20 June, 1431,*^ do not disclose anything very much amiss. They chiefly concern the sisters, who as usual had been deprived of their due both as regards food and clothing. Some scandal had apparently been caused by their access to the convent kitchen, and the bishop ordered that a straight and inclosed way {via recta et clausa) should be made at the expense of the priorv from the door of the sisters' house to the kitchen window, from which the sisters could, without hindrance, carry away their own dishes and those for the sick. To provide against their frequent visits to the pantry their allowance of bread and ale was to be given out weekly, though the good this would do is not very obvious, as they still had to go for bread and ale for the sick and candles for watching as needed. Anyone desiring to become a sister was to be admitted at a year's probation, and, if rejected, was to pay her own expenses, which otherwise were to be paid by the priory. At the admission and profession of a sister no " Ibid. A. Box 77, No. 2049. " Harl. Chart. 44, F. 40. " Through the stopping up of a water-course. Riley, Mem. of Lend. 375. ^ Cal. of Pap. Letters, iv, 393. " Ibid. " Stow, Surv. of Lond. (ed. Strype), ii, 98. The sermons were established before 1398, and they took place on these days. '' Cal. of Pap. Letters, iv, 324. " Ibid, v, 436. *' Lond. Epis. Reg. Gray, fol. 61. 532 RELIGIOUS HOUSES exactions were to be made by the prior and convent ; after profession the sisters were to be obedient to the prior, and were not to go beyond the bounds of the house except with the prior's leave and for the benefit of the house. The houses occupied by the sisters and by the sick were in need of repairs, which were to be done as quickly as the priory was able. When Richard Cressall became prior, in 1484, he found that the property of the priory in London, the main source of the income of the house, had been allowed to fall into ruin,''- and it was no doubt a strain to provide for the necessary repairs and at the same time to keep up the charitable work of the hospital. More revenue was needed, and in April, 1509, King Henry VII, for ^^400,*' granted to the prior and convent in mortmain the priory of Bicknacre, where, at the death of the last prior, Edmund Godyng, only one canon was left.** Its posses- sions included the manor of Bicknacre and thirty- one messuages and land in Wood ham Ferrers, Danbury, Norton, Steeple, Chelmsford, May- land, Stow, East and West Hanningfield, Purleigh, Burnham, and Downham, and were estimated to be worth £^0 los. per annum.** Daily celebrations for the souls of the founder, benefactors, and King Henry VII were, by the bishop's orders, performed at Bicknacre by one of the canons of the New Hospital.*^ The house in 1 5 14 further obtained licence to acquire in mortmain lands to the annual value of jTiOO.*' There is no record of the light in which the religious changes of the time were regarded here, but the royal supremacy was acknowledged on 23 June, 1534, by the prior and eleven others,** and it is unlikely that the king had any difficulty with the house, judging from the pensions granted at its suppression in 1538. The prior, William Major, received £2iO a ycar,*^ and payment seems to have been made with re- gularity*" ; the president, an official of whom there is no other mention,*^ had j^8 per annum ; three other priests, ^6 131. i\.d. each ; and two others £"] \os. and ^\ respectively; the two sisters 40J. each.*^ The small number of brothers " Lend. Epis. Reg. Fitz James, fol. 161-3. *' Arch, xi, 265. *' Lond. Epis. Reg. Fitz James, fol. 1 6 1-3. " Jnh. xi, 265. *' Lond. Epis. Reg. Fitz James, fol. 165. The bishop's confirmation was given 9 Nov. 1509. " L. and P. Hen. Fill, i, 5534. *' Ibid, vii, 921. *° Ibid, xiv (2), 433. "Aug. Off. Misc. Bk. 249, fols. 14-5, \U ; Bk. 250, fols. 19, 24, 30^. " It may be another name for the sub-prior who is not referred to on this occasion. " L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiv (2), 433. In 1556 two sisters were receiving 40/. each and twelve men sums varying from 20/. to £6 I y. ^d. Add. MS. 8102, fol. 6. and sisters, and the state of the church, the roof of which fell before the end of the year,*' indicate either that the dissolution had been for some time foreseen ** or that much of the spirit of monasticism had departed. Whatever view is taken of the prior and canons there can be no doubt that good work was done in a hospital of 180 well-furnished beds," and Sir Richard Gresham, the mayor, in a letter to the king, begged that it might continue under the rule of the mayor and aldermen.*" It would, indeed, have been no more than just, for the hospital had not only been founded, but to a great extent endowed, by London citizens." The king, nevertheless, beyond allowing the sick already there to remain,** turned a deaf ear to Gresham's request, and in April, 1540, a grant was made to Richard Moryson *' of the infirm- ary, the dormitory, the waste ground leading from the churchyard to the infirmary, the prior's garden and the convent garden within the inclosure, the stable in the prior's garden with some waste land adjoining, and the other tenements of the priory which extended into Shoreditch. The income of the priory, estimated in 131 8 at over 300 marks,"" amounted in 1535 to ^^562 14^. 6^d. gross, and ^^504 12s. il^d. net."^ Of this the sum of^ ^£277 13J. ^.d. was derived from tenements in London and the suburbs, where the house had holdings in 1 31 8 in thirty-seven parishes."^ It held, besides the property of Bicknacre Priory, in CO. Middlesex the manor of Hickmans and lands and tenements called ' Burganes lands,' "' " At the end of July, 1538. L.and P. Hen. Fill, xiii (2), I 3. '* The members of the convent seem to have tried to propitiate those in power, as the pensions given by them show. Ibid, ix, 478 ; xvi, 745, fol. 3, 5, 6, 7, 9. " Stow, op. cit. ii, 97. *= L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiii (2), 492. " See patents of 1 1 Edw. II in Cott. MS. Nero C. iii, fol. 219-25 ; and Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, i, 4> 8, 47, 67, 141, 276, 342, 385, 568; ii, 313, 315- '* L. and P. Hen. Fill, xvi, i 500, p. 724. A lease was made in Dec. 1 541 of the priory, except the buildings in which the infirm there lie for the term of their lives. " Ibid, xv, 613 (3). ™ It was reckoned at that amount in 1303 (Lond. Epis. Reg. B.ildock and Gravesend, fol. 5), and between 1303 and 13 18 one or two grants had been made. " Falor Eccl. (Rec. Com.), i, 401-2. Ac- cording to Stow, Surv. of Lond. ii, 99, its income was ^+78. "^ Cott. MS. Nero C. iii. For the parishes where the tenements of the priory lay in 1535, see Z,. and P. Hen. Fill, xv, xvi, xvii, xviii, xix. " L. and P. Hen. Fill, xix (2), 166 (38). Here these lands are described as in Hackney, Shoreditch, and Stepney. 533 A HISTORY OF LONDON probably those possessed in 131 8 in Shoreditch, Hackney, and Stepney " ; in co. Herts the manor of Beaumond Hall ; in co. Essex the manor of Chalvedon," where land had been given by William Hobruge before 1318,"^ the manor of Sabur or Seborow Hall,*' evidently the lands in Mocking, Orsett, and Chadwell, held by the priory in the fourteenth century,** the manor of Frerne or Fryern, which came into possession of the house about 1419,*^ and lands in West Tilbury and Mountnessing ; in co. Surrey the manor of Long Ditton, which, with the advowson of the church, had been given to the canons by William earl of Essex,™ the rectories and tithes of Shalford and Wonersh, and a pension from the church of Putney ; in CO. Cambridge lands and tenements in Whittle- sea. A pension was also paid by the abbey of Bindon, co. Dorset. In 1 31 8 the prior had the homage and service of half a knight's fee in West Tilbury and East Tilbury.'^ The plate of the house at the Dissolution was of no great quantity : — 61 oz. of gilt, 106 oz. of white, and 19^ oz. of parcel gilt." Priors of St. Mary's Hospital, without BiSHOPSGATE Godfrey, occurs c. 1 2 1 8 '' Geoffrey, occurs 1231-2^* Warin, occurs 1232-3"* William, occurs temp. Henry III''' Reginald, occurs 124 1-2'' Robert, occurs 1243'^ and 1248-9" Thomas, occurs 1265-6*" Roger, occurs 1274-5,*^ died 1279 ^ William, occurs 1289*' " Cott. MS. Nero C. iii, fols. 220, 221, 225. ^* Morant, Hist, of Essex, ii, 256. "^ Cott. MS. Nero C. iii, fol. 225. " Morant, op. cit. i, 224. The manor is said to be in the three parishes following. '* Cott. MS. Nero C. iii, fol. 225. *' Morant, op. cit. ii, 25 I. " Cott. MS. Nero C. iii, fol. 225. " Ibid. " Uon. Treas. (Abbotsford Club), 26. " Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 623. G. acknovifledges himself subject to W. bishop of London, apparently William de S'" M^re I'Eglise, who held the see 1199- 1221. Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, Liber A. fol. 12. " Hardy and Page, Cal. of Lond. and Midd. Fines, 19. He is probably identical with Godfrey. " Anct. D. (P.R.O.), A. 2073. '^ Add. Chart. 1 065 7. From the witnesses the time would be early in this reign. " Hardy and Page, op. cit. 26. " Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, Liber A. fol. 25. " Hardy and Page, op. cit. 33. «" Ibid. 44. «■ Ibid. 51. »» Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, Liber A. fol. i\b. ^ Ibid. Roger, occurs 1298** Robert de Cerne, deposed 1306** Philip de London, appointed 1306 ^ William Horton, occurs 13 16,*' 1318,^* and 1325 «' John de Abyndon, occurs 1337^ James '^ Thomas, occurs 1373 '' John de Lyndeseye, occurs 1378" and 1379''' William Helpaby or Helperby, resigned 1388'* John Mildenhale, appointed 1388,^'' occurs 1399'* and 1401 " Roger Pinchbeck, occurs 1406^* and 1407 " Roger Jurdon, occurs 1428 '"" and 1432 '"^ John, occurs 1437 '"^ John Torkesey, occurs 1458^"^° Thomas Hadley, occurs 1471,^"' resigned 1472''^ William Sutton, elected 1472,^"*' resigned 1484 1«* Richard Cressal, appointed 1484,^'* occurs 1498,10' I5i4,'°8and 15151"^ Thomas Bell, occurs 1529 'i" William Major, occurs 1531,'" and at the Dissolution « Add. Chart. 10647. " Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 6. ^ Ibid. " Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, Liber A. fol. 73^ " Harl. Chart. 44, F. 39. "Ibid. S3,H. 28. ■* Cal. of Pat. 1334-8, p. 446. " From Pat. 37 Edw. Ill, pt. I, m. 20, cited in Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. Trans, ii, 13. James was the successor of John de Abyndon. " Riley, Mems. of Lond. 375. »' Col. of Pat. 1377-81, p. 258. ^ Sharpe, Cal. of Letter Bk. H,iig. " Lond. Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 288. « Ibid. '« Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 77, No. 2049. " Cal. Pap. Letters, v, 436. ^ Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 31, " Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 623. ""Add. Chart. 13996. "" Sharpe, Cal. of mils, ii, 467. "' Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 623. '"*' Extract from a cartulary belonging to the Mercers' Company in Watney's The Hospital of St. Thomas of Aeon, z\(). Torkesey is probably the same as the Prior John of 1437. '"^ CaLof Pat. 1467-77, p. 254. '"* Lond. Epis. Reg. Kemp, ii, fol. 3. ""Mbid. '"Mbid. fol. 15. '"* Lond. Epis. Reg. Kemp, ii, fol. 15. ""Add. Chart. 209-10. "« L. and P. Hen. Fill, i, 4931. "" Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 77, No. 2051. "° Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 623. He was suffragan to the bishop of London under the title of Episcopus Lydensis. '" L.'andP. Hen. Fill, v, 259. 534 RELIGIOUS HOUSES The first seal of the thirteenth century '^^ is dark green, and bears on the obverse a represen- tation of the Agnus Dei to the right. Legend : — sigill' ospitalis : dei The reverse is a smaller pointed oval counterseal, and represents the prior, standing on a corbel, holding a book. Legend : — S WILLI I PORIS . NOVI . HOSPIT EPI . LO . EX PTA A seal of 1298'" is also dark green. It is a pointed oval, and represents the Virgin, crown on head, seated on a throne, holding the Child on her right arm, and a sceptre fleur-de-lizd in her left hand. In the field on the left is a kneeling worshipper. Legend : — IGILL DOM A pointed oval seal of the fourteenth cen- tury '^* has a representation of the Assumption of the Virgin. She is crowned, and stands on a cherub, surrounded by rays and cherubs, in a canopied niche with a small canopied niche on each side containing a sainted bishop. In the base, on a carved corbel, is a shield of arms : a cross moline voided for Brune, the founder. Legend : — siGiLLV : coE : Novi : hospitalis : be MARIE : EXTRA : BYSSHOPPISGATE : LCD 23. THE HOSPITAL OF ST. MARY W^ITHIN CRIPPLEGATE The hospital of St. Mary within Cripplegate owed its origin to the compassion felt by William Elsing, mercer of London, for the blind beggars who wan- dered about the City without refuge of any sort. On some land belonging to him in the parishes of St. Alphage and St. Mary^ he established, in 1 331, a hospital that was intended to accommo- date 100 persons of both sexes, but appears to have started with thirty-two inmates. By the founder's wish blind or paralysed priests were to be received in preference to any other people.^ The government of the hospital and the per- formance of the religious duties for which the house was in part founded were entrusted to five secular priests, of whom one was to be the custos or warden. As the dean and chapter of St. Paul's had appropriated to the uses of the "• Add. Chart. 10657. "' Ibid. 10647. '" B.M. Seals, Ixviii, 55. A similar seal is attached to the acknowledgement of the supremacy. Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 623. ' Cott. Chart, v, 2, printed in Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 704, 706. See also Sharpe, Cal. oflVlUs, i, 562. Stow, Surv. of Land. (ed. Strypc), iii, 73, says that he founded the hospital in a place where there had been a nunnery. ' Dugdale, op. cit.-vi, 706. hospital the church of St. Mary Aldermanbury,' of which they were patrons, they were to have the nomination of the warden and two of the priests, the appointment of the other two resting with Elsing and his assigns. The warden was also to swear fealty to the dean and chapter and pay the pension of a mark due of old from the church of St. Mary Aldermanbury, and a second pension of half a mark in sign of the subjection of the hospital. Elsing laid down certain rules to be observed by the priests : they were not to hold any other preferment ; the warden was to render an account of the revenues before two of his fellows every year ; a complete suit of the same colour for all (including tunic, upper tunic, mantle, and hood), the price of which in the case of the warden was not to exceed 40J., and in that of the others 30^., was to be given to each every year, and a sum of money for other necessaries ; there were also detailed regulations as to religious services in the chapel, and as to the visits to be paid to the sick in the hospital. The original endowment consisted of tenements in the parishes of St. Lawrence Jewry, St. Mary Aldermanbury, St. Alphage,* and St. Martin Ironmonger Lane, to which were soon added some in the parish of AUhallows Honey Lane.* Elsing, finding that the resources of the hospital were still too slender for its work — for shortly after the foundation there were sixty beds there — petitioned the king in council to be allowed to bestow upon it land or rent to the value of ;^40, and was permitted to purchase land worth Within a few years of this foundation Elsing became doubtful as to the wisdom of his choice of secular canons. He may already have had proof that the hospital would suffer, as he said, through the seculars being permitted to wander about the City, and through their care for tem- poral things; and in February, 1337-8, he peti- tioned the bishop of London that regulars might be put in their place.' The bishop, after con- sultation with the dean and chapter of St. Paul's, effected the change in 1340,* ordering that henceforth there should be there at least five Austin Canons, and that the number should be increased as the resources of the house grew. 'In 1 33 I. Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 17. Papal confirmation was given in 1397. Cal. of Pap. Letters, v, 10. ' Among these were tenements in Philip Lane bought by Elsing from Robert de Cherringe. Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, i, 362. ' Cal. of Pot. 1343-5, P- 1 1 3- These were con- firmed by the king to the new foundation, 1343, but they were acquired while the hospital was still a college of secular priests. « Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), ii, 401. ' Cott. Chart, xi, 33. ' Ibid. V, 10, printed in Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 707. The king's confirmation is dated April, 1342. Cal. of Pat. 1340-3, p. 415. 535 A HISTORY OF LONDON They were to be governed by a prior, who was elected by them with the assent of the dean and chapter of St. Paul's, and presented by the latter to the bishop for his confirmation. To the dean and chapter belonged the custody of the priory during a vacancy.' The house received support from several other London citizens: in 1336 William de Gayton left a tenement in the parish of St. Botolph without Aldersgate ^^ to provide a chantry ; Robert Elsing, the son of the founder, endowed a chantry of three priests with ^12 a year ; ^' in 1377, by the will of Henry Frowyk, sen., a chantry was established and endowed with rents from tenements in the parishes of St. Lawrence Jewry, St. Martin Ludgate, and in the Old Change;'- and John Northampton,iMn 1397, left lands in the Ropery in the parish of All- hallows the Great to provide for the mainten- ance of a chantry priest. It is evident that the state of the priory in 143 1 must have been considered satisfactory by William Grey, bishop of London, for when he dissolved the college of secular priests at Thele (co. Herts., now Stanstead St. Margaret's) he transferred its possessions to Elsingspital,'* chareed with the maintenance of two regular canons at Thele and three at the priory in London to celebrate for the souls of the founders. The priory was in this way enriched by mes- suages, land, and (^xi rent in Bowers GifFord, Chelmsford, Writtle, and Broomfield, co. Essex ; land, rights of pasturage, and looi. rent in Thele (now Stanstead St. Margaret's), Stanstead Abbots, Amwell, Broxbourne, and Hoddesdon, CO. Herts.; and the advowsons of the churches of Thele and Aldenham, co. Herts., which were appropriated to the college.'* If the bishop by this measure had aimed not only at reforming the college of Thele but also at affording material aid to the finances of the hospital, the result was disappointing. In 1438 the house was indebted to the extent of £^2"] ijs. J-^d.,^^ and ten years later it still owed over j^200.^^ The cause of these diffi- culties can only be guessed at, but it may have been the building '^ or enlarging of the church, which must have been of considerable size, as after the Dissolution, when the principal aisle had been pulled down, the remaining part sufficed for a parish church.'' An inventory in 1448^ ' See also Elsing's will in Sharpe, Ca/. of Wills, i, 562. '" Ibid, i, 419. " Stow, op. cit. iii, 73. " Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, i, 201. " Ibid, ii, 334. John Northampton had been mayor. Stow, op. cit. iii, 73. " Lend. Epis. Reg. Gilbert, fol. 192. " Ibid. " Cott. Chart, xlii, 10. " Ibid. " At Elsing's death the church seems to have been little more than begun, see Cal. of Wills, \, 562. " Stow, op. cit. iii, 73. ™ Cott. Chart, xiii, 10. of the contents of the buttery, kitchen, great and little chambers, library,^' treasury,^^ and church does not give an impression of poverty. The church -^ possessed one or two important relics,-^ and seems to have been well provided with furniture and ornaments,'' and especially with vestments, of which it possessed six com- plete sets, white and red cloth of gold, green velvet, and fustian, besides innumerable copes and other vestments of all colours and materials, including one of blue velvet powdered with stars and crowns, the gift of John Hisbery. It seemed impossible for the priory to free itself from debt : in 145411 owed;^iio 7;. f)\d.^^ and although most of this was paid off by Prior William Sayer, it was involved in 1461 to the extent of ^78 1 8 j., partly owing to faulty administration, which had allowed two canons to incur liabilities for which the house was ulti- mately responsible.^' By this date two more chantries had been established in the church : that of William Stokes, endowed with the reversion of tene- ments in the parishes of St. Michael Bassishaw, St. Sepulchre, and St. Botolph without Bishops- gate ; ^* and that of William Flete, with an income of ;^30 a year.^' The gross income of the house in 1461 amounted to ^^198 i6j. 4^. From this deductions had to be made for pay- ments of quit-rents, ^^30 bs. "id. ; for repairs and vacancies of tenements, ;^48 ; payments out of the William Flete Chantry, £\1 13J. \d. ; anniversaries, £^1 ; and payments to the poor in the hospital, ;^22 1 35. \d. ; a total of j^ii5 13/. i^d. The house appears in the end to have overcome its difficulties, for there is no hint of anything of this kind later. The royal supremacy was subscribed to 22 June, 1534, by the prior, Roger Poten, and ten canons ; '" it may therefore be presumed that the priory had numbered at least as many in the middle of the fifteenth century. The house was dissolved under the Act of March, 1536, as " There were about sixty books in the library. *' Among other articles in the treasury there were a horn with sllver-gilt lid, three silver basins, a silver spice-plate, a silver salt-cellar with cover, a powder- box of silver, &c. " Besides the high altar there were the altars of St. Mary, St. John the Baptist, St. Nicholas and Holy Cross. See also Arch, xliii, 244. " Milk of the Blessed Virgin, a portion of the true Cross, and the head of one of the 11,000 virgins. " There were five silver and silver-gilt chalices, a censer, and two pairs of bottles {phirJcie) of silver, three silver pyxes, and censers and candelabra, S;c. of brass. "^ Cott. Chart, xi, 68. '" Ibid. ^ Sharpe, Cal of Wills, &c. ii, 530. " Pat, 33 Hen. VI, pt. 2, m. 4, quoted in Tanner, Notit. Man. '" Dt-/>. Keeper's Rep. vii, App. ii, 292. 536 RELIGIOUS HOUSES being of less yearly value than ^^200.'' There is no account of what happened to the blind and sick poor in the hospital, but as the sisters ^^ who had had the care of them had a house in the close '^ assigned to them, it is possible that they were not turned adrift. Roger Poten was made king's chaplain, and in 1536 he was given the rectories of the parish churches of St. Mary Aldermanbury, London,^* and of St. Margaret's, Stanstead Thele, for Iife.'= The gross income of the priory in 1535 was j^239 135. ii^d., net income £1^2 i 5J. 6i^.'' The lands and tenements from which this was derived lay for the most part in London parishes, St. Mary Aldermanbury,^' St. Alphage (Philip Lane),^' St. Lawrence Old Jewry, St. Mary le Bow (Hosier Lane '^ and Bow Lane ''"), St. Mar- tin Ironmonger Lane,^' St. Michael Bassishaw, Allhallows the Great,*^ St. Vedast (Old Change),"' St. Sepulchre,*" St. Giles without Cripplegate, St. Michael Paternoster Royal, St. Botolph with- out Bishopsgate,"* Allhallows Honey Lane,"° St. Dunstan and Allhallows Barking ; "' to these must be added property in Hendon, co. Middlesex, the manor of Bury or Bowers Gifford and rent in Chelmsford, co. Essex, and rents in Thele, Amwell, Hoddesdon, and Stanstead Abbots, co. Herts. The priory held the churches already mentioned of St. Mary Aldermanbury"* and Thele."9 " L. and P. Hen. Fill, x, 1238. In 'The Grey Friars' Chronicle ' (Monum. Francisc. [Rolls Ser.], ii, 194) there is an entry that 11 May 22 Hen. VIII, i.e. 1530, 'the challons of Esyngspittylle was put owte,' but it is clearly a mistake, for according to the Valor the prior and convent were in possession in 1535- " Sharpe, Cal. of Wills. The sisters are mentioned in a will of 1372. »' L. and P. Hen. VIII, xv, 612 (7). '" Ibid, xiii (i), 574. "Aug. Off. Bk. 232, fol. 43. The grant is not dated, but it appears to be 1537, as it follows one of that date. See also L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiv (1), 4°3 (70)- '« Valor Eal. (Rec. Com.), i, 389. " L. and P. Hen. VIII, xii (2), 41 1 (l). " Ibid. XV, 733 (42). "Ibid, xii (2), 1311 (25). *" Ibid, xiv (l), 1355. " Ibid, xvi, 715. " Ibid, xviii (l), 623 (43). " Ibid, xviii (2), 529 (10). " Ibid, xix (l), 1035 (6). *' Ibid, xix (2), 340 (59). *" Ibid, xiii (i), p. 583. "' Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 708, where an abstract of a roll 28 Hen. VIII in Augmentation Office is printed. Thomas Depden had bequeathed to the priory in 1440 a messuage called 'le Shippe on the hoop,' in the parish of Allhallows Barking. Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, &c. ii, 502. " Valor Eccl. (Rec. Com.), i, 389. •' L. and P. Hen. VIII, xiv (i), 403 (70). Warden of the Hospital of St. Mary John de Cataloigne,^ 1331 Priors of the Hospital of St. Mary William Elsyng .? " John de Wyndelesore, occurs 1353 '^ Robert Draycote, occurs 1377,^' 1387,°* 1 40 1," and 1406*" John Dally, resigned 1427 " Henry Hoddesdon, elected 1427,'* occurs 1431,*' resigned 1438*" John Bell, elected 1438" William Sayer, installed 1454,*^ occurs 1461 '^ William Bowland, occurs 1496 *" John Wannel, resigned 1532 *' Roger Poten or Pottyn, elected 1532,^' occurs 1533 ;" was prior when the house was suppressed ** The seal of the hospital used in the fourteenth century *' is in shape a pointed oval, and repre- sents the Virgin standing in a carved and canopied niche, with a smaller niche containing a geometri- cal window overhead ; she wears a crown, and holds on the left arm the Child, in the right hand a flowering branch. The field is diapered lozengy, with small quatrefoil in each space. At each side there is a shield of arms : to the left Our Lord on the Cross, Elsyng, founder ; right, England. In the base, under a carved round-headed arch, the prior kneels in prayer to the left, with the words of his prayer in two lines on the pediment or string-course above the arch : exora : natv : j> me : pia : virgo : BEATVM. Legend : — . . . COMMVNE : HOSPITALIS : BEATE : MARIE : infra : CREPELGATE : LONDON : '" Cott. Chart. V, 2, printed in Dugdale, Mon. Jngl. vi, 705. ^' Stowe, Surv. of Lond. iii, 73, says he was the first prior, but it appears more than doubtful, as in 1348 he is still called mercer, and not prior, Cal. of Pat. 1348-50, p. 186, and probably did not live much longer, for he made his will in that year. Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, I, 562. He was called warden in 1 330-1, but it must have been in the sense of guardian. Ibid, i, 362. " Sharpe, Cal of Letter Bk. G, 16. " Sharpe, Cal of Wills, Sec. ii, 201. " Cal of Pat. 1385-9, p. 337. '^ Harl. Chart. 44 D, 36. " Ibid. 82 C, 42. " Lond. Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 205. * Ibid. '" Ibid. Gilbert, fol. 192. «" Ibid. fol. III. " Ibid. ; Cott. Chart, xiii, 10. " Cott. Chart, xi, 68. «' Ibid. *" Stowe, Surz'. of Lond. iii, 73. " Lond. Epis. Reg. Stokesley, fol. 57. ** Ibid. " Cott. Chart, xi, 2. •" L. and P. Hen. VIII, xiii (i), p. 574. *' B.M. Seals, Ixviii, 54. 537 68 A HISTORY OF LONDON 24. THE HOSPITAL OF ST. THOMAS, SOUTHWARK Within the precincts of the monastery of St. Mary Overy there was a building appropriated to the use of the sick and the poor, which main- tained certain brethren and sisters. This adjunct of the priory is said to have been founded by St. Thomas of Canterbury, and after his canonization was called by his name.^ At the time of the disastrous fire of 1213 this building was much damaged ; Amicius, who was archdeacon of Surrey from about 1189 to 1215, was then custos or warden of the hospital. The canons at once erected a temporary building for the reception of the poor at a little distance from the priory, and within its chapel they held their own services whilst the priory was being rebuilt. Meanwhile Peter des Roches, bishop of Win- chester, disliking the situation, added to the endowment of the hospital, and built a new house, which, though still in Southwark, was on a site where the water was purer and the air more healthy.' This new hospital, which was also dedicated to St. Thomas the Martyr, was completed by 1 21 5. In 1 215 an indenture was made between Martin, prior of the church of St. Mary South- wark, and the canons of that place, and Amicius, archdeacon of Surrey, warden of the hospital of St. Thomas Southwark, and the brethren thereof, whereby the former granted that the brethren and sisters of the old hospital of St. Thomas might transfer themselves into the new hospital of the like dedication (which had been founded as the property of the church of Winchester, and was free from all subjection to the church of St. Mary), together with all their goods, rents and lands, saving the lands which the prior and canons had always retained to their own use, to wit, the whole land of Mele- well or Milkwell in Camberwell and Lambeth, with the place of the old hospital and the whole of the garden in Trinity Lane, which Ralph Carbonel sold to the old hospital quit of all demand on the part of the warden and brethren against the said canons. In exchange for the land of Melewell, the canons gave the brethren 13^. rents in Southwark. The canons also granted that the market for corn and other goods, which used to be at the doors of the old hospital, should be transferred to the doors of the new hospital. They also provided that the old ' Cal. Pap. Letters, \, 304. ' IJbi aqua est uberior et aer est sanior. Ann. Mon. (Rolls Ser.), iii, 457. The date given for this trans- lation of the hospital in these Annals is 1228, which is clearly wrong, as Amicius is mentioned as arch- deacon of Surrey, a post he did not hold after 121 5. There is also a mistake in the previous date of the fire, which is given as 1207 instead of 12 1 3. hospital (in ruins from the fire), on the with- drawal of the brethren and sisters, be shut up for ever, on condition that the canons might build whatever they liked on the plot, except a hospital, and they bound themselves that never hereafter should another hospital be built by them in the public street of Southwark. All writings that had been obtained from the pope or king pendente lite were to be surrendered, so that every occasion of litigation might be taken away.^ There is a large paper chartulary of this hospital, consisting of 321 folios, at the British Museum, which was drawn up about the year 1525.'' It is not quite complete, and lacks un- fortunately the first leaf. It begins at the top of the page, which is lettered fundacione with the end of an episcopal charter of confirmation of the grant of the tithe of hay in all his lordships made by Reginald de Brettyngherst to the brothers and sisters of the hospital. The first charter recited in full is a brief confirmation by Bishop Peter des Roches. This is followed by a grant of a cemetery and burial rights to the hospital by the prior and convent of St. Mary Southwark, under certain restrictions. The hospital agreed not to have more than two bells weighing 100 lb. in their bell-tower {campanario)^ and to pay bs. 8d. yearly to the priory and 1 2d. yearly at Easter to the vicar of St. Mary Magdalen. Burial was to be granted not only to all such as died within their own precincts, but also to all others who might desire it, and who were not parishioners of either St. Mary Magdalen's or St. Margaret's. This concession by the priory was obtained by the interference of Peter des Roches, who was bishop of Winchester from 1205 to 1238.' A later instrument, however, given in the chartulary shows that the rector of St. Margaret's, as well as the vicar of St. Mary Magdalen's, secured i2d. a year by this agreement as to the cemetery, and the subsidy of the priory was reduced from 6s. 8d. to 2s.^ In 1238 the warden and brethren granted to Luke, archdeacon of Surrey, a hall in the chapel, stable and other appurtenances within the hospi- tal precincts, for life, for his own occupation. He covenanted for himself and successors that they should not by virtue of this grant claim any authority, jurisdiction, property, or succession in the same to the damage of the warden and brethren. The archdeacon in 1249, under the title of Luke de Rupibus, papal sub-deacon, released to the hospital all his dwelling rights.' All archidiaconal rights of visitation were ceded to the hospital, so that no archdeacon of Surrey nor his official could exercise any ' Pat. 33 Edw. I, pt. I, m. 2. At that date there was an inspection and confirmation of a chirograph of 1215. * Stowe MS. 942. ' Ibid. fol. 2. • Ibid. fol. 4. ' Ibid. fol. 4, 4^. 538 RELIGIOUS HOUSES kind of jurisdiction over any persons, regular or secular, within the hospital in any causes, civil or criminal. The brethren or their commissary had sole cognizance of all such matters, and also had the proving of the wills of persons dying within their precincts. For these concessions the house paid an annual pension of 55. 4^. to the archdeacons of Surrey at Easter. Nevertheless the hospital was not strictly a peculiar, for the bishop claimed and exercised powers of visitation.' The following are the chief grants to the hospital in the earlier part of the thirteenth century cited in the chartulary : Alice de Chalvedon, widow, granted circa 1235 all her lands in Chaldon ; in consideration whereof Adam de Merton and the brethren agreed to find her a suitable bed within the hospital for life, with all reasonable necessaries such as would suffice for two sisters of the house, and to her maid as to one of the maids of the house ; she was also to have 51. 6d. a year for her clothing and fuel, but to demand nothing else.' Everard de Caterham gave lands and 2s. rent at Caterham ; '° John de Marlow, clerk, gave mills and osier beds at Marlow, in Buckinghamshire,'^ and Richard de Clare earl of Hertford, and his son, Gilbert de Clare, lands worth /^20 a year and quit-rents in the manor of Marlow.*^ A commission was issued in November 1276 to inquire into the complaint of the brethren of the hospital, that Ralph le Aumoner and many others, claiming authority from Nicholas, bishop of Winchester, and asserting that the custody of the hospital belonged to the bishop, entered without leave of the brethren, and consumed and wasted the possessions, victuals, and other goods of the hospital.'' There was a considerable dispute at the time of the election of Richard de Hulmo as master in 1295, the bishop claiming the sole appoint- ment, but eventually he compromised matters by nominating the choice of the brethren.'* In 1299 Isaac the Jew conveyed a house to the hospital, and that his grant might hold good, instead of a seal, he subscribed his name in Hebrew characters according to the Jewish custom.'* On 18 April 1305 licence was granted to the master and brethren to acquire in mortmain 8 acres of land in Charlton by Greenwich from Robert de la Wyke ; 4 acres of land in Combe and Greenwich from Ranulph, vicar of Greenwich ; and i^ acres of land in the latter places from John and William, sons of William le Flemyng, all for the maintenance of the poor and infirm within the house. '^ Licence upon fine was obtained in June 1309 for the alienation in mortmain to the master and brethren of this hospital of yearly rents to the value of 28;. 2wd. in Beddington and Bandon, the gift of Walter de Dynesle, clerk, and of a messuage in Southwark, the gift of William de Hameldon, chaplain." In the following year there was a large bequest under similar licence, by Simon de Stowe, of a messuage and various plots of land in Beddington, Bandon, Mitcham, Southwark, and Newton for the sustenance of the poor in the hospital ; '* and again in 131 1, by Walter de Huntingfield, of a mill, a messuage, 4 tofts, 63 acres of land, 3 acres of meadow, and 6;." of rents. In 1313 there was further bequest by Dulcia le Drapere of a messuage and 8 acres of land in Beddington.^" Gilbert de Clare, earl of Gloucester and Hertford, granted in 1 3 14 to the master and brethren of the hospital the advowson of the church of Blechingley, in exchange for all lands and tenements which they held in the town of Beddington, Bandon, Woodcote, Mitcham, and Croydon, and for the mills that they held in the parish of Marlow, Bucks. In the following year they obtained licence to appropriate the church of Blechingley.-' In June 1 32 1 Stephen de Bykleswade, master, and the brethren and sisters, in considera- tion of the great benefits they had received from Henry de Bluntesdon, almoner to the late King Edward, ordered a daily mass at the Lady Altar for the said king and for Henry and his parents and benefactors."^ In February 1323 Bishop Asser, after visitation, gravely admonished the master of the hospital as to the irregular lives led by the brethren and sisters.^' It was then ordered that they should all follow the rule of St. Augustine, and that the master should eat with the brethren.^* On I December, 1326, the bishop of Win- chester granted to the master and brethren of this hospital, for the health of the souls of him- self, his parents, Adam le Chaundeler and Joan his wife, and for the support of the sick poor re- sorting to the hospital, lands in Wimbledon, which he had acquired jointly with John de ' Stowe MS. 942, fol. 5, 6, 330. ' Ibid. fol. 292-3. '» Ibid. fol. 309. " Ibid. fol. 313-14. " Ibid. fol. 315 &c. " Pat. 4 Edw. I, m. 3 Ibid. 6 Edw. II, pt. 2, m. 4 " Ibid. 8 Edw. II, pt. 2, m. 13. " Winton Epis. Reg. Reynolds, fol. 352, m, 6b. '' Ibid. Asser, fol. 20^. " Stowe MS. 942, fol. 330. 539 A HISTORY OF LONDON Windsor, his clerk, of the gift of Joan Chaun- deler. This grant received royal confirmation in 1329." Stephen de Bykleswade's administration as master seems to have been careless, as he was several times suspended and the custody of the house assigned to others ; but in February, 1330, he was formally reinstated by the bishop, and continued in office until March, 1338.^^ This hospital, like almost every English re- ligious house, suffered sadly at the time of the Black Death. In 1349 Walter de Marlowe, brother of the hospital, sought and obtained dis- pensation from illegitimacy at the hands of Pope Clement VI, in order that he might be appointed prior or master. The petition stated that the mortality amongst the brethren had left no one so fit to rule as the said Walter.^' In 1350 a chantry was established in the Lady chapel for the soul of Ralph Nonley of Halstead.-' In 1357 the hospital presented an interesting petition to Pope Innocent VI, and obtained that which they sought. It was stated therein that the hospital of St. Thomas the Martyr, founded in Southwark by the saint himself, was resorted to by such numbers of the poor and sick that the master, brethren, and sisters of the rule of St. Augustine could not support their charges with- out alms ; they therefore prayed for an indul- gence of two years and eighty days to those who visited the hospital at Christmas, Easter, the feasts of the Blessed Virgin and St. Peter and St. Paul, and on Good Friday, and who lent a helping hand to the hospital. ^^ Henry Yakesley was appointed master by Bishop Edendon in 1 36 1. The election devolved on the bishop owing to the death of all the bre- thren save one, but a special reservation of the future right of the brethren was entered.'" In January, 1372, the bishop deputed three commissioners to visit the hospital.^' Nicholas de Carrew paid the king 20s. in 1379 for licence to alienate to the master and brethren six messuages, three shops and one garden in Southwark; one messuage and 2 acres of land in Lambeth ; five cottages and I acre of meadow in Bermondsey Street — in exchange for the manor called ' Freresmanoire,' a water-mill, and two gardens in Beddington, Croydon, Mitcham, and Carshalton.''- On the death of William de Welford in 1 38 1 the bishop, as patron of the house, committed the custody to John Okeham and Robert Eton, " Pat. 3 Edw. Ill, pt. I, m. 32. '^ Winton Epis. Reg. Stratford, fol. 9, 1 2, &c. Stovve MS. 942, fol. 280, 307. '" Cal. Pap. Petitions, i, 165 ; Cal. Pap. Letters, iii, 330. '' Stowe MS. 942, fol. 31-2, 324. " Cal. Pap. Petitions, i, 304. '° Stowe MS. 942, fol. 330. " Winton Epis. Reg. Wykeham, iii, fol. 626. '-' Pat. 2 Ric. II, pt. 2,m. 19. 5 the only two of the brethren then living." Dur- ing the vacancy on 9 December, 1 38 1, the bishop sent a letter to the two custodians in- structing them to admit Thomas Gouday, chaplain, to the fraternity.'* On the same day Brothers Okeham and Eton invited the bishop to appoint to the mastership, whereupon the bishop delegated John de Buk\ngham, canon of York, to admit Gouday as master, who took the oath of canonical obedience on 13 December. Licence was granted to Edmund Halstede on 2 July, 1385, to have mass said in the chapel within the graveyard of the hospital until fifteen days after Michaelmas.'^ The bishop gave notice of a personal visitation of the hospital on 28 June, 1387. In 1388 Thomas, the master, and the brethren were charged with having appropriated to them- selves a piece of ground outside their church, formerly common to the men of Southwark for selling and buying corn and other merchandise, and with stopping up a king's highway called ' Trynet Lane ' ; but it was found on inquisition that the hospital had enjoyed these premises since the time of King John, when the house was built.'« At the time of the death of Thomas Gou- day on 17 December, 1392, there were four brethren of the house in addition to the master, namely, John Okeham, Thomas Sallow, Henry Grygge, and John Aylesbury. The bishop as patron and diocesan granted them on 18 Decem- ber licence to elect ; but the brethren on the following day devolved their right on the bishop and asked him to nominate. Wykeham's choice fell on Henry Grygge, and he was duly appointed on 15 January, 1393.'' It appears that Grygge sold some of the pos- sessions of the house contrary to his oath to Bishop Wykeham," and in 1399 he withdrew into foreign parts, when the custody of the hospital was committed to John Aylesbury, one of the brethren.'' On 25 February, 1 40 1, William Sharpe made his profession as a brother of the hospital. On the morrow the bishop renewed the custody to John Aylesbury, and issued a citation for Grygge to appear.^ In December following Grygge received papal absolution.'*' Whether he ever returned to take up the duties of the office of master does not appear, but in July, 1 4 14, John Reed, a brother of the house, was elected and confirmed as master.^ '' Winton Epis. Reg. .Wykeh.im, i, fol. 119. " Ibid, i, 126. "Ibid, iii, fol. 218. '* Stowe MS. 942, fol. 181. '' Winton Epis. Reg. Wykeham, i, fol. 224-5. '* Cal. Pap. Letters, v, 497. " Winton Epis. Reg. Beaufort, iii, fol. 315. *» Ibid, iii, fol. 331. " Cal. Paf. Letters, v, 497. "Winton Epis. Reg. Beaufort, iii, 51—2; Stowe MS. 942, fol. 330. +0 RELIGIOUS HOUSES In 1436 the hospital of Sandon in this county, being greatly reduced in revenue, was united to this house.*' A letter from Sir Thomas More to Wolsey, dated 16 March, 1528, mentions the hospital of Southwark, and that the master was old, blind, and feeble. Though in the gift of the bishop of Winchester, the king was informed that Wolsey, as legate, might appoint a coadjutor, and he would like to have the same for his chaplain, Mr. Stanley. The king had two reasons for asking this : first, that Stanley was a gentleman born ; and secondly, ifhe could get rid of him he would like to have a more learned man in his place." Very shortly after this, namely, on 20 May, ,1528, aged Richard Richardson resigned his office, being allotted a pension of 40 marks.*' Richard Mabbot was elected his successor on 22 May. On 26 September, 1535, Richard Layton,the monastic visitor, wrote to Cromwell to the effect that he was going to visit the exempt monastery of Bermondsey, Southwark, and ' the bawdy hospital of St. Thomas' on his return out of Kent.*^ Layton's epithets and general language were usually coarse and often untrustworthy, but in this case his reference to the hospital seems justified, for master Mabbot was undoubtedly lax in discipline and bad in personal character. The Falor Ecc/esiasticus of 1 535 gave the clear annual value of the hospital at £20() is. iid., of which sum only ,^42 4s. was spent on the poor and infirm. There were at this time three lay- sisters — originally the sisters were also professed and of the Austin rule — and there were forty beds for the poor. A complaint was addressed by certain parish- ioners of St. Thomas's Hospital to Sir Richard Longe and Robert Acton in July, 1536, against the master and brethren of the hospital, accusing them of maintaining improper characters within the precincts, refusing charitable relief to those in sickness, and even to those willing to pay — insomuch that a poor woman great with child was denied a lodging and died at the church door, while rich men's servants and lemans were readily taken in — refusing baptism of a child till the master had 3s. 4^/., and other irregularities. The master was charged with often quarrelling with the brethren and sisters even in the quire of the church, of which strange instances were cited. As to the services in the church they complained that the usual three or four sermons in Lent had not been given, they had often scant two masses in a day, and they had been forced sometimes to seek a priest about the Borough to sing high mass. Moreover, the master had put " Winton Epis. Reg. Waynflete, ii, fol. 57. " L. and P. Hen. Fill, iv, 4080. " Winton Epis. Reg. Fox, v, fol. 156^. « L. and P. Hen. Fill, ix (1), 44. down the free school formerly kept within the hospital, although there is £4. a year for its maintenance, was guilty of 'filthy and indecent ' conduct, openly kept a concubine, claimed to be ' lord, king, and bishop ' within his precincts, and sold the church plate, pretending it was stolen. The names of nine witnesses were appended to these grave allegations.*' On 4 July, 1538, Robert More, one of the priests of the hospital, confessed before Robert Acton, justice of the peace, that before the rob- bery of church plate the master sold two silver parcel-gilt basins, a silver holy-water stock and * spryngyll,' a pair of parcel-gilt silver candlesticks, a parcel-gilt silver censer, and a pair of parcel- gilt silver cruets. He delivered ^^5 to Robert as his portion. The master was robbed of as much plate as would go into a half-bushel basket. The master consulted the brethren about selling his house at Deptford Strand. More said if he did so he would sore offend his prince. The master bade them do as he commanded, and so they sold it deceitfully to John Asspele, proctor of the arches.*^ An indenture was made in July, 1538, be- tween the king and Richard Mabbot, the master, and the brethren, whereby the hospital exchanged their manor of Sandon by Esher with the par- sonage of Esher, for the parsonages of Much Wakering, and of Helion Bumpstead, Essex.*^ On 23 December, 1539, Thomas Thurleby, clerk, the last master, was presented to St. Thomas's Hospital, in the place of Richard Mabbot deceased. But this appointment could only have been made *" with the idea of effecting a quiet surrender, for on 14 January, 1540, Thomas Thurleby, together with Thomas Ladde and Thomas Cowyke, surrendered the hospital and all its possessions to the king.'^ Priors, Masters, Wardens or Rectors OF THE Hospital of St. Thomas, Southwark Archdeacon Amicius,'- occurs 121 3, 1215 Adam de Merton, occurs 1235 Thomas de Codeham, occurs 1248, 1251 Fulcher, elected 1 26 1 Adam II Richard de Bikleswade, resigned 1283" Richard de Bikleswade, (re-elected), died 1295 Richard de Hulmo, 1295 " "Ibid, xi, 168. " L. and P. Hen. VIU, xiii (l), 1323. " Ibid, xiii (i), 1348. •^ Ibid, xiv (2), 780 (37). " Dep. Keeper's Rep. viii, App. ii, 41. " The names and dates of the masters are all taken from the Chartulary (Stowe MS. 942), unless otherwise stated. " Winton Epis. Reg. Pontoise, fol. 2. " Ibid. fol. 52 ; Stowe MS. 942, fol. 1 06 ; Cal. of Pat. 1292-1301, pp. 135, 146. 541 A HISTORY OF LONDON Walter de Marlowe, 1316 ^^ Stephen de Bykleswade, occurs 1321, 1338" William de Stanton, occurs 1338, 1342 Walter de Marlowe, appointed 1350, 135 i " John de Bradewyn (Bradeway), appointed 1356'' Henry Yakesley, appointed 1361,^' died 1377 William de Welford, appointed 1377,^ died 1381 Thomas Gouday, appointed 1 38 1, died 1392 Henry Grygge, appointed 1393," occurs 1 40 1 John Reed, appointed 1414,^^ died 1427 Nicholas Bokeland, appointed 1427," re- signed 1447 William Crosse, appointed 1447," resigned 1478 William Beele, appointed 1478,** resigned 1487 John Burnham, appointed 1487,^^ died 1501 Richard Richardson, appointed 1501,^' re- signed 1528 ^* Richard Mabbot, appointed 1528, died 1539 Thomas Thurleby, appointed 1539,^' sur- rendered 1540 The pointed oval seal™ of this house repre- sents a priest celebrating mass before an altar with a chalice on it. Legend : -|- s' . Hosp' : SCI : thome : mart' : de : sowthwerk' : ad : causas. 25. THE LEPER HOSPITAL OF SOUTHWARK On the outskirts of the Borough was a hos- pital for lepers under the joint dedication of St. Mary and St. Leonard. Stow speaks of it as the Loke or Lazar-house for leprous persons, which stood in Kent Street, without St. George's Bar, but he had failed to learn anything of its early foundation.^ " C.mterbury Archiepis. Reg. Reynolds, fol. 1 83. '* Ibid. Stratford, fol. 9, 1 2, &c. ; Stowe MS. 942, fol. 280, 307. " The appointment of Walter de Marlowe seems to have been upset by his illegitimacy. " Stowe MS. 942, fol. 330. '' Ibid. ^ Winton Epis. Reg. Wykeham, i, fol. 83. " Ibid, i, fol. 224-5. "Ibid. Beaufort, iii, fol. 51, 52; Stowe MS. 942, fol. 330. «' Stowe MS. 942, fol. 330. " Ibid. *^ Winton Epis. Reg. Waynflete, ii, fol. 57. He resigned from .ige and infirmities. « Ibid. " Ibid. Fox, i, fol. I2l>. ^Ibid. V, fol. 1563. '^ L. and P. Hen. Fill, xiv (2), 780 (37). " B.M. Seals, Ixv, 78. ' Stow, Surv. (ed. Thomas), 156. It was probably of twelfth-century origin, like so many similar establishments outside Eng- lish towns. The first notice that we have found of it occurs in the time of Edward II, when it had evidently been for some time en- dowed. The favours it obtained from Edward II and Edward III confirm the tradition that it was originally of royal foundation. Protection was granted for one year on 4 June, 131 5, for the master and brethren of the hos- pital, and their men and lands." The like was repeated in June, 13 16, for another year.' And again letters of protection were obtained from the same king on 10 April, 1320, to last for two years.^ On 27 July of the same year these letters of protection were renewed for two years, and at the same time the brethren were autho- rized, in consequence of the insufficiency of their income, to collect alms.* Protection was again granted for two years, in September, 1328, wherein it was stated that the brethren had no sufficient livelihood unless they were succoured by the faithful.' This was one of the four leper hospitals built for the reception of these sufferers outside Lon- don, for the injunctions against lepers entering the City were numerous and stringent. The other three named by Stow were those at Strat- ford le Bow, at Knightsbridge, and between Shoreditch and Stoke Newington.' John Pope, by his will of 1487, gave to this hospital 6s. 8d. towards its repair and mainten- ance. It was for a long time under the care of St. Bartholomew's Hospital.' 26. THE HOSPITAL OF ST. JAMES, WESTMINSTER The hospital of St. James for leprous women, situated west of Charing, in the parish of St. Margaret's, Westminster, is said by Stow to have owed its origin to some London citizens who founded it at a period previous to the Con- quest.* There is, however, no record of its existence until Henry II by a charter guaranteed the sisters in their possessions and encouraged people to give to them.^ King John, in 1205, confirmed to them a hide of land in Hampstead, 40 acres of land in ' Northesel,' and a tenement in Cheap at the end of Bread Street, London, the gifts of Alexander Barentin, William son of the Lady and Stephen Blund, and granted that ' Pat. 8 Edvv. II, pt. 2, m. 9. ' Ibid. 9 Edw. II, pt. 2, m. 14. ' Ibid. 13 Edw. II, m. II. ' Ibid. 14 Edw. II, pt. I, m. 12. * Ibid. 2 Edw. Ill, pt. 2, m. 21. ' Stow, Sure. (ed. Thomas), 1 84. * Manning and Bray, Hht. of Surr. iii, 634. ' Stow, Surv. of Lond. (ed Strype), vi, 4. ' John refers to this charter in his grant. Rot. Chart. Johan. (Rec. Com.), 1 1 -jb. 542 RELIGIOUS HOUSES they should hold all their lands with sac and soc, tol and team, infangenthef, and with all liberties, free customs and acquittances.' To judge by the charter of Henry III in 1242, which is identical with that of John,^ they can have made no further acquisitions of land for some time, though they may have received grants of money, such as thirty marks given to the hospital by Richard de Wendover in 1250 for the establishment of a chantry/ The house, however, does not seem to have been rich, and the ordinance of the Legate Ottobon ° about 1267, that the number of eight brothers and sixteen sisters was not to be exceeded must have been intended to benefit the hospital. In 1275 King Edward exempted it from payment of the twentieth,' and in 1290 he exacted no payment for the grant of an annual fair for which the brothers had petitioned.* They had asked at the same time that their charters might be con- firmed without fees as they were poor.^ The statutes of Legate Ottobon and Richard, abbot of Westminster,*" to which reference has already been made, form the basis of all subsequent ordinances for the house. The rule of St. Augustine was to be read four times a year in English before the brothers and sisters ; a chapter was to be held every Sunday, when faults were to be corrected ; the brothers and sisters were to confess once a week and communicate four times a year ; all were to be present at the services, and after there should be no drinking or meeting of the brothers for talking ; obedience to the head was enjoined, and anyone found rebellious, drunken, or contentious, after a second offence was to be punished at the will of the abbot ; no brother was to eat, drink, or sleep in the town or suburb, except in a religious house, or in that of the king or of a bishop ; silence must be observed at meals, of which there were to be only two a day ; the brothers were to eat with the master, and food and drink should be the same for all ; the sisters were to have a double allow- ance of bread and ale on St. James's Day ; the clothes worn by brothers, chaplains, and sisters were to be of one colour, russet or black ; sisters or brothers guilty of incontinency were to receive corporal punishment ; the guardian of the spiritualities should have a companion in his ' Rot. Chart. Johan. (Rec. Com.), 1 1 jb. * Cal. of Chart. R. i, 269. ' Newcourt, Jiepert. Eccl. Lond. i, 662. Cardinal Ottobon speaks of the many masses the house was bound to celebrate. Cott. MS. Faust. A. iii, fol. 319^ Mbid. fol. 319^. ' Cal. of Close, 1272-9, p. 262. ^ Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), i, 57a. They asked for a fair of four days, but the king gave them one of seven, beginning on the vigil of St. James. Plac. de Quo IVarr. (Rec. Com.), 477. ' Pari. R. i, <^-]a. "Cott. MS. Faust. -A. iii, fol. 319^-21. work of keeping the ornaments and oblations ; oblations were to be shared by all the members of the house. The injunctions mad; after a visitation in 1277 by the sub-prior and two monks of St. Peter's** are almost identical, but there are one or two alterations and additions which are not without significance : if any brother be found contentious or drunken, correction shall be given on the following day, and not postponed until the next chapter ; no brother shall eat or drink at any hour with the sisters, nor shall the brothers enter the sisters' house, or the sisters that of the brothers. In other ordinances, apparently about the same date,*^ it was enjoined that the vigil after the death of a brother or sister was to be kept without drinking or unseemly noise, that the sisters were not to bequeath goods without the prior's leave, while certain punishments were prescribed in the case of the brothers and sisters quarrelling and striking one another. Conclusions might be drawn from these in- junctions not very flattering to the house, and perhaps with justice, since there can be no doubt about the general laxness of administration and conduct prevailing there in the early fourteenth century. At a visitation of the abbot of Westminster in 1317*^' it was found that the master had not held the Sunday chapter, and through his fault the sisters and lay-brothers had not communicated four times a year. He was also accused of having special beer made for himself and one of the brothers, John de Attueston, but he denied that this had been given to any but visitors. The charges against Attueston, who was then prior, were more serious : it was said, and evidently with truth, that he refused to give an account of the goods of the hospital received by him though he had sworn to do so, that he had divided the oblations offered on the feasts of St. James and St. Dunstan between himself and the master, and that he was in the habit of getting drunk and then of using abusive language to the brothers and sisters, and of disclosing the secret business of the chapter. In 13 19 the abbot had to enjoin *^ the obser- vance of the rule as to weekly chapters and the brothers and sisters receiving communion four times a year. He also ordered that the present number of three brothers and six sisters should " Ibid. fol. 316. " Ibid. fol. 317. "* Doc. of D. and C. of Westm., Westm. pare. 2, box I. "Ibid. Ord. of W. abbot of Westminster. These appear to be the same as those dated February, 1322, in Cott. MS. Faust. A. iii, fol. 321-3. In the latter, however, there is an interesting addition. The abbot has heard that the rule has been broken by which married persons cannot become professed without the consent of the husband or wife, and orders such people to be expelled, fol. 323. 543 A HISTORY OF LONDON be increased to that of eight brothers and thirteen sisters prescribed by the foundation charter, if the resources of the hospital allowed, and that four of the brothers should be priests in order to relieve the house of the cost of two secular chaplains ; the master was not to dispose of important business without the consent of the brothers and sisters ; the sisters were not to keep legacies except with the prior's leave ; the brothers were forbidden to go to the sisters' rooms ; men were to be appointed by the master to look after the brothers in case of illness so that women should henceforth be excluded from such work. The condition of the hospital was, how- ever, worse than ever in 1320," nor is it surpris- ing considering that John de Attueston was then master. The property of the house was neglected so that rents had fallen off, and woods were cut down by the master as he pleased without the consent of the brothers and sisters. As to discipline there seems to have been absolutely none : one of the brothers, Richard de Thame, frequented a tavern and spent the money of the convent on his pleasures ; another, John de Sydenham, used the rents which he collected to secure followers, for he aspired to the post of master ; he also went to the sisters' rooms with- out the master's leave and ate and drank there in spite of the prohibition. It is clear that the sisters had no respect for the master or for the prior, spreading slanderous reports of the one and accusing the other of not knowing his office, and they did not deny that they were disobedient to both. Unfortunately they themselves were not examples of virtue : one of them, Margery Flyntard, had broken her vow of chastity ; and the abbot declared that through their wandering about and the access of regular and secular persons to them not only scandal but crimes had resulted, and ordered that in future they were not to leave their rooms except for the cloister adjoining or to go to church. Much the same disclosures were made when the abbot visited the hospital in 1334.'* John de Sydenham, who had now realized his desire to be master,'^ was reported guilty of inconti- nence, and a similar allegation coupled the names of Brother John de Hoton and Sister Juliana. For the latter charge there may have been foundation since the abbot noted that some of the brothers visited the sisters' rooms, and ordered that the rule made in this respect should not be infringed in future. The abbot's visitations and ordinances cannot be said to have been productive of reform, nor was such a result likely as lona; as bad conduct was no bar to promotion. It would be interesting " Visitation held before Master Richard de Gloucester and John de Buterle, vicar-general of the abbot of Westminster. Doc. of D. and C. of Westm., Westm. pare. 2, box I. '^ Ibid. " A roll of accounts by him begins in 133 1. Ibid. to know at what date John de Hoton was ac- cused of the murder of a woman in the hospital, as the case might have determined the king to put an end to the abbot's authority there. Hoton was master in 1337 " and again in 1345,'* but not in 1339," for it was Henry de Purle who refused to obey the abbot's citation to appear before him, and was excommunicated in consequence.^ As the abbot had been prohibited by the king from all interference with the hospital he was himself attached for contempt. The abbot contended that the hospital was held of him by fealty and suit at his court and by service of 20s. per annum and that the right of visitation had always belonged to the abbey except in case of a vacancy, when the king's treasurer had exercised it. It was, however, proved from the records that in 1252 the king had committed the custody of the hospital to the treasurer for the time being, and it was said that ever since he, as in right of the king, had given leave to the brothers and sisters to elect the master, had confirmed the elections, and exercised the right of visitation.^' The inference was that the king must have possessed these powers in 1252 or he could not have given them to the treasurer, and according to the court the abbot himself had proved that the king was the patron by his admission that the treasurer visited the hospital when the abbey was vacant. Judgement was therefore given in favour of the king. The verdict certainly does not seem just. According to some constitutions of the time of Henry III ^^ the abbot had had jurisdiction, for it was he who then appointed the prioress from among the sisters. The priests of St. James also acknow- ledged the subjection of the hospital to the abbey by taking part in the procession at St. Peter's four times a year. If it be contended that these rules may have been earlier than 1252, yet it is an undoubted fact that the abbot had since that time repeatedly visited the hospital, and as abbot, not as treasurer.^' Further inquiry was ordered by the king in 1 342, but without any benefit to the abbey."'' The Black Death carried off the warden and all the brothers and sisters except William de Weston, who, in May, 1349, was made master, but in 1 35 1 was deposed for wasting the goods of the hospital.-' It is said that in 1353 the " Ca/. of Chse, 1337-9. P- ^°1' '* Ibid. 1343-6, p. 655. "Ibid. 1339-41, p. 658. " Tear Bks. of Edw. Ill, Mich, term year \ 3 to Hil. term year 14 (Rolls Ser.), 360. "Ibid. 360, 361 ; Guildhall MS. iii, fol. 1207. " Cott. MS. Faust. A. iii, fol. 314^-15. "In 1 3 1 7 the bishop of Ely was treasurer, Cal. of Pat. I 31 7-2 I, pp. 39, 164 ; in 1320 the bishop of Exeter, ibid. pp. 417, 438 ; in 1334 the bishop of Durham, Cal. of Close, 1333-7, P- I9^- '* Cal. of Pat. 1340-3, p. 457. " Gasquet, The Great Pestilence, 97. 544 RELIGIOUS HOUSES house was without inmates,"^ and the place appears to have been in much the same condition in 1384, when Thomas Orgrave, the master, with the consent of the treasurer, let to Elizabeth Lady le Despenser for her life, at a rent of 10 marks, practically the whole hospital, viz., the houses within the gate in front of the door of the principal hall, the hall with the upper and lower chambers at each end, the stone tower, the chamber over the entrance, the kitchen and bakery, the houses assigned to the master, and all the gardens and ground within the precincts.^' It is possible that the hospital was in need of funds just then, since a papal relaxation granted in 1393 ^' indicates that the chapel was being re- built, but money would hardly have been raised by a lease of the building of the hospital, if the inmates for whom the rooms were intended had been there to use them. Whether the hospital had any ground for the claims it made to privilege of sanctuary in 1403 it is impossible to say. A horse-thief had taken refuge in the chapel and the coroner had set constables to watch him, but one of the chap- lains told the men that no officers of the king ought to guard any felons there under penalty of excommunication, drove them away, locked the gates of the hospital and the church doors against them and allowed the felon to escape.'" Henry VI in 1449 granted to Eton College the perpetual custody of the hospital after the death of Thomas Kemp, then warden ; '" but Edward IV appears to have resumed possession of the house, for in 1467, when he made a re- grant of the reversion of the hospital to the college, one of his clerks was warden.'^ The college, however, certainly held St. James's from Mi- chaelmas 1480^" until the provost made it over to Henry VIII in October 1 53 1." The number of sisters during this period does not seem to have varied : in the time of Henry VII there were four, each of whom received j^2 I2s. and a quarter of a barrel of the best beer every year ;^* and at the dissolution of the hospital an annual pension of £6 13^. 4^. was assigned by the king to each of four sisters, three of whom were widows.'^ In the reign there were also two chaplains,^' this case being j^6 131. ^.d. of Henry VII the stipend in In the early fourteenth century the average income of the house was probably about £25y although in 1335 it was double that amount." At the Dissolution it was worth ;^ioo a year according to Tanner. It had been rated at half this amount in 1524 for the procurations due to Wolsey,'* but the religious houses on this occasion were for the most part estimated much below their real value. Its property then consisted of 160 acres bordering the high road from Charing Cross to Aye-hill, 1 8 acres in Knightsbridge, and some land in Chelsea and Fulham ;^' a tene- ment called the White Bear in the parishes of St. Mary Magdalen and All Saints, in Westcheap and Bread Street, London,*" and lands called 'Chalcotes' and 'Wyldes' in the parishes of Hendon, Finchley, and Hampstead,''^ co. Middle- sex. Much of this the hospital already owned in the fourteenth century, as the master's ac- counts of that period mention arable and meadow land round the house and the lands to the north of London.*^ It also owned until 1465 the advowson of St. Alban's, Wood Street, with an annual pension of a mark *' of which it was pos- sessed in 1303.** Masters of St. James's Hospital, West- minster Turold, c. 1189-99*^ Guncelinus, occurs 12 1 8— 19** Roger, occurs 1242-3 *' James, occurs 1245-6** Godard, occurs 1252*' James, occurs 1252-3*' Walter, occurs 1256-7, 1257-8 and 1258-9'' 1262 64 -3, 1267-8,=^ '" Gasquet, TAe Great Pestilince, 97. " The royal confirmation of the indenture is given in Cal. of Pat. 1385-9, p. 215. '* Cal. Pap. Letters, iv, 466. ^Cal. of Pat. 1401-5, p. 328. '" Pat. 28 Hen. VI, pt. 1, m. 18, quoted by Tanner, l^otit. Mon. " Cal. of Pat. 1467-77, p. 63. ^' There are accounts of the receipts and expenses of the hospital from this date at Eton College. Hilt. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 353. "L. aid P. Hen. Fill, v, 606. ^* Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 353. "Z, and P. Hen. nil. x, 775 (1-4). ^^ Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 353. I 545 James, occurs 1259-60, 1269-70," and 1272-3 " Acct. of John de Sydenham master of the hospital from Easter 1 3 3 I to Easter 1336, Doc. of D. and C. of Westm., Westm. pare. 2, box I. "L. anJP. H. Hen nil, iv, 964. »'Ibid. v, 406 (i). *" Ibid, v, 606. It may have held rents and tenements in other London parishes. Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, i, 16, 546, 601. " L. and P. Hen. VIIl, iv, 406 (4). "Acct. of John de Sydenham. "Newcourt, Repert. Eccl. Lond. \, 236. ^Munim. Guildhdl, Lond. (Rolls Ser.), ii (l), 237. " Doc. of D. and C of Westm. Lond. M (2). He confirmed a grant made by the father of Richard bishop of London, and Richard Fitz Neal, who held the bishopric between 1 1 89-99, appears to be the person meant, for Turold also occurs temp. Henry Fitz Ailwin, mayor, i.e. c. 11 89-1 2 12, Anct. D. (P.R.O.), A. 7822. " Hardy and Page, Cal. of Lond. and Midd. Fines, " Ibid. 27. " Ibid. 30 " Tear Book of Edw. Ill, Mich, year 13 to Hil. year 14 (Rolls Ser.), 361. " Hardy and Page, op. cit. 35. " Ibid. 38, 39, 40. " Ibid. 41, 42, 45. "Anct. D. (P.R.O.), A. 1530. " Hardy and Page, op^ cit. 49. 13- 69 A HISTORY OF LONDON William, occurs 1 278-9" Godard, occurs 1286'' Walter de Sutton, appointed in 13 1 2*' Nicholas de Oxonia, appointed in 1314'' William de Wolhampton, elected 1 3 14,** occurs 1317°" John de Attueston, occurs in 1320 " Robert de Dunham, appointed in 1324'' Godfrey de Rudham, appointed in 1325 *' Robert de Holden, appointed in 1326 " Philip de la Wyle, appointed in 1326*' John de Sydenham, occurs in 1331,^^ I334> and 1336" John de Hoton, occurs 1337 ^ Henry de Purle, occurs 1339,** resigned in 1344 70 John de Hoton, occurs 1345 " and 1347 '' William de Weston, appointed 1349,'' de- posed in 1351 '* Thomas Orgrave or Bygrave, appointed in 1375,'* occurs 1379'^ and 1386" Richard Clifford, occurs 1387'* and 1399'' Lewis Recouchez, occurs 1 401 *" William Kynwoldmersh, occurs 141 5 '^ William Alnewyk, appointed 1422 *^ Thomas Kemp, occurs in 1449*' Roger Malmesbury, occurs 1467** Roger Lupton, occurs 1527'' " Hardy and Page, op. cit. 55. ** Cal. of Close, 1279-88, p. 422. " Cal. of Pat. 1307-13, p. 414. " Ibid. 1 31 3-1 7, p. 156. He W.1S to hold during the king's pleasure. " 7'ear Book, supra, 362. *" W. occurs in the visitation of the abbot in 1 31 7, and it seems possible that he is the same as William de Wolhampton. Doc. of D. and C. of Westm., Westm. pare. 2, box i. " Visitation of 1320, ibid. " During the king's pleasure. Cal. of Pat. 1324-7, p. 21. "Ibid. 118. "Ibid. 314. "Ibid. p. 337. ^ His accounts from 1331 to 1336 are among the Doc. of D. and C. of Westm., Westm. pare. 2, box I. *' Visitation of 1334, ibid. ^ Cal. of Close, 1337-9, P- '°7- '^ Tear Book of Edv.'. Ill, supra, 359. "> Cal. of Close, 1343-6, p. 453. " Ibid. 655. " Cal. of Pat. 13 + 5-8, p. 313. " L.T.R. Mem. Roll, 25 Edw. Ill, m. 26, in Gasquet, The Great Pestilence, 97 ; Dugdale calls him Walter de Weston, Mon. Angl. vi, 638. " Gasquet, op. cit. 97. " Anct. D. (P.R.O.), A. 2334 ; Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 638, gives the name as Bygrave. '^ Cal. of Pat. 1377-81, p. 325. " Ibid. 1385-9, p. 215. " Ibid. 376. He was then ratified in his estates as master. " Ibid. 1 399-1401, p. 3. **' Ibid. 1401-5, p. 9. " Cal of Pap. Letters, vi, 360. ^ Cal. of Pat. 1422-9, pp. 14, 17. ° Pat. 28 Hen. VI, pt. i, m. 18, quoted in Tan- ner, ISotit. Mon. " Cal. of Pat. 1467-77, p. 63. " Doc. of D. and C. of Westm., Westm. pare. 2, box I. The hospital seal ^ of the twelfth century is a pointed oval, and represents St. James, full- length, lifting his right hand in benediction, and holding a long cross in his left. Legend : — sigill' santi iacobi infirmarvm 27. THE HOSPITAL OF THE SAVOY The hospital of the Savoy, dedicated to the honour of the Blessed Jesus, the Virgin Mary, and St. John the Baptist, was founded by King Henry VII in 1505 on the south side of the Strand,^ on the spot once occupied by the palace of Peter of Savoy, uncle of Eleanor of Provence.^ The king seems to have died before the work was really begun, and the fulfilment of the scheme was left to his executors, who in 1 51 2 obtained letters patent from Henry VIII em- powering them to erect a perpetual hospital to consist of a master and four other chaplains who were to be a corporate body, with a common seal, and received licence to acquire in mortmain land to the annual value of 500 marks.' The buildings, for which Henry VII had bequeathed 10,000 marks,* and which were intended to accommodate 100 poor men * every night, must have taken some time to complete, and this is probably the reason why the first master, William Holgill, and the chaplains were not appointed before 1517.^ The statutes drawn up by the executors in 1523 give an interesting picture of the institu- tion and its working.' The master was supposed to superintend the house generally, and had certain duties with regard to the management of its property * ; the four chaplains exercised the functions of seneschal, sacristan, confessor, and hospitaller ' ; there were besides two priests, four altarists to assist in the services in the chapel, a clerk of the kitchen, a butler, a cook, an under cook, a door-keeper and an under door- keeper, a gardener, a matron, and twelve other women.'" The master received a stipend of ;^30 a year, each of the chaplains £\ and the * B. M. Seals, Ixviii, 51. There appears to be some doubt whether this seal is that of St. James's, Westminster, but a seal appended to a charter of a master of this hospital which is now among the documents of the D. and C. of Westm. (Westm. pare. 2, box l) seems to be identical with that here described. ' In the parish of St. Clement Danes. Lond. Epis. Reg. Fitz James, fol. 1 1 8. ' Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 726. ' Ibid. * Stow, Surv. of Lond. (ed. Strj-pc), i, 210. » Cott. MS. Cleop. C. V, fol. 34^. « Ibid. fol. 55^, 56^. ' Ibid. fol. 4^54^. « Ibid. fol. 3-4 38. ° Ibid. fol. 563. Their duties are given fol. 7-ioi and fol. 23. '"Ibid. fol. 153-16. 546 RELIGIOUS HOUSES priests ^t, 6s. 8d., and the others in proportion,^^ all except the master being fed at the expense of the hospital.'^ The uniform of all officials, male and female, was blue with a Tudor rose in red and gold embroidered on the breast." Every evening an hour before sunset, the hospitaller, the vice-matrons and others stood at the great door and received the poor, who, on being admitted, proceeded first to the chapel to pray for the founder, and then to the dormitory, where the matron and some of the women allotted the beds to them,^* and four others prepared the baths and cleansed their clothing. The hospital only provided a lodging for the night except in the case of the sick, who were allowed to re- main after the departure of the other men and were tended by the doctor and surgeon and the sisters.*^ The daily accounts of the clerk of the kitchen and the monthly accounts of the seneschal were to be made in the counting-house, but those of the master and all other officers in a room called the exchequer.^^ Two rooms in the tower opposite the great gate were appointed for a treasury, in which were to be kept the chests containing a reserve-fund of 500 marks, the yearly surplus, the money for the daily expenses, the legacies and gifts to the hospital, the jewels and ornaments not in every-day use, and charters and muniments.^' The vis ration of the hospital was entrusted to the abbot of Westminster.^* William Holgill, the first master, seems to have been rather a privileged person : he received a larger salary than was to be given to any future master," and in spite of the statute for- bidding the master to accept any other office or administration,^" he was allowed to act as sur- veyor to Wolsey," and afterwards to hold the prebend of South Cave.^^ The income of the hospital, ^^567 16s. 3|(/. in 1535,^^ can have been barely sufficient to meet the necessary ex- penses, since when food rose in price Holgill had to draw on the reserve fund,^* and the com- " Cott. MS. Cleop. C. v, fol. 20^-22. Holgill was to have £^0 a year on account of his many labours and continuous diligence in building the house, fol. 2 0iJ. " Ibid. For the sums allowed for food see fol. 40^-4 I . " Ibid. fol. 26^, 27. " Each bed was well furnished with bed clothes, including counterpanes decorated with the red rose and three portcullises. Ibid. fol. 34^, 35. " Ibid. fol. 24-25^. '« Ibid. fol. 44. " Ibid. fol. 45-463. " Ibid. fol. 30. "Ibid. fol. 2o3. "Ibid. fol. 18. " L. and P. Hen. Vlll, iv, 4073, 5954. " Ibid, ix, 66l. In 1537 a certain John Parkyns begged Cromwell to give him the post of master of the Savoy, as Holgill had sufficient without it. Ibid, xii (l), 270. " Valor Eccl. (Rec. Com.), i, 359. " Lansd. MS. 20, No. 15. missioners who under Sir Roger Cholmley, chief baron of the Exchequer, visited the hospital in 1 55 1, found that the revenues fell short of expenditure by ;^205 4;. ^d.^^ and they had evidently no fault to find with the way the es- tablishment was conducted.^^ The house was dissolved in 1553,^' and its lands given by the king to Bridewell and St. Thomas's, South wark,"* but in 1556 it was re- founded and endowed afresh by Queen Mary,^' whose maids of honour provided the beds and other furniture.'" This new foundation had been in existence only a few years when it was almost ruined '^ by Thomas Thurland, the master, who was removed in 1570, but not before he had bur- dened the hospital with his private debts by a misuse of the common seal, granted unprofitable leases, taken away the beds, and disposed of jewels and other treasures of the house.'^ During the Civil War the place was used for the accommodation of sick and wounded soldiers,^' and the master was superseded by a governor " or overseer.'^ At the accession of Charles II, the hospital was restored to its former state,^^ but some of the buildings were taken by the king in 1670 for the use of the men wounded in the Dutch war," and the promise to give them back was not fulfilled either by him or his successors.'* It is probable that long before this time the office of master had practically become a sine- cure. At any rate Dr. Walter Balconquall, who was master from 1621 to 1640, managed to « Ibid. No. 14. " Ibid. No. 15. The behaviour of the officials was good, and the statutes had been kept since the death of the first master except in such respects as they were not in accordance with the law of the land. " Cal. of S.P. Dom. 1547-80, p. 85. '* Stow, Surv. ofLond. iv, 1 06. " Cal. of S.P. Dom. I 547-80, p. 85. '" Stow, op. cit. iv, 106. " Cal. of S.P. Dom. 1547-80, p. 383. Archbishop Grindal and the other visitors writing to Cecil in I 5 70 said that if Thurland continues in office the house cannot long stand. " Lansd. MS. 20, No. 21. He was also accused of not being resident, of going very seldom to church, and spending his time in playing bowls and gam- bling, of maintaining his relations at the expense of the hospital, etc. . . . He docs not seem to have been able to deny the more serious charges, see Lansd. MS. 20, No. 19. ^' Cal. of S.P. Dom. 1650, pp. 282, 366; Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. viii, App. i, 386. '* Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. x, App. iv, 5 lo. '' Cal. of S.P. Dom. 1652-3, p. 224. " Ibid. 1 660-1, pp. 16, 107, 113, about the ap- pointment of the master. " Stowe MS. 865, fol. 2i. '* A regiment of foot was stationed there by Charles II ; James II assigned places of residence there to Jesuits, and William III to French Pro- testants. Ibid. ; Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 726. 547 A HISTORY OF LONDON combine his duties of master of the Savoy with those of dean of Rochester, and afterwards of Durham.'^ The report of a commission un- der William III shows that the hospital had outlived its usefulness, the relief of the poor being utterly neglected, and it was proposed to annex the mastership to the bishopric of Glouces- ter, and to pay pensions to twenty poor widows as well as the salaries to the four chaplains,'** but nothing was done. In 1702, however, Lord Keeper Wright visited the house and removed the chaplains because, in contravention of the statutes, they had omitted to subscribe to the oath on taking office and had not resided within the hospital.^^ As no master had been appointed since Dr. Killigrew's death in 1699," the hospital was now without master and chaplains, and was declared by Wright to be dissolved.'*' Although it was exceedingly doubtful whether a visitor possessed such powers,^* the Lord Keeper's action was effectual, and the hospital of the Savoy came thus to an end. According to the statutes of 1523 the master was to be elected by the chaplains,** but from the time of Thurland the sovereign seems to have appointed *^ in reality, though the chaplains went through the form of election.*' The Savoy in 1535*^ held rents of assize in London, the manors of Shoreditch, ' Colkenning- ton ' (Kenton), and Goldbeaters, and some land in Shoreditch, co. Middlesex ; the manors of Dengie, Helion Bumpstead, Aveley, Tailfeers, and Gerons,*' co. Essex ; the manors of Langley and land in Greenstreet, co. Herts ; the manors of ' Denham-Duredent ' and Marsworth, CO. Bucks ; the manors of ' TopclifFe,' ' Byrdlyns,' ' Nedehall in Hynton,' ' Alyn,' and land in Fulbourn, co. Camb. ; the manors of Hasting- leigh, ' Corston ' (Cuxton r). Combe Grove, and ' Frannycombe,' co. Kent ; the manors of " Ca/. of S.P. Dom. 1623-5, p. 492 ; ibid. 1639, p. 450. *" Add. MS. 11,599, fol- 3- *'Stowe MS. 865, fol. 3^5. "Ibid. fol. 8. "Ibid. fol. lb. " The Lords judged that a visitor had power to reform but not to dissolve. Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 726 ; see also Stowe MS. 865, fol. (ib-%. '' Cott. MS. Cleop. C. V, fol. 1 8^. The statute which ordered the presentation to the abbot of Westminster nei'er came into force as the abbey was dissolved before the first master died. '''Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 726. " Balconquall is said to be elected in 1 62 1. CciI. of S.P. Dom. 1619-23, p. 239. It was probablv managed as in the case of Dr. Killigrew, i.e. the king recom- mended him to the chaplains, who elected him. Ibid. 1663-4, pp. 198, 200. *« Valor Eccl. (Rec. Com.), i, 358-9. "In 1553 Edward VI granted the manor of Ger- ons with appurtenances, messuages, and lands called le Newhouse and Tailfeers and Stewards in Great Parndon to the mayor and commonalty of London. Morant, Hut. of Essex, ii, 493. Tibshelf, co. Derby, and of Bewick, co. York.'** The advowson of Dengie church also belonged to the hospital.*^ At the second dissolution of the house its possessions, which appear to have been worth ;^2,497 * y^^""! ■with the exception of Dengie manor, seem to have been entirely different.'^ They comprised some land at Mile End, co. Middlesex, the manor of Dengie and rent of the manor of 'Sow,' CO. Essex ; rent out of Shabbington manor, co. Bucks ; the manor of ' Denton- Gowerty,' co. Lincoln ; Stanton under Bardon, CO. Leicester ; ' South Dowes ' Hospital, Abington Mills, Harpale Mills, East Haddon, and lands in West Haddon, co. Northants ; the manor of Garstang, rent out of the manor of ' Rannworth,' co. Lancaster, Howorth Grange, the manors of Acklam and Houghton, Sutton Grange, Woodhouse Grange, Cudworth,* Kirkstall Inge,' ' Shelton-Coates,' °' and Ryhill in co. York and the manor of ' Hallatreholm ' in co. Durham. Masters of the Savoy Hospital William Hogill, appointed " and 1541 *^ 1561,^ 1517,*" occurs 1529 " Robert Bowes, appointed 1551 " Ralph Jackson, appointed 1556 '' Thomas Thurland, occurs 1559*' deposed 1570 *^ Dr. William Mount, died 1602 *- Dr. Richard Neale, appointed 1602 *' Dr. George Montaigne, appointed 1608,** occurs 161 7 " Walter Balconquall, appointed and resigned 1618^^ Marc Antonio de Dominis, archbishop of Spalato, appointed 161 8,*' resigned 1621 ^ Dr. Walter Balconquall, elected 162 1,*' occurs 1640'" Dr. Sheldon, occurs 1660,'^ resigned 1663 "* Dr. Henry Killigrew, elected 1663," died 1699 '* '^ Valor Eccl. (Rec. Com.), i, 358 and 359. " Newcourt, Repcrt. Eccl. Lond. ii, 211. " Add. MS. 1 1 599, fol. 4. » Shawcot \ "Cott. MS. Cleop. C. v, fol. 55. "Harl. Chart. 112, F. 23. "i. and P. Hen. VIII, xvii, 258, fol. 15. "Ceil, of S.P. Dom. 1547-80, p. 34. '^Ibid. p. 85. ''Add. Chart. 1385. ^Cal. of S.P. Dom. 1547-80, p. 180. " Lansd. MS. 20, No. 21. '' Cal. of S.P. Dom. 1 60 1-3, p. 270. ^Ibid. "Ibid. 1603-10, p. 463. "Ibid. 1611-18, p. 496. ^ He was appointed in January and resigned in March. Ibid. pp. 518 and 529. ''Ibid. p. 529. 'Mbid. 1619-23, p. 362. ^ Ibid. 239. It is evidently the same Walter Balconquall who gave way before in favour of the archbishop of Spalato. ™ Ibid. 1640, p. 366. " Ibid. i66o-i,p. 113. "Ibid. 1663-4, P- 198' " Ibid. p. 200. " Stowe MS. 865, fol. 8. 548 RELIGIOUS HOUSES A fine seal of this hospital is attached to a charter of 1559/* It represents St. John the Baptist, his head surrounded by a nimbus. The saint stands on a mount replenished with herbage and flowers ; he holds in his left hand the Agnus Dei and a banner flag and points to the lamb with his right. In the field on the left is a Tudor rose ; on the right a portcullis, chained and ringed ; above these two sprigs. Legend : — s' . coe . magistri . et . capellanorv . hos [pital] is SAVOYE 28. WHITTINGTON'S HOSPITAL A hospital was founded in 1424 by the executors of Richard Whittington' for thirteen poor persons, who were to live in a house built for them to the east of the church of St. Michael Paternoster and next to the dwelling of the chaplains of Whittington College. The thir- teen were to be citizens of London, preferably members of the Mercers' Company, or inferior ministers of Whittington College who could no longer fulfil their duties, and it was an essential condition to their election ^ and continuance as inmates ' that they should have no other means of subsistence. They were to live in separate apartments within the house, but were to have their meals together. Their dress was to be of seemly form and dark in colour. One of their number called the tutor was to have the rule and administration of the house, and his superior position was marked by his receiving a weekly allowance of I bd. instead of the i i^d. * allotted to each of the others, and by a relaxation in his case of the rule ' prohibiting absence from the hospital. Certain religious duties were pre- scribed : the almsmen had all to be present at the daily services in St. Michael's Paternoster Royal, and had to pray for the souls of Whittington and Alice his wife, and after high mass they were to assemble round Whittington's tomb and recite the De Profundis ; private devotions were also enjoined. The mayor of London was supervisor of the house, but it was with the wardens of the Mercers' Company that the care "Add. Chart. 385. ' Pat. 10 Hen. VI, pt. 2, m. 5, per Inspex. printed in Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 744-6. ' No one of the livery of any company was to be admitted. ' If any of them inherited property worth 5 marks clear a year, he was not to remain in the hospital. * The patent says \d., but as in another place the charter provides that if one of the members is attacked by leprosy he is to be removed to another place, but to receive 14a'. a week, and his place in the hospital is not to be filled, this sum appears to have been the usual allowance. Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 746. ' He was not to be absent for twelve days without leave of the conservators, but the others could not be absent one whole day without his leave. Ibid. of the foundation mainly rested : out of every seven vacancies among the poor men they ap- pointed six times, the master of Whittington Col- lege once, and they chose the tutor ; an inventory of the movables of the house had to be made every year and shown to them, and the seal of the hospital could not be used without their leave. The connexion between the hospital and the college must have been close from the first, and doubtless grew closer as in course of time former clerks of the college became pensioners in the hospital. Indeed, from a report made in 1538 about the feeling in the houses^ it would be im- possible to gather that they were two separate institutions, the tutor being mentioned as if like the choristers he belonged to the college. It is evident that this man, William Gibson, held strongly to the old opinions, for he said openly that ' the northern men rose in a good quarrel and that he trusted to see a new day.' Most of his fellows, however, were of the opposite party and ' were so weary of such communications that they were ready to go out of the house.' This house of charity was not abolished at the Reformation, and in the eighteenth century still existed in the place where it had been founded, the men and women receiving then a pension of 31. \od. a week, and new clothes every three years.' In 1823 the Mercers' Company acquired some land in the parish of Islington and there built a chapel and thirty houses to accommodate a chaplain, a matron, and twenty-eight almswomen.* Tutors of Whittington's Hospital Robert Chesterton, appointed in 1424' William Gibson, occurs 1538 ^^ 29. MILBOURNE'S ALMSHOUSES The foundation of Sir John Milbourne re- sembled Whittington's Hospital in some ways. The almshouses were built in 1535 "^ on land bought by Milbourne of the Crossed Friars, and were intended for thirteen poor men and their wives, if they were married, members of the Drapers' Company, to whom the endowment, consisting of property in London, was entrusted. The poor men were to come every day to the conventual church, and to say the De Profundis^ paternoster, ave, creed and collect for the benefit of the founder, his wife, children, and friends. The almshouses remained on the original site until 1862, when the Drapers' Company built new ones at Tottenham.^ * L. and P. Hen. VIII, xiii (2), 1202. ' Maitland, Hist, of Lond. 1325. * C/V>' of London Livery Companies' Com. Rep. ii, 58 ; iv, 41. ' Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 744. '" L. and P. Hen. VIII, xiii (2), 1202. ' Stow, Suw. of Lond (ed. Strype), ii, 7?. ' Lond. and Midd. Arch. Soc. 'Trans, iii, 138-42. 549 A HISTORY OF LONDON 3°- THE HOSPITAL OF ST. AUGUS- TINE PAPPEY The miserable condition to which old and in- firm priests were often reduced caused three chaplains of London, William Cleve, priest of a chantry in St. Mary Aldermary, William Barnaby, chantry priest in St. Paul's, and John Stafford, to found a Fraternity of Charity and St. John the Evangelist in their ^ aid in 1442.^ For their purpose they obtained from Thomas Symmeson, the parson of Allhallows London Wall, the chapel of St. Augustine Pappey, once a parish church, but shortly before united to All- hallows',' the churchyard which had been be- queathed by William Cressewyk in 1405 to St. Augustine's,^ and a house and garden adjoining. The fraternity as usual comprised both men and women,' but in this case the brothers were all to be priests * ; it was a corporation, having per- petual succession and a common seal.' The government was in the hands of a master and two wardens elected every year by the brothers from their own numbers,* with the proviso that no member of the fraternity of sixty priests should be chosen for the posts.' These officers made ordinances for the regulation of the society,'" received the money collected from the brothers and sisters, and expended it as needed, '^ the brothers auditing once a year the accounts, which the wardens had to inscribe in a great register.'^ The poor priests for whose benefit the gild had been established were given shelter, food and firing in the house close to the church," and those who had been masters or wardens, and whose conduct during office had been exemplary, received in addition an allowance of Sd. or 6d. a week.'* The hospital came to an end with the sup- pression of the fraternities under Edward VI. Sir Robert Foxe, the master, and five other priests had pensions varying from 66s. 8d. to 40^. ' Pat. 22 Hen. VI, pt. 3, m. 27. * The date Is given by Stow as 1430, but for the later date see Hugo, 'The hospital of the Papey,' LonJ. and Midi. Arch. Soc. Trans, v, 1 96. ' The churches were united by William Grey, bishop of London, 142 6-3 1. Newcourt, Repert. Eccl. Lond. i, 258. * Pat. 22 Hen. VI, pt. 3, m. 27. « Cott. MS. Vit. F. xvi, fol. 1 143. Mbld. fol. 1 1 63. Ibid. fol. 1 1 33. Cott. MS. Vit. Ibid. fol. II 63. F. xvi, fol. 1 143. If this brotherhood was first estab- lished in 1466 {Cal. of Pat. 1 46 1 -7, p. 516), the rules of the Pappey must have been made some years after the foundation. '» Cott. MS. Vit. F. xvi, fol. 1 14. " Ibid. fol. 115. "Ibid. fol. 1 1 53. " Pat. 22 Hen. VI, pt. 3, m. 27 ; Stow, Surv. of Lond. (ed. Strype), ii, 73. '* Cott. MS. Vit. F. xvi, fol. 1 1 63. assigned to them,'' and four of the number were still in receipt of these allowances in 1556." The property of the brotherhood, valued in 1548 at ;^24 II;. 8. Keeper's Ref. Ivii, App. 28. " Cal. of Chart. R. i, 290. '= Ibid. 292. '« ibid. 309. " Ibid. 351. '' Cal. of Pat. 1232-47, p. 178. " Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 37. *° Hardy, op. cit 54. For their pr >perty in Oxford see also Hund. R. (Ree. Com.), ii, 791, 798. men or description of the seal of this house appears to have survived. Wardens of the House of Converts Walter Mauclerc, bishop of Carlisle, the first warden ** Walter, occurs 1234** and 1240*''' Robert the chaplain, occurs 1245,*- 1248,*' and 1249 " Henry, appointed 1250" Adam de Cestreton, appomted 1266, died 1268 *^ Thomas de la Leye, appointed 1268, died 1270*^ John de St. Denis, appointed 1270,** occurs 1275,*^ 1280 '"and 1286" Robert de Scardeburgh, appointed 1287 *^ Richard de Climpinges, appointed 1289'^ Walter de Aymondesham, appointed 1290^* Henry de Bluntesdon, appointed 1298^' occurs 1300 *'' Adam de Osgoteby, appointed 1307" died 1316^8 William de Ayermin, appointed 1316,*^ resigned 1325 ^^ Robert de Holden, appointed 1325 *^ Richard de Ayremyn, appointed 1327,"^ resigned 1339°' *°^ Mr. Hardy thinks the bishop was the master or keeper for a short time, op. cit. 49. " Cal. of Close, 1 23 1-4, pp. 415, 503. *'" Devon, Issues of the E.xch. 15. " Cal. of Pat. 1232-47, p. 453. He was rector of the church of Hoo. " Cal. of Chart. R. i, 328. " Ibid. 339. *'' Hennessy, Novum Repert. Eccl. Lond. 378. He was vicar of St. Margaret's Friday Street. « Ibid. " Ibid. " Ibid. *" Cal. of Close, 1272-9, p. 159. ^ CaL of Pat. 1272-81, p. 376. " Ibid. 1281-92, p. 228. " The appointment was during the king's pleasure. Tovey, op. cit. 221. " During pleasure. Cal. of Pat. 1281-92, p. 335. " During pleasure. Ibid. 392. " He was the king's chaplain and almoner, and was appointed warden during pleasure. Ibid. 1 292-1 301, p. 341. '" Ibid. 491. " Ibid. 1307-13, p. 15. At first during pleasure, but in I 31 3 for life. Ibid. I 31 3-1 7, p. 16. '* Cal. of Close, I 313-18, p. 374. " Cal. of Pat. 1313-17. P- 534- "' He must have given up the office when he became a bishop. Ibid. 1324-7, p. 92. According to the patent he was elected bishop of Carlisle, but the see he in fact obtained was that of Norwich. Stubbs, Reg. Saa: Angl. 231. " Cal. of Pat. 1324-7, p. 176. «'Ibid. 1327-33, P- 42- ^ Ibid. 1338-40, p. 256. Newcourt gives a cer- tain Michael de Worth as appointed in 1334, but this would seem to be a mistake. 553 70 A HISTORY OF LONDON John de St. Paul, appointed 1339," occurs 1341 "^^^ and 1345^^ Henry de Ingleby, appointed 1350,*' resigned 1371'' William de Burstall, appointed 137 1, resigned I38i«' John de Waltham, appointed 1381/° resigned 1386^1 John de Burton, appointed 1386," died 1394^' John Scarle, appointed 1394,'* occurs 1397'*" Thomas Stanley, appointed 1397,'' and again 1399,^' occurs 1402 '^ Nicholas Bubwith, appointed 1402,'' occurs 1405"^ John Wakeryng, appointed 1405,^* occurs 141 5 '^^ Simon Gaunsted, appointed 1415,'^died 1423**' John Frankes, appointed 1423," occurs 1438 »!' John Stopyndon, occurs from 1438,'' to 14478' Thomas Kirkeby, appointed 1447,'* occurs 1460 «« John Kekilpenny, appointed 1455 *' (?) " Cal. of Pat. 1338-40, p. 256. He was keeper of the Rolls. "Ibid. 1341-3, p. 236. Newcourt inserts John de Evesh.im and John de Thoresby between 1339 and I 341, and Mr. Hardy (op. cit. 56), gives Thomas de Evesham and John de Thoresby as Masters of the Rolls and Keepers of The House of Converts between John de St. Paul and Henry de Ingleby. Richard de Ayermyn, however, accounted for the house until 13 Edw. Ill, John de St. Paul from 13 to 23 Edvv. Ill, and Henry de Ingleby from 24 to 32 Edw. III. Litt of Foreign Accts. 52-3. ^ Cal. of Close, 1343-6, p. 489. " Cal. of Pat. 1348-50, p. 475. ** Hennessy, op. cit. 378. " Ibid. '" Newcourt, op. cit. i, 339. "' Hennessy, op. cit. 378. " Cal. of Pat. 1385-9, p. 230. "Ibid. 1 391-6, p. 468. '« Ibid. '*" List of Foreign Accts. 53. " Newcourt, op. cit. i, 340. " By Henry IV. Cal of Pat. 1399-1401, p. 8. ^'^ List of Foreign Accts. 53. " Cal of Pat. 1401-5, p. 120. "" List of Foreign Accts. 53. " Cal. of Pat. 1401-5, p. 483. '** List of Foreign Accts. 53. " Newcourt, op. cit. i, 340. "" Hennessy, op. cit. 379. " Cal. of Pat. 1422-9, p. 139. *'* List of Foreign Accts. 53. ^ Ibid. 53. '^ Ibid. 53. *' Hennessy, op. cit. 379. "* List of Foreign Accts. 54. *' Hennessy, op. cit. 379. Thomas Kirkeby, how- ever, accounted every year from 27 to 38 Hen. VI. List of Foreign Accts. 54. Thomas Kirkeby, appointed 1 46 1 *' Robert Kirkham, appointed 1 46 1 *' William Morland, appointed 1 47 1 *' John Alcock, appointed 1 47 1 *^ John Morton, appointed 1472,'" occurs 1478-9 ^'^ Robert Morton, occurs 1479-80,'* and 1481 " Thomas Barowe, occurs 1483'' Robert Morton and William Elliot, appointed 1485" David Williams, appointed 1487** John Blith, appointed 1492 '* William Warham, appointed 1494'' William Barons, appointed 1502 " Christopher Bainbrigg, appointed 1504** John Young, appointed 1508'' Cuthbert Tunstall, appointed 15 16** John Clerk, appointed 1522'°^ Thomas Hannibal, appointed 1523 '"" John Taylor, appointed 1527 '"' Thomas Cromwell, appointed 1534,'*'^ re- signed 1536 ^°° Christopher Hales, esq., appointed 1536'"* Robert Southwell, knt., appointed 1 541 '*" John Beaumont, appointed 1550'*'' Robert Bows, appointed 1552 ^''"' Nicholas Hare, appointed 1553 ^*''' William Cordell, appointed 1557 ^'"'' Gilbert Gerard, appointed 1589 ^^' John Egerton, appointed 1594 '*"' Edward Bruce, appointed 1603 ^^^ Edward Phillips, appointed 1608^"" * Cal. of Pat. 1461-7, p. 147. ^ Ibid. 82. »« Ibid. 1467-77, p. 245. '' Ibid. 259. According to Hennessy, op. cit. 379, he had been appointed before in 1462, but the ap- pointment is not mentioned in the Calendar of Patent Rolls. '» CaL of Pat. 1467-77, p. 334 *^ List of Foreign Accts, 54 ^^ Cal. of Pat. 1476-85, p. 285. «»- Ibid. He had been 71- granted the reversion of the office in 1477. Ibid '-' Ibid. 462. " Newcourt, op. cit. i, 340. ■» Ibid. *' Hennessy, op. cit. 379. ~ Ibid. " Ibid. ** Ibid. =" Ibid. "» Ibid. «" Ibid. "" Ibid. '»» Ibid. "« Ibid. "» L. and P. Hen. Fill, xi, 202 (17). "^ Ibid. '" Hennessy, op. cit. 379. ""^ Newcourt, op. cit. i. 341. '"''' Ibid. '"" Ibid. »«« Ibid. '"« Ibid. """ Ibid. ""' Ibid. '"= Ibid. 554 RELIGIOUS HOUSES COLLEGES 33. THE COLLEGIATE CHURCH OF ST. MARTIN LE GRAND The dedication in honour of St. Martin, a favourite saint of Christian Britain, and archi- tectural remains found in the nineteenth century, point to the early existence of a church in this place,' but nothing certain is known except that in 1068 William the Conqueror confirmed a grant of lands made a few months before by a certain Ingelric to the church of St. Martin in London, which he and his brother Girard had built at their own cost as a foundation of secular canons.^ Ingelric, who was a priest, most prob- ably of foreign origin, appears to have held an official position under both Edward the Con- fessor and William,' and in consequence the college was from the first not only well endowed but highly privileged. To the lands given by Ingelric, viz. Easter, Mashbury, Norton, Stan- ford, Fobbing, 'Benedist' Chrishall, Tolleshunt, Rivenhall, and Ongar, a hide in Benfleet, a hide in Hoddesdon, and 2 hides with the church in Mal- don, William added some land and moor outside Cripplegatc ; he made the college free from all episcopal and archidiaconal exactions and from services due to the crown, and granted them sac and soc, tol and team, infangcnthcf, blodwyte, burghbricc, miskenning, &c.* The king directed the canons to choose of their number a suitable guardian of their goods who should keep them faithfully and distribute to each his share without deceit, so that the rest, freed from care, might devote themselves to prayer.' This appears to have been the origin of the deanery. Ingelric became the first dean,' but, like a number of his successors, seems still to have remained a royal official,' and so far de- tached from the college that the possessions of the deanery could be regarded as his private property.* The confusion caused by this dual capacity may be responsible for the grant made • Kempe, The Ch. of St. Martin le Grand, 5, 6. The foundation of the church has been variously ascribed to Cadwallein, to his followers in his memory, and to Wythred king of Kent. Tanner, 'Notit. Mon. ; Harl. MS. 261, fol. 107. ' Doc. of D. and C. ofWestm. Reg. St. Martin le Grand, fol. i ; Lansd. MS. 170 (a transcript of the register), fol. 52 ; Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 1324. ' Round, The Commune of London, 28, 36. * Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 1324. ' Ibid. ' Kempe, op. cit. 10 ; Round, The Commune of London, 28. ' Round, op. cit. ' Charter of Count Eustace, Reg. of St. Martin le Grand, fol. \ob ; Lansd. MS. 170, fol. 61 ; Kempe, op. cit. 34. by the Conqueror on Ingelric's death of the church of St. Martin and all its property to Eustace count of Boulogne.^ If a charter in which the king refers to St. Martin's as his royal free chapel is rightly attributed to Henry I — though on this point there is room for doubt '° — it is difficult to say what relations were established by this grant between the church and the count. Otherwise it would seem that Eustace thus became patron, for William Rufus, after a quarrel with the count, seized the land outside Cripplegate belonging to the church ; " Queen Matilda, the heiress of Boulogne, speaks of ' my canons of St. Martin's,' '^ and William count of Boulogne was styled ' ad- vocatus' of St. Martin's in 11 58." There is also no evidence of the appointment of a dean by the king, as such, before the death of Count William in 1 1 60 ; as the Boulogne inheritance then passed to a woman, '^ it is possible that Henry II took the opportunity to make fresh arrangements with regard to the lands and rights of the honour. The tie between St. Martin's and the Boulogne family being of this nature, the college might reasonably expect its fortune to rise when the heiress of Boulogne became queen ; and it is perhaps worth notice that of the two churches added to St. Martin's in the reign of Henry I, St. Botolph's Aldersgate was given by Thurstan, a priest,^' and St. Mary's Newport, through Roger '° bishop of Salisbury, the dean, probably » Reg of St. Martin le Grand, fol. \ob. " It is dated 39th year, so that unless the scribe made a mistake in transcription the charter cannot have been by Henry I. Reg. fol. 7 ; Lansd. MS. 1 70, fol. 57 ; Kempe, op. cit. 39. " Reg. of St. Martin's, fol. 1 1 ; Lansd. MS. 170, fol. 62 ; Kempe, op. cit. 34. In a writ of King Stephen to Richard de Lucy and the sheriff of Essex, the phrase occurs ' as Roger bishop of Salisbury best held in the time of Count Eustace of Boulogne, and hence- forth up to the death of King Henry,' Reg. fol. 21. " Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. St. Martin le Grand, parcel 2, Cartul. of St. Martin, item 116. " Ibid. St. Martin le Grand, parcel 4, No. 13247. '* Mary, William's sister, who was at that time abbess of Romscy, but received a papal dispensation to marry the count of Flanders. Diet. Nat. Biog. zxxvii, 54. " Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Cartul. of St. Martin le Grand, item 1 20. '« Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. St. Martin le Grand, parcel i, an exemplification in 1440 of an in- speximus of Edward III. Henry I, at the petition of Roger bishop of Salisbury, grants to the church of St. Martin the church of Newport, which the canons after the death of Bishop Roger shall hold free and quit for ever. 555 A HISTORY OF LONDON by him ; while in Stephen's reign it was Queen Matilda herself who granted as provision for another canon the churches of Chrishall and Witham, with the chapel of Cressing.^'' King Stephen, moreover, gave to the canons free warren on their lands of Easter, Norton, Maiden, and Tolleshunt.'* The position of the church, however, at this time, was most unenviable, and nothing gives a better idea of the utter anarchy then prevailing than the history of St. Martin's. Although the college could depend on the favour of both parties in the Civil War, for when the empress was in power *' it was secure through its dean, Henry de Blois bishop of Winchester, her supporter, yet its property was seized again and again by various persons under cover of the general disorder. Their land at Aldersgate,-" Cripplegate,-' Maldon,-^ and elsewhere ^' was all taken from the canons at different times, and Geoffrey de Mandeville not only deprived them of the church of Newport -■• and its appurtenances, but committed depredations on other possessions of theirs in Essex.^' It may have been before the beginning of the war that the rebuilding of St. Martin's or some extensive addition to the church was undertaken, since Nigel bishop of Ely offered an indulgence of forty days to those of his diocese who contributed,-^ and he was more likely to be interested in St. Martin's while his " Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Cartul. of St. Mar- tin le Grand, item 124. ; also St. Martin le Grand, parcel i, Exemplif. of 1440. " Reg. of St. Martin le Grand, fol. 10 ; Lansd. MS. 170, fol. 61 ; Kempe, op. cit. 55. " The empress ordered Osbert Octodeniers to seise Henry bishop of Winchester of certain lands in London, which belonged to the deanery of St. Martin, and of which he and his church had been disseised, as De.in Roger and Fulcher had held them. Reg. of St. Martin's, fol. 12 ; Lansd. MS. 1 70, fol. 63 ; Kempe, op. cit. 51. '" See Stephen to Osbert Octodeniers and all the barons of London, Reg. fol. 11^; Kempe, op. cit. 44. " Henry bishop of Winchester to the justices and sheriffs of London. He speaks of the canons h.iving long sustained unjust spoliation within and without the City, and requests that they may restore their property without Cripplegate. Reg. fol. 11^; Kempe, op. cit. 63. " Letters of Stephen and the bishop of Winchester as to the land at Maldon. Reg. fol. izb ; Kempe, op. cit. 45. " It is evident from a letter of Queen Matilda to Baldwin de Witsand that they were not allowed peace- ful possession of their land at Good Easter. Cartul. item 139 ; Reg. fol. 21 ; Kempe, op. cit. 58. '* Ibid. " Geoffrey's letter ordering that the canons' corn at Good Easter shall be restored to them. Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Cartul. of St. Martin, item 133 ; Kempe, op. cit. 61. »« Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Cartul. of St. Mar- tin, item 129. uncle, Roger of Salisbury, was dean. If so, the work probably extended over some years, for the begging letter sent out by the college speaks of the troubles of the kingdom as having affected the church.^' The canons, to induce liberality, promised to receive all who helped this cause into the fraternity of their church, and set forth the various remissions of penance offered to the charitable : forty days by the bishop of Win- chester to those of his diocese who gave alms ; fifteen days by Alberic, bishop of Ostia- and papal legate, to all benefactors of St. Martin's ; and forty days every year to those who on 4 July, the anniversary of the dedication, visited the church and made an offering. W. bishop of Norwich, besides aiding the canons in this way, gave them leave to preach in the cause ot their church throughout his diocese.^^ The gift of a piece of the cloth in which the body of St.Cuthbert had been wrapped, ^^made to St. Martin's by Hugh bishop of Durham at some time between 11 71 and 1 189, may have had some connexion with these building operations, for such a relic, even without the bishop of London's indulgence,'" must have been a great financial benefit ; it is more probably, however, a sign of the important position already held by St. Martin's. The year 1 158 marks the constitution of the prebends of St. Martin's.'^ William I had ordered the ' Custos ' of the property of the college to assign a proper portion to each canon, but the arrangement cannot have been wholly satisfactory, since it was at the request of the canons that the share of each was fixed. The dean was to have the church of Newport and land to the value of 20s. in Tolleshunt, the pre- bend being called Newport ; '- Maldon provided for two canons, one of whom was called pre- bendary of Keton ;^^ out of Good Easter were formed four prebends, known afterwards as Imbers, Fawkeners, Paslowes, and Burghs or Bowers ; '* the church and land of Chrishall, lox. " Ibid, item 109. The letter was taken round by Thomas, chaplain of St. Martin's. "* Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. St. Martin le Grand, parcel 2. W. was bishop of Norwich 1146-75. ■' Ibid. The event occurred when G. de Luci held the deanery. ^° Gilbert bishop of London offered twenty days' relaxation of penance to the parishioners of St. Paul's who visited St. Martin's within twenty days of the anniversary of the reception of the relic. Cartul. item 144. '' Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. St. Martin le Grand, parcel 4, No. 13247; ibid. Reg. of St. Martin, fol. lo;^; Lansd. MS. 170, fol. 6ib ; Kempe, op. cit. 65, 66. " It is called by that name in a document of 1 39 1. Doc. of D. andC. of Westm. No. 1331 1. ^^ Ibid. St. Martin le Grand, parcel 3, No. I 32 1 5. The other is probably that known as Cowpes. " Ibid. No. 13268, No. 1002 ; Morant, Hist, of Essex, li, 458. ;^6 RELIGIOUS HOUSES in Tolleshunt and lOj. in Hoddesdon made an estate for another canon,^' and land worth looj. within and without London for the eighth ; the land assigned for the support of the ninth lay in Norton and ' Selga,' and appears to have been the prebend called Norton-Newerks.^^ The rest of their lands in and without London, the church of Witham, the chapel of Bonhunt," the tithes of Tolleshunt, and anything in future accruing, were settled on the community of canons residing in the church. The canons resident might be absent on their business four times a year, if they were not away more than fifteen days. If they should be absent constantly, clerks must be appointed as substitutes. The canons, moreover, who did not frequent the church had to find suitable vicars, paying to them 2 marks a year, to the community of canons a mark, or half a mark if their absence were for study, and to the work of the church half a mark. The issues of the church of Maldon were to be devoted to the lights of St. Martin's, and the tithe of Good Easter to the work of that church. A further readjustment was found necessary a few years later, and in the time of Godfrey de Lucy'* some land which had belonged to the prebend of the dean and that of Master Ivo de Cornwall was assigned to the holder of the London prebend, the dean receiving in exchange the chapel of Bonhunt and land in London valued at 15^., and Master Ivo land there worth 12s. dd. The thirteenth century is an important period in the history of St. Martin's ; it is a time of disputes and settlements of titles to possessions, of internal development, and of the establishment of its rights and immunities as a royal free chapel. Up to about 1250 there is a continual succession of agreements and suits : Innocent III in 1203 confirmed a composition made between St. Martin's and the House of the Holy Spirit at Writtle over tithes ; '' in 1235 Roger bishop of London, by command of the pope, settled a dis- pute between the dean and chapter of St. Martin's and the chaplain of St. Nicholas Shambles, about a pension ; ^ the vicar of St. Botolph's Alders- " A prebend cilled Chrishall figures in a list temp. Hen. VII. Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. No. 13324. '* Ibid. No. I 3 3 1 4. " Wicken Bonhunt. " Henry bishop of Winchester claimed the chapel of ' Bonant ' as belonging to his church of Newport. Cartul. of St. Martin's, item 1 18. The dispute of the canons with the bishop over this chapel may have occasioned the letter of Thomas archbishop of Canterbury to them. In this he stated that he had received the mandate of the pope to protect anything belonging to the jurisdiction of the bishop, and commanded the canons to obey him as their dean. Reg. fol. 17 ; Kempe, op. cit. 68. »' Doc. of D. and C of Westm. St. Martin le Grand, parcel 2. *" Ibid. Lond. C. gate seems to have refused to pay the pension owing from his church at intervals between 1225 and 1349, and as a result there were constant legal proceedings against him ; ^^ in 1236 the college was engaged in a suit against the priory of Brissant ; *^ an agreement was made at the same date by Herbert, canon of St. Martin's, and the rector of Old Ongar about some property ; *' in 1238 Pope Gregory XI ordered an inquiry into the complaints of the dean and chapter against the abbot and convent of Walden, the master of the Temple, and other persons for injuries done to them in the matter of tithes, possessions, and legacies ; " and in 1253 ^ case was begun be- tween St. Martin's and St. John's, Colchester.^^ The most striking change, perhaps, in the college itself, was the foundation, about 1240, of a new prebend *^ for two additional canons.^' It was called Newland, and was formed out of pro- perty in Good Easter,^' acquired for this purpose by Herbert, the canon mentioned above, who was chamberlain of St. Martin's," and altogether an important member of that church.'" It may be inferred that perpetual vicars were established in 1 1 58 by the article ordaining that every non- resident canon was to appoint a vicar. They undoubtedly formed part of the college in 1228, for canon Richard de Elmham left by will in 1228 to each vicar I2d., and to their refectory a cloth and a towel.*^ As in 1 304 there were only two resident canons" there should then have been eight perpetual vicars, or ten if the prebend of Newland be considered. Some statutes that date from the late fifteenth century, but are prob- ably a recapitulation of earlier rules,^' declare *' Ibid. Lond. B. box z (l) ; ibid. Lond. B. box 3. *' Ibid. St. Martin le Grand, parcel 4, No. 13245. " Ibid, parcel 4, No. 13253. " Ibid, parcel 2. " Ibid, parcel 2 and parcel 4, No. 13246. " The dean and chapter in that year leased to Herbert for his life a tenement in Newland which they had of his gift. Ibid, parcel 4, No. 13269. " There is in the Cartulary of St. Martin's a bull of Pope Innocent confirming the grant of the prebend to two canons. It was also held by two canons at the time of the appropriation of St. Martin's to Westminster Abbey. Ibid, parcel 4, No. 13301- '^Ibid.parcel 3, No. 13215. "Ibid. '° There are many notices of him scattered among the documents relating to St. Martin's, especially in the Cartulary and in No. 1 32 1 5. He was acting as procurator of the college in 1 238. Cal. of Pat. 1232-47, p. 2 I 8. " Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. St. Martin le Grand, parcel 4, No. I 3262. " Ibid, parcel 4, No. 13272. " Ibid, parcel 2. Statutes of the college of St. Martin's and oaths to be taken by the vicars perpetual and canons resident. The rule that a canon might bequeath a year's fruits of his prebend by will is older than the time of Geoffrey de Boclande, who allowed a canon to do the same when he left to join a stricter community. Ibid, parcel 2. 557 A HISTORY OF LONDON that each prebend shall find a vicar priest for service in the church except the prebend of Maldon, which ought to have a vicar deacon, and the prebend of Norton which finds the vicar sub-deacon. In 1503 there were eight per- petual vicars who were priests,'^ so that it would seem that at one time there must have been in all ten vicars. There were seven vicars in 1235, for they witness a document," but whether there were more at that date it is impossible to say. In 1254 two chantries for the souls of Thomas Mauger and William de Winton, to be served by two perpetual vicars, were established in St. Martin's,^* and the terms of foundation leave ;t at least uncertain whether two new vicarages were not then created." If, however, the number of vicars was complete in 1254, these chantries may be regarded as a first attempt to supplement the original provision for the vicarages. That something needed to be done in this direction was probably even then evident, but no general measures were taken until Dean Louis of Savoy ordained ^' in 1279 that as the vicars could not live on what they received, each was to have \2d. a week, and that the canons should have of the gift of Adam de Fyleby, chamberlain of the church, in compensation for the diminution of their commons, the manor of Parva Benfleet, 7 acres of land in Good Easter, and houses and rents in London. St. Martin's was one of the three churches in which the abbot of Abingdon ordered the sen- tence of excommunication and interdict against the baronial party and the city of London to be published,*' and the dean, Geoffrey dc Boclande, and the chapter were excommunicated with the canons of Holy Trinity and of St. Paul's for their refusal to obey. These three churches were no doubt selected for this work as the most important in London, but if a further reason for the choice is sought it may perhaps be found in the intimate connexion of the cathedral and priory with the City, and the peculiar position of St. Martin's, especially in relation to the crown. The possession of the honour of Boulogne and the kingdom of England for a time by one person would undoubtedly foster the idea that " Doc. ofD.andC. of Wesm. parcel 3 , No. 1 3 2 1 5 . " The settlement by Roger, bishop of London, about the church of St. Nicholas Shambles. Ibid. London, C. " Ibid. London, O-V. See also Inspeximus of John de Heselarton. Ibid. St. Martin le Grand, parcel 2. " ' Idem presbiteri nomina perpetuorum vicariorum fortiantur cum aliis vicariis ecclesie in mensa et dor- mitorio moraturi.' Ibid. London O-V. ** Ibid. St. Martin le Grand, parcel 2, Inspeximus of Dean John de Heselarton ; ibid, parcel 3, No. 13215. " Roger of Wendover, Chron. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 1 74. St. Martin's was a royal chapel, and facilitate its becoming one in fact on the death of Count William. It is just after this event that the king first appears incontestably as patron,™ though the candidate for the post of dean had thought it expedient to use the influence of the abbess of Romsey, the representative of the Boulogne family." Richard *^ and John ^' subsequently appointed the dean as if by undoubted right. It was, however, some time before the point was reached when the king regarded an infringement of its privileges as an attack on his royal preroga- tive. When in the reign of Henry II an attempt was made by the archdeacon of Essex to exact dues from the church of Maldon, which was exempt as belonging to St. Martin's, it was the archbishop who intervened at the request of the canons.^ In 1225 a similar case occurred, but it was treated in very different fashion. The arch- deacon of Colchester tried to exact procurations from the church of Newport, and on the dean's refusal to pay impleaded him in virtue of papal letters before the archdeacon, chancellor, and dean of Oxford. The king, after ordering the archdeacon of Colchester in vain to desist from his suit, forbade the judges to proceed in the matter, as it might be prejudicial to his royal dignity." On another occasion, when Henry, rector of St. Leonard's, brought a cause in Court Christian in 1238 against Herbert, canon and procurator of St. Martin's,** about certain things touching the state and liberties of that church, the king directed that the case should be stopped until he had appealed to the pope. Again in 1250 Henry summoned Fulk, bishop of London, to answer for exacting jurisdiction in the churches of Newport and Chrishall which as prebendal churches of St. Martin's were not subject to the ordinary.*' The struggle thus begun continued for a century, and Henry's successors showed themselves equally determined in their mainten- ance of the exemptions of their chapel. ^ When the king made William son of Count Theobald dean subject to the consent of the bishop of Winchester (Cartulary, item 149). There is also no reason to doubt that the King Henry who gave a charter of protection to his free chapel of St. Martin's was Hen. II as supposed. Reg. fol. 7 ; Lansd. MS. 170, fol. 57. *' William son of Count Theobald says the king gave him the deanery ' for love of my father, and at the prayer of the abbess of Romsey.' Cartulary, item 149. "Cart. Antiq. R., RR. (16). "Cart. Antiq. R., H. (l). " Reg. fol. 17 ; Lansd. MS. 170, fol. 6U ; Kempe, op. cit. 68. " Rol. Lit. Claus. (Rec. Com.), ii, 80. ^ Cal. of Pat. 1 2 3 2-47, p. 2 1 8. " Reg. fol. 1 8 ; Lansd. MS. 1 70, fol. 70. 558 RELIGIOUS HOUSES Archbishop Peckham involved himself in a difficulty with Edward I for excommunicating the dean who had opposed the exercise of any jurisdiction but his own in Newport,'* and the same king utterly forbade procurations to be exacted from St. Martin's on behalf of two car- dinals in 1295.*' The procurations demanded by the papal nuncio in 1309,'" and by the col- lectors of the cardinal of Sts. Marcellinus and Peter, and the cardinal of St. Mary in Via Lata in 13 17'' were likewise prohibited by the king who in 1 3 13 ordered the bishop of London to refrain from his attempt to exercise authority in St. Martin's and the churches annexed.'^ Although the king in pursuance of his policy with regard to the royal chapels had refused to allow papal provisions to prebends,'' he yet re- ceived the support of the pope. Clement V in 1306 forbade delegates or sub- delegates of the pope to promulgate sentences of excommunication, suspension or interdict against the king or his chapels without special licence of the apostolic see,'* and in 1317 John XXII inhibited any ordinary, delegate, or sub-delegate to publish sentences, or do anything contrary to the exemptions of the king's free chapels." This freedom from all authority except that of the king, while it secured for the college a powerful position against the outside world, had drawbacks both material and spiritual. From the first the deanery was held by a royal official, and in many cases it can only have been bestowed for services to the king without any regard to the recipient's fitness for such a post. Dean Guy de Rossilian was freed in 1248 by papal indul- gence from the obligation to take holy orders,'^ and William de Marchia, the treasurer, dean in 1 29 1, was only a sub-deacon.'' It must be re- membered, too, that the canons, who were appointed by the dean," were of the same class as himself, clerks attached to the households of royal or noble personages," and holding many ^ Reg. Eplst. John Peckham (Rolls Ser.), i, i 84. ^' Cal. of Close, 1288-96, p. 423. '° Ibid. 1307-13, p. 236. "Ibid. I 313-18, p. 596. "Ibid. 84. "Hen. Ill in 1238 opposed the attempt of the legate to give a prebend in St. Martin's to a clerk in virtue of papal letters. Cal. of Pat. 1232-47, p. 227. In 1303 Edw. I ordered the dean and chapter to ignore the papal provisions made to Henry nato Braunche de Sarracenis. Reg. fol. 20. Lansd. 170, fol. 71^. '* R)mer, Foedera (Rec. Com.), i (4), 45 ; Kcmpe, op. cit. 89. " Cal. of Pap. Letters, ii, 43 3. 'Mbid. i, 242. "Ibid, i, 530. " The right was granted by John to Richard Brlger with the deanery in 1 199 (Cart. Antiq. H (l), and Harl. 6748, fol. 18), and was given to the dean for ever by the charter of Hen. Ill to Walter de Kirkeham. Cott. MS. Claud. D, ii, fol. 129^. " C 19, 39' 53,72> 121, 205, &c. " Doc. of D. and. C. of Westm. St. Martin le Grand, parcel 2. " In April, 1298, he went to Rome. Cal. of Pat. 1 292-1 30 1, p. 337. The next year he was still abroad. Ibid. 404. Royal letters of protection issued in 1302, 1304, and 1305 show that he was not in England then. Ibid. 1 301— 7, pp. 28, 234, 316. ^ Appeal of Giles de Audenardo, chamberlain of St. Martin's, on behalf of his fellow canons against the dean in 1 301. Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. St. Martin le Grand, parcel 4, No. 13268. ^ The number is considerable. Godfrey de Lucy became bishop of Winchester in 1 1 89, William de Ste. Mire Eglise, bishop of London in 11 99, Luke was promoted to the see of Dublin in 1229, Henry de Wengham to the see of London in 1260, William de Champvent to Lausanne, 1274, William of Louth to Ely in 1290, Peter of S.ivoy to Lyons in I 308. 559 A HISTORY OF LONDON repair of the church, the payment of commons, and to salaries were applied to other uses.** The commissioners appointed by the king to make the visitation attributed the blame largely to the dean, Richard de Ellesfield,'* and he was removed. Twenty years afterwards, in 1343, another inquiry was necessary owing to the waste and dilapidation of the church and its possessions through the negligence of its deans,*' and in 1344 a lawsuit had arisen because Dean John de Heselarton, after declining to take the part he should have in the election of the master of the hospital of St. Leonard Newport, which was sub- ject to St. Martin's, had refused to admit the priest elected, and had committed the custody of the hou^e to another.*^ On the occasion of the visitation of 1343 the two canons resi- dent had a grievance against Heselarton about the portion assigned to them from the commons of the church on account of residence, and it was ordained by the Lord Chancellor in 1345 that they and future canons resident were to receive /20 a year between them besides pit- tances and obits.*' An extensive improvement to the church appears to have taken place between 1258 and 1 261 when Henry III gave the canons marble columns and* stone for the construction of a pulpit, some sculptured figures of kings for decoration and 200 freestones for the chapel of St. Blaise.'" It is not unlikely that the bishops of Coventry, Durham and Laodicea in offering relaxation of penance in 1260 to those who visited and prayed at the tomb of Matilda de la Fauconere de la Wade in St Martin's'^ may have intended to help the church as well as benefit Matilda's soul. The dean and chapter certainly secured a great benefit for themselves by obtain- ing permission in 1286 to close the road running from Foster Lane to St. Nicholas Shambles,'* as the canons had found the public road between their houses and the church so inconvenient that in the reign of Henry III they had spanned it with causeways. '^ Although the outside world was thus shut out it could still make itself painfully evident to the ministers of St. Martin's, for dung-heaps were raised by the neighbours so near the wall of the close that, as the dean and chapter complained in 1331, the air in their church and dwellings was corrupted.'* Unless ^'' Cal. of Pat. 1321-4, pp. 355 and 385. "^Cal. of Close, 1323-7. P- 303- " Cal. of Pat. I 343-5, p. 99, 1 85. ^ Ibid. pp. 329, 346. *' Doc. of D. and. C. of Westm. Cartulary dono. A claim was made under this settlement in the six- teenth centur\'. Ibid. No. 13215. ™ Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. i, App. i, 95. " Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. St. Martin le Grand, parcel 2. '' Ibid, parcel I. '' Ibid. Henry III gave them leave to do so in 1257. *' Ibid, parcel 2, Cartulary Jcrso. the buildings of St. Martin's had been greatly neglected it is hardly conceivable that the wind could have played such havoc with the church, bell-towers and cloisters that the canons despaired of repairing them and in 1360 thought of abandoning the place.'* The state of affairs disclosed in 1343 could not have been remedied at once, and a bequest of Dean Useflete shows that the cloister at least needed some repairs in 1348,'* the eve of the Black Death. This terrible epidemic by carrying off the cultivators left the lands of the college waste and desolate, and its income consequently inadequate even to the ordinary expenditure." The situation was saved in 1360 by the munificence of the dean, William de Wykeham, who at his own expense not only restored but beautified the church and cloister, and built a chapter-house adorned with a worked stone ceiling.'* This new chapel was consecrated and dedicated " to the Holy Trinity '"^ in 1378. It is evident that the resources of St. Martin's had received from the Plague a blow from which they took long to recover : in 1372 the pope granted a special indulgence to those visiting the church on certain feast-days during the next twenty years ; ^"^ in 1381 the king exempted the canons from payments of tenths and subsidies during the life of Walter Skirlawe, then dean,'"^ a term extended to thirty years in 1384,'"' and in 1385 gave them the advowson of the church of Bassingbourn with licence to appropriate.^"* The income of the church or its ministers '"* was augmented during this period by the endowment of a chantry by Joan Hemenhale in 1361,'"^ of others by John Band, canon resident, in 1370*°'' and Thomas Stodelee in 1395,'"* and the appropriation to St. Martin's in 1399 of St. Botolph's without Aldersgate."" It is clear that in the fourteenth century the position of St. Martin's as a royal free chapel was secure, for its ecclesiastical immunities rather increased than diminished, A suit in 1354 over the tithes and oblations of St. Alphage's Cripplegate was brought by the former parson of " Dr. Button's excerpt from Pat. Rolls, Harl. 6960, given in Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 1323. '^ He left for this purpose twenty-four cows and a bull to the college. Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 2. " Cal. of Pap. Letters, vi, 208. °' Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 1323. " Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Cartulary dorso. "" Ibid. St. Martin le Grand, parcel 3, No. 13215. "" Cal. of Pap. Letters, iv, 177. "" Cal. of Pat. 1377-81, p. 619. Ibid. 1381-5, p. 375. Ibid. p. 552 '" The chantries of Hemenhale and Band were each served by a perpetual vicar. Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. No. 132 15. •"•^ Sharpe, Cal. of mils, ii, 46. "" Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. London L. i, 2. ™ Cal. of Pat. I 391-6, p. 639. "" Lend. Epis. Reg. Braybook, fol. 176. 560 RELIGIOUS HOUSES that church against the priest who then held it, and because the advowson belonged to St. Martin's, though the church was not appropri- ated, it was held that the Court of Canterbury had no jurisdiction.^^" Again in 1 38 1 the king claimed that the dean of St. Martin's had from time immemorial exercised all ordinary jurisdic- tion within the Tower of London, a right not based on any existing charter, and that the bishop of London had exceeded his powers in placing the Tower chapel under an inter- dict."» In the fifteenth century St. Martin's had, however, to meet a formidable attack from another quarter on different grounds. The City beyond trying once or twice to make the college pay part of a tallage,^'^ had hitherto scarcely questioned its special privileges."' While, how- ever, it was becoming even more conscious of itself as a corporate body and more jealous and resentful of exemptions from its dominion within its bounds, the evils caused by the privileges of St. Martin's did not grow less. As the elements of disorder increased during the reign of Richard II, the precinct of the church owing to its right of sanctuary became a nest of corrup- tion. In 1402 the Commons complained to the king in Parliament '^^ that apprentices and servants carried off their master's goods to St. Martin's and lived there on the proceeds of the sale, that forgers took up their abode and carried on their nefarious work there, that the inhabi- tants of the place bought in the City things for which no payment could be obtained, and that robbers and murderers used the place as a con- venient refuge from which they issued to commit fresh crimes. The king ordered that the privileges should be shown before the council, and that there should be reasonable remedy, but evidently nothing was done. In 1430 the mayor and sheriffs took the law in their own hands and forcibly removed from the sanctuary a certain canon of Waltham,"' but they had to put him back. Undaunted by this check the sheriffs in 1440 took away from St. Martin's a soldier and the men who had "° Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Cartulary dorso. "' Ibid. '" There is a writ of King Edward to the mayor and sheriffs of London, and another to the treasurer and barons of the exchequer about the exemption of St. Martin's from tallage. Reg. fol. 9 and ()b ; Lansd. MS. 170, fol. 59 and 59^. Kempe says the attempt was made in 1 3 14, op. cit. I 03. "' King Edward, but which one is not clear, in a letter to the mayor and sheriffs speaics of their having taken away transgressors found within the close, and says that such an act is 'in contempt of us an J our crown.' Reg. fol. 9 ; Lansd. MS. 170, fol. 59^. '" Pad. R. (Rec. Com.), iii, 504^. '" Reg. of St. Martin le Grind, fol. 27^, 28^ ; Kempe, op. cit. 113. I 56 rescued him as he was being taken from the prison of Newgate to the Guildhall. The dean and chapter appealed to the king, and in spite of the resistance of the City they won the day."« One of the sheriffs and some of the goldsmiths of London in 1448 visited the shops of their craft in the precinct. The dean did not oppose their examination but prevented its being used as a precedent against the immunities of the place by himself ordering anything condemned by them to be destroyed and the offenders to be committed to prison."' Although the privileges of St. Martin's were found to hold good even against the king himself as the cases of William Caym ^'* and Sir William Oldhall"^ in 145 1 sufficiently proved, the abuses of the right of sanctuary were too notorious to be ignored any longer, and the council in 1457 ordained ^'^ that persons taking refuge there should be registered by the dean ; that they should not retain their weapons ; that control should be kept over notorious criminals ; that stolen goods should be restored to their owners if they claimed them ; that makers of counterfeit plate and jewels should not be allowed in the sanctuary ; that men exercising their trades there should observe the rules of the city in this respect; and that vice should not be countenanced. The exemptions of St. Martin's outlived the church itself, though the right of sanctuary was curtailed under Henry VIII. Considering the relations that had always existed between the dean and the sovereign, it would not have been easy for him to remain neutral amid the dynastic changes which now took place. Dean Stillington did not make the attempt, but threw in his lot with the Yorkists, and was employed by Richard III in the negotia- tions with the duke of Brittany for the surrender of the duke of Richmond. ^^^ As a natural consequence he was removed when Richmond became king, James Stanley being put in his place.'^^ In 1503 St. Martin's le Grand entered on a new phase, for it was appropriated with all its possessions except the prebend of Newland to the use of Westminster Abbey as part of the endowment of the chapel founded there by "° Ibid. fol. 33-48 ; Kempe, op. cit. 1 17-32. "' Reg. fol. 58 ; Kempe, op. cit. 133. "* Caym, one of the followers of Jack Cade, took refuge there, and the dean kept him in his prison, but would not give him up. Reg. fol. 58 ; Kempe, op. cit. 136—7. '" The king, suspecting him of treason, set persons to watch him while in sanctuary. The dean how- ever insisted that they should be withdrawn. Reg. fol. 6oi> ; Kempe, op. cit. 140-4 ; Devon, Issues of the Exch. 476. "" Stow, Surv, of Land. (ed. Strype), iii, 103 and 104. '" Diet. Nat. Blog. liv, 378. ™ Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), vi, 292a. I 71 A HISTORY OF LONDON Henry VII.'*' Stanley became bishop of Ely in 1506,^-* and must have given up his deanery then if he had not done so before ; ^-^ the pre- bends of Keton,i2» Cowpes/-' Chrishall,'-'" Imbers,"" Paslowes,"" Knight's Tolleshunt,''' and Good Easter'" were resigned by their holders between February, 1503, and May, 1504; those of Fawkeners and Burghs appear to have been vacant. '^^ The abbey gained the issues of these estates, and the chapel services possibly lost little. There were still two canons resident and there seem not to have been more for two centuries,'^'' in 1391, indeed, there was only one.'^* On the other hand the number of vicars may have been reduced : the accounts of 1391 mention eigh- teen vicars, a sacrist, and a clerk ; those of 1385, seventeen vicars, a sacrist, and a clerk,''^ while after the appropriation there were eight vicars, three clerks, a sacrist, the keeper of the 'vestiarium,' '" and the clerk of the church. There were four choir boys in 1503 as in 1304.'^* No great changes can have been introduced until 1508 for the protest of John Fisher, one of the prebendaries of Newland, was made in November of that year.''' Fisher complained that the abbot, with the bishops of London and Winchester, had visited the chapel, had abolished the ancient statutes and customs of the place without the consent of the canons and vicars per- petual, had taken away the common seal, and deprived the canons and vicars of their fruits and obventions, and Fisher himself of the emolu- ments of his prebend. The arbitrators decided in November, 1509, in favour of Fisher and his fellow canon : '^^ they were to have the arrears of their prebend, but were to expend almost the whole sum on the chapel ; they were to receive 5 marks a year each ; compensation was to be '" Harl. MS. 1498 ; Kempe, op. cit. 158. "' Did. Nat Biog. liv, 71. "' The fact that things were not much changed until 1508 seems to prove that Stanley held the deanery until I 506. "' Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. St. Martin le Grand, parcel 3, No. 13202. '" Ibid. No. 1320S. " "« Ibid. No. 13203. '" Ibid. No. 13205. »° Ibid. No. 13232. '" Ibid. No. 13233. '" Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. No. 1 3 199. "' In a document which seems to be a statement of what the ministers were receiving at the time of the appropriation these prebends are recorded as in the hands of the lord, one through the promotion of the last holder, the other through death. Ibid. No. 13215. '" Ibid. A bequest was made in a will of 1304 to the two canons then resident. Ibid. No. 13272. '" Ibid. No. 1 3 3 1 1 . >« Ibid. No. 1 3 3 1 o. '" Ibid. No. I 32 1 5. »s jbij_ No. 13272. "' Ibid. No. 13300. "Mbid. No. 13^02. given them for their loss of the profits of the convent seal ; '*' they were to enjoy the statutes and old constitution and were to have the presentation of four vicars' stalls. The statutes made by Abbot Islip for the college "^ will enable some idea to be formed not only of the daily life of the members, but also of their standard of conduct. Two of the most discreet of the chaplains were to be named every year, and to govern the others as the abbot's procura- tors ; each chaplain was to take his turn to act as seneschal for a fortnight and superintend the expenses of the house ; no one was habitually to absent himself from the services, and there was to be no talking in the choir or presbytery before and after, but especially at the time of service, except of matters pertaining to the divine office, and that in a low voice ; the priests were all to sleep in the dormitory unless they had good reason for their absence ; at table one of the priests was to read the Bible or some homily aloud that vain conversation might be avoided, and no one was to withdraw before grace had been said, except by leave of the procurator or seneschal ; no one was to write with his knife on the vessels, candlesticks or tables of the hall or rooms, nor wilfully tear the cloth or towel ; the priests were commanded under certain penalties not to cause quarrels or discords among themselves or reveal the secrets of the house, not to use angry words to each other or hit each other with swords or sticks within the hall or close ; the priests were to have tonsures and not to wear rings ; they were forbidden to use bad language ; they were not to engage in trade ; they were ordered not to bring any woman sus- pected or defamed by day or night within the close to their rooms. The college was suppressed in 1542, and all the members were pensioned, the one prebendary of Newland receiving J^20 a year, three vicars £^ each, another ^^6, the fifth £6 13;. ^.d., the sixth, who was to serve the cure, ;^io 16s. 6d., three clerks, 40^. each and two others, 53^. ^.d. each.'« The plate possessed by the church at the time of the Dissolution was considerable in weight at least, 194 oz. gilt, 182 oz. parcel gilt, and 144 oz. white. '■'■' The vestments both in quantity and quality appear to have been worthy of the place : ^*^ there were forty-six copes alone, some "' They were before paid 3/. 4^/. for affixing their seal to leases of property belonging to the commons. Ibid. No. 1 32 1 5. Each was now to have 3/. ^d. a year. Ibid. No. 13277. '" Ibid. St. Martin le Grand, parcel 2. '" L. and P. Hen. Vlll, xvii, 74. '" Aug. Accts. ibid, xvii, 258. '" Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Misc. parcel 63, No. 25. A large number was of course necessary, for the church had at any rate six chapels. Ibid. St. Martin le Grand, parcel 4, No. I 33 10 and parcel 3, No. 1 32 1 5. 562 RELIGIOUS HOUSES of them costly and beautiful, among which may be noted four of cloth of gold, the gift of Dean Cawdray ; another of the same material, the gift of Sir William Oldhall ;'■** one of red bawdekyn, with stars of gold and orphreys of white bawde- kyn ; two of white damask with arms of silver ; one of crimson velvet powdered with flowers and orphreys of green velvet ; a green one barred with gold, the orphreys of red velvet with stars and crowns of gold ; others decorated with birds and harts of gold, peacocks, eagles and dragons ; one of blue satin ' oysters fedders and roses,' and orphreys of ' red saten fyne gold ' ; and several with needlework orphreys. The income of the chapel in 1 29 1 amounted roughly to £20C)}*' In 1535 the annual value of its property then in the hands of the abbot of Westminster was worth about ;^356 is ()^d.^*^ but to this must be added the issues of the pre- bend of Newland and of eight chantries, equal to £^c)0 i8x. gc/.'^^ Among the possessions of St. Martin's were the prebends or manors of Imbers, Fawkeners, Paston, and Burghs,'*** and other property in Good Easter, possibly the manor of Newerks,'" and the manor of Mashbury, men- tioned in 1273 as held by the college ; '^^ lands in Knight's ToUeshunt, Norton,'" Maldon,''^ and North Benfleet, ''* co. Essex, and Hoddes- don, CO. Herts ; the rectory of St. Andrews, Good Easter, from early times a prebendal church ; '^^ the church of Newport Pound, of old appurtenant to the deanery ; '*' the church of Witham, where a vicarage was ordained in 1222 ; '^* the chapel of Creasing, which belonged to Witham ''' ; the prebendal church of Cris- '" Probably a thank oiFering after living in sanc- tuary at St. Martin's. '" Harl. MS. 60, fol. 9, ^b, 44, 58, 59, 62, 65, 73, 76, 86. '" Falor Eccl. (Rec. Com.), i, 41 1, 412. '" Ibid, i, 385. '" Morant, Hist, of Essex, ii, 458. Ct. R. of ' Pas- selewes Manor in Good Easter,' Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. No. 1002 ; Ct. R. of Imbers, No. 13268. '" Acct. of Collector of Rents, 1385. Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. No. I 33 10. In l 506 there was a prebend of Newerks in Good Easter. Ibid. No. 13314. '" The land at Mashbury, with the mill, was let to Canon Herbert in 1239. Ibid. No. 13274. The manor was let with the tithes of Good E.ister and Newland in 1 273. Ibid. No. 1 1 30. "^ The land in these two places formed two pre- bends. "•* L. and P. Hen. Fill, xvii, 714 (5). '"Property here belonged to the deans in 1 29 1 (Harl. 60, fol. 59 and 76), and the dc;in or the col- lege in the time of Hen. VII. Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. No. 13324. "«Ibid. No. 971. '" Cat. oflnq. p.m. 1, 808. '** Newcourt, Repert. Eccl. Lond. ii, 675. '*' Ibid, ii, 197. ; Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. No. 13287. hall,'^ the rectory of St. Mary of Maldon, or the prebends of Cowpes and Keton,'" co. Essex, and the rectory of Bassingbourn, co. Cambridge. A fair in Good Easter had been granted by the king in 1309,"^ and a portion of $$. from the chapel of Bonhunt, co. Essex, had been paid in 1 29 1.'" St. Martin's in 12 15 held one knight's fee in Mashbury.'^^ The tenements in London where the college had had holdings in eleven parishes in 1291 '" amounted in 1535 to about half the entire revenues.'^* St. Martin's also held the appro- priated church of St. Botolph without Alders- gate,'" and a pension of 65. id. from St. Katharine Coleman, 20s. from St. Nicholas Cole Abbey, and dos. from St. Nicholas Shambles, which had been paid in 1291,"^* in some cases much earlier.'^' In 1291, and presumably in 1535, the college possessed, besides the advowsons of the above churches,"''' those of the follow- ing : — St. Agnes, granted to St. Martin's between 1 140 and 11 60 by Abbot Gervase and the convent of Westminster ; '" St. Leonard Foster Lane, built within the precinct early in the thirteenth century ; ^^^ St. Alphage, which had been connected with St. Martin's since the time of Roger, bishop of Salisbury,"^ and in 1291'^^ and 1526''* paid a pension of 33^- ^d. '" Falor Eccl. i, 412. "' In 1428 there were two prebends of St. Martin's in the church of St. Mary of Maldon. Feud. Aids, ii, 187. The Valor says nothing about Maldon, but mentions the prebendal churches of Cowpes and Keton, the latter of which was cer- tainly in Maldon, Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. No. 1 33 10. '" Exemplification of 1440. Ibid. St. Martin le Grand, parcel I. "^ Harl. MS. 60, fol. 65. For the agreement under which this sum was due, see Cartul. of St. Martin's. '" Pipe R. 17 John, m. I. '" Harl. MS. 60, fol. 9*. '«« Falor Eccl. (Rec. Com.), 1, 41 1 and 385. The chantries were endowed almost, if not entirely, with property in London. '" Accts. of John Islyppe, abbot of Westm. for St. Martin le Grand, Mich. 1526 to Mich. I 527. Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. No. 133 19. '"■' H.irl. MS. 60, fol. 9. "' In the time of Dean Godfrey de Lucy the church of St. Nicholas Cole Abbey was granted by the chap er to one of the canons for his life. Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Cartul. The pension from St. Nicholas Shambles was paid before I235, for a difficulty about it was settled then by the bishop of London. Ibid. London, C. ■'» Mun. Giidkall. Lond. (Rolls Ser.), ii, (i), 235. '" Doc. of D. and C. of Westm., Cartul. of St. Martin le Grand, item loi. "' Newcourt, op. cit. i, 392. '" Cartul. of St. Martin, item 138. '" Harl. MS. 60, fol. 9. '" Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. No. 1 33 19. 563 A HISTORY OF LONDON Deans of St. Martin le Grand Ingelric, the first dean "^ Geoffrey {?), occurs 1077"' Roger, bishop of Salisbury, appointed temp. Henry I,"^ died 1139 Fulcher "^ Henry de Blois, bishop of Winchester, appointed temp. Stephen,'^" occurs 1 158 ^^^ William, son of Count Theobald, c. 1160^^^ Godfrey de Lucy, appointed 1171,*^^ occurs 1 177,'** promoted 1189'^^ William de Ste. Mere I'Eglise, appointed 1 189,^** promoted 1 1 99 ^*' Richard Briger, appointed 1199^** Geoffrey de Boclande, occurs 1 211,''' 1216,"" 1222,"^ and 1225 "^ Luke, appointed 1225,"' promoted 1229^'* Walter de Kirlceham, appointed 1229,"' occurs 1236 "^ '" Kempe, op. cit. 10 ; Round, Tie Commune of Lond. 28. '" Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 1323 cites Willis, but this appears to depend on a bull of Pope Alexander dated in the register of St. Martin le Grand, fol. 2b, as 1077, the eighteenth year of Alexander III. Now, Alexander III was pope a century later, 11 59-8 1. The Geoffrey here mentioned was no doubt Geoffrey or Godfrey de Lucy, who occurs 1 171-89. '^* Reg. of St. Martin le Grand, fol. 12 ; Kempe, op. cit. 38. '" Reg. of St. Martin le Grand, fol. 1 2 : op. cit. 51. '** Reg. of St. Martin le Grand, fol. 12 ; op. cit. 50. '" Reg. fol. lob. '*' Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. parcel 2, Cartul. item 149. He writes to the canons of St. Martin's saying that the king had made him dean subject to the consent of the bishop of Winchester being first obtained, and the condition appears to have been fulfilled. As the abbess of Romsey is mentioned as using her influence on his behalf it could not have been long after the death of her brother Count Wil- liam of Boulogne in 1 160, since she, as his heir, was absolved from her vows by the pope and allowed to marry. '^ Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 1323. "* Reg. of St Martin le Grand, fol. 2*. '" To the bishopric of Winchester. "« Cart. Antiq. R. R.R. (16). Dugdale gives the date of the appointment as 1 1 77, but this seems to be a mistake. '" To the see of Lond. Stubbs, Reg. Sacr. Angl. '«« Cart. Antiq. H (l). "' A fine between him and the prior of Holy Trinity Aldgate. Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Lond. O-V. "0 Roger de Wendover, Chrm. (Rolls Ser.), ii, 174. "' Newcourt, Repert. Eccl. Lond. ii, 675. '" Rot. Lit. Claus. (Rec. Com.), ii, 80. '" Cal. of Pat. 1216-25, P- 550- "* To the see of Dublin. Ibid. 1225-32, p. 236. '« Ibid. 274. "* Ibid. 1232-47, p. 146. Kempe, Kempe, Guy de Rossilian, appointed 1244,"' occurs 1248 "8 and 1254"' Hugh, appointed c. I253(?)^''*' Henry de Wengham, appointed 1254,^' occurs 1259,^- promoted 1260^' William de Champvent, appointed 1262,^* promoted c. 1274""' Louis of Savoy, appointed 1274*°* resigned c. 1279 ^' Geoffrey de Neubaud, appointed 1279^"* occurs 1280^' William of Louth, appointed 1283,^^" occurs 1284,^" resigned 1290^'^ William de Marchia, appointed 1290,-^' occurs 1292=" Peter de Savoy, occurs 1294,^"' 1301,*" and 1308^'' William de Melton, appointed 1308,*^* occurs .1314'" Richard de EUesfield, appointed 1317,^^ re- moved 1325 "" Richard de Tysshbury appointed 1325,^" re- moved 1326^^' John le Smale, appointed 1326^^ John de Wodeford, appointed 1328,*^' resigned 1343'=' •" Ibid. 423. "^ Cal. of Pap. Letters, i, 242. '" Ordin. by him for chantries of Thomas Maugre Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. The date must be wrong, to William de Wynton. Lond. Box O-V. '" Kempe, op. cit. 89. see preceding note. •"' Newcourt, Repert. Eccl. Lond. i, 426. "" Cal. of Pap. Letters, i, 366. *" To the see of Lond. Stubbs, op. cit. "' Newcourt, op. cit. i, 426. *" To the see of Lausanne. Cal. of Pat. p. 49. »* Ibid. 1272-81, »« Ibid. "^ Ibid. 360. »<" Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Lond. D. "'» Cal of Pat. 1281-92, p. 54. «" Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. St. Martin le Grand, parcel 4. Ordin. for relief of debt of the church. '" He was then bishop-elect of Ely. Cal of Pat. 1281-92, p. 354. '" He was the king's treasurer. Ibid. 375. "* Sharpe, Cal of Letter Bk. C, 9. '" Ibid. 77. "' When the chamberlain complains. Doc. of D, and C. of Westm. St. Martin le Grand, parcel 4. "' Cal. of Pat. 1307-13, p. 65. "* Ibid. p. 92. That was in August, yet in Octo- ber the king ordered the church to be taken into his hand on account of the promotion of Peter of Savoy to the archbishopric of Lyons. Ibid. 141. *" Ibid. 131 3-17, p. 119; Sharpe, op. cit. C. 315. "° Cal of Pat. 1 3 1 7-2 1 , p. 40. »*' Cal of Close, 1323-7, p. 303. »" Cal of Pat. 1324-7, p. 128. *" The appointment was revoked. Ibid. 246. '" Cal of Pat. 1324-7, p. 246. "' Ibid. 1327-30, p. 262. "* On an exchange of benefices with John de Heselarton. Ibid. 1343-5, p- 14. 56+ RELIGIOUS HOUSES John de Heselarton, appointed 1343,^^' occurs John Stena, or Stone, occurs 1416' 1344"' Thomas de Useflete, appointed 1345,^^' ^1347^30 William occurs de Cusancia, appointed 1349,^'' occurs 1354-^^ and 1355^'' William de Wykeham, appointed 1360^'* Simon de Northwode, occurs 1363^'* and 1364^3^ William de Mulsho, appointed 1 364,^" occurs 1370 -°3« Walter Skirlawe, appointed 1377,^'' resigned ,383240 John Bacun, appointed 1383**^ Richard Mitford, appointed 1385,^*^ resigned 1389 2« Roger Walden, appointed 1 390 *** William de Pakyngton, appointed 1390'" William de Assheton, appointed occurs I39i-2'*'and 1396^* Thomas de Langley, appointed 1395 (?)^" Thomas de Stanley, occurs 1399,^*" resigned 1402='" Thomas Tuttebury, appointed 1402 ^^^ Richard Dereham, S.T.P., appointed 1403,^^* occurs 1414^^^ '" Cal. of Pat. 1343-5, pp. 14, 21. "' Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. parcel 2, Cartul. of St. Martin le Grand, dorso. '"' Cal. of Pat. 1 343-5, p. 548. ™ Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Lond. E-K. The oath taken by him to pay a pension from St. Catherine Coleman ; Sharpe, Cal. of Letter Bk. F, 164. '" Cal. of Pat. 1348-50, p. 305. '" Dugdale, Mo». Angl. vi, 1323. "' Sharpe, op. cit. G, 42. "' Newcourt, Repert. Eccl. Lond. i, 427. "^ Ibid. "^ Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. parcel 2, Cartul. of St. Martin le Grand, dorso. "' Newcourt, op. cit. i, 427. "' Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Lond. L. (2), royal confirmation of Ordin. for chantry of John Bande. "' Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 323. "° On an exchange of benefices with John Bacun. Cal. of Pat. 1381-5, p. 281. '" Ibid. 281, 345. "' Ibid. 1385-9, p. 67. '" On his promotion to the see of Chichester. Ibid. 228. '" Ibid. 167. This could not have taken effect, for three months later, when Pakyngton was appointed, the deanery was said to be void by the consecration of Mitford as bishop of Chichester. Ibid. 234. '" Ibid. '" Ibid, 295. '" Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. No. i 3 3 H. '" Lease by him of tenements to Walter Fairford and another, 10 August, 20 Ric. II. Ibid. Lond. B, Box I. "' Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 1 324. The date is difficult to understand, considering the above, ». 248. "» Cal. of Pat. 1 399-1401, p. 5. "' Ibid. 1401-5, p. 185. '" Ibid. p. 185. "' Ibid. p. 207. "* Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Lond. A, Box 3. Indenture about the house called ' Le Piry.' William Kynwolmersh, appointed 1420-1, occurs 1422^*' John Stafford, appointed 1422,^^* occi 1425 2=8 William Alnwick, resigned 1426*^" John Estcourt, appointed 1426,^^' occurs 1427 Thomas Bourchier, appointed 142 /,"''•' occurs 1430^" and 1434^'^" Richard Cawdray, appointed 1435,-^^ occurs i443,2«' 1448,288 anj 1455=69 Robert Stillington, appointed 1458,^™ occurs 1464,"' removed 1485 ^'^ James Stanley, appointed 1485,^'^ occurs 1499 A seal of the twelfth or early thirteenth cen- 1390-''^ tury,"''^ in shape a pointed oval, represents the sainted bishop with nimbus, lifting up the right hand in benediction, and holding in the left a crosier. Legend : — SIG ECC ... ST . LONDONIE ARTINI The seal of Thomas de Useflete, dean in 1347, is attached to Add. Chart. 6,030. It is red in colour, and bears an impression of an ancient oval Christian gem engraved in intaglio : two half-length figures of a man on the left and a woman on the right lifting up their hands in prayer ; between them, overhead, a crosslet. Above the impression of the gem is a half-length representation of the Virgin with the Child. In the base to the left is a bust, a fillet round the "' Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 1324 ; Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. No. 986. *"> Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 1324. »" Cal. of Pat. 1422-9, p. I. "' He was keeper of the king's privy seal. Ibid. 15. "' Lease of church of St. Botolph Aldersgate. Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Lond. B. Box 2 (i). '*" On his promotion to the see of Norwich. Cal. of Pat. 1422-9, p. 348. ^«' Ibid. '^' Newcourt, Repert. Eccl. Lond. i, 428. '"^ Cal. of Pat. 1422-9, p. 452. *" Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. No. 13263. "«* Lease of church of St. Botolph Aldersgate. Ibid. Lond. B. Box 2 (1). ^^ Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 1324. ««' Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. No. 13255. »«' Ibid. No. 13273. '*' Lease of tenements in parish of St. Michael ad Bladum. Ibid. Lond. M. "" Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 1324, "' Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), v, 507^. "' Ibid, vi, 292^. '" Ibid. "* Lease of tenements in parish of St. Michael le Querne. Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Lond. M. '" Chart, of Geoffrey de Boclande. Doc. of D. andC. of Westm. St. Martin le Grand, parcel 2. The seal of the dean shows a draped figure full length. 56s A HISTORY OF LONDON head. The setting is ornamented with four small carved circular openings. Legend : — SIGILLV . THOME . DE . VSEFLETE . Cl'iCI A seal of 1349,^^^ a pointed oval, shows St. Martin dividing his cloak with the beggar. In the base is a shield of arms. THE ROYAL FREE CHAPEL OF ST. STEPHEN, WESTMINSTER The chapel of St. Stephen in the palace of Westminster was, according to Stow, founded by King Stephen.^ There is no doubt that it existed in the time of King John for the names of two of the chaplains are recorded : Gervase who became vicar of St. Mary's, Cambridge, in 1205,^ and his successor in office, Baldwin of London, clerk of the exchequer.' Henry III appears to have taken a great inter- est in the chapel which he provided with vest- ments,* altar-frontals,* images ^ and tapestry ' and beautified in various ways.* It was rebuilt in 1292 by Edward P who was assisted by the papal indulgence offered to those visiting the chapel on certain festivals,^** but in 1298 it was burned down '' about four years after its completion.^^ In 1330 a new chapel was begun, '^ apparently on a more ambitious scale for masons were still at work on it in 1 337,'* and it could not have been finished very long before workmen were again being employed in large numbers," prob- "° One of three attached to an agreement between the dean and chapter on one side and John Band, perpetual vicar of St. Martin's, on the other. Doc. of D. and C. ofWestm. Lond. L (2). ' Stow, Sun>. of Lond. (ed. Strype), vi, 54. ' Rot. Chart. Johan. (Rec. Com.), 145. ' Ibid. 161 ; Cart. Antiq. R. A. A. 40. * Rot. Lit. Claus. (Rcc. Com.), ii, 117. Order to the treasurer to pay William de Castellis five marks for amending vestments and a chalice for the chapel of St. Stephen, Westminster, 1226. Cal. of Close, 1231, p. 10. The king orders a cope of red samite for the chapel in 1 23 1. ' Cal. of Close 1231-4, p. 9. ^ Ibid. 207. ' Devon, Issues of the Exch. (Pell Records), 13. * In 1234 the king ordered it to be wainscoted. Cal. of Close 1231-4, p. 378. In 1240 a payment of j^50 was made for the works done there. Devon, Issues of the Exch. I 3. " Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, i 348. " Cal. Pap. Letters, i, 537. This was dated 1 291. " Dugdale, op. cit. "In 1294 timber was being supplied from the royal forest of Pembere for the work. Cal. of Close, 12S8-96, p. 350. '^ Dugd.ile, Mon. Angl. vi, 1348. " Cal. of Close 1337-9, P- 4i- '' Rymer, Foedera (Rec. Com.), iii, (i), 193 ; 18 March, 1350, warrant to Hugh de St. Albans, master of the painters in the chapel at Westminster, to take painters and other workmen in the counties of Kent, Middlesex, Essex, Surrey and Sussex. ably to make its appearance correspond to the important change in its position recently made by the king. There had been four chaplains in the reign of Henry III ^^ but they seem to have been afterwards reduced to one " whose office was regarded as of no great value,'' when in 1348 Edward III ordained that there should henceforth be a college there consisting of a dean, twelve secular canons, thirteen vicars, four clerks and six choristers to whom he assured an income of ;^500," the difference between this sum and their revenues being paid to them from the exchequer.^" The pope, in answer to the king's petition in 1 349, gave to the dean power to cor- rect the canons and exempted them from the jurisdiction of the ordinary, stipulating, however, that the dean should receive cure of souls from the bishop and be subject to him in all things relating to it.^' He also empowered the dean to enjoy the fruits of his benefices while residing in the deanery. The king in 1354 exempted them from the aids for knighting the king's eldest son and marrying his eldest daughter, and from all other contributions, tallages, fifteenths and clerical tenths,^^ from payments for munitions of war ^' and liveries of seneschals and marshals;^* he forbade the seizure of their goods and those of their men by his provisors ^^ and excused them from paying any pension or corrody to the king or his heir against their will ; ^^ he acquitted them and their tenants of toll, pannage, pontage, kaiage, lestage &c., scots and gelds, hidage and scutage, shire courts, hundred courts, view of frankpledge and murdrum.^ He ordered moreover that the dean and canons should have the amercements, fines and forfeitures incurred by their men and tenants ; ^' that they should have wreckage and waifs and strays on their lands, ^' sac and soc, infangenthef, and outfangenthef, view of frankpledge, pillory, tumbrel and gallows ; '" and granted them free warren in all their demesne lands,'' acquittance of pleas of the forest and freedom from all charges that the foresters could make.'^ They were to have the return of all briefs and attachments of pleas of the crown in all their lands and fees ; '' " Devon, Issues of the Exch. 34. Payment of 1 80/. was made for their stipends from Easter to Michaelmas, 1257. " Cal. of Pat. 1334-8, p. 316. '* Cal. Pap. Letters, ii, 280. " Had. MS. 410, fol. 14, 15. In 1361 this was increased to ^^505. For the number of clerks and choristers, see Issue Roll of Thomas de Brantingham (Pell Rec), 466. "' This was at any rate done in 1360, Harl. MS. 410, fol. 20. ■' Cal. Pap. Petitions, i, 187. " Harl. MS. 410, fol. 3 ^' Ibid. fol. i^h. '' Ibid. fol. 9. " Ibid. fol. 6. "" Ibid. fol. 9. " Ibid. fol. I o. » Ibid. fol. 4. « Ibid. fol. 7, 8. " Ibid, fol 5, 53. " Ibid. fol. 7. " Ibid. " Ibid. fol. II. 566 RELIGIOUS HOUSES the cognition and correction of small breaches of the peace committed by the vicars or servants within the college, and the cognition in their courts of all pleas of those living on their lands.^^ To provide accommodation for the members of the college, the king gave them in 1354 a cham- ber in the gate of the palace and a hospice and other buildings within the precinct, with a piece of ground bounded by the chapel, the receipt of the exchequer, Westminster Hall and the Thames for a close.'' The endowment of the college, however, to the extent designed by the king, could not be accomplished very quickly. By the foundation charter the college received a large hospice in Lombard Street, and the advowsons of the churches of Dewsbury and Wakefield, CO. York, with licence to appropriate.'^ To these the king added three more churches. San- dal " and Burton,'^ co. York, and Bledlow,'^ CO. Bucks, between 1 35 1 and 1360 ; the sum of £^2,S 14^- l^- from the ferm of the city of York in 1351 ; '"^ ' Sewtestower ' in Bucklersbury in 1358 ;*^ rents amounting to £b(i 13J. ^d. from houses in the Staple of Westminster before 1360;*^ and a hospice called 'La Reole ' in London in 1369.*' Before his death the king also enfeoffed John of Gaunt and others in trust for the college, of the manors of Ashford, Barton, Buckwell, Eastling, Mere, and Langley by Leeds, with the advowsons of the churches, a parcel of meadow in Eynsford, and the reversion of the manors of Elham and Colbridge, co. Kent,^'* and of Winchfield, co. Southants.*' These the feoffees let to the dean and canons for forty years in 1382, but before the grant in mort- main which they intended could be effected, the lands were seized by Sir Simon de Burley, who held them by letters patent of King Richard. Burley was attainted in 1388, and the lands came in consequence into the king's hands. The canons then put in their claim, and Richard at first granted them the profits arising from the lands for a term of years, but finally in 1398 carried out King Edward's wish and gave them the lands themselves.^^ The interest of Edward III in his foundation was constant. It was at his request that the pope offered an indulgence in 1349*' and again " Harl. MS. 410, fol. II. « Ibid. fol. 2. 'Mbid. fol. 14^, 15. " Ibid. fol. 16, in 135 I. " Ibid. fol. ijb. This church must have been ap- propriated immediately, for it was granted in May, 1356, and is mentioned as appropriated in July, when the king allowed the canons to re-unite a portion of tithes to the church. Pat. 30 Edw. Ill, pt. 2, m. 5, in Add. MS. 15664, fol. 141. " Harl. MS. 410, fol. 21. " Ibid. fol. 17. *' Ibid. fol. 18. " Ibid. fol. 20. " Ibid. fol. 2Zb. " Hasted, Hist, of Kent, iii, 192. " Harl. MS. 410, fol. 24. « Ibid. fol. 25. " Cal. Pap. Petitions, i, 188. in 1354** and 1361" to those who helped the chapel by gifts or bequests or who visited it on the feasts of the Assumption, of St. Stephen, St. George, and St. Edward. It was to him, too, that the canons owed their bell-tower with its three large bells.'" He also purchased a great missal and an antiphon for the chapeP' in 1362 at a cost of ^33. But perhaps there is nothing that better illustrates the king's relations with the college than his grant of ;^34 to the vicars, clerks, and choristers in 1370 'in relief of their charges because of the dearness of provisions."^ The college probably owed something of the king's generosity to their position. It was impossible for him to forget men who were actually living in the palace, many of the canons being more- over his clerks. But it was also a situation which involved obligations, and if the college had a large income," they certainly needed it, for they seem to have been expected to keep open house for the nobles coming to the court.'* A quarrel which was to last for years began in 1375" between the college and the abbey be- cause the dean had proved the will and adminis- tered the estates of two inmates of Westminster Palace.'* The abbot and convent claimed that as the church of St. Margaret and all the chapels in the parish were appropriated to them, St. Stephen's, which lay in the parish, belonged to them, and the dean and canons had no right to receive parochial tithes and oblations or exercise jurisdiction in the parish or chapel." They therefore obtained letters from Pope Gregory XI, and the dean was cited to appear before papal delegates at St. Frideswide's, Oxford.'* But the matter now touched the crown, and in February, 1377, Edward III interposed," and after a declaration that his free chapels were exempt from all jurisdiction, ordinary and delegate, except that of his chancellor, forbade archbishops, bishops, or others to hold any pleas concerning them to his prejudice or to molest the dean.^ The pro- hibition was renewed by Richard II in December," " Cal. Pap. Letters, iii, 538. *' Cal. Pap. Petitions, i, 372. '" Stow, Surv. of Land. (ed. Strype), vi, 54. " Devon, Issues of the Exch. \-j-j. " Issue Roll of Thomas de Brantingham, 466. " It seems doubtful whether it was really l.irge. The stipends must have absorbed most of it. " The king petitioned the pope in 1349 to allow benefices to the value of £'2.oo to be appropriated to the dean and canons because their expenses in enter- taining were so great. Cal. Pap. Petitions, i, 186. " Pope Gregory's letters are of that date. Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Westm. parcel 23, pt. 3 con- tinued. No. 18514A. "* Ibid. pt. 2 continued, No. 18482. " Cal. Pap. Letters, iv, 328, 462. '* Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Westm. parcel 23, pt. 3 continued, No. 18524A. " Ibid. pt. 2 continued, No. 18490. *° Mandate of Richard II, Cal. of Pat. 1377--S1, p. 95. " Ibid. 56; A HISTORY OF LONDON but in July, 1378, the dean and chapter were excommunicated and suspended/^ The king then sent ambassadors to Pope Urban VI asking that the case might be submitted to the chan- cellor, and his request was granted on condition that an agreement was made between the parties within a year. No settlement being arrived at in that time, the matter was referred to Parlia- ment in 1380, but with no result. A further appeal was then made to Rome," and sentence was given against the college in 1382;*^ the dean and chapter nevertheless refused to pay the fine and costs ^^ to which they were condemned, and although they were excommunicated for contumacy ^^ they did not yield until 1393.*' The next year *' an agreement was at length made with the abbot and convent as follows : ^^ The chapel of St. Stephen's with the chapter- house and the chapels of St. Mary in the Vault and St. Mary of Pewe, as well as the cloister and the houses within the precinct™ inhabited by the thirty-eight persons serving in the chapel, the new kitchen of the vicars, and a room beneath the star chamber, were to be exempt from the jurisdiction of the abbot and convent ; all other chapels and places within the palace as well as the houses of the thirty-eight if not inhabited by them were to remain subject to the abbot and convent ; the dean and college were not to be exempt for faults committed without the precincts and in the parish of St. Margaret. The abbot and convent were to have probate of wills of all persons within or without the precinct except of the thirty-eight persons, the probate of whose wills belonged to the dean ; the members of the households of the thirty-eight were to be con- sidered parishioners of St. Margaret's ; the dean and college should have free burial in their chapel and cloister as far as the thirty-eight were concerned, but in the case of others half of all oblations should go to the abbey unless bequests were made to a member of the college separately, when the monks were not to participate ; with these exceptions all oblations and obventions ** Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Westm. parcel 23, pt. 2 continued. No. 18477. '' Ibid. " Points were being raised in January, 1 383, in consequence of the judgement. Ibid. No. 18492, " The abbot and convent estimated their expenses at 500 marlcs. Ibid. ^ Ralph de Kesteven was absolved in 1390 from the excommunication he had incurred as a member of the college. Ca/. Pap. Letters, iv, 328. ^ Ibid, iv, 462. ^ In August, 1394, the agreement is statad to have been lately made. ^ Cott. MS. Faust. A. iii, fol. 293-314 ; Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Westm. parcel 23, pt. 2 con- tinued, No. 18470. '" This was very carefully defined, and was not to be extended. Cott. MS. Faust. A. iii, fol. 295-99, 310. 568 made in St. Stephen's were to go to the dean and college, but those offered in the chapel of St. John the Evangelist and all other oratories with- in and without the precinct were to belong to the abbot and convent ; the dean and college might have a baptismal font for baptizing the children of kings and magnates, but they were to administer no other sacraments to any without the authority of the abbot and convent especially granted ; the dean and college were bound to give the greater tithes from their precinct to the abbey but not the lesser ; the dean was to receive investiture from the abbot, and at his installation was to take an oath to observe the agreement ; as an indemnity to the abbey the college promised to pay an annual pension of 5 marks. The interests of the crown were so bound up with those of the royal chapel in the above con- troversy that during the period of its duration some special sign of the king's favour might almost be expected to occur, and it was in 1384, after the judgement pronounced against the chapel at Rome and while the dean and chapter still refused to submit, that the king was arranging to build a cloister for the college across the close and a house for the vicars.'^ The firm establishment of the college as a whole had hitherto been the main concern. When this was secured, attention could be given to details. Thus the position of the vicars and clerks seems to have received too little consideration,"^ until in 1396 King Richard ordained, on condition that they observed the obit of the late Queen Anne, that the vicars, clerks, and choristers should hence- forth form a corporate body which should have a common seal and power to acquire land,"^ and of which one of the vicars, elected by themselves without any necessity to ask the king's leave or assent, should be warden.'* This ordinance, however, was not to affect the power of the dean and canons to appoint the vicars and to exercise authority over them. The king granted to them in frankalmoign the houses which he had built for them, and also a piece of land between the palace and the river where they were making a garden at their own cost. The numerous grants made to St. Stephen's during the next century for the maintenance of anniversaries and chantries must have amounted in the end to a considerable sum. Among other gifts the college received ;^5o in 1399 for the " Ca/. of Pat. 1381-5, p. 365. Edw. Ill had built cloisters for them. Smith, Jntiq. of Westm. 222. " See supra the grant made to them on account of deamess of provisions in 1370. Rich. II in his grant speaks of their indigence. " They could thus have property quite apart from that of the college, and in 1469 the dean and canons made over to them a yearly pension of 7 marks from their messuages in Westminster. Cal. of Pat. 1+67-77. P- 'SO- " Ibid. I 391, p. 669. RELIGIOUS HOUSES anniversary of Dean Sleford ;'* in 1 410 a rent from a messuage in Bishopsgate Street for that of Canon Fulmere;'^ and ^20 bequeathed to them for the same purpose by Canon Adam de Chester- field, who also left them a large missal worth £11 6s. 8d., a great gradual worth £j 13J. ^.d., and a new ordinal worth £s i^^ ;{^5° 'ii 1425 for the annual obit of Canon Orgrave ; '* £4.0 in 1427 for the anniversary of Canon Merston ; '' 100 marks in 1471 for Dean Kirkham's anni- versary;*" £82 in 1478 for the anniversaries of two canons,*^ and tenements in Warwick Lane in 1498 for the anniversary of another canon.*^ Six houses in the staple of Westmin- ster were made over to the college in 1442 as the endowment of a chantry for the soul of William Prestwyk, one of the masters in chancery, either in the oratory of St. Mary of Pewe or in St. Stephen's.*^ A chantry of two priests was founded there in 1455 for the soul of William Lindwood, bishop of St. Davids,*^ who had been buried in the lower chapel in 1446,*' and who bequeathed to the college 600 marks of the money owing to him by the crown for the completion of the cloister and bell-tower.*^ A sum of ^100 was paid in 1 47 1 for an obit and a daily remembrance of Canon John Crecy and Thomas Lord Stanley,*' and in 1480 Richard Green gave to the college 200 marks to provide perpetual masses for his soul.** Among the bene- factors of the college were numbered also Walter Hungerford, knt., lord of Haytesbury and Homet, treasurer of England, and Ralph, Lord Cromwell, for whose anniversaries agreements were made in 1428 and 1437.*' The chapel had perhaps more need of these gifts and bequests than might be imagined. Its income of ;{^500 was certainly large for those days, but it could never have allowed much margin over the expenditure,'" since Edward III in 1360 gave the chapel £s ^ year more because the charges exceeded its revenues by that amount. In 1437, indeed, the dean declared that they needed at least ;^I00 a year more to dis- charge their obligations.'^ The rents derived from the houses in the Staple were no longer paid,'^ and the money due from the exchequer " Cott. MS. Faust. B. viii, fol. 16^. "Ibid. fol. 21. " Ibid. fol. 9^. " Ibid. fol. 8. "Ibid. fol. 18. "^ Ibid. fol. 36. »' Ibid. fol. 413, 47. "' Ibid. fol. 49. «> Ibid. fol. 28-32/J. ^ Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, A. Box 76, No. 2001. «' L. and P. illus. the Wars of Engl, in Trance (Rolls Ser.), ii (2), 764. ^ Arch, xxxiv, 415. " Cott. MS. Faust. B. viii, fol. 37. «« Ibid. fol. 43-45^. »» Ibid. fol. 11,12, 263, »" Harl. 410, fol. 21. '' Harl. R.N. 19. " It was found in 1379 that they had in this way lost j^59 14;. ■>,\d. a year for the last three years, and they were paid from the exchequer. Smith, Antii. oflf'estm. 95. was not obtained without a great deal of trouble. Henry VI, therefore, in place of these two sums, which amounted to ;^II0 75. i !«('., and for the observance of the anniversaries of his father and mother, granted to them the alien priory or manor of Frampton, co. Dorset, estimated at £\66 1 31. \d. per annum. Considering the close relations between the sovereign and a free chapel and the particular proof which the king had just given of interest in St. Stephen's, it is strange to find one of the canons, Thomas Southwell, accused in 1441 of aiding Roger Bolingbroke in his attempt to kill the king by necromancy at the instigation of Eleanor Cobham.'^ The king's favour to the rest of the college was, however, unaffected by this incident. He granted to the dean and canons in 1445 two fairs in Frampton." In 1453 he gave them the custody of the clock-tower in his palace with wages of 6(/. a day, and the houses within the precinct of the palace once occupied by Dean Sleford.'* Two years later they were deprived of the wages by an Act of Resumption, but they received them again in 1 46 1 from Edward IV, who besides confirming the grants made to them by his predecessors added to their posses- sions in 1469 the alien priory or manor of Wells and the rectory of Gayton, co. Norfolk,'^ and in 1466 gave them power to appoint con- stables, reeves, and bailiffs in their manors and fees, and exempted their men and tenants from being elected as constables or other officers of the king." The dean and canons followed the example of the vicars and clerks in 1479, and obtained permission from the king to form themselves into a corporate body with a common seal and power to acquire lands and to implead and be impleaded. They also received licence to acquire in mortmain lands, rents, knights' fees, and advowsons to the value of ;^ioo yearly, and were acquitted of the payment of fees or fines for royal letters or charters.'* The dean must have been in a special degree the confidential servant of the king. It was emphatically the case with the last two holders of the office, Wolsey," and his successor, John Chamber, who was chaplain and physician to the king.^* Chamber seems to have been wealthy as he spent 11,000 marks on building a cloister at St. Stephen's,^"^ and he sent twenty soldiers " Stow, Annals (ed. 1 61 5), 381. " Hutchins, Hist, of Dorset, ii, 297. " From the confirmation of various grants made by Edw. IV in 1461. Cal. of Pat. 1461-7, p. 163. ^ Ibid. 1467-77, p. 163 ; ibid. 172. " Cal. of Pat. 1461-7, p. 487. " Ibid. 1476-85, p. 172. '' L. and P. Hen. VIII, i, 5607. '°'' Ibid. He continued to be the king's physician ; ibid. XV, 861, and xvi, 380, fol. 109. "" DugJale, Mon. Atigl. vi, 1349. 569 72 A HISTORY OF LONDON to the army against France in 1544, as many as the archbishop of Canterbury. '"- This last expense certainly may have been defrayed by the college, which could have well afforded it, for its financial difficulties must have vanished Ions before it was dissolved by Edward VI in I547^*' The pensions allotted were as follows : — To the dean ^^52 ioj., to each of the eleven canons ;^i8 "jS. \d., to each of the eleven vicars ^^6 135. 4^/., to four chantry priests ^^6 each, to one of the clerks £6 13J. ^d. and to the other three j^6 each, and to every chorister, of whom there were seven, 53J. ^d}''^ In Mary's reign six pre- bendaries and four choristers were still receiving pensions.'**^ Its revenues amounted in 1535 to ^^ 1,085 IOJ. 5 Ibid. 257. '" Ibid. 71. Mr. Welch thinks that only the lower chapel had existed before. ^ It is an indenture between the outgoing wardens of the bridge and the new wardens. Riley, Mem. of Lond. 263. '^ Two new antiphpnars and two calendars were added in 1397. Welch, op. cit. 76. "^ Ibid. 73. 5 that it had always been free from payments to the rector.'" The bishop of London decided that the chaplains should have the oblations for the use and work of the chapel and the bridge, paying to the rector zod. every year in lieu of all claims, and that they might freely administer the sacraments in the chapel as had ever been the custom. '^ A few years later a controversy arose be- tween the bishop of London and the bridge- masters over the suspension of the priests of the chapel ; '^ and a papal bull confirming the privi- leges of the chaplains appears to have been necessary in 1465-6.'^^ At this date the pope granted an indulgence of forty days to those who visited the chapel on the Feast of St. Thomas of Canterbury, and on the day of his Translation, and contributed to the repairs of the chapel ; and in the same year he increased the indulgence offered to 100 days and extended its benefits to those also who visited the chapel on Good Friday and the Feast of the Assumption of B. V. Mary.'^ Money may then have been needed for repairs or improvements, and the offerings of the many were the best means of raising it. Only a few persons could make such gifts as Anneys Breteyn, who in 1489 gave ;^40, in part payment of j^6o, towards some work within the building.^'' The cost of the chapel for the year ending at Michaelmas, 1484, was ;^33 55. 3^'," almost exactly the same sum as in 138 1-2,''''' so that there may have been five chaplains in 1484 as in 1 38 1, yet the number evidently varied, wages being paid in 1444-5"'' t^o four chaplains and in 1494 to two chaplains and four clerks."*^ It was decided by the City in October, 1538," that from henceforth there should be only two priests and a 'conduct' in the Bridge-chapel, the others being dismissed with a quarter's wages. In 1 541-2 there was only one priest, with a clerk asassistantj^'^and in 1548 he was ordered to deliver the goods and ornaments to the bridge-master and shut up the chapel," which was subsequently defaced and turned into a dwelling-house.'' There is a seal of the brotherhood of the end of the thirteenth century.'* It is oval in shape, and represents St. Thomas the archbishop wearing mitre and pall. Seated on a throne, he " Lond. Epis. Reg. Gilbert, fol. 201-2, " Ibid. " Rec. of Corp. of Lond. Index to Journals. "^ Welch, op. cit. 73. '^ Ibid 71. "' Ibid. 72. " Arnold, Chron. (ed. 181 1), 271 and 272. Ha Welch, op. cit. 257. The chaplains were paid \\s. 5 i Weever, Jnct. Fun. Mon. 399. ' Stow, Surv. of Lond. (ed. Strype), li, 185. 77 73 A HISTORY OF LONDON Burgh, Henry Gubbe, William Jordain, Walter Mordon, and Thomas atte Leye, the endow- ment of which had in course of time become insufficient, and to found in their place a college of a master and nine chaplains to celebrate for the founders of the chantries, for Walworth and his wife Margaret, and for John Lovekyn.^ The property which had belonged to the chan- tries in Crooked Lane, Bridge Street, Thames Street and elsewhere was settled on the college,' and further provision for its maintenance must have been made by Walworth on a very ample scale,* since the royallicence given to the college in 1 38 1 to acquire in mortmain lands and tene- ments to the annual value of ^^40 could only have been granted with a view to his benefac- tions.* At the time of the foundation Walworth had assigned to the priests a house near the church for a dwelling-place. ° Important, how- ever, as the college was in size, it remained only a chantry and never absorbed into itself the organization of the parish church' as did Poult- ney's College and Whittington's. It lasted until the general suppression of col- leges and chantries in the reign of Edward VI.* Pensions of £^ a year were then paid to seven priests and one ' conduct.' ' 40. THE FRATERNITY OF THE HOLY TRINITY AND OF THE SIXTY PRIESTS IN LEADENHALL CHAPEL Simon Eyre, who built a granary for the City in Leadenhall, left by his will in 1459 3)°°° marks to the Drapers' Company to establish within a year of his decease in the Leadenhall Chapel a college of a master, five secular priests, six clerks, and two choristers, and to found a school for teaching grammar, writing, and sing- ing.^ For some reason unknown the terms of the will were not carried out either by the Drapers' Company or by the prior and convent ' Pat. 4 Ric. II, pt. z, m. 12, printed in Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 1380. ' Ibid. * Either by grants during his lifetime or by be- quest. He seems to have arranged by his will in 1385 that his wife should assign the revenues of certain property in the City to the college, and that after her death some tenements and rents should be entrusted to the rector and churchwardens of St. Michael's for that purpose. Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 251. ' Cal of Pat. 1377-81, p. 612. ^ Ibid. 609. ' The rector of the church continued as before and seems not to have been connected in any way with the college. Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 251 ; Valor Eccl. (Rec. Com.), i, 371 ; L. and P. Hen. VIII, v, 1693 (7). ' Tanner, Noiitia Mon. ' Chant. Cert. No. 88, m. 5. By 1556 the eight were reduced to five. Add. MS. 8102, fol. 4. ' Stow, Surv. of Lend, ii, 84 (ed. Strype). of Holy Trinity, who became legatees on the same conditions on the default of the company." In 1466, however, Edward IV, at the request of Queen Elizabeth, granted licence to William Rous, chaplain, and John Reseby and Thomas Asheby, priests, to found in the Leadenhall Chapel a fraternity to be called the Fraternity of the Holy Trinity and the Sixty Priests of London.' If the rules of the Pappey were drawn up * at the time of that hospital's foundation in 1442 the brotherhood of the sixty priests must have been in existence before it was connected with Leadenhall, as it is there mentioned. The City in 1512 seems to have attempted to carry out Eyre's wishes to some extent by grant- ing to these priests the use of the chapel on con- dition that they prayed for the souls of Simon Eyre and his wife.* There is no account of any endowment ex- cept the small bequests often made to them by will ; such as the legacy of 20s. left to them in 1507 by John Overton, priest of St. Thomas of Aeon,* 20s. to their common box by a chantry priest of St. Mary-at-Hill in 1509'; loj. for a trental of masses in 15 10 by the priest of St. Peter's CornhilL^ The fraternity was suppressed at the general dissolution of chantries and gilds in the reign of Edward VI. There is a fine example of the seal of this society, of fifteenth-century date.^ It is a pointed oval and bears a representation of the Trinity in a niche with tabernacle work at the sides. In the bases, under a double arch, are two priests in the act of elevating the host. The inner edge is engrailed. Legend : — S COE • FRAT NIT SCE TRINITAT ET SEXAGINTA • SACERDOTV • LODONI 41. WHITTINGTON'S COLLEGE The church of St. Michael Paternoster Royal was the parish church of the wealthy Richard Whittington, and therefore had a special claim on him. At the beginning of the fifteenth century it needed enlarging, and was also in a ruinous state, so that he determined to rebuild it entirely, and in 141 1 began the work by adding a piece of ground to the site.^ His idea was to make the new church collegiate, but before he could com- plete his project he died early in 1423. His executors, however, with the consent of the king* and the archbishop of Canterbury, erected ' Cal of Pat. 1461- xvi, fol. 1 1 611. P- 5 16. ' Ibid. • Cott. MS. Vit. F. ' Rec.of the Corp. of Lend. Repert. 2, fol. 140. ^ Lond. Epis. Reg. Fitz James, pt. 2, fol. 2. 'Ibid. fol. I. 'Ibid. fol. S. ' B.M. Seals, xxxvii, 64. ' Letter Bk. I, fol. 86, quoted by Riley in Mem. of Lond. 578. ' Cal. of Pat. 1422-9, p. 259. 578 RELIGIOUS HOUSES there in 1424 'in honour of the Holy Ghost and St. Mary a perpetual college of five secular priests, of whom one was to be master, two clerks and four choristers. William Brooke, the rector of St. Michael's, was made master, and it was ordained that henceforth the office of master should be held to include that of rector.'* When a vacancy occurred one of their number was to be chosen by the chaplains and presented by the wardens of the Mercers' Company to the prior and chapter of Christchurch, Canterbury, who as patrons of the rectory ^ were to present him to the bishop for institution ; vacancies among the chaplains * were to be filled by the master and senior chaplains ; the clerks and choristers were to be appointed and were removable by the master and chaplains, and when past work were to be supported in the Whittington Almshouse ; all the members of the college were to live in a house built by Whittington at the east end of the church ; the master was to have a salary of 10 marks besides the oblations of the church, each chaplain 1 1 marks, the first clerk 8 marks, the second iooj., the choristers 5 marks each, and out of this they were to provide their food and clothing, but the cook was paid out of the college funds ; the dress of the chaplains was to be of one style and colour ; residence was obligatory, no chaplain being permitted to be absent for more than twenty days in the year, and then for good cause ; the college was to have a common seal which was to be kept with the charters in the common chest ; the goods of the college were not to be alienated by the master and chaplains except for urgent necessity ; an inquiry into debts was to be made at the general chapter held annually ; the supervision of the college was vested, after the decease of the executors, in the mayor of London and the wardens of the Mercers' Company. The property of the church then became that of the college,' but more was needed, and the executors in February, 1425, granted to the master and chaplains ;^63 a year from Whitting- ton's possessions until lands and rents equal in value should be given.^ This sum was derived from property in the parishes of St. Michael Pater- noster Royal, St. Lawrence Jewry and St. Mary Magdalen Milk Street, and was settled per- manently on the college by the will of George ' Pat. 10 Hen. VI, pt. 2, m. 7, inspecting and con- firming the foundation, is given in Dugdale, Mori. Angl. vi, 739-43. * For the arrangement with the priory of Christ- church see Cal. of Pat. 1422-9, p. 274. ' They were compensated for the loss of the ad- vowson by an annual payment of 1 3/. \d. Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 458. ' Choice was to be made of men who had not other benefices nor possessions. ' Presumably this is the endowment which is spoken of as insufficient. Pat. 10 Hen. VI, pt. 2, m. 6, per inspect. Dugdale, -Mow. Angl. vi, 743. ' Ibid. Gerveys in 1432.' Land for enlarging the college and for making a new burial ground was also acquired at that time.^° The charter of foundation provided that the chaplains chosen should be versed in letters,^^ and the observance of this rule is proved by the history of the college. One of the masters, William Ive, played a leading and successful part as the champion of the beneficed clergy in the controversy raised by the mendicant orders in 1465,^^ and his statement of the case was sent to the pope with that of the bishop of London and the archbishop of Canterbury.^' He was at that time keeper of the St. Paul's School." In 1490 the members of the college under the presidency of Edward Underwood, the master, founded the Fraternity of St. Sophia for the reading of a divinity lecture.'' The reputation of the college was maintained till the end, for the last master, appointed in 1537, was Richard Smith, the first regius professor of divinity at Oxford.'^ Opinion was divided in the college on the religious question at this time, but the supporters of the royal policy were in the majority,^' and must then have reckoned the master among their number. There was a point, however, beyond which Smith was not prepared to go, and under Edward VI he was deprived of his offices and fled to Louvain.*' The college was dissolved in i547> ^""^ pensions were paid to six priests, two ' conducts,' and four choristers.^' It was revived under Mary, and Smith again became master,^" but on the accession of Elizabeth it was finally dissolved. The annual income was estimated by Dugdale ' Sharpe, C-^^ Masters of Whittington's College William Brooke, appointed 1424^' John Clench, S.T.P.^^ Richard Puringland, appointed 1427 *° John Eyburhall, S.T.P., appointed 1444,^° occurs 1457,^' resigned 1464'^ William Ive, appointed 1464,^' occurs 1465,'" resigned 1470'^ John Collys, appointed 1470,'^ died 1478'' Nicholas Good, S.T.P., appointed 1478, died 1479 34 Edward Lupton, appointed 1479, died 1482^* John Green, S.T.B., appointed 1482^^ Robert Smith, resigned 1488" Thomas Lynley, S.T.B., appointed 1488'* Edward Underwood, D.D., occurs 1493,^^ resigned 1496*" Stephen Douce, S.T.B., appointed 1496,^' occurs 1508,^ resigned 1509^' Humphrey Wistowe, S.T.B., appointed 1509" John Walgrave, S.T.B., appointed 15 19, resigned 1519^° Edward Feld, S.T.P., appointed 15 19, died 1537" Richard Smith, S.T.P., appointed 1537*' 42. THE COLLEGE IN ALLHALLOWS BARKING The chapel of St. Mary in the church of Allhallows Barking was founded by Richard I, but although it may have had from early times a reputation for special sanctity, it does not seem to have acquired its great attraction as a place of pilgrimage until the reign of Edward I, who in consequence of a vision placed an image of the Virgin there, and obtained a special indulgence from the bishop of London for those who visited the chapel, and contributed to its repair.^ In 1442 John Somerset, chancellor of the Exchequer, and Henry Frowik and John Olney, " Newcourt, op. cit. 492. " L. and P. Hen. nil, iv, 964. " Cal. 0/ Pat. 1422-9, p. 274. " Newcourt, op. cit. i, 493. " Ibid. •^ Ibid. " Sharpe, Ca/. of Wills, ii, 537. '' Newcourt, op. cit. i, 493. *' Ibid. '° Collections of a London Citizen (Camd. Soc), 228. " Newcourt, op. cit. i, 493. " Ibid. ^ Ibid. " Cal. of Inq. Ibid. '* Ibid. " Ibid. p.m. Hen. FII, \, No. 854. " Ibid. '« Ibid. He is here called James Underwode. *° Newcourt, op. cit. i, 493. " Sharpe, op. cit. ii, 624. ** Newcourt, op. cit. i, 493. " Ibid. « Ibid. ' Lend. Epis. Reg. Gilbert, Refert. Eccl. Lond. i, 238. 41 Ibid. « Ibid, fol. 194 " Ibid. Newcourt, aldermen of London, established a gild of St. Mary, to which Henry VI granted the custody of the chapel, reserving, however, the right of the parish church to oblations.* Edward IV in 1465 granted to the master of the gild, the notorious John Tiptoft, earl of Worcester, and to the wardens the manor of Tooting Bee and the advowson of Streatham, county Surrey, part of the alien priory of Ogbourne, for the mainten- ance of a chantry of two chaplains to pray for the good estate of himself and his family in life, and for their souls after death.' The rules for the chantry made by the master and wardens * ordered that the chaplains should not have other benefices, nor a temporal patrimony exceeding five marks ; vacancies were to be filled by the master and wardens within six months ; each chaplain was to receive, if a graduate, ;^io a year, if not j^8, but the king in limiting the liability of the gild as regards the chantry in 1470 fixed the salary of the first chaplain definitely at ;^io, and that of the second at ;^8 ' ; they were to have a month's holiday every year on obtain- ing leave of the master and wardens, but were not both to be absent at the time of the chief festivals, and penalties were to be imposed in case due leave of absence was exceeded ; an arrange- ment was to be made with the vicar so that the services in the chapel on Sundays and festivals did not interrupt those in the church. The chaplains were exempted by the king in 1470 from payments of all tenths, fifteenths, tallages, and subsidies.' Richard III is said to have rebuilt the chapel, and to have erected there a college of a dean and six canons,' but there is no account of the further endowment which would have been necessary, and no mention ever occurs of a royal foundation there other than the chantry of Edward IV. The chantries afterwards established by Sir John Rysley and Sir Robert Tate * added five persons to those ministering in the chapel,* and Chicheley's chantry provided for a priest and a 'conduct,''" so that at the Dissolution there were altogether five priests and five 'conducts,* all of whom seem to have received pensions.^' Dean or Master of the Chapel OF St. Mary, in Allhallows Barking Edmund Chadertone(.?)" * L. and P. Hen. Fill, i, 5242 (i). ' Cai of Pat. 1461-7, p. 428; Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), vi, 94a and 343^. * Exch. T.R. Misc. Bk. no. ' Cal. of Pat. 1467-77, p. 192. ' Ibid. ' Stow, Surv. of Lond. (ed. Strype),ii, 32 ; Harl. MS. 433, fol. 105. Yet there seems to be no trace of the college in the calendar of patent rolls. * Maskell, Hist, of Allhallows Barking, 16. ^ Chant. Cert. No. 88, m. 4 d. '"Ibid. " Ibid. " He is called the first dean. Stow, op. cit. ii, 32; Harl. 433, fol. 102. 5«o RELIGIOUS HOUSES ALIEN HOUSES 43. THE HOSPITAL OF ST. ANTHONY The brothers of St. Anthony of Vienne established a cell before 1254 on some land given to them by Henry III, in a place previously occupied by a synagogue.^ In the bull of Pope Alexander V confirming the grant the place is not further described. The hospital of St. Anthony when mentioned later was certainly in the parish of St. Benet Fink, but this seems too far removed from the Jewry to contain a syna- gogue. Either the brothers changed their quarters afterwards or at one time the Jews spread beyond the Jewry, and it is possible to give this interpretation to an order of Henry III, 1252-3, that there should be no synagogues except where they existed in the reign of John.** The house was founded for a master, two priests, a schoolmaster, and twelve poor men,^ but there appears to have been no endowment, for in 1 29 1 their whole property' which lay in the parish of St. Benet Fink was not worth more than 8s. a year,^ so that they must have depended entirely on alms. Of the income derived in this way one source was sufficiently curious. Any pig that was considered by the supervisor of the London market unfit to be killed for food had a bell attached to it by a proctor of St. Anthony's, and was then free of the street to pick up what it could. As it was a merit to feed these animals, they often throve, and were then taken by the house.* The privilege seems to have been abused, for in 131 1 Roger de Wynchester, the renter of the house, promised the City authorities that he would not claim pigs found wandering about the City, nor put bells on any swine but those given in charity to the house.* It is not improbable that the brothers were in greater need of money than usual, as they were building their chapel in 13 10.' Over the erec- ' The bull of Pope Alexander V referring to the grant belongs to that year. Doc. of D. and C. of St. George's, Windsor, Reg. Denton, fol. 267. For the information contained in the documents at Windsor I am indebted to Mr. Leach, who kindly placed his notes at my disposal. '^ Close, 37 Hen. Ill, m. 18, given in Tovey, Jng/ia Judaica, 146. ^ Had. MS. 544, fol. 72. ^ In Blomefield, Hut. of Norf. viii, 1 1 8, there is mention of a grant of 40 acres of land and 10/. rent in Felbrigge to the Hospital of St. Anthony of Vienne, in 1273-4, ^"' in the Taxatio of Pope Nicholas nothing is said of a holding there. * Harl. MS. 60, fol. 16. ' Stow, Sui-z'. of Lond. (ed. Strype), ii, 120. * Sharpe, Cal. of Letter Bk. D, 251. ' Doc. of D. and C. of St. Paul's, Liber A. fol. 94 and 94^. tion of this oratory they had involved themselves in a quarrel with the bishop of London, whose rights they had disregarded in neglecting to ask his leave to build. The case came before the court of Arches, and the brothers not appearing, judgement was given in August, 13 11, that the chapel was to the prejudice of the bishop and of the parish church of St. Benet Fink, and was to be reduced to the form of a private house within eight days on pain of greater ex- communication. The brothers now found it expedient to give way, and the proctor sub- mitted to the will and ordinance of the bishop. During the wars with France and the schism the hospital was cut off from intercourse with the parent house. The warden, Geoffrey de Lymonia, was excused by Clement VII, the anti- pope, in 1380, from the contributions due to Vienne, which he had been unable to pay for three years because he could get nothing from his preceptory,* so that either Geoffrey had never obtained actual possession or the house had been taken for a time into the king's hands.' In 1385 it was paying a yearly fine of twenty marks.*" It is clear that when the preceptorship became vacant the king would not allow Clement's candi- date to take possession,** and in 1389 he put in as warden one of his clerks, John Macclesfield.*^ Boniface IX agreed to confirm him in the office if he took the habit within three months, but on his failing to do so gave the hospital to one of the canons.*' However, at the king's request, the pope afterwards allowed Macclesfield to hold the house for ten years in commendam, enjoying all its privileges and exemptions.** The hospital was now practically a royal free chapel and this may account for the benefits conferred on it by Pope Boniface IX. In 1392 he granted 100 days' remission of penance to those who during seven years visited the house of St. Anthony on the chief festivals connected with our Lord, the Virgin Mary, and St. Anthony, and gave alms to the fabric of the chapel and the ' Cal. Paf). Letters, iv, 240. ' Tanner, Kotit. Mon. says that it was often seized during the wars with France. '"Cal. of Pat. 1 38 1-5, p. 553. " In 1386 Clement VII speaks of Avallonus Richardi who had been appointed by him to the pre- ceptory of London vacant by the death of Geoffrey de Lymonia as being unable to get possession. Ca/. Pap. Letters, iv, 254. Richard Brighous was master in 1385. Cal. of Pat. 1 38 1-5, p. 553. " Cal. of Pat. 1388-92, p. 124. " Cal. Pap. Letters, iv, 419. '* Ibid, iv, 430. As he still held the house, however, in 1 41 7 the time must have been extended. Cal. of Pat. 1422-9, p. 156. 581 A HISTORY OF LONDON maintenance of the sick and poor." In the same year he gave to the hospital the issues of the church of All Saints, Hereford, and the an- nexed chapel of St. Martin, which had been given to the house at Vienna in 1249 by Henry III." The pope in 1400 at Macclesfield's request appropriated to St. Anthony's the church of St. Benet Fink,'' the advowson of vi'hich had been given shortly before by John Sauvage and Thomas Walington.'* This grant, however, can have been of no effect, for in 141 7 a dispute of long standing between the hospital and the rectors of the church, touching the oblations claimed by the latter from the chapel of St. Anthony, was settled by the brethren agreeing to give the rector and his successors a pension of six marks.^' It was not until 1440 that St. Benet's was appropriated to the hospital by the bishop of London for the maintenance of the grammar school.^" The pope had, also owing to Maccles- field's representations, in 1397 issued a mandate to the bishops of England and Ireland, ordering them to recommend to the people of their dioceses those seeking alms for the hospital, and not to extort anything from them or hinder them in any other way.^' The importance of these collections will be seen when it is remem- bered that they were by far the largest means of support possessed by the house. In 1391 the hospital had been excused from a liability incurred by a former warden ' in consideration of its having no possession temporal or spiritual of much value, nor anything but the alms of the people for the maintenance of divine service, the support of the sick and the repair of the house.' ^^ From his dealings with the pope Macclesfield might be judged a zealous advocate of the cause of his preceptory. It is evident, however, that his motives were not disinterested, since Adam de Olton, presumably his successor, informed Pope Martin V that he had alienated much of the property of the house and granted pensions to his children, and other persons, and in 1424 the pope ordered the bishop of Winchester to annul such alienations as should be found unlawful.^' It may be presumed that any damage done to the finances was set right, for five years later the master acquired a messuage and garden and some land adjoining from the abbot of St. Albans to enlarge the buildings of the house and make a garden and cemetery.^* There were then four- '* Denton Reg. fol. 289. '« Ibid. fol. 290. " Cal. Pap. Letters, v, 311. '' Cal. Rot. Chart, and Inq. a.q.d. (Rec. Com.), 354. " Cal. of Pat. 1422-9, p. 156. " Lend. Epis. Reg. Gilbert, fol. 183. " Cal. Pap. Letters, v, 18. ^Cal. of Pat. 1388-92, p. 389. ^Denton Reg. fol. 303 ; Cal. Pap. Letters, vu, 373. ^* Cal. of Pat. 1422-9, p. 517. teen priests and clerks there, and many poor and sick who had to be lodged elsewhere. A bull of Pope Eugenius IV in December, 1 44 1, exempting the brothers from eating in the refectory and sleeping in the dormitory, shows that the new buildings for the convent were not yet finished.^' Henry VI, in June of that year, describes the house as wretched and almost desolate, reduced to the very verge of poverty, although it was under the rule of his vigilant and prudent chaplain, John Carpenter.^' The brothers doubtless found it none too easy to meet their extraordinary as well as ordinary expenses, yet it seems strange if the house were so very poor that it is never the first consideration in the grants made to it. It was for the maintenance of the school that St. Benet Fink was appropriated, and in 1442 the king granted to the brethren the manor of Pennington with pensions in Milburn, Tunworth, Charlton, and Up-Wimborne, co. Southants, to maintain at Oxford University five scholars, who were to be first instructed in the rudi- ments of grammar at Eton College." The be- quest of William Wyse in 1449 of his brewery, ' Le Coupe super le hoop,' in the parish of All- hallows London Wall, was also charged with the maintenance of a clerk to instruct the children of St. Anthony's in singing to music and plain singing, besides the usual celebrations for the testator's soul.^^ It would be interesting to know whether there is a connexion between the teach- ing of music at St. Anthony's and the establish- ment by the king's minstrels there of a fraternity in 1469.^^ The hospital had come into the king's pos- session'" under the Alien Priories Act of 1414, and was treated henceforth as a royal free chapel : Henry VI appointed the wardens," and Ed- ward IV on two occasions'^ gave the right to present on the next vacancy of the house. The connexion with the house at Vienne probably ceased after the fourteenth century. The em- ployment of the use of Sarum had been authorized in 1397, as the brothers were unable to obtain the books necessary for the celebration of service according to the rule of their order,'' and in 1424 the pope ordered them to celebrate service after the use of London as long as the wars lasted, because few or no canons having come '* Denton Reg. fol. 314. '^ Carres, of Bekynton (Rolls Ser.), i, 235. " Stow, Sa/r. ofLond. (ed. Strype), ii, 120. '5 Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 524. »' Cal. of Pat. 1467-77, p. 153. '° In 1409 Pope Alexander V had attempted to put in as master a canon of Vienne, but John Macclesfield still held the post in 1414. Cal. Pap. Letters, \\, 162 ; Cal. of Pat. 1422-9, p. 109. " See letters patent in Harl. MS. 6963, fol. 24, 68, 116. '' Pari. R. (Rec. Com.), v, 526^. ^ Cal. Pap. Letters, v, 4. 58. RELIGIOUS HOUSES for many years from Vienne, the custom of the order could not be easily observed.^* The popes evidently acquiesced in the change in the position of the hospital, for Pope Eugenius IV, at the request of Henry VI, gave leave in 1446 to the bishops of Worcester and Norwich, the provost of Eton and William Say, the warden, to make statutes for St. Anthony's, London,'^ and Pope Nicholas V in 1447 exempted the hospital from all spiritual and temporal jurisdiction, especially from that of the monastery of St. Anthony, Vienne.'^ The independent existence of the hospital was not of long duration, as it was annexed and appropriated to the college of St. George, Wind- sor, in 1475." It must have been quite pros- perous at that time, since the sum total of its receipts in 1478-9, viz. ;^539 19^-, exceeded its expenses by £()6 \s. lod.^^ From the accounts it may be gathered that the surplus was not obtained by stinting the inmates of food.^' The church was rebuilt in 1499 on the old site, to which other ground had been added,^" and rededicated in July, 1502.^^ To this work the principal contributor was Sir John Tate, a London alderman, who gave both land and money.*^ It is interesting to compare the list of wages paid in 1522*' with that in 1545: the first shows that there were then in the house besides the master, four priests, a steward, the curate of St. Anthony's, a schoolmaster, a master of the song-school and seven other clerks, an usher of the school, and a butler ; in 1545, those receiving stipends were two priests, the steward, the school- master, a clerk for the mass of Our Lady, the " Cal. of Pap. Letters, vii, 373. Adam de Olton, then master, was styled, however, canon of the monastery of St. Anthony, Vienne. Cal. of Pat. 1422-9, p. 108. " Reg. Denton, fol. 317. '« Ibid. fol. 318. ^^ Cal. of Pat. 1467-77, p. 115. After this the post of master was given to one of the canons of Windsor. " Doc. of D. and C. of St. George's, Windsor, St. Anthony's Hospital Accts. xv, bdle. 37, No. 15. " The accounts for 7 Oct. 1494, were as follows : — In herbs, ^d. ; in veal to stew at dinner, \od. ; in ribs of beef to roast at dinner, 21a'. ; in 3 qrs. of mutton for all the house at supper, 20a'. On Easter Day, 1495, the sum of 17/. Si/, was expended in four lambs for all, seven capons for the hall, 100 eggs, two green geese for the master at dinner, eighteen chickens, six rabbits for the master at supper, half a ' veal ' for the poor men and children at dinner and supper, and 3 gallons of red wine and claret. Ibid, xv, bdle 37, No. 21. 29 Sept. 1501, the meat for broth cost 4= Ibid. 45. 586 RELIGIOUS HOUSES but his hermitage, of course, was not necessarily in that neighbourhood. A hermit is mentioned twice in the fourteenth century as living near the church of St. Lawrence Jewry, in 1361,'' and in 1371 when a bequest was made to Richard de Swepeston by name and to Geoffrey his companion.^* There was also in 1361 a hermit at Charing Cross, whose cell must have been the hermitage known in the fifteenth century as the chapel of St. Katharine.^' The profession of hermit lent itself easily to fraud, and the impostor who in 14 12 was sentenced to the pillory for pretending to be a hermit*" was probably not the only one of his kind. He is described as going about ' bare- footed and with long hair, under the guise of sanctity saying that he had made pilgrimage to Jerusalem, Rome, Venice and the city of Seville in Spain ; and under colour of such falsehood he had and received many good things from divers persons, to the defrauding and in manifest deceit of all the people.' No such inducement to deceive offered itself in the case of the anchorites, I who had to obtain the licence of the bishop to become recluses and whose cells were generally attached either to a parish church or to a reli- gious house *^ in order to ensure them the means of subsistence, for in an unfrequented place they might have starved. Katharine wife of William Hardel constructed for herself in 1227 an anker-hold by the chapel of St. Bartholomew's Hospital,*^ and mention is made in 1228 of an anchorite by the church of 'AH Saints Colman,'*' and in 1255 of an < inclusa ' of St. Margaret Pattens.''^^ Behind the chapel of St. Peter at the Tower of London there was an anker-hold known as the hermitage of St. Eustace, mentioned as early as 1236, when the king ordered a penny to be paid every day to the recluse of this place, of which he was patron.** On one occasion it was granted by Henry III to a woman, Idonia de " Sharpe, Cal. of Wills, ii, 107. "Ibid, ii, 147. In Anchoresses of the West, 240, these are said to be recluses, but authority for the statement is not given. " The chapel was granted to the king's servitor, Edmund Tankard, in 1462. Cal. of Pat. 1 46 1 -7, p. 214. The hermitage is mentioned in a lease by tbe abbot of Westminster, I 5 19. Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Westm. parcel 3, pt. 4. "Letter Bk. I, fol 1 1 3, cited by Riley, Memorials of Land. 584. *' Fosbroke, op. cit. 492, 494. The author of Piers the Plowman knew London well, and while referring to wandering hermits in disparaging terms he evidently approved of anchorites. Piers the Plow- man (ed. Skeat), i, 2, 3. *^ Rot. Lit. Claus. (Rec. Com.), Ii, 18 1-5. " In the will of Richard de Elmham, canon of St. M.irtin's, Jrch. fouiii. xxiv, 343. *'» Guildhall MS. Ill, fol. 1260. ** Bayley, Hist, of the Tower of Lond. 125. Boclaund,*^ but in 137 1 it was held by a man.*« At the latter date there was another cell in the immediate neighbourhood, for the Swans- nest, the abode of John Ingram, an anchorite *' in 1371 and 1380,*^ was close to St. Katharine's Hospital. A cell was built in the turret of the wall near Aldgate by a recluse named John*^ who was living there in 1257-8,^ but in 1325 the place seems to have survived in name only.^' It is true Simon Appulby, priest, made his profession as an anchorite in 15 13 before the bishop of London in the priory of Holy Trinity,'^ which must have been quite close to the spot, and this would argue that the cell had not disappeared ; it is however more likely that Appulby lived in the monastery. The ankerhold attached to the abbey of Westminster " may possibly be traced back to the thirteenth century, since Nicholas the hermit of Westminster occurs in the Pipe Rolls from 1242 to 1245.^* B"' the notices are more frequent later. To the anchorite monk in the church of Westminster, John Bares, citizen of London, left 20i. by will in 1384.^' It is reported that the monk recluse there ussd his influence to secure adherents to the party of the lords appellant against Richard 11.°" Henry V after his father's death confessed to Humphrey of Lambeth, the anchorite of West- minster.'' Sir John London, recluse in the church of St. Peter, who figures in the list of benefactors of Syon Monastery,^' received a be- quest of ;^io in 1426 from thedukeof Exeter.*' The cell was sometimes occupied by a woman : Henry VI in 1443 gave an annuity of 6 marks to the anchoress there,'" and forty years after- wards a similar annuity was granted also to a female recluse by Richard III.*^ *Tbid. '"Sharpe, op. cit. ii, 147. " He is called a recluse in a will of 1376. Ibid, ii, 189. " Ibid, ii, 147, 228. " Hund. R. fRec. Com.) i, 413, 420. He is here described as a hermit, but it is evident from a fine of 1257-8 that he was a recluse. '" Hardy and Page, op. cit. 39. " The garden on the south side of Aldgate called 'The Hermitage' was then leased for 10/. a year to Peter de Staundone. Sharpe, Cal of Letter Bk. E, 193. " Lond. Epis. Reg. Fitz James, fol. 41. *' It was on the south of the chancel of St. Margaret's. See Lease of 1730 among Doc. of D. and C. of Westm. Westm. Extra. No. 1 4. " Guildhall MS. Ill, fol. 956, 988, 1004. " Lond. Epis. Reg. Braybrook, fol. 389-90. '« Stow, Ann. (ed. 161 5), 318. " Steele, op. cit. 240. "Add. MS. 22285, fob 70- " Nichols, Royal mils, 250. "" Harris Nicholas, Proc. and Old. of the Privy Council, v, 282. " Steele, op. cit. 240. 587 A HISTORY OF LONDON The licence of the bishop of London to Beatrice de Meaus in 1307 to live as an anchoress near the church of St. Peter Cornhill in a place where anchorites used to live before ''- proves that the cell was not then a new foundation.^' It was inhabited by Beatrice or by another woman in 1324,** but in 1345 and 1348 a male recluse was in possession. ^^ Mention is made in 1345 of an anchorite, and in 1 361 of an anchoress at St. Benet Fink.*^ A recluse called Lady Joan lived in St. Clement Danes in 1426." The anchoress at Allhallows London Wall, for whom the sum of 4 marks was received by the wardens of the church from the bishop of London in 1459,^ was succeeded in a year or two by an anchorite, William Lucas, who died about i486. The accounts of this church contain some inter- esting details concerning recluses of this kind. In these they figure not only as the recipients of ^ Lond. Epis. Reg. Baldock and Gravesend, fol. 9. " This might otherwise have been inferred from an inquisition of 1324, where the jurat! state that the house in which an anchoress lives was built eight years ago by the parishioners of St. Peter's Cornhill on the king's soil. Of course this would not make the date of foundation 1307, but there was often great vagueness as to time. Par/. R. (Rec. Com.), i, 419. " Ibid. " Sharpe, Ca/. of Wills, i, 483, 638. ^ Ibid, i, 483 ; ii, 107. " Nichols, Royal Wills, 250. ^ Churchwardens' Accts. of Allhallows, London WaU. charity but as contributors to the church. Among other sums given by Lucas are 31. ^d. to church work, 2s. 2>d. to 'ye makyng of ye new holies of laton of ye heme,' and 35. i^d. for painting the church. Simon, to whom the cell was granted after Lucas' death, gave to the church on one occasion a stand of ale, on another 32X. towards the new aisle, and in 1500— i he presented a chalice weighing 8 oz. An anchorite's servant probably had to be useful in many ways, for a payment is recorded to Simon's servant for plastering the church wall. Simon the Anker was the author of a treatise called The Fruit of Redemption, printed by Wynkyn de Worde in 1514. Since in 1532 a grant of the next presentation was made by the Court of Com- mon Council to an alderman, it must be concluded that the advowson of the cell then belonged to the City.^^ It appears to have been suppressed in 1538, the anker-house being given to the City swordbearer.'" There was also a cell attached to the Black- friars, and here Katharine Foster lived with her maid from 1471 to 1479.^^ It is believed that this house is identical with that inhabited before by an anchorite known as the hermit of New Brigge. The place must have been occupied until the Dissolution, for in 1548 Katharine Man, former recluse of the Blackfriars, relinquished her right to the anchoress-house to the commonalty and received a pension of 20sP *' Rec. of Corp. of Lond. Repert. viii, fol. 214^. " Ibid. Repert. x, fol. 36^-37^. '' Steele, op. cit. 100. " Ibid. 588 I ■ •4 CENTRAL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY University of California, San Diego DATE DUE JW44-4Q7R_ •M* A < o 4Arm — DEC 1 6 lydU 1 ^ . .. ' ■ M.flD — A— 1" — fni-i J iviMK f b (yy4 CI 39 UCSD Libr. f* LIBRARY I'' «ANO(cso UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY D 001 047 337 9