!. :v^ ^aOJIWDJO"^ AWEUNIVERJ/a o ■Si — ^ • 3AINn-3WV^ ^^HIBRARYO^ ^OJITOJO"^ \WUNIVEB% ■%a3AiNn3W^ ^j^OFCAllFOR^ ^^.OFCALIFOP^ o 9= IV / >~ \ o '^OAHvaan^- ^OAavaan#' ^^WEUN1VER% o ■^/sasAiNn^wv" ^OFCAllFOff^ ^CAavaaii#- '^lllBRARYQr ^tllBRARYQ^ ^AOJIlVDJO'i^ AMEUNIVERJ/a <>;lOSANCElfx> o ■^TJlJONVSOl^ ^/ia3AINI13WV' ^IIIBRARYQ^ ^lllBRARYO/^ ^WEUNIVERS'/, ^JIIVDJO"^ ^OJIIVJJO'^ mm ^ILIBRARY6K ^^tllBRARYO/, > , JWSOl^ '^Aa3AIN(l 3ttV '^d/OJITVDJO^ ^.KOJIWD J0>^ ^\^E■^)NIVERy/A. .vlOSA>ICElfj> %133NVS01^'^ ■^Aa3AINi13WV^ ^^^t■LIBRARYO/: ^.JOdllVJJO'^ ■cVU IIIJIV tD\, inc ^urrt r,- , r\FrAiimPi, .^nFr&iiFnPi, ' ^WdlTOJO"^ ^i < •^ iS)i ^ .^Mf^JNIVERS/A ^svlOSANCElfj> CO 3D ■%a3AIN(l]WV^ 4s> I ^IIIBRARY(?^ aVvUIBRARYQc^ '^iOJIlVDJO'^ ^WJIIVDJO'^ .^WE■llNIVER% ^lOSANCElfj^ *^^IIIBRARY(9^ • o %a]AiNii]\<>^ .^'rtEUNIVERJ//, ^lOSA%Elfj;>. O iL ^OFCAilFO% ^OFCAllFOfiV o ■^/Sa3AIN(l]WV vAlllBRARYOr ^\SlllBRARYQr ^WJIIVJJO'^ ,^WE■UNIVER5•/A o ^lOSANCElfx> o , -< ^Aa]AINI1]\\V^ ^illBRARYQ^ ^tllBRARYO/^ %0JIIV3JO^ ^OJIlVJJO'i^ -1 ^OFCAllFOft^ ^OfCAllFOff^ ^(?A8vaaii-5^ ^OAavaani'^ AMEUNIVERS/a • %a3MNIl]\\V ^^,0FCAIIF0% .^;OFCAllFO% -^CAHvaani^ ^(?Aavaan#- . ^WE UNIVERS/A svlOSANCElfj> i^tllBRARYQ^ ^OJITVDJO^ ^OJITVOJO"^ , ^'rtE UNIVERS/A >■ o o< <5 .— ». -^ %a3AiNn-3^vv THE HISTORY OF THE POO Rs, THEIR RIGHTS, DUTIES, AND THE LAWS RESPECTING THEM IN A SERIES OF LETTERS, A NEW EDITION CORRECTED, AND CONTINUED TO THE PRESENT TIME, By THO. RUGGLES, Esq. F.A.S. One of his Majcfty's Juftices of the Peace for the Counties of Eflex and Suffolk. LonDon : PRINTED FOR W. RICHARDSON, ROYAL EXCHANGE. M.DCC.XCVII, 1 I " t I 2^b mi ^ , y.. g Hii i )m. « ijiyiiui n t ju im i nw ' i i M. s'smm jn i iinj i ^ awpuwma—rawiawwyja wwuwiTH-ian i -'unB TO THE PUBLIC, WHEN I at firft determined to revife tlie follow- ing Letters, and to publifli them in a volume diftinft from that ufeful Agricultural Regifter'"' wherein they firft appeared, it was my intention to addrefs them to Mr. Pitt, under an abfurd perfuafion that a minifter of ftate is expe6led, as it were, ex ojicio, to read thofe treatifes which are, through the medium of the prefs, direfted for his perufal ; and alfo from a belief that, if he did perufe, he might, from the detail of what has been done by the legillature for the poor, has been writ- ten by thofe whofe obfervations on the fubject have been preferved in print, or from the hints and obfervations fcattered throughout the publication itfelf, find fomewhat upon the fubjeft, w4iich,' when improved by his folid judgement, matured by long experience, might, in the form, of an ad of the legillature, meliorate and improve * The Annals of Agriculture, by A. Yoiwg, Efq. A 2 the iriiRr>i:^ IV TO THE PUBLIC. the fituation of the poor, and diminifli the cxpenfcs of then- maintenance. But rcflc6\ion foon cured me of that prefumption : a miniftcr of ftate is the laft perfon in the kingdom who can be expelled to read books ; he has more upon his hands, to read men, than he can eafily get over in the daily roudne of bufinefs. In the mean time, M'ith refpe£t to the ardiia regni^ he cannot poflibly attend to a more irrefiftible monitor than the pubHc voice ; by which exprelTion neither the howhng of a favage and Ucentious mob, or the cries of pretended patriotifm, are intended ; but the voice of that general opinion, which arifes from general knowledge of the fubje6l, that fpeaks always in a tone, and with an authority, w^hich is irrefiflible, and dien truly is not the vox populi alone, it is the vox Dei. To the Public, therefore, this hiftory of, and thefe obfervations on, the police refpefting the poor, are pro- perly dedicated. If any part of the detail contained in the following pages, if any of the obfervadons, are worth the attention of the Public ; if any of the hints here thrown out tend, in the leaft degree, to meliorate the condition of the poor themfelves, or to fave the Public any part of the vaft expenfe which lies fo heavy on the fhoulders of the landed interell, confident with the general comfort of the fociety at large, their difcernment will fee It, their good fenfe will apply it, and their voice will fpeak, TOTHEPUBLIC. v fpeak, with irrefiilible perfuafion, to our rulers, that it may be done. If nothing in thefe pages is worthy their attention, if no ideas can be collected from the variety of matter treated of which tend to throw hght on this fubje6t of fo great confequence to us and to our pofterity, the contrary prefumption will be properly puniihed by the public ne- gle6t, and the infignificance of the publication will doom it to that oblivion in wjiich many other tra61:s on the fame topic are buried. In fuch a cafe, the writer would have offended ftill more againfl: the public advantage, had he, by an addrefs to the minifter, taken up any of his valuable time ; but yet he wifhed, through the medium of the prefs, to talk with him on the fubjeft ; to afk him whether that vafl increafe of the poor's rate, which became known to the public by the means of the returns from the overfeers in the year 1787, is not worth his notice? Whether the fubjeft itfelf is of fo trifling an import as to be always left to the de- termination of a number of members of the Houfe of Commons, fcarcely greater than would meet as a committee on a private bill ? Or, whether he receives any fatisfac- tion from a condu61: fnnilar to that of the dog in the man- ger ; doing nothing himfelf, and not permitting any other perfon to be a£live on the fubjedl? The fate of Mr. Gilbert's bill and Sir William Young's plan lliews fomewhat of this difpofition : the firll probably fell, vi T O T ri E P U B L I C. fell, like other milhapen and difproportionate buildings, mold ruit fua ; the lall certainly contained fome good regulations, was calculated to give a fpur to our a£ti- \ity in the adminitlralion of the poor-laws, and to recal into the execution of them fomewhat of their original in- tent ; the promotion of induftry, and the encouragement of labour. But public rumour then reported that the minitler in- tended to take the bufniefs under his own infpedlion, and, for that reafon, he difcountenanced the indigelled fchemes of private individuals; we know not, indeed, but at this inftant he may be employed in digefting a code which fliall com- prehend in its fcope every thing that can be exped:ed from the union of great ability with an intimate knowledge of the fubjed: ; or, poiTibly, his mind may be made up, and, after much inveftigation of and attention to the matter, he may have come to this prudent refolution : I will do nothing ; lead: done, hke leaft faid, is fooneft mended. But yet this important bufinefs prelfes ; the poor-rates are Hill rifnig throughout that part of the kingdom which can- not employ its poor in manufadlures, and manufadures are by no means general, but local : befides, while not one quarter of the illand receives any immediate benefit from the Aery flourilning Hate of our trade and manufaftures, the three-fourths which are in ftill water feel themfelves in danger tVom the very caufe which creates the calm, and, oppreffed with an additional . weight by the furges which ' , circle TO THE PUBLIC. vu circle round the pool, find it is with .difficulty they which might arife from fuch an inquiry, could not make their appearance with fo much propriety in any publication as in the Annals of Agriculture i becaufe the objett of it refpe<5ts the happinefs of a clafs of our fellow-creatures, without whofe manual labour the fruits of the earth could neither be fowed or reaped ; and alfo re- colle6ling, that, if a ray of reafon is elicited in the progrefs of the inquiry, it is due to the fhrine of Agriculture, which, if not Wifdom herfelf, bears a flirong refemblance of her divine original : I therefore dedicate the following pages, on this too-much-negle£l:- ed fubje6f, to your fervice, and your reader's patient candour. The page of hiftory reveals to us this melancholy and awful truth, that the happinefs of millions has, in all ages, been at the beck and in the power of units, and thofe often the meaneft and worft of mankind ; myriads have fallen by the fword, difeafe, and famine, the victims of war, led on to their deftru6lion by wretches who have difgraced the human race j but our inquiry has nothing to do with the dire eflfeiSls of zeal, defpotifm, or political revo- lution } our employment lies in the vales of peace and plenty j our purpofe is to inveftigate this problem. Why our laborious poor are fo wretched ? Does the complaint arife from phyfical caufes, or from the regulations of focicty ? Can fociety, by laws, regulations, B 2 example, 4 LETTER!. example, or by any and what means, meliorate their condi- tion ? The unceafing laws of nature muft, in every climate, have their energy ; cfFefls muft every where be analogous to, and flowing from, their caufe; gradations of comfort arife in civilized fociety in due proportion to the degree of civilization ; the fqualid inhabi- tant of Magellan's Streights, although fo wretched and negatived in appearance, in all that makes life fupportable, fhares, doubtlefs, a degree of happinefs in proportion to his capacity of enjoyment j that capacity enlarges as civilization prevails, and means of obtain- ing the obje6ls of our wifhes alfo increafe. In this ifland, a dif- pofition to relifh the comforts of life, the meaneft of us equally pofTefles with the greateft; furely, therefore, thofe comforts cor- refpondent with our fituation, fhould not be removed at fuch a diftance from the grafp of any of us, as to be attainable only by a breach of the laws of fociety. — In fome climes, favoured by a more diredl approach of the folar ray, the various articles of drefs are an incumbrance, and the native has no care what raiment he fhall clothe himfelf with : in fuch climate he may, literally, imitate the lilies of the field, which neither toil nor fpin, and are clothed only in the attire Nature prepared for them. How different is the ne- ceffity in this higher latitude; fcarce a natural day pafles away, even during the fummer folfticc, but our comfort and health re- quire that clothing, to obtain which the price of many days' labour muft be paid. How much ftronger does urgent neceflity re- quire warmth of clothing in the dreary leaflefs winter, when every gale wafts rheumatifm and ague; and what is effential to the liealth and prefervation of the parent, is furely not lefs fo for the child. Hence, in this country, arifes one unceafing call for no in- confiderable (hare of the price of labour j a call fanftioned as well by an attention to the prefervation of life as by the dilates of de- cency, the j-efult of ideas conneaed with civilization. Another LETTER I. 5 Another flrong and urgent demand on the fcanty revenue of the poor man, is the expenfe of fire. In more fouthern latitudes, the whole year may be paffed, and it may not be an article eflential to the life or health of the inhabitant : poflibly, in climates included in ninety of the one hundred and eighty degrees of north and fouth latitude, the lower clafles of fociety fee not the blazing hearth, or have no occafion for it in their domiciles throughout the year : their habits of life are different; their fimple food, confifling principally of the fruits of the earth, requires not much afTiftance from fire to make it fuitable to the palate or proper for digeflion j we read that the inhabitants of the iflands in the South Sea* knew not the ufe of hot water ; but, in this ifland, fire is neceffary, at times, throughout the whole year ; in fummer, for preparing the food, and in fpring, autumn, and winter, for the comfort alfo, if not for the prefervation, of the cottager. Our climate alfo occafions another demand to fcreen the poor man from its rigours. Throughout a confiderable part of the habi- table world, the genial warmth of the atmofphere is fuch, that the human race requires fcarce any protection from the common air and fky : in thofe climes, man may wander with man, joint tenants of the fhade ; but here, a domicil is necefTary ; although the hardy aborigines of the ifland might not require fuch a flielter, yet man, tamed and made tender by the arts of civilization, de- mands a threfhold, within whofe facred bounds the domeftic hearth may be fheltered, as well from the afTaults of the weather, as thofe of his boiflerous or impertinent neighbour j hence, there- fore, arifes another call on his flender income, an income earned by the labour of his hands and the fweat of his brow. Thefe three necefTary and unavoidable calls on the finances of the poor have been already ftated, in the articles of clothing, fire, and dwelling : but a much larger and more important de- * Cook's Voyage. mand $ LETTER I. mand remains to be mentioned, — the daily fiipply of food; the fupply of fuch meat and drink, as fliall enable him, day after day and year after year, to pafs through a life of hard labour and conftant fatigue; a degree of labour which the ftrongeft of us, whofe mufcles have not been trained to the purpofe, would flirink from in the experiment of a day, perhaps of an hour ; and the produce of this labour, the reward of thefe toils, to be expended, not on himfelf only, but frequently to be divided with a wife and family of children, who often have no honeft means of increafing their hufband's and parent's irncome. But this is not all: the occupation of the labourer, as well as the nature of his being, fubje6ls him to acute illnefs, to chronic diforders, and at length to old age, decrepitude, and impotence ; the inftant any of thefe unavoidable misfortunes of life attack him, the fource of every comfort is flopped, and without the aid of his more opulent neighbours, or, what is infinitely to the credit of this nation, without the interference of the godlike laws of his <:ountry, this ufeful clafs of our countrymen would fink in the aims of famine or defpair. Thefe, I apprehend, are the phyfical caufes of that depth of wretchednefs and mifery which we too often fee in the cottages of the poor ; not to mention the wayward nature of the human dif- pofition ; the example and prevalence of vicious habits ; the faci- nating charms of intoxication ; the confequential habits, idlenefs and diffipation ; the indolence which is concomitant with a broken fpirit ; and that careleffnefs and indifference to what may happen in future, which is too apt to arife in the mind that cannot fee its way through prefent difficulties : thefe are frailties infeparable from the nature of human beings, which increafe and aggravate their diftrefs, and which nothing but a proper fenfe of religion can remove ; and neither the power of the legiflature or the wifdom of the philofopher can teach to alleviate. But LETTER I. 7 But it is not from climate, it is not from the frailties of human nature alone, or the neceflary wants and demands which the pre- fcrvation of life and health inculcates to the mind of man, and the infufficiency of the earnings of bodily labour to attain the gratifi- cation of them, that the appearance of the labourer indicates fuch wretchednefs ; the laws, the cuftoms, and habits of fociety, are all contributory to this effeft; and the excefs of civilization occa- fions diftreffes fuperior, yet fimilar, to what the favage experiences in his ftate of nature ; fuperior, becaufe his diftrefs is not aggra- vated by a near view of the tantalizing contraft, the enjoyments of opulence and luxury ; fimilar in the effefls, which are, cold, hunger, and difeafe; in the one inftance, the favage muft be fatif- fied with the order of nature, which eftabliflies no law of appro- priation, but occupancy ; he, confequently, cannot blame the laws and habits of fociety, which aggravate, if they do not, in fact, give rife to, the misfortunes of the Englifh labourer ; this is an aflertion which demands an inquiry ; and, if the principle is efta- bliflied by fuch an inveftigation, fhould not thofe laws, habits, and cuftoms, be modified, to correfpond with the feelings of hu- manity ? In the firft place, it is apparent that bodily ftrength is the only patrimony the labourer enjoys ; this is to fupply him and his family with the neceffaries of life: the fame patrimony, in conjunflion with the opportunity of exerting the faculties of the mind, the in- habitant of an uncivilized country pofleffes ; the firft is reftrained by the laws from trefpafling on appropriated property ; and, in this country, all that can be called property, is appropriated ; the other has ample fcope for the exercife of his faculties, both of body and mind ; the gifts of nature lying open to the firft man who has ftrength or dexterity fufficient to octupy them. Here is a manifeft advantage which the favage poffefTes, and the laws of his country have taken from the Englifti labourer : but have not the laws, the maxims, or the benevolence, of fociety, given to the poor fome equivalent. 8 L E T T E R II. equivalent, inftead of the opportunity of obtaining property by occupancy ? the objeds of which being, in every inflance, already occupied, he is reduced to the fole means of bartering the fweat of his brow for the neceffaries of life ; they furely have, and an attempt fhall be made to point out the fubftitutes. The labourer is worthy of his hire, becaufe he gives for it his fole property, his ftrength and his time, referving to himfelf only fufficient intervals for refrefliment and repofe : what ought there- fore to be his hire ? The anfwer is obvious : the neceffaries and comforts of life, equal to the reafonable wants of that clafs of fociety among which he ranks. Does he receive recompenfe for his labour equivalent to fuch a reafonable expedation ? The examina- tion of the fa£l fhall be the anfwer to the queftion ; and, that the inquiry may be as clofe to the point as pofllble, let us examine, in the firil place, how the retributions for labour were paid in days of yore ; whether they then flood in the fame proportion with the neceffaries of life, in times when luxury was not fo univerfally diffufed, and the cottager, not having the fight of the rich man's enjoyments fo immediately under his eye, might be fuppofed to be better contented with his homely fare, than in thefe days, when the ftrong expreflions of the poet are verified in every village : — — Szvior armis Luxuria incubuit, vidumque ulcifcitur orbctn. LETTER II. FLEETWOOD'S Chronicon Pretiofum will afllft us in this inquiry; and, that the conclufion of the argument may not be fuppofed to reft on the foundations of fancy, fome extracts from that ufeful compilation fhall be produced. The L E T T E 11 11. ^ The intention of the author was not much difllmilar to that of the prefent tra6t, except that he had a point to prove, we have only a fubjedl to examine ; and, to prove his point, he has fcarch- ed not only all the publications then extant on the fubjeft, but alio many manufcript accounts of different monafteries, where the prices of the different articles of Hfe were regularly inferted, and in fome inflances where the prices of labour formed alfo part of the account. But no certain comparative view can be formed on this head until about the middle of the fourteenth century; when, by an act of parliament pafled in the 23d year of Edward the Third, the wages of the labourers were regulated, on account, as the preamble of the flatute recites, of the great increafe of wages occafioned by the plague:* by the firft chapter, every perfon able of body, and under the age of fixty, not having means of maintaining himfelf, is bound to ferve thofe who are willing to employ him, at the wages which were ufually given fix years before the plague, and ftated to be, s. d. To haymakers and weeders, by the day . - 01 Mowing meadows, by the acre or day - - _ 05 Reapers of corn, in the firit week in Augufl, by the day, o 2 In the fecond week, and to the end of the month - 03 Threfliing a quarter of wheat or rye - - - 02^ Threfhing a quarter of barley, beans, peafe, or oats - o 1 1 That excellent model for all parochial antiquities, Sir John Cullum's Hillory and Antiquities of Hawilead, will alfo afTiil in forming a more accurate idea of the proportional prices of labour and provifions in Suffolk throughout fome part of this century : * This preamble indicates the caufe of the advance in the price of kbour, a decreafe of the numbei- of hands, and proves the policy of the acl to decreafe, not increafe, wages. C 1387. Wheat ,0 L E T T E R II. s. d. 1387. Wheat threfhed, per quarter - - 04 Other grain - - - - 02 A reaper, per day - - - - ^ 4 Man filUng dung-cart three days - - o io| 1389. Wheat reaping, per acre - - - 07 Mowing an acre of grafs - - - 06 Thefe prices are without meat, drink, or other courtefy de- manded. * The prices of provifions, and the neceflaries and comforts of life, were, during the famccentury, as follow : A.D. £• s. d. 1309, Apairoffhoes - 4 1 3 14. A flailed, or corn-fed, ox - 1 4 13 14. A grafs-fed ox - 16 A fat flailed cow - 12 A fat fheep unfliorn - T 8 A fat fheep fhorn - I 2 A fat hog, two years old - 3 4 A fat goofe _ _ - w 2| Ale regulated by proclamation, in refpeft to ] price. a gallon _ _ - - I 1338. Wheat, a quarter - 3 4 Earley, a quarter - 10 Peafe and beans, a quarter - I Oats, a quarter - 10 White wine, a gallon - 6 Red wine, a gallon - 4 1387. Barley, at Leicefler, a quarter - 2 I ^88. Laflage of a cow with its calf, one yea r, and a hen 1 6 8 * Hiftory and Antiquities of Hawftead, p. 188, 190. J388. Wheat, L E T T E R II. II £' s. J. 1388. Wheat, per quarter - - - 040 Oats, per quarter - - - 020 An ox - - - - 0136 A boar - - - - o i 8* It is not an eafy matter to determine, from the prices fpecified in Fleetwood, what was the average-rate, at which provifions were fold, the year parliament regulated the price of labour ; for, about the middle of this century, years of dearth and plenty almoft alter- nately follow each other, and the peftilence alfo occafioned a confi- derable difference ; but the articles extracted are in thofe years, when none of thefe caufes affefted the price of provifions, and may therefore be efteemed a tolerable exa6t average for the four- teenth century. In the beginning of the next century in the year 1404, the pay of a labourer was fometimes two-pence, fometimes three-pence, as appears from a computus of the Prior and Canons of Burchefter j and in 1446. Labourers without diet _ - - - From Michaelmas to Eafter, id. lefs. A mower in harveft, without diet A reaper and carter, without diet The prices of neceffaries and provifions from the fame computus : J. d. 1407. A cow - - • - Two bufhels of wheat Five bufhels and a half of fait 1425. Peafe, per quarter Gallon of ale, from i^. to « Fleetwood's Chron. Pret. C 2 £' s, d. 3h 6 5 7 10 3 4f 2 2 U 1425. Gallon 12 LETTER II. s. d. 1425. Gallon of red wine - - Gallon of fweet wine « - - Two yards of ruflet cloth for the fhepherd Thirty pair of winter gloves for the fervants - The following from other computus's : 1444. Wheat, a quarter . - - Malt, a quarter - . - - Oats, a quarter - - - Flitch bacon 1445. Wheat, a quarter , » _ Oats, a quarter . _ - Gallon of ale 1447. Wheat, a quarter - - Oats, a quarter _ - - 1448. Wheat, a quarter Oats, a quarter . _ - _ 1449. Wheat, a quarter 1450. Wheat, a quarter - Oats, a quarter * - Gallon of ale 1463. Wheat, a quarter - - In the fixteenth century, only two inftances are to be found of the wages of a labourer, one in 15 14, the other in 1557. A. D, s. d. 1 5 14. Labourers from Eafter to Michaelmas, except in harveft, o 4 Ditto from Michaelmas to Eafter - - 03 A mower in harveft, with diet, 4^. without - 06 A reaper and carter in harveft, with diet, 3^, without, o 5 * Fleetwood's Chron. Pret, J514. A S I 4 2 2 4 4 4 4 I 8 I 8 4 6 2 a 8 2 If 6 8 2 5 8 2 1 2 0* L E T T E R II. 13 s. d. 1514, A woman-labourer, and other labourers, with diet, 2\d. without 1557. Threfhing a quarter of wheat Ditto of rye _ _ - . Ditto of barley - _ - . Prices of provifions, &c. in the i6th century: 15 12. Oats, a quarter - ~ - Beans, a quarter - - . 1 51 3. Oats, a quarter _ . - Beans, a quarter - . - 1 51 5. Beans, a quarter - _ - 1533. Fat oxen _ - - _ Fat wethers - Fat calves Fat lambs _ - _ _ Beef in London 2|lb. or 31b. Mutton, per quarter, in London 1557. Wheat, a quarter before harveft Wheat, a quarter after harveft Malt, a quarter before harveft Malt, a quarter after harveft 1558. A good flieep - - - In this inquiry there is no occafion to enter into an explanation of the comparative value of money in the three centuries, through a great part of which thefe notices have been taken ; becaufe the prices of labour and provifions have been valued by the fame fpecies of real or imaginary coin; and therefore the value of fuch, although very different from what bears the fame denominations in this century, is quite competent to illuftrate the ratio the prices of labour bore at thefe periods to the prices of the neceffaries of life. LETTER 4f I I 10 5 £' J. d. 2 4 2 4 4 2 4 2 I 6 8 3 4 3 4 I I 8 8 4 5 4 8 2 10 [ 14 ] LETTER III. INSTANCES of the prices of labour, and the cotemporary prices of provifions have been continued, by the afliftance of the Cbronicon Pretiofum, to a later sera than that in our ecclefiaftical hiftory; when the 31ft ftatute of Henry VIII. ch. 13. laid the axe to the root of all monaftic poflefllons in this kingdom, and transferred their eftates and rights to the crown. The effea this total change of property had on the fituation of the poor remains to be confidered. It will, at firft fight, be thought, and is indeed believed to be the fad, by thofe who have fuperficially invcftigated the hiftory of this period, that this aft, at once, ftruck off many of their comforts, and deprived them of many fources of afliftance, which are fup- pofed to have flowed to the poor in numberlefs ftreams, from the kitchens, refedlories, ftores, and cellars, of the monafteries j and that the different a6ls of parliament for their relief, which refledt honour on the annals of our hiftory, towards the end of the fix- teenth and beginning of theenfuing century, arofe from a necefTity, occafioned by this capital ftroke of the 8th Henry's defpotic au- thority i but the hiftory of the times does not authorize the con- clufion. It rather appears that what ftreams did, in facl, flow from thefc ecclefiaftical fraternities, to the poor of the kingdom, were ftiallow and penurious ; at the beft, the coarfe offal of a homely board ; indeed, if the mode of Ufe which was purfued by the nobility and gentry of this age be confidered ; if we recollefl, that the metropolis was not then, and, indeed, has not been till lately, that overgrown monfter, which engluts, within its maw, a property that, fpread on the humble board of the cottager, would feed millions; but, on the contrary, almoft every village then boafted, as its conftant inhabitant, one. or more fubftantial, if not ennobled, landlord, whofe LETTER Iir. 15 whofe hofpitable feat bore a femblance, according to the riches and rank of the owner, to that economic profufion, which, by the inftance fo happily preferved for the information of pofterity, by Dr. Percy,* appears to have graced the character of the fifth Earl of Northumberland, who lived near the beginning of this century j we fhall not, if fimilar inflances, in proportion to rank and fortune be fuppofed to be prevalent, imagine the poor to have much felt the want of fuch affiftance, as the heads of mo- nafteries permitted to be given away at their gates -, which, from the relations of modern travellers, who have lately vifited thofe countries on the continent, where monaftic inftitutions are ftlll in full force, and efpecially from the obfervatlons of Dr. Ducarei, in his tour through Normandy, where the cuftoms, endowments, and charitable donations, of the monafleries and priories may be fup- pofed, from their former conneclion with, to be fimilar to, what was experienced in this country, appear to be infignlficant and trifling, always excepting thofc inflances where the particular motive of the endowment was to enfure a hofpitable reception to the traveller. Tanner alfo, by a note in the preface to Noii- tia Monapca, appears to be of opinion, that it cannot be attri- buted to what the poor received from the religious houfes, that no parochial afleffments for their relief were found neceflary du- ring the prevalence of the monaflic inftitutions ; although it appears that fome of the larger priories dignified one of their officers with the name of almoner. But, be this fadt as it may, it is to be prefumed, that, if the poor did not fuftain any great lofs from the abolition of the mo- nafteries, in the article of any confiderable relief, they might have received from them, in provifion or alms ; they certainly felt one great inconvenience from the number of the necelTitous being con- * The Regulations and Eflablifliment of the Houfehold of Henry Algernon Percy, 1512. Printed for Dr. Percy, the prefent Biihop of Dromore, but not publifhed. fiderably ,6 LETTER III. fiderably increafed ; becaufe, on the diffolution of the fmaller mo- nafteries, in the year 1535, whole revenues did not exceed two hundred pounds a year, it is faid, that not Id's than ten thoufand perfons were Tent to feek their fortunes in the wide world, without any other allowance than forty fliillings and a new gown ; and a revenue of thirty or thirty-two thoufand pounds a year was vcfted in the crown ; and, when the greater monafteries were dif- folved, in the year 1539, and a revenue of one hundred and four thoufand nine hundred and nineteen pounds was diverted from the maintenance of people in idlenefs, and began to flow in different channels,* if the number of the poor, thrown upon the public by the diflblution of the lefTer monafteries, be added to the number which may alfo be fuppofed to have become a burthen to the public by the diflblution of the greater monafteries, com- puting that number by the proportional revenue vefted in the crown by the latter event to the revenue alfo vefted in the crown by the former, amounting to a total of near forty-three thoufand perfons, who in the lapfe of a few years had become additional objects of charity ; for, although many of the members of the greater monafteries were allowed penfions, yet, if it be confidered that they now enjoyed the liberty of becoming fathers of fami- lies, fuch a calculation will not appear to be extravagant; it will then not occafion our furprife, that a few years after this event, the legiflature fhould find occafion to interfere in their behalf, when probably not lefs than a hundred thoufand perfons, who had no vifible means of maintenance, preffed on the diftri- bution of the charitable fund vefted in truft with the ecclefiaf- tics, new in part wrefted from their gripe j and alfo became im- portunate fuitors to the defultory feelings of charitable indivi- duals, who might naturally be moved with compaflion at the fight of their father- confefTors now become needy fathers of a young offspring. * Notltia Monaftica, Preface. Befides, LETTER III. 17 Befides, the wars, which, from the conqueft, had kept our po- pulation thin ; a number of lives having been thrown away in the different contefts, within the kingdom, tor the fceptre; on the continent of Europe, for foreign pofTefTions ; and in Afia, on romantic principles of religious chivalry ; had now, for a confi- derable period, ceafed ; and near a century had clapfed fince the battle of Bofworth had feated Henry the Seventh on the throne, who, by his marriage with Elizabeth, the heirefs of the York family, had united the claims of the two houfes in his perfon ; and no internal commotion having, fince that event, occafioned any confiderable wafte of blood ; and, except at the battle of Flodden-Field, which feems, for a time, to have quelled the animofity of our northern neighbours, the nation having fuffered no lofs of inhabitants from foreign wars ; peace, of courfe, and its concomitant, population, had increafed the riches of thofe who pofleffcd the opportunity of acquiring, and, at the fame time, the number of thofe, whofe humble fituation precluded them from fuch attempts j the number of inhabitants, therefore, who had no means of fupport, except from their labour, confe- quently was confiderably increafed,* and, moft probably, among the crowd which prefTed on the public from the difTolved mo- nafteries, few were there who could handle the plough, the flail, or the fpade; but many, who, if they could not dig, were not afliamed to beg ; a privilege which different a6ts of parliament had already laid under certain reftridions. * In 1377, the number of inhabitants in England and Wales amounted to 2,092,978. 'in 1583, 104,688,000. Chalmers's Estimate. If D LETTER [ i8 ] L E T T E R IV. THE fituation of the poor, with refpeft to the price of labour and the neceffaries of life, their claims alfo on the charity of thofe in whofe pofTeffion was centred the property of this kingdom, having been confidered ; it will now be a topic worthy our attention to relate, briefly as poflible, the notice the legif- lature of the kingdom has taken of them, from the period when they firft became objeas of legiflation, unto the prefent time when they participate of a revenue amounting to near three millions fterling per annum, raifed for their employment and relief by the authority of the ftate. This inquiry may, with great propriety, pafs over that diftant sera, the tranflidions of which hiftory has preferved in very faint and doubtful records j and, indeed, it is not probable that, in times when this ifland enjoyed not any regular form of government, a great attention ftiould be paid by our governors to the welfare of the poor ; nor is it matter of wonder that while the petty reguli of the heptarchy were contefting the boundaries of their infig- nificant dominions; or while a foreign family, attended by a fwarm of martial and needy followers, were contending for the throne of England, or difputing among themfelves for the prize they had ob- tained; that any humane or wife regulations fhuuld take place with refpecl to the poor, who v/ere then only confidered as the means by which the claims of their refpedive lords might either be enforced or defended ; and, viewed in that light, they rank in a different clafs of citizens, and are diftingui(hed by epithets different from, but not more refpeftable in fociety, than that of hulbandmen. After the family of William, the Norman, had been eftablifhed on the throne for feveral generations, and Edward the Firft, having L E T T E R IV. jg having made the conqueft of North Wales, turned his attention to the defencelefs fituation of the lower clafs of his Welch fub- je6ls, and produced, with the ailiftance of his parliament, that code of laws known in our ftatute-books by the name of Sia- tutiim Wallia ; in which were regulated the modes by which they might obtain redrefs of private and public wrongs ; and in which it is ena(5ted, th^it a poor man, inilead of putting in pledges to profecute a fuit, on fuing out a writ, fliould only pledge his faith : from the date of this ftatute, which was paded in 1284, no mention appears of the poor in the acls of parhament until 1349, when tlie ftatute of labourers regulated their wages, as has been already mentioned, and in ftrong language declared that their labour, while they were able to work, Ihould be their only refource, by the following words : " That no one, under pain of imprifonment, by pretence of piety or charity, fliouId prefume to give any thing to thofe who were able to labour, to encourage them in idlenefs and floth, that by thofe means they might be compelled to work for the neceffaries of life." Ano- ther ftatute paffed in the fame reign, which gave the poor the right of an attaint in pleas, real and perfonal, without fine, and the ftatute of labourers, alfo, was confirmed, and the obfer- vance of it enforced by an imprifonment of fifteen days, and alfo by the punilhment of burning them in the forehead, with an iion in the form of the letter F, if they left their work and went away into different towns, or into another country j and alfo obliged the officers of cities or boroughs, in which they might refide, to deliver them up. From this period, until the 2d of Richard the Second, theftatute- book is filent with refpe6l to them; the parliament then, 1378, confirmed the ftatute of the 23d of Edward the Third,, and the other ftatutes of labourers, and ten years afterwards repeated the confirmation ; and farther diredled that no fervant or labourer fliould depart from one hundred, rape, or v/apentake, to another,- D 2 to 20 LETTER IV. to ferve, or live elfewhere, or under pretence of going a pilgri- mage, without a letter patent, containing the caufe of his going, and the time of his return, on pain of being put in the ftocks un- til he finds furety for his return. This acl of parliament alfo regulated the wages of yearly fervants, in hufbandry, allowing to the bailiff 13J. Ji^d. and clothing once a year ; to the mafter-hind, los.-y the carter, 10s. -, fhepherd, loi.; oxherd, 6s. 8 by the firft of which, thofe regulations made in the feveral parliaments of the fourth of Henry the Seventh, and the feventh and twcnty-feventh of Henry the Eighth, for keeping in repair farm-houfes, and maintaining of tillage, were enforced j and all that was enabled, during the laft two reigns, on this fub- je<5t, was repealed. By the fecond aft, the poor were to be re- lieved by what every perfon gives weekly j and, if any parifhioner ftiall refufe to pay, reafonably, towards the relief of the poor, or ihall difcourage others, then the juflices of the peace, at their quarter-fefTions, may tax him a weekly fumj which, if he refufes to pay, they may commit him to prifon ; and, if any parifh has more poor than they are able to relieve, juflices of the peace may licenfe fo many of them, as they fhall think good, to beg within the county. The next ad, which is the 5th of Elizabeth, cap. 4. is in force at this day ; and produces many ufeful regulations, as well in re- fpedt to what perfons are compellable to ferve in any crafts or trades, as in hulbandry : the condu6l of the mafter and fervant, recipro- ^ cally to each other, is regulated j the production of teftimonials of a fervant's conduft enforced by a penalty j the time during which labourers 38 L E T T E R VI. labourers fliall continue at work ; befides many other heads of re- gulation ; for all which, it is better to refer your readers to that excellent compendium. Burn's Juftice, or to the ftatute itfelf, than take up their time, or my own, in recapitulating its contents. — One fe£lion, however, I muft call forth to their notice : the wages of fervants, labourers, and artificers, as well by the day as year, fhall be limited, rated, and appointed, by the juftices of the peace of the county, they having refpedl to the plenty, or fcarcity, of the times, &c. : and this fe^tion is enforced by a penalty on the juftices, for not attending at the time required by the adt ; and alfo on the mafter for giving, and the fervant for taking, more than fuch rated wages. — Se61:. 15. The wifdom and humanity of government, during this long and profperous reign, engrafted, by degrees, fome of the beft moral principles of the Chriftian religion into the ftatute-law of the land. Our Saviour, in his converfations with his d'.fciples, lays very great ftrefs on the duty of giving to the poor, adminiftering to the fick, and relieving the prifoner ; as may be feen in the 25th chapter of Matthew, and many other places in the New Teftament : and the parliament of EUzabeth fanflioned that, which was before only a moral duty, by a law of the ftate j for, by the 14th of Elizabeth, cap. 5. afleffments are directed to be made of the pariftiioners of every parifh, for the relief of the poor of the fame parifh j and a provifion is alfo made for the relief of the prifoners in common gaols. The mode, alfo, of treating 'that clafs, or defcription, of our fellow-creatures, called, by the law, vagabonds, feemed alfo much better underftood than in former reigns ; but ftill was tinged with too much feverity, againft thofe members of fociety, who are guilty of a negative offence only, — that of want of induftry ; which, in fa6l, puniflies itfelf j and is, with juftice, puniflied by the municipal laws ; as it is certainly a crime, and fo confidered by one of the beft writers on that fubje£t this age has produced — Beccaria ; L E T T E R VI. 39 Beccaria;* who, in his excellent treatife, Dei Delitti e ielle FenCy cxaflly defcribes thofe ufelefs, and culpable, members of fociety, under the title of czioft^ whom we include by the word vaga- bonds; and indicates an opinion, that their offence to fociety is fomewhat fimilar to that of men who are probably guilty of crimes, but againft whom there is no certain pofitive proof. This flatute of Elizabeth orders vagabonds to be grievoufly whipped, and burned through the griftle of the righr ear, for the firft of- fence, if above fourteen years of age, unlefs fome creditable perfon will take them into fervice for a year j and, if of eighteen years of age, and he falls again into a roguifh life, he fhall fuffer death as a felon, unlefs fome creditable perfon will take him into fervice for two years j and, if he falls a third time into a roguifh life, he fhall be adjudged a felon. Government, after experiencing the efFe6ls ariling from what had been done in the fourteenth year of this reign, again took up the fubje6l ; and we find, in the eighteenth flatute, the firfl idea of natural children being maintained at the ex'penfe of their mother, or reputed father, who appear before this time to have been maintained at the expenfe of the parifh ; or, at lealV, there was no pofitive law of the flate enforcing the contrary. This flatute alfo provides for the punifhment of the father and mother; and has Hood the tefl of time, being the rule for the condu6l of magiflrates at this day. In this parliament, alfo, arofe the firfl idea of providing a flock to fet the poor at work. Indeed, it is fcarcely credible, that legifla- tors fhould, for centuries, have puniflied idlenefs and vagabondry fo feverely, and not have provided a certainty, that thofe members of fociety, who, from their fituation, are flrongly tempted to incur the crime, fhould have the means put in their power, by induflry, of avoiding it. * Beccaria dei Delitti e delle Pene, fed. 24. Houfes 40 LETTER VI. Houfes of induftry are now mentioned, for the firft time; and lands in focage are permitted, during twenty years, to be given towards their maintenance, and to provide ftock for the poor to work up. But what principle could induce the parliament to prohibit building cottages, unlefs four acres of land were laid to each of them, it is impoflible at this diftance of time to tell; the hiftory of that period taking no notice of the fubjeft ; and the preamble to the acl itfelf flating only general inconvenience ; yet fuch a regulation pafTed into a law, in 1589 ; together with a prohi- bition againfl more families, or houfeholds, than one, inhabiting the fame cottage. The parliament of this wife and happy aera were as progreflive in improving the fituation of the poor, and in laws replete with tendernefs and humanity, afFe6ling the lower claffes of the flate, as were the parliaments under the two preceding reigns retrogref- five and deficient in thofe refpe6ls. In the thirty-fifth year of Elizabeth, we find them turning again their attention to huf- bandry, and repealing feveral former ftatutes afFeding it; repeal- ing, alfo, that part of the flatute-law refpedting vagabonds, which retained any unneceflary, and therefore improper, feverity; regu- lating the management of thofe poor and impotent perfons, who are compelled to live by alms ; and enlarging the term, during which it fhould be lawful to give land towards the maintenance of houfes of corre6lion, or of the poor : and, after having tried, for four years, the efFeft of all the laws then in force, relative to this important department of the police, and having called, as it were, pradlical experience, in aid of theoretic legiflation ; we find, towards the end of the fixteenth century, and in the beginning of the thirty- ninth year of this reign, thefe various matters and important regulations taking fomewhat the appearance of a code or fyftem of laws, as they were contained in the firfl fix and the fcventeenth chapters of this feffion. ^ A re- LETTER VI. 41 A recapitulation of the heads of thefe feveral llatutcs would be tedious, and is unneceflary to the purpole of this tradl ; which is intended to inquire into the relative fituation of the poor, in time part, and at prefent : but one circumilance, on the revifal of the hiilory of thefe ftatutes, ftrikes the mind ftrongly ; that the 43d of Elizabeth, which is confidered by many as the fountain and origin of the poor's rate, is in fa£t not fo, but is the refult of the colle6led wifdom, obfervation, and experience, of the fame, or nearly the fame, individual ftatefmen; and thofe, men of acknow- ledged wifdom and prudence, attending to the fame object, the general good of fociety, in this moft important article of police, during the term of almoft half a century. Although fome fenfible and enlightened minds have appeared to doubt, whether this ftatute has, in its prefent confequences, brought upon that portion of fociety, vv'hich, by the law of the land, is fubje£t to its influence, more good than evil j reafoning from the great burthen it impofes on the landed intereft in parti- cular; the knowledge alfo that in other countries no fach law fubfifts ; that until a certain sera it was not the law here; till when no colle£lions, but fuch as are voluntary, were gathered for the poor; knowing withal, that mifery and diftrefs, arifmg from po- verty, are the lot of too many; although fuch an immenle revenue is raifed for their relief: yet fo great was the neceffity of raifing a certain revenue for them, and fo gradually and ftrongly did fuch neceflity enforce itfelf through the period which has jull been fub- je£l to our attention, by a kind of divine right, on the confcience of the legiflature, who difputed and yielded, ftep by ftep, to its powerful energy, during a long reign ; which all our hiftorians teach us to remember with reverence, for the wifdom and prudence fo vifibly prevalent throughout that age ; this aiTertion may now bje Ventured, that a tax upon fociety, for the relief of the poor, was, in the age of Elizabeth, expedient and neceffary; and that the regulations of the 43d ftatute of her reign were then the beft mo- G dificatioii 42 LETTER VII. dificatlon of fuch a tax, and well calculated to enforce habits of induftry, and all thofe exertions to maintain themfelves before they became a burthen upon their fellow-fubje6ls, which fell within the fcope of their power and ability : whether they are fo now, and whether the prefent enormous burthen of the poor's rates arifes from this ftatute being put in force, or from other caufes, fhall be the objed of a fubfequent inveftigation. LETTER VII. TO form an accurate judgement on any fubjeil, it is neceffary that the mind fliould have been as fully attentive to the defign of each part and proportion in detail as to the fpirit and effe6l of the whole ; the fly on the dome of St. Paul's might, with equal reafon, be fuppofed able to form a fenfible and critical opinion of that magnificent fabric, as the mind of that man be conceived equal to form an adequate conception of the intent of the legiflature in the ftatute alluded to, who has only read detached parts of it, or haftily, from the practice of modern days, formed a conception of the fpirit and intentions which imprefled the parliament when it became the law of the land, in the be- ginning of the laft century. It is neceflary, therefore, in fome part of this inquiry, to declare what was the intent of the legiflature when they paffed this a£t j and to point out the means made ufe of by them to enforce the execution of that intent; or, in other words, to explain the fpirit of this humane and wife code. In the execution of this tafk, reference fliall be made to the fl:atute itfelf, as divided by its fedlions, that the reader may examine, if he thinks proper, how far the following abridgment is LETTER VII. 43 is warranted by the words of the a6l itfelf j* which is here printed, as it cannot, I believe, be purchafed lingly, or unconnedled with other matters and Burn's Juftice, which is in every body's hands, G 2 contains * In confequence of fomc converfation with feveral gentlemen of the Royal and Antiquary Societies, who meet at a cofFee-houfe in the Strand after thofe focieties are brolcen up, and fpend the evening together ; I was induced, principally on the aflcrtion of Mr. Godfchell, (a worthy and very intelligent magiftrate in the county of Surrey, who publilhed, in 1787, a General Plan of Parochial and Provincial Police,) that Sir Edward Coke was the framer of the 43d Eliz. cap. 2, to fearch the Journals of the Hojfe of Lords and of the Commons of that time, but was not able either from them, or any other fource of printed information in my power to fearch, to prove, with certainty, that we owe this a£t of parliament to the abilities of that great lawyer folely ; that he, being at that time the Queen's attorney-general, might have perufed and fettled the z&, is probable. The Journals of the Houfe of Commons unfortunately are imperfeft at the period when this meafure was in agitation in parliament, there being a chafm from the year 1580 to 1603. In Sir Simon D'Evve's Journal the following notices are found, 43d Eliz. i6or, November 5. " Upon motion this day, a committee was appointed to confider of the ftatuie for the relief of the poor, viz. Sir Robert Wroth, Mr. Phillips, Sir Edv/ard Hobbie, Sir Francis Haftings, Sir George Moore, and others, who were appointed to meet on Thurfday next in the Exchequer-Chamber, at two o'clock in the afternoon, " December 10, P. M. The bill for the relief of the poor was read the fecond time, and committed to Mr. Comptroller, Sir Robert Wroth, Sir Francis D'Arcie, Mr. Francis Bacon, Mr. Lieutenant of the Tower, and others, who were appointed to meet to-morrow, in the afternoon, at two of the clock, in the Court of Words. " December II, P.M. Sir Robert Wroth, a committee in the bill for the relief of the poor, brought in the bill with amendments, and a provifo added by the committee. " The provifoes and amendments were read, and the brll ordered to be engrofled." It appears that there was another bill brought into the Houfe for avoiding idlenefs, and fetting the poor to work. This was read the fecond time December 15, and, on the queftion for committing it for engrofling, was daflied. Journals of the House of Lords. 1601. December 16. ima Fice leHa ejl Billa-, " An Adl for the Relief of the Poor." December 17. a-^a Vice U5la cji Billa, " An Aft for the Relief of the Poor." Expedit. HodU : 3a Fice Uila eji Billa^ <' An hSs. for die Relief of the Poor." « Annt 44 LETTER VII. contains only detached parts of it; and it certainly is a ftatute which is intimately connected with the interefts of all owners and occupiers " Anno quadragejjimo tertto Reg'inis Elizabethse. CAP. II. " An ASl for the Rd'uf of the Poor. " BE it enafted, by the authority of this prefent parliament, That the church-wardens of every parifti, and four, three, or two, fubftantial houfeholders there, as {hall be thought meet, having refpecl to the proportion and greatnefs of the fame parifti and pariflies, to be nominated yearly, in Ecijicr-v/etk, or within one month after Eafler^ under the haiid and feal of two or more juftices of the peace of the fame county, whereof one to be of the quoittm, dwelling in or near the fame parilh or divifion where the fame parifh doth lie, ihall be called ovcrfeers of the poor of the fame parifli : and they, or the greater part of them, fhall take order from time to time, by and with the confent of two or more fuch juftices of the peace as is aforefaid, for fetting to work the children of all fuch whofe parents ihall not, by the faid church-wardens and overfeers, or the greater part of them, be thought able to keep and maintain their children ; and alfo for fetting to work all fuch perfons, married or unmarried, having no means to maintain them, and ufe no ordinary and daily trade of life to get their living by: and alfo to raife, weekly or otherwife, (by taxation of every inhabitant, parfon, vicar, and other, and of every occupier of lands, houfes, ti:.hes impropriate, propriations of tithes, coal-mines, or faleable underwoods, in the faid parifli, in fuch competent fum and fums of money as • they fliall think fit,) a convenient ftock of flax, hemp, wool, thread, iron, and other neceffary ware and fluff, to fet the poor on work : and aifo competent fums of money for and towards the neceflary relief of the lame, impotent, old, blind, and fuch other among them, being poor, and not able to work: and alfo for the putting out of fuch children to be apprentices, to be gathered out of the fame pariih, according to the ability of the fame parifh, and to do and execute all other things, as well for the difpofing of the faid ftock as otherwife, concerning the premifes, as to them fhall feem convenient. II. " Which faid church-wardens and overfeers, fo to be nominated, or fuch of them as fhall not be let by ficknefs, or other juft excufe, to be allowed by two fuch juftices of peace or more as is aforefaid, fhall meet together, at the leaft once every month in the church of the faid parifh, upon the Sunday, in the afternoon, after divine fervice, there to confider of fome good courfe to be taken, and of fome meet order to be fet down in the premifes; and fhali, within four days after the end of their jear, and after other over- feers nominated as aforefaid, make and yield up to fuch two juftices of peace as is aforefaid, a true and perfeft account of all fums of money by them received, or rated and feffed and not received, and alfo of fuch ftock as fhall be in their hands, or in the hands of LETTER Vir. 45 occupiers of land and houfes, and, in fa6l, with the beft interefts of the whole kingdom. It of any of the poor to work, and of all other things concerning their'faid office ; and fuch fum or fums of money as fhall be in their hands, (hall pay and deliver over to the faid church-wardens and overfeers newly nominated and appointed as aforcfaid ; upon pain that every one of them abfenting themfelves without lawful caufe as aforefaid, from fuch monthly meeting for the purpofe aforefaid, or being negligent in their office, or in the execution of the orders aforefaid, being made by and with the afTcnt of the faid jufticcs of peace, or any two of them before-mentioned, to forfeit, for every fuch default of abfence or negligence, tv/enty fiiiliings. III. " And be it alfo enacled, That if the fliid juftices of jjeace do perceive that the inhabitants of any parifh are not able to levy among themfelves fufficicnt fums of money for the purpofes aforefaid; that then the faid two juflic^s fhall and may tax, rate, and affefs, as aforefaid, any other of other parifhes, or out of any parifh, within the hundred where the faid parifh is, to pay fuch fum and fums of money to the church-wardens and overfeers of the faid poor parifh for the faid pirpofes, as the faid juflices fhall think fit, according to the intent of this law: and, if the ftiid hundred fhall not be thought to the faid juflices able and fit to relieve the faid feveral parifhes not able to provide for them- felves as aforefaid; then the juftices of peace, at their general quarter-feffions, or the greater number of them, fhall rate and affefs, as aforefaid, any other of other parifhes, or out of any parifh, within the faid county, for the purpofes aforefaid, as in their difcretlon fhall feem fit. IV. " And that it (hall be lawful, as well for the prefent as fubfequent church- wardens and overfeers, or any of them, by warrant from any two fuch juflices of peace, .is is aforefaid, to levy as well the faid fums of money, and all arrearages, of every one that fhall refufe to contribute according as they fhall be alTeffed, by dillrefs and fale of the offender's goods, as the fums of money or flock which fhall be behind upon any account to be made as afbrefiiid, rendering to the parties the overplus: and, in defedl of fuch dillrefs, it fhall be lawful for any fucli two juftices of the peace to commit him or them to tiii common gaol of the county, there to remain, without bail or mainprize, until payment of the faid fum, arrearages, and flock : and the faid jullices of peace, or any one of them, to fend, to the houfe of corredion or common gaol, fuch as fhall not employ themfelves to work, being appointed thereunto, as aforefaid: and alfo any fuch two juftices of peace to commit to the faid prifon every one of the faid church-wardens and overfeers which fiiall refufe to account ; there to remain, without bail or mainprize, until he have made a true account, and fatasfied and paid fo much as upon the faid account fhall be remaining in his bauds. V. «' And 46 LETTER VII. It is remarkable that the flat ate opens without any preamble whatever: moft a6ls of our parliament, in the preamble, give a fummary V. " And be it further enacted, That it (hall be lawful for the faid church-wardens and overfeers, or the greater part of them, by the affent of any two juftices of the peace aforefaid, to bind any fuch children, as aforefaid, to be apprentices, where they fliall fee convenient, till fuch man-child dial! come to the age of four-and-twenty years, and fuch woman-child to the age of one-and-twenty years, or the time of her marriage ; the fame to be as efFedual to all purpofes, as if fuch child were of full age, and, by indenture of covenant, bound him or her felf. And to the intent that necefTary places of habitation may more conveniently be provided for fuch poor impotent people ; be it enacted by the authority aforefaid, That it fhall and may be lawful for the faid church-wardens and overfeers, or the greater part of them, by the leave of the lord or lords of the manor, whereof any wafte or common within their parifh is or fliall be parcel, and upon agree- ment before with him or them made, in writing, under the hands and feals of the faid lord or lords, or otherwife, according to any order to be fet down by the juftices of peace of the faid county, at their general quarter- fsffions, or the greater part of them, by like leave and agreement of the faid lord or lords, in writing, under his or their hands and feals, to eredi, build, and fct up, in fit and convenient places of habitation in fuch wafte or common, at the general charges of the parifh, or otherwife of the hundred or county, as aforefaid, to be taxed, rated, and gathered, in manner before cxpreffed, convenient houfes of dwelling for the faid 'impotent poor; and alfo to place inmates, or more families than one, in one cottage or houfe ; one adl made in the one-and-thirtieth year of her Majefty's reign, intituled, An Aii againjl the ereBing and maintaining of Cottages, or any thing therein contained to the contrary notwithftanding: which cottages and places for inmates ftiall not, at any time after, be ufed or employed to or for any other habita- tion, but only for impotent and poor of the fame parifh, that fliall be there placed from time to time by the church- wardens and overfeers of the poor of the fame parifh, or the moft part of them, upon the pains and forieitures contained in the faid former aft made in the faid one-and-thirtieth year of her Majefty's reign. VI. " Provided always. That if any perfon or perfons fhall find themfehes grieved with any fefs or tax, or other act done by the faid church-wardens and other perfons, or by the faid juftices of peace ; that then it (hall be lawful for the juftices of the peace, at their general quarter-felTions, or the greater number of them, to take fuch order therein, as to them fhall be thought convenient; and the fame to conclude ar.d bind all the faid parties. VII. " And be it further enacted. That the father and grandfather, and the mother and grandmother, and the children of every poor, old, blind, lame, and impotent, perfon, or ether poor perfon not able to work, being of a fuflicient ability, fhall, at their own charges, LETTER VII. 47 fummary view of the evils intended by the legiflature to be cor- reiled, or the good which is expefted to enfue from the regulations to charges, relieve and maintain every fuch poor perfon in that manner, and according to that rate, as by the juftices of peace of that county where fuch fufficient perfons dwell, or the greater number of them, at their general quarter-lbflions, {hall be afTelVcd ; upon pain that every one of them fhail forfeit twenty (hillings for every month which they fliall fell therein. VIII. « And be it further hereby enaded. That the mayors, bailiffs, or oiher head- officers, of every town and place, corporate and city, within this realm, being jufticc or juftices of peace, fliall have the fame authority by virtue of this a6l, within the limits and precinfts of their juriiididions, as well out of feflions as at their feffions, if they hold any, as is herein limited, prefcribed, and appointed, to juftices of the peace of the county, or any two or more of them, or to the juftices of peace, in their quarter- feflions, to do and execute for all the ufes and purpofes in this a£t prefcribed, and no other juftice or juftices of peace to enter or meddle there : and that every alderman of the city of Londorty within his ward, fliall and may do and execute, in every refpeiSt, fo much as is appointed and allowed by this a£t to be done and executed by one or two juftices of peace of any county within this realm. IX. " And be it alfo enafled, That if it fliall happen any pari/h to extend itfelf into more counties than one, or part to lie within the liberties of any city, town, or place corporate, and part without, that then as well the juftices of peace of every county as alfo the head-officers of fuch city, town, or place corporate, fliall deal and intermeddle only in fo much of the faid parifli as lieth within their liberties, and not any further : and every of them refpectively within their feveral limits, wards, and jurifdiiStions, to execute the ordinances before-mentioned concerning the nomination of overfeers, the confent to binding apprentice?,^ the giving warrant to levy taxations unpaid, the taking account of church-wardens and overfeers, and the committing to prifon fuch as rerufe to account, or deny to pay the arrearages due upon their accounts; and yet, neverthelefs, the faid church-wardens and overfeers, or the moft part of them, oi the faid pariflies that do ex- tend into fuch feveral limits and jurifdidions, fliall, without dividing themfelves, duly execute their office in all places within the faid paiilli, in all things to them belonging, and fliall duly exhibit and make one account before the faid head-officer of the town or place corporate, and one other before the faid juftices of peace, or any fuch two of them, as is aforefaid. X. " And further be it enafted, by the authority aforefaid. That if, in any place within this realm, there happen to be hereafter no fuch nomination of overfeers yearly, as is before appointed, that then every juftice of peace of the county, dwelling within the divifion where fuch default of nomination fliall happen, and every mayor, alderman, and head- 4S LETTER VII. to be enforced ; but here is no preamble, unlefs the title can be called one, which is in fo many words, " An A6t for the Relief of the head-officer, of city, town, or place-corporate, where fuch default fliall happen, (hall iofe and forfeit, for every fuch default, five pounds, to be employed towards the relief of the poor of the faiJ parifh, or place-corporate, and to be levied, as aforefaid, of their goods, by warrant from the general feffions of the peace of the faid county, or of the fame city, town, or place-corporate, if they keep feffions. XI. " And be it alfo ena£led, by the authority aforefaid. That all penalties and forfei- tures before-mentioned in this a£f, to be forfeited by any perfon or perfons, fliall go and be employed to the ufe of the poor of the fame parifh, and towards a flock and habitation for them, and other necelTary ufes and relief, as before in this a£l are mentioned and ex- preffed : and fliall be levied by the faid church-wardens and overfeers, or one of them, by warrant from any two fuch juftices of peace, or mayor, alderman, or head-officer of city, town, or place-corporate, refpeftively, within their feveral limits, by diflrefs and fale thereof, as aforefaid ; or, in defed: thereof, it fliall be lawful for any two fuch juftices of peace, and the faid aldermen and head-officers, within their feveral limits, to commit the .ofFender to the faid prifon, there to remrin, without bail or mainprize, till the faid forfei- tures fhall be fatisfied and paid. XII. " And be it further enaifed, by the authority aforefaid, That the juftices of peace of everv county or place-corporate, or the more part of them, in their general feffions to be holden next after the feafl: of Eajier next, and fo, yearly, as often as they fliall think meet, flial! rate every parifli to fuch a weekly fum of money as they fliall think conve- nient; fo as no parifh be rated above the fum of (Ix-pence, nor under the fum of a half- penny, weekly to be paid, and fo as the total fum of fuch taxation of the pariflies, in every county, amount not above the rate of two-pence for every parifli within the faid county ; v/hich fums fo taxed fhall be yearly aftefted by the agreement of the parifhioners within themfelv-es, or, in default thereof, by the church-wardens and petty conftables of the fame parifli, or the more part of them; or, in default of their agreement, by the order of fuch juftice or juftices of peace as fhall dwell in the fame parifl), or (if none be there dwelling) in the parts next adjoining. XIII. " And if any perfon fliall refufe or negleft to pay any fuch portion of money fo taxed, it fliall be lawful for the faid church-wardens and conftables, or any of thenv, or, in their default, for any juftice of peace of the faid limit, to levy the fame by diftrefs and fale of the goods of the party fo refufing or neglecting, rendering to the party the over- plus ; and, in default of fuch diftrefs, it fhall be lawful to any juftice of that limit to com- mit fuch perfon to the faid prifon, there to abide, without bail or mainprize, till he hive paid the fame. XIV. « And LETTER VII. 49 the Poor." The enafting part inftantly commences. Induftry, and principally early induftry, is the firil obje6l under their con- H templation : XIV. " And be it alfo ena£ted, That the faid juftices of peace at their general quarter- feflions, to be holden at the time of fuch taxation, ihall fet down what competent fums of money (hall be fent quarterly out of every county or place-corporate, for the relief of the poor prifoners of the King's Bench and Marfhalfea, and ,alfo of fuch hofpitals and alms- houfes as fliall be in the faid county, and what fums of money (hall be fent to every one of the faid hofpitals and alms-houfes, fo as there be fent out of every county, yearly, twenty (hillings, at the leaft, to each of the faid prifons of the King's Bench and Marfhallea -, which fums, ratably to be affelTed upon every parifh, the church- wardens of every pari(h, fliall truly colle6V, and pay over to the high-conftables in whofe divifion fuch parifti (hall be fituate, from time to time, quarterly, ten days before die end of every quarter ; and every fuch conftable, at every fuch quarter-feflions in fuch county, (hall pay over the fame to two fuch treafurers, or to one of them, as (hall, by the more part of the juftices of peace of the county, be elefted to be the faid treafurers, to be chofen by the juftices of peace of the faid county, city, or town, or place-corporate, or of others which were (elicd and taxed at five pounds lands, or ten pounds goods, at the leaft, at the tax of fubfidy next before the time of the faid eleftion to be made ; and the faid treafurers fo eledled to continue for the fpace of one whole year in their office, and then to give up their charge, with a due account of their receipts and di(burfements, at the quarter-feffions to be holden next after the feaft of Eafter in every year, to fuch others as (hall, from year to year, in form aforefaid, fucceffively be ele£ted treafurers for the faid county, city, town, or place- corporate ; which faid treafurers, or one of them, (hall pay over the fame to the Lord- Chief- Juftice of Englandy and Knight-Mar(hal for the time being, equally to be divided to the ufe aforefaid, taking their acquittance for the fame, or, in default of the faid chief- juftice, to the next antienteft juftice of the King's Bench, as aforefaid : and, if any church-warden or high-conftable, or his executors or adminiftrators, (hall fail to make payment in form above fpecified, then every church-warden, his executors or adminiftra- tors, fo offending, (hall forfeit, for every time, the fum of ten (hillings; and every high- eonftable, his executors or adminiftrators, (hall forfeit, for every time, the fum of twenty fliillings ; the fame forfeitures, together with the fums behind, to be levied by the faid treafurer and treafurers, by way of diftrefs and fale of the goods, as aforefaid, in form aforefaid, and by them to be employed towards the charitable ufes comprifed in this a£l. XV. " And be it further enadled, That all the furplufage of money, which (hall be re- maining in the faid (lock of any county, (hall, by difcretion of the more part of the juftices of peace, in their quarter-feiTions, be ordered, diftributed, and beftowed, for the relief of the poor hofpitals of that county, and of thofe that (hall fuftain lo/Tes by fire, water, 50 LETTER VII. templation : the fetting to work children, whofe parents fhall not be thought able to maintain them, and alfo the putting poor children water, the fea, or other cafualties, and to fuch other charitable purpofes, for the relief of the poor, as to the more part of the faiJ juftices of peace (hall feem convenient. XVI. " And be it further enaded, That if any treafurer eleded fliall wilfully refufe to take upon him the faid office of treafurerfhip, or refufe to diftribute and give relief, or to account, according to fuch form as fhall be appointed by the more part of the faid juftices of peace ; that then it (hall be lawful for the juftices of peace, in their quarter-feflions, or, in their default, for the juftices of affize, at their aflizes, to be holden in the fame county, to fine the fame treafurer by their difcretion; the fame fine not to be under three pounds, and to be levied by fale of his goods, and to be profecuted by any two of the faid juftices of peace whom they (hall authorize. Provided always, that this adl (hall not take efFe6l until the feaft of Eajier next. XVII. " And be it enadted, That the ftatute made in the nine-and-thirtieth year of her Majefty's reign, intituled, An Aa for the Relief of the Poo>\ (hall continue and ftand in force until the feaft of Eajier next ; and that all taxations heretofore impofed, and not paid, nor that (hall be paid before the faid feaft of Eafier next, and that all taxes hereafter, before the faid feaft, to be taxed by virtue of the faid former a and, if they have it not, it is like they will be worfe employed." It alfo appears, from this letter, that no great good was con- ceived to arife from work-houfes in the metropolis, of which they now had received fome years experience $ the aft of parliament, authorizing incorporated work-houfes within the bills of mortality, having pafl'ed in 1662. In this letter is alfo the idea of a badge on thofe among the poor, who, being incapable of labour, are maintained by the parifli j and, by the badge, it was imagined, they would not be likely to receive much from begging; it being apparent, by the badge, that their parifli maintains them. The fecond letter, which appeared in 168 1, feems much to our purpofe, as it contains a plan of a School of Induftryj but it would be of little fervice to give his intentions in detail, not only on account of the length of quotation which would be necefTary, but becaufe it does not appear that his fcheme was ever carried into execution ; and it is apprehended that a more perfect plan aftually is now in praftice through many parts of Lincolnfliire, which, if any wifli to eftablilh fuch a fchool of induftry fortunately prevailed, might be obtained from fome of the worthy truftees ; and fuch a fchool might be applied to fpinning flax, as well as wool, knitting of ftockings, winding of filk, making of lace, or plain-work, and the like. In this letter, alfo, Mr. Firmin fuppofes objedtions to his plan, and anfwers them all, except the lafl:, which is the fame as has been noticed in his firil letter, and which he confeffed him- M felf 82 LETTER XII. felf unable perfectly to anfwer ; and here he gives the fame reply as he did to the fame queftion before, which has been already men- tioned. On the whole, his feveral fchemes are pra*5licable ; and they fall from the pen of an honeft and experienced man. His reafons in favour of them, anfwering the objections which he fuppofes may be made, are, in general, conclufive, except in the inftance which has been recited j and the obje. fourfold- advance in Devonfhire, it is worth confideration whether or not the public be in danger : for, if the rates of the whole kingdom increafe proportionably, they will amount in another age to 3,276,000/. — Such is the reafoning in this pamphlet j let us now examine the faft. c About the middle of the 17th century, the affeflment for the poor, in the county of Devon, was annually about ----__-- 8,291 In the year 1698, about - . _ _ _ 38,991 In the year 17B5, by the return of the overfeers - 85,492 Therefore the gradual rife in this county was, in the firft fifty years, about 30,000/. ; in the next eighty-feven years 46,501/. Taking the fame dates for the poor's rates of the whole kingdom, the account will Hand : p About the year 1 650, at - - - - 188,811 In the year 1698, about _ _ _ . 819,000 In the year 1785, by the overfeers returns - - 2,184,904 In the firft fifty years the rife is 730,189/.; — in the next eighty- feven years 1,265,904/. The fact does not turn out quite fo defl:ru6live to the interefts of the public as the writer of this pamphlet prognofticated ; but it prefents a tremendous advancing increafe, as well in an individual county, as throughout the kingdom. Let 94 LETTER XIII. Let us now examine the prices of wheat at thefe three feparate periods. The table of the price of wheat at Windfor-market, in vol. xiv. p. 227, of the Annals of Agriculture, will enable us to do it accurately. Average-prices of wheat, from 1630 to 1654, by the quarter ----- _ -29 10 Ditto, from 1687 to 171 1 - - - - 2 4 2 Ditto, from 1765 to 1789 - - - - 2 6 11 The expenfe attending the maintenance of the poor does not, therefore, arife from the increafed price of wheat j becaufe, by this table, wheat is cheaper on the average of the laft twenty-five years, ending in 1789, than in that of the firft, ending in 1654 j and but a little dearer than that ending in 171 1. The aftonifhing increafe towards the clofe of the laft century can be accounted for much more reafonably than that which has arifen in this. When the firft eftimate was taken, towards the middle of the century, the civil war, and its confequential depre- dations, found employment and fuftenance for a very confiderable body of the poor. The foldier is not maintained by the poor's rate; and the wages of thofe who remained to till the lands, or were employed in our then-mouldering manufa£tures, were proba- bly raifed on account of the want of hands. No fuch caufe ex- ifted in 1698 or in 1785 ; and the price of wheat in 1698, refer- ring to the fame table, was 3/. os. 9^. a quarter; and, in 1785, i/. 16s. lid. a quarter. It appears, therefore, that the price of wheat has no effe6t on the expenfe attending the maintenance of the poor; and wheaten bread is, and long has been, the principal part of their food: this, although it appears a paradox, is a truth. When wheat was 3/. o^. gd. a quarter, the expenfes of the poor amounted to but little more than one-third as much as in 1785, when the price of wheat was only il. 16s. iid, a quarter. As, LETTER XIII. 95 As, by this ftatement, it appears that the price of bread has no efFefl on the poor's rate ; and it is believed that, all things confi- dered, the expenfe of neceffary clothing is not more increafed than the laft article (an aflertion, the proof of whicR fliall not now be entered on) j and the article of firing remains alfo nearly at the fame price it was a hundred years ago, theft fupplying (in woodland- countries particularly) an ample fuccedaneum for price; it follows, that we fhould find out the probable caufe of this alarming izSi : alas! a fuperficial obferver may read it as he runs, that indolence and luxury are the too-obvious caufes : indolence forces numbers on our rates, which induftry would maintain; luxury ufes pro- fufely what economic temperance would fave : the one adds a mil- lion paupers to be maintained by us j the other expends, in the maintenance of that million, what ought to maintain double the number : the one, brings the multitude j the other, imaginary wants.* Juvenal exclaims, when contemplating the decadency of the Roman empire, ftrongly typified by Britain, in its profufe extrava- gance. -Saevior armis Luxuria incubuit, viiSlumque ulcifcitur orbem. The fa6l comes home to «j, in every clafs and defcription of peo- ple J as well poor as rich, the governors and the governed. The confequence is alfo approaching ; and our duty will be to fubmit, with refignation to that cataflrophe, which we cannot fufficiently roufe our energy to oppofe. * The reader fliould be reminded, that this calculation, and the conclufion refulting from it, was written before the extreme high price of wheat, and a proportional dearnefs of every other grain, together with meat, had reduced the poor to extremity of diftrefs, in the years 1795 and 1796. The various confequenccs refulting to the nation, from that moft grievous afflidtion, will be gbferved upon, in its proper place, in the continuation of this hiftory to the prefent day. LETTER [ 96 ] LETTER XIV. N'EXT, in order of time to this publication, follows an Eflay towards regulating the Trade, and employing the Poor of this Kingdom; written, about the year 1700, by John Gary, Efq.j an abfti'aft fronj which may be feen in Dr. Burn's Hiftory of the Poor-Laws ; a pubhcation which, had it been in my pofTeffion when this inquiry was firft inftituted, would have diverted me from the inveftigation j as I fliould have fcarcely chofen to have gone over that ground, which fo able a writer had beaten be- fore me. Mr. Gary attributes the burthen of the poor's rates to idlenefs j and inquires, 1. What hath been the caufe of this idlenefs ; and how hath it crept in upon us ? 2. What mufl be done to reftrain its going farther ? 3. What methods are proper to be ufed to make provilion for thofc who are paft their labour ? The caufe of idlenefs, he fays, is the abufe of the poor-laws we have, and want of better; the encouragement of ale-houfes, on account of the revenue ; but, above all, our laws to fet the poor at work are fhort and defective, tending rather to maintain them as poor, than to raife them to a better way of living; rendering the poor more bold, by their knowing that the parifh-officers miifl either find them work or give them tnaintenance. Nothing but good laws can reftrain idlenefs ; fuch as may pro- vide work for thofe that are willing, and force thofe to work who are able. For this purpofe work-houfes are recommended, where the poor may be employed in manufadures. The poor fliould alfo be employed in navigation, hufoandry, and -handicrafts, '■ ' •' '^ •■ The LETTER XIV. 97 The juftlces of peace fliould have power to afllgn youth to ar- tificers, hufbandry, manufacSturers, and to buid them apprentice. As to thofe of elder years, who will rather beg than work, let them be forced to ferve the king in his fleet, or the merchants on board their fhips. Young people fhould be prohibited from hawking and finging ballads about the ftreets ; ftage-plays, lotteries^ and gannng-boufes, fliould be ftrid:ly looked after. Alms-houfes are recommended for thofe who are not able to "work, or whofe work is not fufficient for their maintenance. Poor's rates fhould be afTefled with greater equality in cities and manufa(5luring-towns, where the poor are ferviceable to the rich manufaflurers, by carrying on their trade ; yet, when age, fick- nefs, or a numerous family, make them defire relief, their chief de- pendence muft be on thofe who are but a ftep above their own condition. Mr. Cary fpeaks, with praife, of an a£t of parliament which pafled in the 7th and 8th year of William and Mary, for eftablifh- ing a work-houfe at Briftol; which, he fays, vi^as pretty much on the plan propofed by Sir Jofiah Child for the cities of London and Weftminfterj but, as this adt is calculated for cities and great towns only, and cannot be a model for counties, he fubjoins the following propofal, to carry this defign on throughout the king- dom : That power be given, by adl of parliament, for pariflies to incor- porate for building hofpitals, work-houfes, and houfes of correc- tion, for employing the poor, under the management of guardians of the poor : the incorporation to be by hundreds. The guardians to be the juftices of the peace within the diftrid, together with a number of the inhabitants, chofen out of each pariili, in proportion to the afleffment the pariflies refpeftiveljr pay. The election of guardians to be every year, or two years. O The 9$ LETTER XIV. The guardians to have power to choofe a governor, deputy- governor, treafurer, and affiftants, yearly ; and be empowered to hold courts, make bye- laws, have a common feal; to order aflefT- ments to be levied; to fummon the inhabitants of the pariflies within the hundred j to compel thofe who feek relief to dwell in their hofpitals and woik-houfcsj to take in young people, and bring them up to work ; to teach them to read and write, and then bind them out apprentices ; to provide for the aged and impotent; to alTift thofe whofe labours will not maintain their families } to apprehend rogues, vagabonds, and beggars, and fet them to work ; to infli(5l reafonable correftion. This plan, by Mr. Gary, may probably have given the hint to thofe gentlemen who applied to parliament, in the twenty-ninth year of his late majefty's reign, for the ad for the better relief and employment of the poor in the hundreds of Colneis and Carlford, in the county of Suffolk. Whether incorporations of diftri(Sls for thefe purpofes have produced a greater proportion of good than evil; whether they have tended to introduce, among the lower claffes of this country, more induftry, better health, better morals, more comfort J and whether, on the whole, the fum of their happinefs is increafed j cannot be determined by any other means than an exa- mination of their efFed:s after thofe years of experience which have pafled fince their firft inftitution in the counties of Norfolk and Suffolk, where they were firil introduced : that they have generally tended to deprefs the poor's rate may be granted ; but gold may be bought too dear. It has been faid in a publication,* the author of which founded, or might have founded, his obfervations on an aftual examination of the fads, after many years experience, that they have injured tlie principle of induflry, deftroyed the health and the hardinefs of the * The true Alarm, er an Eflay fhewing the pernicious Influence of Houfes of In- duftry. J 787. adult L E T T E R XV. 99 adult living in, and the. youth brought up in tliem ; have in- troduced bad morals, fhocking habits of indecency ; have occa- fioned a decreafe of population j and would, if they became general, fo deflroy the moral fentiments and happinefs of the country, as to afFe6t the political liberties and patriotic fpirit of the nation, by bringing up the riling generation with fentiments and habits fo difpirited and debilitated, as to render them only fit flaves of def- potifm; for, the author fays, and with much feeming juftice of ob- fervation : Of what moment can it polTibly be to a wretch who has not the liberty of walking out beyond a certain boundary, that the kingdom becomes a prey to foreign invaders, or is torn to pieces by an inteftine commotion, unlefs you may fuppofe that he is more likely to rejoice at a fcene of perfect confufion, as he might then entertain a hope, that, in a general wreck, where he had no- thing to lofe, he might feize upon fomething worth having. But let us hope and believe that the confequences aQually felt from thefe houfes of induftry are not fo deplorable; let us recol- lect, that, when a man undertakes in the title-page of a pamphlet to prove a point, as this writer does, it is plain he has a point to prove i and in which, if he fails in inftances or arguments, he may expeft to meet with fome degree of public derifion ; the fear of this twills his fa£ls, tui'ns his arguments, and points his periods, and no longer is he fo friendly to truth as to fyftem. LETTER XV. IN expe6lation of finding, among the various fubjefts which fell un- der the pen of the celebrated Mr. Locke, fome ideas which might ferve as firft principles on this interefting fnbjeA ; I turned over his O 2 works. 100 L E T T E R XV. works, and particularly attended to thofc trails which he wrote on lowering the intereft of money, and raifing its value ; a fpecula- tion which occupied the attention of the nation towards the clofe of the laft century i but the a6lual fituation of the poor not coming under his confideration, nothing very applicable to the fubjefl is to be found ; although a confufed recoUedlion ftrikes me, that fome modern pamphlet on the poor-laws, or their regulation, had ftated Mr. Locke's ideas on the fubjedl as erroneous : whether fo or not, it became me, while in purfuit of this inquiry, to know what thofe ideas were, which, had they been found among his works, whether wrong or right, demanded, on account of his great name, that they fliould be noticed ; for fuch a mind as his, on every topic which may have been the objeft of its difquifition, is a polar ftar to the ignorant wanderer: although nothing diredly applicable to the police of the poor is found, yet a comparifon which he makes between a kingdom and a farmer js fo much in point with their prefent profligate fituation, the carelefs condudt of their overfeers, and that fpirit which has unhappily got head among our rulers, of encouraging the commercial world, at the expenfe of agriculture, and every principle of internal economy j while, at the fame time, it fo flrongly authenticates the alarming prognoftics of oirr decadency, alluded to a few pages back; that the whole palTage, falling from the height of that great name, muil make an impreffion, and occafion it to be worth tranfcribing.* " A kingdom grows rich juft as a farmer, and no otherwife. Let us fuppofe the whole ifland of Portland one farm j and that the owner, befides what ferves his family, carries to market, to Wey- mouth and Dorchefter, &c. cattle, corn, butter, cheefe, wool, or * Again it fliould be recalled to the mind of the reader at what time thefe letters were written. No Board of Agriculture was then inftituted ; the labours of my friend, to whom they are addrefled, laudable and perfevering as thofe labours were in that beft of national caufes, the improvement of agriculture, had then received no national encou- cloth. L E T T E R XV. loi cloth, lead, and tin, all commodities produced within his farm of Portland, to the value of icoo/. yearly; and, for this, brings home in fait, wine, oil, fpice, linen, and filks, to the value of 900/. and the remaining 1 00/. in money. It is evident he grows every year 100/. richer, and fo at the end of ten years will have clearly got 1000/. — If the owner be a better hulband, and, contenting himfelf with his native commodities, buy lefs wine, fpice, and filk at mar- ket, and fo bring home 500/. in money yearly, inftead of 1000/. at the end of ten years, he will have 5000/. by him, and be fo much richer ; he dies, and his fon fucceeds, a fafliionable young gentleman, that cannot dine without Champaigne and Burgundy, nor lleep but in a damalk bed, whofe wife muft fpread a long train of brocade, and his cliildren be always in the neweft French cut and ftuffj he, being come to the eftate, keeps on a very bufy family, the markets are weekly frequented, and the commodities of his farm carried out, and fold as formerly j but the returns are made fomewhat different ; the falhionable way of eating, drinking, fur- niture, and clothing for himfelf and family, requires more fugar and fpice, wine and fruit, fiik and ribbons, than in his father's time ; fo that inftead of 900/. per annum, he now brings home, of confumable commodity, 1 100/. yearly. What comes of this ? — He lives in fplendour it is true ; but this unavoidably carries away the money his father got, and he is every year 100/. poorer. To his expenfes, beyond his income, add debauchery, idlenefs, and quarrels among his fervants j whereby his bufinefs is difturbed, his farm neglecfled, and a general dilbrder and confufion prevail through his whole family : this will tumble him down the hill the farter, and the ftock, which the induftry, frugality, and good order, of his father laid up, will be quickly brought to an end, and he faft in prifon j a farm and a kingdom, in this refped:, differ no more than as greater and lefs. We may trade, and be bufy, and grow poor by it, unlefs we regulate our expenfes ; if to this we are idle, negligent, dilhoneft, malicious, and difturb the fober and 102 L E T T E R XV. and induftrious in their bufinefs, let it be upon what pretence it it will, we fnall ruin the fafter." This comparilbn of Mr. Locke's runs on all-fours, as well with the a6lual flate of the property, applied to the ufe of the poor in tliis kingdom, as with the fituation of the finances belonging to the flate itfelf. The I'eign of Elizabeth made the maintenance of the poor compulfive^ with refpect to the laity, which was in remoter times voluntary ; what might, in thofe days of frugality, be taken from the pockets of her fubjefts by poor-rates, we know not ; but we know, that, about the middle of the laft century, the cattle, corn, butter, cheefe, wool, yarn, confumed by this large family, coft about 118,000/. more than the produce of their in- duftry amounted to ; fifty years afterwards their expenfes out-ran their income annually 819,000/.; in 1785, the furplus of their expenfes, above their income, or the produce of their induflry, gradually had increafed to the enormous fum of 2,184,904/. annu- ally. Here you fee plainly the effedls of the change of manners and living, fo forcibly inftanced in Mr. Locke's comparifon ; in the eat- ing, drinking, furniture, clothing, fugar, fpice, wine, and fruit, otherivife tea and gin ; to which may be added, the debauchery, idle- nefs, and quarrels of the individuals, which compofe the bulk of this numerous, family : to examine the comparifon, with refpe(5l to the kingdom at large, is not the bufinefs of this tradt. The reign of Queen Anne is not (o memorable for any laws regulating the internal pohce of the kingdom, as for the many blows which the ambitious fpirit of Louis the Fourteenth received from the arms of the allies : nothing 6f material confequence was done with refpe6l to the poor. By the 33d chapter of the fifth parliament, the vagrant-a£l of the laft reign was continued, with iome farther dire s, d. Medium of money applied for county-purpofes, vagrants, militia, bridges, gaols, &c. England - - 113,714 15 6 Wales - - - 5,^65 II 4 119,280 6 10 Medium of expenfes not concerning the poor, re- pairing churches, roads, falaries to minifters, &c. England - - 43,223 5 7 Wales - - 1,007 ^5 4 44,231 on U 2 Medium t4S LETTER XXL £* s. d. Medium of net-money annually paid for the poor. England - - 1,943,649 15 lo Wales - - 60,588 10 I 2,004,238 5 II Net-expenfes in 177^ '- - 1,529,780 o i Increafe - - - - 474,458 5 10 Net-expenfes for the poor in 1776, taken from the returns then made to parliament. England - - 1,496,129 6 3 Wales - - 33>650 13 10 1,529,780 o I Heads of particular Expenfes. £' ^. d. Medium-expenfes of overfeers in journeys, atten- dances on magiftrates, &c. England - 23,545 o 10 Wales - 948 17 8 24,493 i^ ^ Medium-expenfes of entertainments at meetings re- lative to the poor.— —England - - 11,329 15 II Wales _ . - 383 4 10 / 11,713 o 9 Medium- LETTER XXI. H9 Medium-expenfes of law, orders, examinations, and other proceedings, relative to the poor. England - - S2,7S7 '' ^ Wales - - - 2,03'y. 1 1 6 55>79i 2 6 Medium of money expended in fetting the poor to work, England - - 15,680 14 9 Wales - - - 211 14 1 15,892 8 10 The mafs of information thus obtained from that part of the nation, fubjeft to the operation of the poor-laws, digefted, with great labour, by the committee of the Houfe of Commons, which fat for the purpofe, and printed at no inconfiderable expenfe, muft furely have given rife to many ufeful reflections and obfervations in the minds of thofe gentlemen who were on the committee, al- though their country has not, as yet, reaped any benefit from their very important labours. They mufl: furely have been ftruck with the alarming increafe of the annual net-expenfes of the poor fmce 1776, when they were 1,529,780/. to the medium of the years 1783, 1784, and 1785, which is ftated to be 2,167,749/. a yearly increafe of expenfe amounting to near 500,000/. If they, at firft fight, might conceive this- vaft difference to have arifen from any extraordinary fcarcity prevailing through the lail three years, and examined into the faft, they would have found the ave- rage-price of wheat, through this period, to have been 2/. p. jd. and that the average-price, for 1776, was 2/. 2J. %d. being an ex- cefs only of iiJ. per quarter, or not 2/. ioj. per cent, which will, by i|o LETTER XXI, by no means, account for a rife in the expenfes of the poor equal to above forty-one per cent. : to other caufes, therefore, muft they attribute this amazing increafed cxpenfe, than thofe which arife from the dearnefs of provifion j affuming it as a faft, that the price of bread-corn may be taken, with fome degree of accuracy, as a fign of the price of moft of the necefTary viands which feed our numerous poor j and thofe, who know how the poor live, know, alfo, that bread, in fa£l, conftitutes near two-thirds of the ex- penfe of a poor family for provifions : the increafed expenfe of the years 1783, 1784, and 1785, does not, therefore, arife from the increment of necefTary expenfes in provifions. Neither does it arife, in any great degree, from a deficiency of works or decreafe of the price of labour j — the price of labour remained much the fame as in ijj6 -, and, in this period, the American war had begun to drain the nation of its population and money, but no great eftedts had then been felt from it : in the laft period, the nation was recovering from its lofles j manufaftures were again thriving, and the fenfible part of our countrymen were looking up to agriculture, as a means of recruiting thofe fources which the wafte of war had diminiflied. Although, that an increafe of expenfe, rather more than pro- portional, took place in the great manufadturing-towns, is plainly proved from this abftrad, in which Birmingham, Sheffield, Man- chefter, certainly more than keep pace with other towns, where the poor are not employed by manufadlures j yet to be certain how this fadl will apply, and what principle may be collected from it, the returns from the fame manufaduring- towns, of the expenfes of the poor, (hould be feen, for the laft two or three years, during which, our manufactures have flouriftied exceedingly : from many inftances within the county of Suffolk, the poor-rates continue increafing, although the poor are, or might be, in full employ j for inftance, Glemsford, rifing gradually from 404/. 5J. 8ed in the forty-third year of her reign ; nor does it feem a remarkable circumftance, that fome diftintl rules ftiould be drawn by the legiflature how each parifli might know its own poor, and be able to confine the expenditure of the rate to its parifhioners only. But this was not all: each parifli being obliged to maintain its own poor, it was prudent to do it by their own ofiicers, and under their own infpeclion : hence arofe a reftridlion, that, however jufl: it might be with refpett to the interefts of pariflies one with another, is injuftice with refpefl to the poor tiiemfelves, and a con- fiderable obftacle to the encouragement of general labour and in- duftry throughout the kingdom. Confinement of the poor within their refpeilive parifhes, which is the principal object in the ftatutes 13th and 14th Charles II. cap. 12, is the reftri6lion alluded to; becaufe every perfon, what- ever may be his ingenuity, induftry, or abilities, falls under the fcope of this law, if the parifli- officers choofe to complain to a magiftrate that he is likely to become chargeable j unlefs fuch perfon occupies a tenement of ten pounds yearly value, or lives on property in houfe or land of his own. Adam Smith attributes the very unequal price of labour in England, in places of no great diftance from each other, to this caufe ; LETTER XXVIII. zit caufe; and he alfo fays, that, to remove a man from the parifli where he choofes to refide, is an abridgement of natural hberty. Mr. Hay, in his plan, pubUfhed in 1735, would have all notion of parochial fettlement abolifhed, as being the root from which every evil relating to the poor fprung ; every parifh being in a Itate of expenfive war with the reft of the nation, regarding the poor of all other places as aUens, and caring not what becomes of them ; Mr. Acland, Mr. Townfliend, Sir William Young, have alfo pro- feffed an unfavourable opinion of the law of fettlements ; and the laft gentleman has offered to the Houfe of Commons the heads of a bill, that would, in a great meafure, have removed the objed:ionable reflraints on fo large a portion of our fellow-fubje6ts, and would have fimphfied the law on this point; the expeni'es arifing from which coft the occupiers of houfes and land, throughout England and Wales, above fifty-five thoufand pounds annually, in the years 1783, 1784, 1785; and it is much to be feared that thefe expenfes are an increafing, not a decreafing, evil. Neither the law nor the equity of this cafe feems to have been clearly underftood by parliament, when the reftridive ads pafTedj they proceeded on this principle, that the objedt of expcnfe between pariflies was the only point of confequence to be confideredj whereas, in fa^, it ought not to have come into queftion at all : the 43d of Elizabeth, feftion the third, providing for any cafe where the inhabitants of a parifli might not be able to maintain the poor, by calling in aid other pariflies within the hundred j and the pariih in which I am now writing is an inftance in point, that this fe6lion has been frequently carried into execution j other pariflies, within the hundred, having been called in aid to relieve the poor of Clare, the expreflion not able muft be allowed to be of great latitude j the - meaning annexed to the expreflion by the legiflature cannot be ea- fily defined; according to the common acceptation of the word, no fuch a cafe can well exift, every parilh in the kingdom may be able to maintain its own poor; and, if ability is to be explained by choice^ B e 2 few 212 LETTER XXVIII. few will be found willing : the word muft therefore have fome rela- tion to moral convenience, and- then it would depend on the quan- tum, or reafonable proportion, of his means of living, which moral obligations would induce a man to part with towards the maintenance of his poor neighbour j it muft then be meafured by the principle of charity. Poffibly, was this undefined expreffion to be precifely explained by fome rule of proportion to occupations in a parifh, the contefts between parifhes would be at an end, and they would arife only between hundreds. Even this would greatly diminifli the fource of litigations j more efpecially if in- corporations of hundreds, for the maintenance of the poor, fhould become general. Therefore, as the law formerly ftood, although not as it is now executed, the conteft, if any, ought to lie between hundreds, and not between parifhes. This alone would be a great relief, not only to the poor, with refped: to general convenience, by increafing the market for work, but by the confequential diminution of the expenfes of maintaining them ; fuppofing it to be true, that, the more a poor family earnsj the lefs parochial afliftance it requires. If the conteft lay between counties it would be better. But there ought to be no litigations at all about the fettlements of the poor J " le jeu ne vaut pas la chandelle •" there fhould be no attorneys bills in overfeers accounts : it is cheaper to relieve, than to remove, a family by a fuit at the feffions j which, if the over- feers are peculiarly aftute in watching over the interefts of their parifhes, or, in other words, are tenacious of their opinions, will go into the King's Bench, and the fuccefsful parifh may find an honeft family removed, to their utter ruin, at double the expenfe that would have maintained them and their pofterity for ever. If a man of property has half a fcore contiguous farms in his occupation, it would be extreme folly to ftation a certain portion of his farming- ftock at each individual farm, and not allow that ftock LETTER XXIX. 213 ftock to migrate to his other farms, as food, utility, or the general convenience, and attention to profit, might give occafion. To fix, irrevocably, three fcore flieep in this farm, fix fcore in that, fo many bullocks in one, fo many in another, would be a remarkable in- flance of bad management. A good manager certainly would ra- ther form a calculation of what flock the whole number of acres in his occupation might fupport, with the greatefl probability of the greateft profit j and, with that view, would remove them from one part of his eftate to the other, without having any refpeft to the divifion of his farms. — So ftands the intereft of the nation with refped to the poor; it is one large domain, and the flock, or people, ought to be farmed quoad hoc in the fame manner ; and fimilar means would produce correfponding efFe6ls : the proprietor of land would turn his acres to the greateft poffible profit ; the na-, tion would produce the greateft pofiible quantity of induftry j and the poor would be maintained at the leaft poflible expenfe. LETTER XXIX. A TOTAL repeal of the law of fettlements might, in the pre- fent ftate of things, promote vagrancy, which is a diforder, both in morals and induftry, tending to the worft confequences that can arife from population : the abolition of fettlements, therefore, cannot be recommended ; a modification of them, on principles more confiftent with the general advantage of fociety, is the whole that fliould be attempted. The preamble to the ad of parliament, confining the poor to their refpedive parifhes, ftates, that the people endeavour to fettle themfelves where there is the beft ftock, the largeft commons or waftes to build cottages, and the moft woods for them to burn and deftroy ; 214 LETTER XXIX. deftroy; and, when they have confumed them, that they go to another paiifti, and at laft become rogues and vagabond?. The flatute-law was, in the reign of Charles the Second, fuffi- ciently fevere to protedl the woods from being burnt or deftroyed, if feverity of punifhment operated to that efFeft ; and the laws refpeding vagrancy were, at that time, not lefs penal : if any additional feverity might have been necelTary, the vagrant-a6l, of recent memory, is not deficient in that refped:. If feverity of fla- tute-law will not prote£t our woods from burning and deftrudtion by the poor, will the law of fettlements do it ? Certainly it is not the probable effedt arifing from the confinement of the poor to parifhes where they cannot obtain a fair market-price for their labour, that they Ihould pay refped: to thofe wafles, and woody tracks, which produce no call for agricultural induftry. The rea- fons adduced in the preamble to the a6l of fettlements muft, there- fore, fall to the ground, and the inducement to the enabling claufes will then remain : that the poor will put themfelves into a fitua- tion to live at the leaft pofllble expenfe to their neighbours, by going where they can find employment, and where they are moft likely to maintain themfelves. And ought they not to be permitted fo to do, unlefs other confequences than thofe ftated in the preamble to the ad reftraining them, or, at the leaft, thofe confequences themfelves, a/e to be apprehended ? The effed moft to be apprehended is ; that fuch liberty might tend to the encouragement of vagrancy, or fuch a wandering plan, of life, as would not permit parifti-officers, if fortunately they fliould be fo inclined, to introduce any fettled induftrious mode of education among their children j as fuch an education is one of the moft defirable objeds to be obtained in the difcipline of the poor j it may be proper to modify that reftraint which is thought neceffary to be retained over them, fo as to be moft conducive to this end -, for, although the prefent execution of the poor-laws proves, in ge- neral, either that the overfeers are ignorant of their power in this, refped. LETTER XXIX. 215 refpedl, or, which is more probable, diflike the trouble of attending -to youthful induftry ; yet it requires no extraordinary prophetic fore- fight to affert, that this muft become, and fliortly, a ferious part of their office ; or we fhall find what the French Committee of Mendicity have afferted to be too true ; that the fyftem of our poor-laws, as at prefent executed, " is the moft deftru6tive political gangrene in the Englifh conftitution." If the poor were permitted to remove from place to place, as beft fuited the interefts of induftry, it would be reafonable,. that the fame authority which granted them the liberty fhould conned it with fuch regulations as are necefiary to the fafety and advantage of the ftate ; which might probably be efFe6led by preventing that liberty, which was intended for the encouragement of induftry, de- generating into vagrancy; by making it of immediate ufe, in dimi- niftiing the expenfes of their maintenance, and by offering a prof- ped of advantage to pofterity, from the certain good tendency of an induftrious education. To effe(5t the firft end, box-clubs fhould be the means ; which fhould be obligatory on all the poor while in health, and without a family of children ; or, poffibly, the lex trium liberorum might with propriety be the point of exemption; but thofe who migrate, as the only good reafon for their migration muft be larger wages, Ihould contribute a larger proportion of their earnings ; if one-thirty- fixth were the general proportion, one-twenty-fourth might be a proper proportion of the earnings of thofe who leave their parifiies. Government has an undoubted right, on every principle of na- tural juftice, to dired:, in fome meafure, the education of thofe children whofe parents are chargeable to fociety ; and this arifes from the reciprocity on the part of government, to preferve all the governed from perifhing by want. Where there are feminaries inftituted for educating children in habits of induftry, the poor fhould be compelled to fend their chil- dren to them in thofe parifties where they refidej the migrated families. 2i6 LETTER XXIX. families, by the alternative of the attendance of their children at the fchool of induftry, or an order of removal of themfelves to their place of fettlement. Thefe terms being complied with, the poor might, without fear of their becoming vagrants, or negle<51: of induftrious habits in the rifing generation, be permitted to feek their bread, by means of labour and induftry, wherever good wages will enable them beft to find it ; and a foundation of a fund would be laid for their main- tenance when in diftrefs, which would be productive in proportion as the number of the migrants increafed, or in other words, as the total fum earned by the induftry of the nation increafed. Taking one of the heads of Sir William Young's bill as the ground-work of our propofed regulation, the general idea would ftand thus. No perfon fliall be removed to his place of fettlement until aftu- ally chargeable to the parifh where he refides, provided that he has made oath, before two neighbouring magiftrates, of the place of his legal fettlement ; and that, from the time of his firft refidence in the parifti, he has contributed, according to the rules of the fociety, one-twenty-fourth part of his earnings to the box-club of that parifli ; and hath alfo, from the fame time, fent his children, above the age of fix years, and under the age of eleven, to the fchool of induftry in the faid parifti ; and having fo refided ten years in any parifli, without receiving any parochial relief whatever, he fliall obtain a fettlement where he hath fo refided. It would farther tend to prevent vagrancy, if the pauper fhould be obliged to obtain the approbation of two magiftrates, refiding near the parifli whence he removes, teftified by their figning their confent, and fpecifying the place to which they allow the pauper to go, prior to his ad:ual migration ; which confent fliould be imme- diately delivered to the overfeers of the parifli where he intends to refide. But no evidence that thefe conditions were not complied with fliouId be allowed to be given in any conteft: at law as to his place LETTER XXIX. 217 place of fettlement ; becaufe it would tend to create litigation, and could be of no other fervice, the niagiihates having the power to punifli the omifllon by fending the pauper back to his place of fettlement. Thefe regulations would certainly diminiHi the fourccs of legal contefts, on the variety of cafes refpeding fettlements and certifi- cates; and would tend to bring thofe difputes, v^hich are fo very inimical to the pockets of the parifliioners and the peace of the parifh, into a very narrow compafs ; they would alfo open to the poor the means of carrying their induftry to the beft market ; at the fame time that the obligation to contribute to a box-club, in a greater proportion than if they had remained where they were fettled, might tend to keep them from migrating, unlefs the prof- pedl of advantage was confiderable ; the being obliged to fend their children to a fchool of induilry would alfo check that fpirit of va- grancy, which idlenefs, during infancy and youth, is apt to pro- mote. But thefe obligations proceed on the idea that box-clubs and fchools of induilry were eftablilhed by authority of parliament throughout that part of the kingdom fubje6l to the poor-laws ; for, vain would be the regulations, if, for want of thefe inftitutions, they could not be complied with j and it is much to> be feared, that, whatever may be the excellence of them, they will not inftitute themfelves throughout the kingdom in general, without the allift- ance of the legiflature, although the good arifing from ihem is already experienced in many parifhes. There feems uniformly one falfe principle, that is inconfirtent with that degree of freedom which is the beft inheritance of all of us, conftantly pervading this head of the laws refpefting the poor, ex- clufive of the reftraint which the law of certificates occafions. The principle alluded to, is the right claimed by the officers of a parifh to remove thofe whom they may deem likely to become chargeable ; the undefined idea, of what may fojfibly happen in future^ fiiould not be permitted to operate in the latitude it does; for, it is not neceflary F f to 2i8 LETTER XXIX. to the Interert of the parifli, but in a moft infignificant degree j and even that trifling intereft would difappear inftantly, on the prin- ciple being exploded, and a general practice diametrically oppofite prevailing} all men are liable, as the law at prefent ftands, to be taken by a warrant before a magiftrate, if a parifli-officer thinks proper to declare his belief that the individual is likely to become chargeable; and this aflertion may fometimes be founded on pique, intereft, or private refentment ; confequently we are all liable to this impertinent intrufion, and, what is worfe, to an examination into our circumftances and fituation in life; the knowledge of which ftiould be in the power of every man to preferve in his own breaft, unlefs he be fo fufpicious a chara61er that the fafety of fo- ciety or of individuals requires a public inveftigation of his fituation and circumftances ; but, in this cafe, the expofition of the private concerns of an individual is founded folely on this trifling plea of intereft, — that a parifti may not expend a trifle by once relieving him. Therefore, the paltry confideration of a few pence, in the expen- diture of an individual parifli, expofes all his Majefty's fubjeds to the poflibility of this difagreeable fcrutiny into their private affairs; and this on the unfounded aflertion of a parifli- officer, that a re- fiant may become chargeable; a very difagreeable confequence, flow- ing from a very infignificant caufe. Adual reUef received from a parifti ought to be the only cafe where fuch an intrufion ftiould take place; and that rule, if univerfal, would produce no general or even partial inconvenience ; and it would, at the fame time, relieve all from the poflibility of being placed in a humiliating, vexati- ous, and difagreeable, fituation, without fufficient reafon. LETTER [ 219 ] LETTER XXX. THE natural right of the poor to the afllflance of foclcty, when, by misfortune, ill health, or age, their labour is not equal to their fupport; and alfo the propriety of allowing them the liberty of removal from one place to another, for the purpofe of renekring their labour more equal to their fupport, having been dif- cufied, this paper (hall be dedicated to the purpofe of examining the expediency of raifmg the price of labour ; defiring that the reader will recoiled; agricultural labour is principally adverted to; and that the data, from which the conclufions will be drawn, may be found among the evidence which has been colle6fed in fome of the former papers on this fubje6l. It has already been alferted as a truth, in a manner felf-evident, that the price of labour fliould be equal to maintain the labourer m that fituation of life he occupies in fociety, whether as a hufband, a father, or a fon; confequently, that it fliould enable him, while in health, to fupport a wifb, children, or aged parents; and the evidence produced has tended to prove that it was fo in former times ; before the eftablifhment of a compulfive maintenance, and before thofe adfcititious and enervating luxuries of life, fpirits and tea, impaired the flrength of the parent, debilitated his progeny, and wafted the produce of his labour. The rating of wages, by authority of parliament, might alfo, in thofe days, have tended to preferve a juft proportion between the price of labour and the necelTaries of life ; for, if the pradice had not that good efFe6l, it operated to the difad vantage of the labourer; becaufe, by Umiting the price, it reftrained the fpirit of competi- tion; all the ftatutes, from the reign of Edward the Third to that of James the Firft, on that head, being reftridive againft giving more, and not compulfive to give the price rated by the juftices; F f 2 confe- 220 LETTER XXX. confequently, they tended rather to reduce than to raife the price of labour. But let us examine how the proportion was preferved in times antecedent to the eftablifhraent of a poor's rate, and how it is preferved now, and let us make a comparifon of the fa6ls : the means are in our hands, and the refult may eftablifli a ferviceable truth. In the twenty-third of Edward the Third, the price of agricul- tural labour was regulated, in many inftances, by parliament. — Two of thefe fliall be taken; harveft-wages, reaping corn by the day, three-pence ; threfliing wheat, by the quarter, two-pence half- penny : in that year, 1338, the price of wheat, by the quarter, was three fhillings and four-pence -, therefore, a day's work in har- vefc would not produce quite one-thirteenth of a quarter of wheat, and the price of threfliing a quarter was one-fixteenth of its value. In 1792, the price of a day's harvcll-work, in the cheapeft coun- ties, was, at the leaft, half-a-crown, and the price of threfhing wheat was alfo about half-a-crown a quarter : the average-price of wheat, throughout the year, might be about two guineas a quar- ter : the labour of threfliing, therefore, was, to the price of the wheat, as one to fixteen or feventeen ; and a day's harveft-wages bore the fame proportion to the fame quantity of wheat. In the years 1387, 1389, wheat was threlhed at four-pence a quarter, and reaped at feven-pence an acre. In 1388, the price of wheat was four fhillings a quarter : in this inftance, the price of threfliing fliall be taken, becaufe the price of reaping an acre of wheat muft then, as now, depend on many circumftances, and rife or fall accordingly : threfliing then produced one-twelfth of the value of the wheat. In 1446, a reaper received five-pence a day ; the price of wheat was, in 1445, four fhillings and fix-pence a quar- ter; and, in 1447, eight fliillings ; therefore, a day's harveft-work, at that time, produced one-tenth of a quarter of wheat: in 1445, the year preceding the price of reaping, and the year fucceeding it. LETTER XXX. 221 it, one-nineteenth yearly; the Cbronicon Freticfim giving no in- fiance of the price of wheat in 1446 : the average of thefe prices of labour is one-fourteenth of a quarter of wheat ; and the price of the fame articles of labour, in the year 1792, having been taken at one-fixteenth of the value of a quarter of wheat, it is manifeft that the price of agricultural labour was then fomewhat higher, in proportion to the price of wheat, than at prefent j that is to fay, as a fourteenth is to a fixteenth ; which would increafe harveft-wages to about three fliillings a day, and threfliing wheat to three fliillings a quarter, fuppofing the average-price of wheat to be two guineas a quarter. So few inftances occur when the price of wheat and the price of agricultural labour can be obtained in the fame year, before any regular regifters of the price of wheat were kept, that the exa(5l- nefs of the average cannot be depended on ; nor is the calcula- tion pretended to be corredlly exaft; but it is apprehended that both the average and the calculation are fufficiently fo, to war- rant the conclufion that is inferred from them : and it fliould alfo be recolle6led, that no compulfory maintenance for the poor was eftabhfhed during the period in which thefe averages have been taken. In 1 66 1, the juftices of Eflex, in their Eafter-feflions, fixed the rates of agricultural labour for that year: the reaper, one fhilling and ten-pence a day harveft-wages ; the threfher, exadlly the fame price per quarter : the price of wheat was, by the Windfor-table, 3/. IS. 2d. ; by which it is manifeft, that a day's harveft-wages, and the threfliing a quarter of wheat, would not either of them purchafe one-thirty-fifth part of the quarter. At this period the compulfory maii\tenance had been eftablilhed near forty years. In 1682, among the wages of fervants and labourers in huft>an- dry, rated by the juftices at their quarter- feftions, holden at Bury, in Suffolk, and recorded in Sir John CuUum's Hiftory of Haw- ftead, we find that a man-reaper's wages, in harveft, was one ftiil- hng 222 LETTER XXX; ling and eight-pence ; a common labourer, in fummer, one fliil- ling; in winter, ten- pence: the average-price of wheat we find, by the Windfor- table, to have been, that year, i/. 19^, id. ; a day's harveil-wages would, therefore, in 1682, purchafe one-twen- ty-third part of a quarter of wheat ; a day's common wages, in fummer, about a thirty-ninth part; a day's common wages, in winter, about a forty-feventh part. It fhould be mentioned that thefe prices are all without meat and drink. In 1668, Mr. Gregory King computed the ordinary income of labourers and out-fervants at fifteen pounds a year, to a family which he fuppofed to confift of three and a half perfons j and he computed the weekly expenfe of fuch families to be about twenty- pence a head. About the fame time, Lord-Chief- J uftice Hale computed the neceflary expenfes of a labourer's family, confid- ing of fix perfons, the father, mother, two children able to do fomething, and two not able, at ten fliiUings a week, or twenty- fix pounds a year : the average-price of wheat was, by the Windfor-table, that year, i/. 15^. 6^.; and the average-price for twenty-five years, taken annually, from 1655 to 1680, during which period of time the Chief-Juftice muft have made his calcu- lation, was generally above 2/. p. never under 2/. 2s. a quarter. We have feen the rates of wages at the Efl'ex quarter- feflions in Eafl:er i66is and at the Suffolk quarter-feflions in 1682; the infe- rence, with refped to the ratio which agricultural labour bore, when wages were rated, to the neceffarieS of life, can eafily be drawn ; and, when drawn, will prove that the practice was not favourable to the labourer. The difficulty of obtaining inftances of the prices of labour, in years fo long pafled away, prevent me from feledling a fufficient number of fads to form a very exaft average ; but it is prefumed that fufficient has been done to lay a foundation for the following affertions : Firft. LETTER XXX. ^223 Firft. — That, before the rate operated to the relief of the poor, their wages were larger, in proportion to the price of wheat, than at prefent. Secondly. — That fince the operation of the 43d of Elizabeth, by raifing a fum in every parifh for their relief, their wages have been lefs, in proportion to the price of wheat, during the laft century^ than zt prefent t as the fame quantity of work will now purchafe a fixteenth of a quarter of wheat, which, in 1661, would purchafe only a thirty-ninth part, and, in 1682, a twenty-third part of a quarter of wheat only. To judge how fuch a price for labour, fo difproportioned to the price of wheat, afiecled the poor's rate in thofe days, is not at this diftance of time in our power, except in thofe parifhes where accident may have preferved the account of the rate raifed in thofe years ; and, in fuch a cafe, fome idea might be formed by comparing the then rate with the prefent, fuppoflng the Hate of population and of the manufaftures to be alfo known. Thirdly. — It appears, not only that the rating of wages tended to deprefs the price of labour j but that, before the poor partook of a revenue raifed from the pockets of their fellow- fubje^ts ; the un- feeling hand of legiflation having precluded mifery from its laft refource, — the compaflion of the wealthy, by reftraining them from begging, and their opulent neighbours from giving them relief, through fear of imprifonment ; the poor muft have been in a moft deplorable fituation, and muft have continued fo until the begin- ning of the reign of Henry the Eighth, when juftices of the peace were empowered to licence aged and impotent perfons, to beg with- in certain diftridls. This alfo will, in fome meafure, account for the deficiency of our population in thofe times^ it being, in the fourteenth century, not one-fourth of what it is at prefent. Therefore, although the price of labour might be, through the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth, centuries, higher, in propor- tion to the price of wheat, than at prefent; the rough temper of the times, inftanced by the concurrent a6:s of legiflation, left the poor 224 LETTER XXXI. poor without any refource in the hour of diftrefs, except from the ecclefiaftlcal eflates j and, with refpe6t to the time paffed fince the 43d of Ehzabeth, it has been feen, that the price of labour was much lower, in proportion to the price of wheat, during the laft century, than at prefent. The conclufion which follows, from the few fa6ls that apply to the queftion, is, that, in the three centuries preceding the poor's rate, they were in a worfe fituation that at prefent, although their wages were more proportionate to the neceiTaries of lifej becaufe there was no refource left to them from private charity, and a corn- pulfive maintenance was not eftabliflied, to which they might apply in the hour of diftrefs ; and through the feventeenth century, after a compulfive maintenance had been eftabhflied, they appear to have received wages lefs proportionate to the neceiTaries of life than they do at prefent ; confequently, their prefent fituation, with their wages, is preferable to their former. LETTER XXXL BUT it may be objected, that the inftances produced, having mentioned the concurrent price of only one material article of life, wheat -, the others, as clothing, fire, houfe-rent, butcher's meat, and a long train of ei cceteras, have not been glanced at. This difficulty may be folved by a Ihorter, and probably a more fatisfaftory, proof, than a detail of the concurrent prices of a long category of articles, at the feveral periods when the foregoing no- tices were taken, were fuch an accurate detail in our power j the proof alluded to is the opinion of Adam Smith on this fubject, who fays, " The money-price of corn regulates that of all other home-made commodities ; the real value of every other commodity being LETTER XXXI. 225 being meafured and determined by the proportion which its average money-price bears to the money-price of corn." The detail of the fa6ls and arguments, from which this principle is eftablifhed by Dr. Smith, would probably be thought tedious and unneceflary, having his name as authority for the opinion ; a (horter proof may be thought a better proof; and a plain and in- telligihh Jonies may effect as much in a few words as a long argu- ment in many pages. — For inftance : The labour of man fhould be equal to his fuftenance, the prin- cipal article of which is corn. — By the labour of our poor are home-made commodities produced and manufaftured ; what pro- duces or manufa6lures commodities is the meafure of their value; what fuftains the poor is the efficient means of their labour. Corn principally is the fuftenance of the poorj therefore, corn is the meafure of the value of home-made commodities ; or, in other words, the money-price of corn regulates the money-price of thofe articles, which are neceflary to the fuftenance of the poor. Another point to be fettled before we proceed, is to afcertain the articles which common confent will agree to call the necejfariei of life % becaufe no wages of labour will provide for a confumption, ad libitum, of every article of food and clothing j which a poor family may choofe to make ufe of; and, at the fame time, a deduc- tion of every article, not abfolutely neceflary to the fuftentation of human life, would leave fo little to be purchafed by the labour of man, as to admit of no doubt on the queftion. No writer has delivered his fentiments on this topic with that precifion of idea, that appropriate happinefs of expreflion, and, what is beft, with that full knowledge of the fubje6t, as the fame writer we have before referred to : his opinion therefore will, with no fmall degree of propriety, ftand in the place of any fluctuating defultory notions, which humanity, mifled by luxury, might throw out J this one idea being granted, that the comforts of life and the neccflaries are different things; the firft arc properly within the G g reach 226 LETTER XXXI. reach of thofe whofe property, ingenuity, or induftry, puts thera beyond the probabihty of feeking relief from the rate levied for the poor J the laft comprehend only thofe articles which are neceflary to the prefervation of human life in health, and the perfon in fuch clothing as not to offend the eye of decency and propriety. By neccffaries, Adam Smith fays, he underftands not only the commodities which are indifpenfably neceffary for the fupport of life, but whatever the cuftom of the country renders it indecent for creditable people to be without j and explains himfelf, by ad- mitting, that a linen fhirt and leather fhoes are among thofe things which the pooreft creditable perfon of either fex in this country would be afliamed to appear in public without j fait, candles, lea- ther, foap, and fuel, he admits as neceflaries, to a certain degree of confumption. Grain, and other vegetables, with the help of milk, cheefe, and butter, or oil where no butter is to be had, he affirms, are known from experience, without any afllftance from butcher's meat, to afford the moft nourifhing and invigorating diet j* and therefore he doubts whether butcher's meat be a neceffary of Ufe any where j but, not determining that point, he calls all other things luxuries, fpeaking of articles of diet, without meaning, by this appellation, to throw the fmalleft degree of reproach on a temperate ufe of them > he fays, ** Beer and ale in Great Britain, and wine even in wine- countries, I call luxuries : a man of any rank may, without any reproach, abftain totally from fuch liquors ; nature does not render them neceffary for the fupport of Ufe, and cuflom no where ren- ders it indecent to live without them." Many names, and fome of eminence in the political as well as in the literary world, have given fanii itfelf^ which will not leavethem in maturer life, when it will be of fervice j and, in that cafe, we have gained the habit of induftry in return for the expenfe. But the employment, being confined to fpinning and knitting, has been ftated as an obje6lion. Let us fuppofe thefe to be the fole employments j although, if the plan fucceeds, and their work is profitable, other handicrafts might be introduced : the objedion may be anfwered in the words of that gentleman * to whom the county of Lincoln has been fo much obliged for thefe infti- tutions. * See an Account of the Society for the Promotion of Induftry in Lincolnfhire, by the Rev, R. G. Bower, one of his Majefty's juftices of the peace for the county of Lincoln. " Now 256 LETTER XXXVL " Now I would afk, which parlflies will hereafter flock the country with the moil laborious, honefl:, and intelligent, fervants or labourers ? Will they be thofe where children, until they be- come thirteen or fourteen years old, at lea/i, continue to be nur- tured in idlenefs (whether at the public expenfe or that of their pa- rents) 3 where they fee nothing but patterns of dilTolutenefs and immorality ; hear nothing but oaths, blafphemies, and flander j learn nothing but to plunder hen-roofls, orchards, and hedges; and, for thefe and fimilar purpofes, keep the moft irregular hours, and are accuftomed to prowl about at night like fo many hearts of prey ? It is faid, the children^ wider the care recommended above, will, e,t thirteen or fourteen years of age, know nothing but fpinning. Yes, they will know much more ; unlefs regularity of hours, decency of behaviour, a habit of perfevering induftry, and a fenfe of duty to God and man, with the means of perpetuating it, are nothing. But will fuch objedors lay their hands on their hearts, and fay, that one in twenty of the pauper's children, at prefent, when thir- teen or fourteen years old, knows any thing at all, unlefs it be fome of the wicked accomplilhments above alluded to ? If they do not^ it is mere cavilling, and not worth a ferious anfwer, to fay, that we mufl not teach them what we propofe, only becaufe it is not, perhaps, in our power to teach them more j at leaft, not without fuch funds as we can have no reafon to expe6l. Would not, then, any confid^rate man, about to hire a lad or a girl of the age above-mentioned, give a decided preference to thofe who fhall have been educated in a pariili, where, in conformity to the plans of our fociety, children from five or fix years of age are affembled, under the fame roof, at an early and regular hour of the morning ; kept fteadily to the purfuit of bufinefsj taught that, even fo early in life, they aie able to maifitain themfehes ; made to take a pride in nothing but what they obtain by merit j and to difpute about no other objeft, than who, by being forwardeft in the performance of duty, LETTER XXXVI. 257 duty, fliall be entitled to the highefl: of thofe rewards which the liberality of the foclety of induftry fliall, from time to time; hold up to-their view ? " Can it be fuppofed that fuch an education will make no diffe- rence either in the morality of the country or the incumbrance of parifhes ? Will all this care and trouble be thrown away upon them ? Will they remember none of the good leOons tliey have heard and will hear ? Will they at once caft off all the regularity they fliall have been inured to, during thofe fix or (even years of human life, wherein habits, either good or bad, are eaficft planted, and take the deepeft root ? Will they be as much inclined to pick- ing and ftealing as if they had never tafled the fweet produce of ho- neft labour ? Will they, exclufive of principle, be as dexterous in the trade of iniquity as if they had never been exercifed at any other ? Will they, when decorated with the honourable marks of our fociety's approbation, care as little ^hont their cbaradier^ thus ejiabliJJjed, as thofe who never knew how great a treafure a good name is ? Laftly, will they eafily be induced to raife a clamo* lous tongue, or extend an idle hand, for parifh- relief, at thirty or forty years of age, when they were taught to fcorn it at nine or ten ?" As to the want of a6livlty in the employment, if the knitting- pin is to be handled, or the fpinning- wheel is to be turned, the ob-. lervation is futile. The chief time of girls and boys, in all fchools, is paffed in a fedentary pofture ; but they have their hours of relaxa^ tion, during which they unbend their minds, and train, by youth- ful fports, the body to exercife and health. Have not all our large fchools produced excellent foldiers and failors ? Where can we, with, reafon, exped our commanders by fea and land to be edu- cated, if not in thofe feminaries, where the improvement of the mind confines them many hours in the day to a fedentary pofturo, pleafureably exchanged, in the hours of relaxation^ for the native vigorous fports of youth ? L 1 Say» 258 LETTER XXXVr. Say, Father Thames, for thou haft ken Full many a fprightly race, Difporting on thy margent green, The paths of pleafure trace. But, allowing it tq be expedient that the lifing generation of the poor ought to be brought up in more active employments than the knitting-needle or the wheel only, might they not intermix the labours of the field with the employments of manufa61ure ? If ftones affe to be picked for the furveyor, wheat to be drilled, pulfe to be hoed, corn to be weeded, grafs to be made into hay, wheat to be reaped, and all other various employments of hufbandry to be Jearned, could not the fuperintendant of the fchools go with his pupils into the fields, and fee that they do their work properly ? Very little inftruftion would be necefTary ; the only objedt would be to keep up the habit of induftry, which might be efFeded with as rhuch eafe in a field as in a room. With refpe ale made of it) at three-halfpence a gallon j the viler ale at a penny. In 1339, wheat and malt bore the fame price, nine fliillings a quarter. In 1423, malt was five fliillings a quarter j wheat, eight fliil- lings. In 1425, ale was from a penny to three-halfpence a gallon. In 270 LETTER XXXVIII. In 1440, malt was thirteen {hillings a quarter; wheat, twenty- four fhillings. In 1444, malt, four (hillings ; wheat, four fhillings and four- pence a quarter. In 1445, ale was one penny halfpenny a gallon. In 145 1, ale was at the fame price. In 1453, ^'^> °"^ penny farthing a gallon. In 1455, malt, one (hilling and five-pence a quarter; wheat, one fliilling and two-pence ; ale, one penny a gallon. In 1457, wheat, feven fliillings and eight-pence a quarter; ale, one penny a gallon. In 1459, wheat, five fliillings a quarter; ale, one penny a gallon. In 1460, wheat, eight fhillings a quarter; ale, one penny a gallon. In 1504, wheat, five fliillings and eight-pence a quarter; ale, about three-pence a gallon. In 1551, wheat, eight fliillings a quarter; malt, five (hillings and a penny. In 1553, wheat, the fame ; malt, five (hillings a quarter. In 1554, 1555, 1556, 1557, wheat and malt remained at the fame price as in 1553; but Mr. Stow fays, that in 1557, before harvefl-, wheat rofe in London to two pounds thirteen fliillings and four-pence a quarter; malt, to two pounds four (hillings: and, after harveft, wheat funk to five fliillings ; mal*, to fix fliillings and eight- pence a quarter : while, in the country, wheat remained at four (hillings a quarter ; malt, at four (hillings and eight- pence. In 1561, wheat, the quarter, eight fliillings; malt, five fliil- lings. From thefe notices, taken, at unequal intervals, through the period of two centuries and a half, very few, if any, certain conclufions can be drawn, either with refpe<5l to the quantity of LETTER XXXVIII. 271 of the materials, or of the materials themfelves, of which ale was in thofe- days compofed. Malt feems, in general, to bear a price fomewhat proportional to the value of wheat ; from which it alfo appears to liave been fometimes made : but that proportion is fo frequently broken through, efpecially in the year 1504, in the price of ale, that but little reliance can be placed on it. The price of wheat and malt in 1557, in London, compared with its price in the country, ftrikes one as a remarkable in- ftance of a deficiency of police in regulating the fupply of the metropolis by its confumption ; for, while the country enjoyed plenty, London experienced the advanced prices of a famine; the caufe of which the hiftory of the times does not fufficiently explain. No price of hops is mentioned in Fleetwood, although the ufe of them had become general, and there had paffed already one adl of parliament regulating the importation of them. Mr. Pennant, in his Britifla Zoology, quotes a diftich to prove that carp and hops came into England the fame year, viz. about 1514 : Turkies, carps, hops, pickerel, and beer, Came into England all in one year. And then produces an extract from " The Boke of St. Alban's," printed in 1496, to prove that carp was known here before. The regulations and eftablifhment of the houfeholds of Henry Alger- non Percy, the fifth Earl of Northumberland, at his caftles of Wrefill and Lekinfield, in Yorkfhire, in 1512, will prove, alfo, that hops were in general ufe before the year allotted for their in- trodudtion into England by the diftich j and will alfo fhew the proportion of hops ufed to the malt. ** Hopps for brevvinge. — To make provifion for five hundred and fifty-fix pounds of hopps for brewinge of beere, for the expenfes of 272 LETTER XXXVIII. of my houfe for one whole yeere, after the eflimation of thirteen iliilhngs and four- pence the hundred. " Maite. — To make provifion for two hundred and nine quar- ters, one bufhel, of make, after four fliilhngs the quarter, by ef- timation." This is at the rate of about tv/o pounds eleven ounces of hops to a quarter of malt ; but fome ale was brewed in which the quantity of hops was much lefs than in beer; confequently, the proportion of hops to a quarter of malt in beer might be more confiderable. Thefe notices are inferted rather as m.atters of curiofity than as information tending to throw much light on the progrefs of ale- houfes and their concomitant ebriety : however, they at leaft tend to lliew, that neither the vice, nor the confumption of liquor which it occafioned, had as yet been fufficiently attended to by the legillature to occafion them either to regulate the immorality, or to raife a revenue from licenfing its continuation. In the mean time, houfes of entertainment increafed in number, and alfo in licentioufnefs. In the fourteenth century, Chaucer, in his Canterbury Tales, makes us acquainted with a confiderable inn, at which the palmers fpent a night, in their pilgrimage to the fhrine of St. Thomas, at Canterbury: " In Southwerke at the Tabberd* as I lay, " Redy to wendin on my pilgrimage " To Canterbury with devote corage, * • » » * " The chambers and the ftables werin wide, •• And well we werin efed at the beft," *'Tabberd, — A jacket, or fleevelefs coat, worn formerly by noblemen, in the wars; now only by heralds: it was the fign ef an inn in Southwark; it is now the fign of the Talbot. — Unfs Gkjfary to Chaucer. His LETTER XXXVIII. 275 His hoft was like a hoft of modern days, " Bold of his fpeeche, and wife, and well taught, " And of manhode lakkid him right naught: " And eice thereto he was a mcry man." Shakfpeare, who drew from nature, has alfo left us ftrong traits of charader in his Hoftefs of Eaftcheap : he, in the beginning of the feventeenth century, gives us feveral inftances of the manners of inn-keepers towards the end of the fourteenth : the Firft and Second Parts of his King Henry the Fourth abound with them. But we want not the inftances; we ftand not in need of the hint J we know that no man can be a vender of any commodity, who is not in his heart an encourager of the confumption of it. Very early in the fixteenth century, in the nineteenth year of the reign of Henry the Seventh, the bad efFedls of the common fale of ale and beer were fo fenfibly felt, as to occafion parliament to reftrain the pra6lice, and to authorize two juftices of the peace to rejed: fuch ale-houfes, as they fhall think proper. This appears to be the firft inftance of the interference of the legiflature. The next is about fifty years afterwards, in the reign of Edward the Sixth, the preamble to which has been already noticed in a for- mer part of this traft. This firft gives to two juftices the power of licenfing ale-houfes or tippling-houfes, and direfts them to take bond and recognizance of fuch as ftiall be admitted to keep them, as well againft the ufing of unlawful games as for the maintenance of good order; it punifties the venders of ale without licence, (except in the time of fairs,) by imprifonment, and recognizance with two fureties, not to offend in the fame manner again. After the lapfe of another fifty years, parliament again, in the firft year of the reign of James the Firft, found it neccfiary to in- terfere in the condu6l of ale-houfes. The preamble to the adl recites, with great propriety, their true ufe ; " for the receipt, relief, and N n lotlging> 574 LETTER XXXVIII. lodging, of way-faring people, and for the fupply of the wants of fuch people as are not able to make their provifion of viftuals, and not for the entertainment of the idle to confume their money and time in a drunken manner." This a6l not only punifhes the alehoufe-keeper, by a penalty of ten ihillings to the poor, who fuffers any perfon to remain tip- pling, " other than fueh as fhall be invited by any traveller, and fliall accompany him during his neceflary abode there; and other than labouring and handicraftfmen in cities and towns corporate, and market-towns, upon the ufual working-days, for one hour at dinner-time, to take their diet in an ale-houfe; and other than labourers and workmen, which, for the following of their work by the day, or by the great, fhall, for the time of continuing their work there, fojourn, lodge, or viftual, in any inn, ale-houfe, or other vi£lualling-houfe ;" but alfo inflifts a penalty of forty /hil- lings, to be paid to the ufe of the poor, on the conftables and thurch-wardens for negle6l of duty, in not levying the penalty on t^ie alehoufe-keeper offending ; and alfo regulates the price at which ale and beer fhall be fold, viz. one full quart of the beft ale or beer for a penny, and two quarts of the fmall ; and, if any alehoufe- keeper fell lefs, he forfeits twenty fhilHngs. The penalties to be le- vied by the conftables or church-wardens. In the 4th year of the fame reign, parliament again was com- pelled to attend to ale-houfes j — " whereof," the preamble to the a6l fays, " the multitudes and the abufes are become intolerable, and ftill do and are hkely to increafe." To prevent the evil, no per- fon fhall fell, utter, or deliver, any beer or ale, to any perfon not having a licenfe to fell ale or beer, except for the convenient ufe and expenfe of his houfehold, under the penalty of fix fhillings and eight-pence for every barrel. And, by the next chapter, entitled. An Aft for repreffing the odious and loathfome Sin of Drunkennefs, after making ufe of the following flrong language as a preamble: " Whereas LETTER XXXVIII. 275 " Whereas the loathfome and odious fin of drunkennefs is, of late, grown into common ufc within this realm, being the root and foundation of many other enormous fins, as blood-flied, ftab- bing, murder, fwearing, fornication, adultery, and fuch like, to the great difhonour of God and of our nation, tlie overthrow of many good arts and manual trades, the difabling of divers work- men, and the impoverifliing of many good fubjedls, abufively wafting the good creatures of God." The a6l inflidls a penalty of five flii) lings on every perfon con- victed of drunkennefs ; three (hillings and four-pence on every per- fon who fhall remain drinking and tippling in any ale-houfe in the city, town, village, or hamlet, where he lives. If any perfon fhall be a fecond time convi^ed of drunkennefs, he fliall be bound, with two fureties, to the king, for his good behaviour, in the penalty of ten pounds. And thefe offences fliall be inquired of, and prefented before juf- tices of affize, juftices of the peace in their quarter-fefiions, mayors, bailiffs, and other head-officers of cities, towns, &c. by all confta- bles, church-wardens, headboroughs, tithing-men, ale-conners, and fidefmen : the penalties are to go to the poor of the parifh. The adt was farther enforced, and made perpetual, by the ift of Car. I. cap. 4. Three years afterwards, the attention of the legiflature was again called forth, and any alehoufe- keeper, being convidled of any offence committed againft either of thefe two ads, entitled. An A6t to reftrain haunting and tippling in Inns, Ale-houfes, and other Vic- tualling-Houfes ; and the A£l againfl the Sin of Drunkennefs; fhall be difabled from keeping an ale-houfe for three years following fuch convid:ion. And, by the 21 ft ftatute of this reign, chapter the feventh, the two laft afls, which were at firft only temporary, are made perpe- tual ; and proof, by one witnefs only, is rendered neceflaryj and that one witnefs may be a perfon who has voluntarily confefTed that N n 2 himfelf 276 LETTER XXXVIII. himfelf has been guilty of the offence ; a kind of evidence to which recourfe ought never to be had, except in thofe inftances of enormous crimes, where, for the fafety of fociety, the convidtion of an offender is neceffary. In the ift year of Charles the Firfl, foreigners, or perfons not inhabiting in the towns or villages within which they fhall be convifted of tippling in any ale-houfe, were made alfo liable to the penalty, which they were not liable ta by the a6ls pafled in the laft parliament ; and the alehoufe- keepers, who fhall permit them to tipple, are alfo made liable to the fame penalties as they were by former adls, with refped: to the inhabitants j as are alfo vintners, keepers of taverns, and vidluallers j and they are taken to be within the two former ads, and alfo within the Hatute then pafled. Chapter 4. By the ftatute, the 3d of Charles the Fn*ft, chapter the fourth, reciting, in the preamble, that the aft, made in the 5th year of Ed- ward the Sixth, had not wrought fuch reformation as was intended, for that the fines were feldom levied, and many of the offenders are neither able to pay them, nor to bear their ovC^n charges of com- mitting to gaol; therefore it is enafted, that he, who keeps an ale-houfe without licenfe, fhall forfeit twenty ihiUings, which the conftables or church-wardens fliall levy for the ufe of the poor ; which, if the party is not able to pay, he fhall be whipped ; and, for the fecond offence, he iliall be committed to the houfe of correction, for the fpace of one month, there to be dealt with as a diforderly perfon ; and, if he fhall again offend, and be again convicted, he fhall be committed to the houfe of corre6lion, there to remain until difcharged by order of the juftices in their general fefTions. Throughout the reign of James, and in the beginning of the reign of Charles the Firfl, the legiflature appears to have taken every means that penalties, imprifonment, and difgrace, could ef- fect, to prevent the bad confequences arifmg from ale-houfes and drunkennefs. In fadl, the evil had been feverely felt for feveral centuries. LETTER XXXIX, 277 centuries, and had been attended to by government from the year 1503 to the date of the laft-mentioned a6t, 1627, but without efFecl : ale-houfes increafcd in number, and their frequenters in drunkennefs, indolence, and licentioufnefs ; and, ahhough the laws refpefting them were fevere, they were deficient, no proper means having been provided to compel tlieir execution ; and were then, as the laft adl ftates, what we at prefent find them to be, — feldom or never put in force. This feems to have been the laft attempt of the legiflature to regulate the moral conduft of ale-houfes, and to prevent the bad effects of ebriety: and thefe feveral a6ts of parliament ilill re- main the law, although, unfortunately for the caufe of morahty and economy, not the pradice. LETTER XXXIX. AS yet the public revenue had not been confiderabiy benefited by popular depravity ; at leaft the money arifing from the licenfing ale-houfes had not enriched the coffers of the ftate, but had filled the pockets of thofe minions of the crown who had fuffi- eient intereft at court to obtain the privilege of granting them, a remarkable inftance of which occurred in the year 1621, when the Houfe of Commons received many petitions againft fome grants which the king had made to certain individuals of the power of licenfing inns and ale-houfes ; and which he declared, in his fpeech in the Houfe of Lords, it was his intention to recal, having, till then, been ignorant of the ill effeds which fuch patents had oc- cafioned. Soon after the reftoration of Charles the Second, in the year 1660, parliament granted, among other profits arifing from articles of 27$ LETTER XXXIX. of excife, thofe on beer, ale, mead, cider, perry, and foreign fpi- rits, in augmentation of the royal revenue. In the 9th of Queen Anne, a duty of four fliillings v/as laid on any piece of vellum, parchment, or paper, on which Ihall be engroflld a licenfe for retailing of wine; and one fliilling on a Hniilar licenfe for retailing of beer and ale, or other excifable liquors. And, by the 6th of George the Firft, all perfons, whofe office it fhall be to take any recognizances on account of ale-licenfes, fhall be obliged to make out fuch ale-licenfes on paper duly ftamped, before they take the recognizances, under the penalty of ten pounds. In the beginning of the next reign, parliament took into confide- ration the inconvenience which had arifen from perfons being li- cenfed to keep inns and common ale-houfes by jufticcs of the peace; who, living remote from the places of abode of fuch perfons, might not be truly informed of the want of fuch inns and ale-houfes, or of the characters of perfons applying for licenfes ; and therefore cnaded, by ftatute 2d, chapter 28, and feclion 11, " That no licenfe fhall be granted but at a general meeting of the juftices, a6ling in the divifion where the perfons applying for licenfes dwell, on the 2 1 ft of September, or twenty days after, or at any other general meeting of the faid juftices, to be holden for the divifion wherein the faid perfon refides ; and that all licenfes granted otherwife fiiall be void." And, by the 26th of George the Second, chapter 31ft, the above- mentioned claufe is repealed; and the manner of licenfmg ale- houfes, in that part of Great Britain called England, is regulated : and it is ordeied, " that no licenfe to keep any aie-houfe, &c. fhall be granted to any perfon not licenfed the year preceding, un- , lefs fuch perfon fhall produce, at' the general meeting of the juf- tices in September, a certificate under the hands of the parfon, vicar. LETTER XXXIX. 279 vicar, or curate, and the major part of tlie church-wardens and overfcers, or elfe of three or four reputable and fubftantial houfe- holders and inhabitants of the parifh, or place, where fuch ale- houfe is to be, fetting forth that fuch perfon is of good fame, and fober life and converfation ; and it iliall be mentioned, in fuch li- cenfe, that fuch certificate was produced, otherwife the licenfe fhall be void." It remains to be obferved, that, to prevent any licenfe from being obtained on motives of intereft in the magiftrates, by their being concerned in habits of trade with the perfon licenfed, no juftice of the peace, being a brewer, inn-keeper, or diftiller, or a feller of, or a dealer in, ale or fpirituous liquors, or interefted in any of the faid trades, or being a maltfler or victualler, fhall be capable of granting licenfes to fell ale or beer, by virtue of an aft of parlia- ment pafled in the fame year. By this long category of pains, penalties, and reftrictions, has the legiflature attempted, through the lapfe of near three centuries, to prevent the ill effe6ls of ale-houfes on the morals, the induftry, and the economy, of the people; but they have attempted it in vain J and the government, not having been able to preferve our poor in habits of fobriety, has determined that the revenue Ihould feel the good effects of public vice j and, therefore, by a variety of taxes on thefe commodities, the confumption of which is fo gene- ral, and which taxes having increafed nearly pari pajfu with the ftamp-duties on the ale- licenfes, (viz. from one fliilling, in the reign of Queen Anne, to one-and-thirty (hillings and fix-pence, in the 24th year of the prefent reign, befides the duty on the houfe itfelf, if at a rent above fifteen pounds a year,) have raifed from the public, in the four quarters of the year ending the loth of Oclober, 1792, the vaft fumof five millions tv/o hundred and nine- teen thoufand feven hundred and fifty-one pounds, as may be feen by the following extract from a ftatement prefented to the Houfe of 28o LETTER XXXIX. of Commons, purfuant to an aft of the 27th year of his Ma- jefty's reign.* Net -Produce of the Duties of Excife in England. On beer - - - - - - - I 2,012,373 Hops - - - - - - 82,776 Malt, perpetual duty - _ - - 612,235 Spirits, Britifh - - - - 644,104 Ditto, foreign . _ - - 704,392 Licenfes to retailers of fpirituous liquors - 160,704 Duties commenced pP"'"','^"''"' ' - 111,307 5.hja„..79.. f °?^".- .- ^ 142,737 118,033 Annual malt, &c» - - - - 607,200 - 5,195,861 Cuftoms on gin - - - - 23,890 5'2X9'7Si When it is confidered that none 'of .that immenfe quantity of gin and malt fpiiits, which are fmuggled into this country clear of all duties, and alfo none of the cuftoms on foreign brandy, rum, and foreign wines, are taken into this account, which, alone, amount to upwards of feven hundred and fourteen thoufand pounds j becaufe thefe are liquors that we may fuppofe are drunk exclufively by the people of property, and are not generally the beverage of the common people ; and, alfo, becaufe we cannot, in fuch a general eftimate as is here attempted to be made, ftate accurately how great a proportion of thefe commodities, which are excifed, * Annals of Agriculture, vol. .xx. p. lOO, 97. is LETTER XXXIX. 281 is exported: we may, therefore, for an inftant fuppofc, that the quantity exported, together with the confideration that foreign wines, brandy, and rum, are not the general drink of the mafs of the people, will leave the fum-total of the duties of excife, together with the cuftoms on gin, amounting to ;C 5,21 9,75 r, a fair average annual tax, paid, by the people of England, for the liquor drank by eight millions five hundred thoufand fubje(5ls, men, women, and children. This being allowed to be a probable average, where exadlnefs cannot be pretended to, it will then ap- pear, that each individual pays to the revenue for his beer, ale, fpirits, and ftrong liquors, exclufive of the cuftoms on foreign wines, brandy, and rum, above twelve fhillings and three-pence farthing annually. It can fcarcely be fuppofed, that the fum paid by the confumers for thefe liquors can be fliort of five times the tax which govern- ment has laid on them ; although the abfolute proof that it is lb (were fuch a proof poflible) would be too tedious an inveftigation for this curfory inquiry : but, if either the article of ale or of fpi- rits be feparately examined, with refped: to its tax and its retail price, it is imagined the proportion mentioned will be found to be far within the truth. We fliall then perceive, that each individual expends above three pounds one fhilling and four-pence farthing in that indulgence which Adam Smith does not reckon among the nc- ceflaries of life. Now let us have recourfe to Mr. Howlett's computation of the number of labouring poor individuals in England, — fix mil- lions and a quarter, — thefe forming that clafs of the people for whom the poor's rates are raifed ; and it will be found that their expenditure in ale, beer, and fpirituous liquors, will confiderably exceed nineteen millions. Nor can this be deemed an extravagant computation ; when it is remembered, that the confumption of wines, and alfo that con- Aimption of brandy and rum, which may be calculated as attach-. O o ing 282 LETTER XXXfX. ing Itfelf to the cuftoms on thofe fpirits, are, in this calculation, fuppofed to belong exclufively to the remainder of that population > which is calculated to amount, in the whole, to eight millions and a half, or to two millions and one quarter only of our fellow-fub- jedls J the fix millions and one quarter of the labouring-poor being deduced. To compute the yearly earnings of the poor throughout England, is a matter infinitely above my abiUty; and to guefs at them is taking a leap fo much in the dark, as would be an imputation on the prudence of any man. Mr. King, in 1668, computed the in- come of labourers and out-fervants at fifteen pounds a year, to a family confifting of three and a half perfons; Chief-Juftice Hale, about the fame time, computed the expenfes of a labourer's family, of fix perfons, at twenty-fix pounds a year j fuppofing either of thefe computations nearly right at that time j and fuppofing the price of wages to be now double j and the expenfes of a la- bourer's family, of the fame number of perfons, to be double; and more than that they cannot be j it will be found that the ex- penfes of the ale-houfe will confume no inconfiderable proportion of a labourer's wages, and bear a large proportion to the total of his expenfes. Therefore, it muft be apparent, that one great and leading fource of the evil we complain of, in the ftate of the poor of this country, may be traced hence ; from the vaft fums which are fpent in thefe licenfed places of ebriety j which are fo many in number, that it is a matter of furprife how the keepers of them can get a liveli- hood } by honeft and fober condud: they could not j but it muft be by an improper folicitation for drunken cuftomersj by giving them credit for liquor, and encouraging them in bad habits j it appear- ing that the number of ale, fpirit, and wine, licenfes is, to the number of inhabitants, nearly as one to ninety; therefore, the profit on the expenfes of a number, much fhort of ninety people, for ftrong liquors, enables a man, not only to fupport himfelf, family, LETTER XXXIX. 2^3 family, and fervants, but alfo, in many inftances, to acquire a for- tune ; for, it Ihould be mentioned, to the credit of our countrymen, that of ninety individuals, men, women, and children, probably half of them fcarcely ever tafte ftrong liquors, and are certainly no cuftomers to ale-houfe-keepers. The caufe of a difeafe being known, it has been faid, he muft be either an ignorant or timid phyfician who knows not what re- medy to prefcribe, or, knowing it, is fearful of applying it. If time loft, and the money fpent, in the indulgence of drinking- habits, be in any degree the caufe of the diftrefles of the poor, and of the increafe of the rate for their relief and maintenance ; it is plain that, in proportion as the opportunity of indulging in thefe habits is diminifhed, the bad effeds of them will difappear ; and it is an experimental truth, that, in proportion as you ceafe to in- dulge a habit, does the habit itfelf difappear. It is true, a patient, whofe conftitution has been injured by drinking, may at firft conceive he cannot exift without his ufual indulgence: — but what will his phyfician prefcribe ? Probably not an immediate and total abftinence from ftrong liquors, but a gra- dual reduftion of the quantity, and of the frequency of the indul- gence: the patient, in the mean time, finds health return, his con- ftitution is ftrengthened, and the bad habit is weakened j and, in the end, he perceives that health and fobriety are not incompatible. In the fame manner ftiould the phyficians of the ftate proceed with their patients, — the people ; not by encouraging the meam of indulgence, and reftraining the pradliee by pains and penalties ; thefe we know, by the experience of fome centuries, have no ef- feft ; it is like holding a rod and a cherry to a child j the one will be eaten, and the other ought not, on fuch an occafion, to be ufed j neither ought the pains and penalties, in the various ftatutes re- fpeding ebriety, to be inflided, until the temptation is farther re- moved. If a labouring-man has but to ftep over his own threfhold to the next door to indulge himfelf in drinking, it requires fome Oo 2 philofophy. 284 LETTER XXXIX. philofophy, while he has either money or credit, to refrain : oblige him to go a confideiable diftance, and he will not fo often yield to the temptation. If parliament fliould order a cenfus of the people to be taken, by an actual numeration of them, by the conftables of each parifl^ who might return the number to the high-conftables, and they to- the quarter- fefllons in each county, and by a fimilar method in cities ; the adlual population of the kingdom might eafily be known. The number of ale, fpirit, and wine, licenfes might alfo be known from the excife-office. . , Whatever be the proportion that the number of thefe licenfes bears to the amount of the population at prefent j if that propor- tion fliould be decreafed one-third by an experimental a6l of par- liament for three years, the effect of fuch an experiment upon the morals of the people, the diftrefles of the poor, the poor's rates^ and alfo upon the revenue, in refpe(5t to the produce of the duties of excife, would be known ; and, if it was on the whole advanta- geous to the morals, to the poor, and the rate for their mainte^ nance was diminiflied, the experiment (hould be perfifted in by a farther dccreafe of the proportion, between the number of people and the number of licenfes, for the next three years, and fo on, until the point be found, beyond which the decreafe would be pre- judicial. In fuch an experiment, undoubtedly the good effed: propofed would be oppofed by a diminution of the revenue which arifes from thefe articles of the excife ; for, it is plain, that the fmaller the confumption of flrong liquors, the lefs the revenue arifing from that confumption ; and, the fmaller the number of licenfes, the lefs the produce of that branch of the revenue ; but, if the end of go- vernment be the good of the governed, can this be an objection ? Surely not, unlefs revenue is of more confequence to a ftate than the morals, the religion, the happinefs, of its fubjedts. If LETTER XXXIX. 285 If the revenue fliould prove deficient, through the experiment, and it could not, unlefs the experiment fucceeded, would it not gain by other and better means ? If the quantity of national drunkennefs, indolence, and expenfivenefs in the articles of liquors, was diminiflied, would not the quantity of national morality, in- duftry, and economy, be incrcafed ? And, in fuchacafe, would not agriculture and manufadlures reftore that defalcation to the re- venue, oceafioned by a fuppreflion of the habits of indulgence in di'inking ? If a diminution of the number of ale-houfes had no effect upon the habits of our fellow-fubje6ls, but that the man, who would fre-f quent one at his door, would do the fame at a mile diftance, — ftill fome good will arife from tlie experiment : being fewer houfes, each houfe will have more cuftom, and will not be tempted to encourage the habit in their cuftomers, by the rilk of trufting them : an ale- houfe-fcore does not increafe in the fimple ratio of the quantity drank, but in the compound proportion of the quantity drank, and the hazard incurred by giving credit. Another advantage would accrue : the number being lefs, the condu6l of thofe which remained might be better attended to, and the haunts of eLriety and diffolutenefs might be brought more di- re£lly under the eye of the peace-officers; and, if the experiment was attended with a general revifion of the flatutes refpecting them, the penalties might be put in a way of being levied without expedting neighbours, companions, or friends, to turn informers. But the number of ale-houfes being diminiihed, and, by that means, the cuftom at the remaining houfes being increafed, they could afford to pay more for their ale, wine, and fpirit, licenfes j and that not only in proportion to the decreafe of the number, but becaufe the additional cuftom they get will be free of houfe-rent and houfe-keepingj therefore, if this regulation fhould not diminifh the quantity of liquor confumed, it will increafe the revenue ; and, if it fhould diminifh the quantity confumed, it will proportionably increafe 286 LETTER XXXIX. increafe the habits of fobriety, induftiy, and economy, which are better for the governed than revenue. On the whole, it appears to be a truth plainly proved, that the wretched fituation of the poor, and the expenfes of their mainte- nance, are, in a great degree, increafed by their habitual fondnefs of drinking, which induces lazinels, want of economy, and that apathy or indifference to what may happen, which is the confe- quence of habits of ebriety, as it alfo is fometimes of excefs of diftrefs : it has alfo been proved, that, from the time when ale- houfes were firfl licenfed, the legiflature has frequently complained of the bad effedls to the morals and habits of the poor, from the encouragement thefe, their favourite haunts, gave to drinking and lazinefs ; and it alfo appears, that thS legiflature has frequently interfered by penal ftatutes to prevent thefe confequences j but without efFe6l. It therefore now becomes their wifdom to try Ibme other means : if the evil fo long and fo often complained of not only ftill exifts, but is increafing j and, as the legiflature of this country has, for near three centuries, found, by experience, that, with refped: to penalties, the et&s of the fl:ate are become a dead letter, and the ftatutes of the realm are difregarded ; — that, in the mean time, the number of licenfes, and the quantity of liquor confumed, are amazingly increafed ; and the confequential habits among the lower clafs of people have occafioned their maintenance and relief to be- come a ferious burthen to that clafs of his majefty's fubjefls, which is next in number, as well as importance, to the ftatej — a diminu- tion of the number of houfes licenfed for the fale of liquors is, therefore, the experiment which fhould now be tried, — an experi- ment which, if it fhould be fomewhat injurious to the revenue immediately t will be mediately advantageous ; and, at all events, be- neficial to the community : — and, if the experiment fhould not be beneficial to the community, it cannot injure the revenue. J.ETTER [ 287 1 LETTER XL. THERE are very few human inftitutions, refpefling the pro- priety of which there do not exift two opinions, the good and the bad : the for and the againft are fo interwoven in all our fchemes and plans, that it is fcarcely poffible to find any exifting eftablifhment, in which, while one man or fet of men fees nothing but good, another will fee nothing but evil. The fair conclufion to be drawn is, that, in all our plans, inftitu- tions, and eftablifhments, there exift both good and evil j but, as we will fuppofe they are generally eftabliflied with a view to good, that evil which docs not naturally, and confequentially, arife from them, but only proceeds from a mifufe, or mifappli- cation, fhould not be eftimated as neceflarily inherent in the plan. The evil, in this refped, refembles gluttony and drun- kennefs : no one but will allow that meat and drink are a ne- ceffary good, although the mifufe of them produces thofe vices. In a former part of this trad: box- clubs, or friendly focieties, have been glanced at, and recommended, as tending to diminifli the poor's rate: that they have that tendency, the very eftence of their rules will prove; bccaufe their fund is created by a voluntary contribution among the ntembers of the club, while in health, to fupport each other, by a weekly allowance, when difeafed or difabled by accidents or age; without which allow- ance the majority of the members of moft of them would re- ceive a weekly fupport from the parifh-rates. But it may be faid they encourage drinking; for, in general, their meetings are held at a public-houfe ; and, probably, inftances may be produced where individuals have returned from their monthly or quarterly meetings intoxicated: and it alfo may be hinted, that their annual meeting, when they dine together, too frequently is 288 LET T'E R XL. is a feaft of intemperance. For my own part, I believe that all feafts are feafts of intemperance, both of the poor and the rich. But it fliould be added to the account, that, at feafts in general, every perfon is left at liberty to drink or not. At thefe focieties, one of the firll ftanding rules is againft drun- kennefs; therefore that vice is neither the obje or our Shakefpear has not followed truth and nature in portraying the chara£\er of a faithful fervant and grateful mafter. But 02 LETTER XLII. But does the drama of the prcfent ftage hold out fuch example? -to our view ? Alas, no! Yet the ftage ftiil profefle?, and, with €qual truth, to hold the mirror up to nature j to fhew virtue its own image, vice her own likenefs. Let us fee what ferfaia the modern il-gge gives us for modern fervants. The entertainment called High Life below Stairs is in point: no one has ever difputed the exadnefs of the repreientation to the reality of a modern fervants hall : and where tlie public, by • their unanimous approbation of a theatric reprefentation, have ftamped it with the reputation of being an €xa6l pifture of real life, be it allowed to argue from it as from a fadl : it is, at the leaft, a lefs degrading and more cleanly manner of identifying fuch a fa£l, than itepping into a kitchen, to be able to aflert it as fuch. And -can matters and miftreffes, be they in whatever ftation of rank and opulence it may have pleafed the Almighty to place them, knowing that fuch things are, fufFer them to be ? They can, and they do, becaufe they are poffelfed with fears and ap- prehenfions, more alarming than thofe arifing from the diffi- pation of their property, and which force them tamely to fub- mit to the taunts and infolence of their liveried and pampered domeftics. The evil complained of originates from profufion, and is foftered by vanity; v»'hich hourly fubmits to the grofleft indignities in pri- vate, to fupport an appearance of magnificence in public, after the fundamental bafis of all real greatnefs, independence of mind, is departed. And, did the evil flop among people of this defcription, were only the proud, the vain, the oftentatious, and thofe whofe character 'correfponds with Salluft's terfe expreffions, the alieni appetentes, fu- orum profufi, fubjeil to thefe degrading and vexatious circumflances, the evil ought to be left to correct itfelf ; or, in other words, the punifhment flowing from the crime, the fufferers fhould receive no aflaftance from the interference of the leglflature : they are pilfered by, LETTER XLII. 30J by, and fland in awe of, their fervants j true ; but it is no more than they deferve. But, unfortunately for all ranks and denominations of people in this kingdom, who are fo far elevated, by circumftances, above the want of the neceflaries of life as to keep a domeftic, they are all in- volved in the contagion, and fuffer in their private economy and domeftic comfort, from the prevalence of a vice encouraged by the great. Becaufe my lord the nabob, or the commiffary pampers a fwarm of unprincipled wretches in his houfehold, who pilfer him of his property, the moft humble mafter in the vale of private life mufl: fubmit to fimilar depredations, or clean his own fhoes : this is lurely an evil, as it involves the innocent in thofe confequences which only the guilty ought to feel. But, although we fuffer and labour under the difeafe, it is not an eafy matter to point out the cure ; the legiflature feems either not to have thought it a blot in the police of the country, or it is a blot they have been cautious of hitting ; the only attempts made were in the years 1529 and 1792, in which laft year an a£t of par- liament fubjecled thofe who gave a forged charafler, or ftated in a charadler of a fervant what was not true, to a penalty of 20/. This can be but of little fervice as the a(ft is framed j for, the firft claufe refpects only thofe who perfonate a mafter or miftrefs, &c. and give any falfe, forged, or counterfeited, chara6ler to any perfon offering as a fervant. The fecond claufe goes only to thofe who (hall aflert that a fer- vant has been hired for a period or ftation other than fuch period or ftation as he or fhe has been hired in. The third, to thofe who ftiall affcrt that a fervant was difcharged at any other time, or had not been hired in any previous fervice, contrary to the fadt : and there are no otlier claufes refpeding gi- ving characters of fervants. The fourth and fifth claufes refped: only the perfons who offer themfelves as fervants, pretending to have ferved where they have: not,. •1 04 LETTER XLII. not, or ofFerIng themfclves with a falfe certificate, or who fhall alter a certificate, or, having been in fervice before, fliall pretend the contrary : the remaining claufes affix the penaky, point out the mode of convidion, and the diftribution of the penalty when re- -covered. Had the legiflature probed the foul wound to the bottom, they would have difcovered that no lenient application can be equal to a cure; nothing fnort of making a breach of truflr, in the inftance of menial domeftic fervants, a felony, will flop the contagion ; this was done in 1529 ; but thofe inflances where the value of the goods embezzled did not exceed forty fhillings, which are at leafl equal to ten pounds of the prefent money, are not fubjefl to the acl ; and, it is well known, the depredations of fervants are generally com- pofed of a mafs of minutiae, fuch as victuals, wine, beer in fmall quantities ; each item being individually of fmall value, and the a6l of embezzling difficult of proof, but eafy to commit, and that facility of commiffion, arifing from a necefTary confidence repofed in the fervant, to enable him to do the duties of his place, for the performance of which, he is hired at the price of his food, clothing, and confiderable wages ; therefore, an a6t of parliament confli- tuting a fingle inflance of embezzlement of the property of his employer felony, be the value what it may, would have the fame effedl as thofe flatiites, which make it felony, to fteal a trifling value in property, which, necefTarily from the nature of it, lies «xpofed to depredations j or, probably, the putting the property ©f people, with refpetSt to their fervants, on the fame footing as wood, turnips, cabbages, &c. are placed with refpecl to people dealing them ; for the firft offence, on fummary proof before a magiftrate, commitment to the houfe of correction for a limited time, and the fecond offence felony ; if followed up, by treating the concealment, by the mafler or miflrefs, of fuch breach of trufl, as a mifdemeanor, inditable at the quarter- fefTions, of which con- cealment, a character given for honefty, and proof of the mafter or miflrefs LETTER XLir. 305 miflrefs knowing at the time that the fervant had been guilty of a breach of truft, fhall be held fufiicient to convlsfl fuch mafter or miflrefs. Such a regulation would probably have fome effecl. But there ought to be eflabliHied, by univerfal opinion among all thofe who retain any menial fervants, a fenfe of rectitude and point of honour, with refped; to the chara<5lers which are given of fervants : the line of truth to be purfued fhould be that plain and comprehenfive one defcribed in the voir dire of a witnefs at the bar of a court of juftice; if the charafter of a fervant is requeited, and is granted, that charadler, with refped: to his honefty and fobriety, the material points of his moral condu6i:, fliould contain the truthy the whole truths and nothing bat the truth ; the giver of the character (liould fpeak of the fervant as he is, nothing extenuate, nor fet down aught in malice. During the halcyon days of peace and profperity, the mlnifter fhewed his attention to thofe in the middling ranks of fociety, by relieving them from the duty on female fervants : it was well done, both becaufe the tax was not productive, and becaufe it was un- popular : fliould the prefent neceflary war we are engaged in rage throughout another campaign, of which there is but little doubt, furely fomewhat might be raifed for the revenue, from the number of our countrymen and women in fervice, who certainly may be faid to be better fed than taught ; by a per centage upon their wages, to be retained by their mafter or miflrefs, accountable to the collectors of the fervants tax, on any fervants leaving their places within a year : a lefs per centage if within two years ; unlefs the perfons who retained them, either break up houfe- keeping, or aflually and bona fide reduce the number of their fervants, or are convi6led, fummarily before a magiflrate, of perfonal ill-ufage or refufal to pay wages ; and this idea, with refped: to the juftice of it, may be fupported on the following generally-allowed fad: j that no mafler or miflrefs willingly changes fervants j with refpecl to livery-fervants, a change is a real and confiderable expenfe, befides R r the 3o6 LETTER XLII. the difagreeable circumftance of introducing ftrangers into a private family ; therefore, it in general is the fault of the fervant. Difputes between mafters and their fervants, in a variety of trades and manufactures, are, by various acts of parliament, referred to a juftice of the peace ; and, as thefe afts have increafed in number and in extent of operation from an early part of the reign of Charles the Second to the prefent time, we are at lead juflified in faying, that they have had the advantage of experience, and have proved ferviceable. What is the reafon, that an a'omen, and children. In the fame houfes there happen, annually, two hundred and forty -five deaths, as the number appears by the averages taken. The number of deaths to the number of inhabitants, annu- ally, in all the houfes of induftry in Suffolk is, therefore, as 1 to 7 one- third, or nearly one-fevcnth of the number dies every year. It fliould be recalled to the reader's mind, that the inhabitants are compofed of children, from birth, to the ages of 12, 13, or 14, when they are bound apprentices or get fervices : the chance of life in this early age is fuch as, in the heahhieft towns, not half the number is aliv€ at the age of 13, as appears from the tables in Dr. Price's Supplement LETTER XLVir. 339 Supplement, to his Obfervations on Reveifionary Payments; of old people, vvhofe work is done j and of poor, of all ages, who, from ficknefs and infirmity, are unable to maintain themfelves. Such being the defcription of paupers admitted into thefe houfes ©f induftry, it muft again be obferved that no comparifon can be made between the chance of life, of fuch. inhabitants, and of thofe inhabiting in cities, towns, or villages, in general ; bscaufe, in the firft inftance, are comprized only the very young, the very old, and the infirm and difeafed ; and thefe are alfo poor, and of impo- veriflied blood, and conftitutions weakened by the effedfs of po- verty; whereas the tables in Dr. Price's Supplement to his Re- verfionary Payments, and in the publications of other political arithmeticians, comprehend people of all ranks, orders, and fitu- ations, in life, as well the healthy and the lobufl: as the infirm and the difeafed ; as well people of all clafles, at thofe periods when the chance of human life is greateft, as at thofe when it is the leaft. The queflion of the comparative chance of human life, in thefe houfes, muft, therefore, be left undetermined by any comparifon with fuch chance in general ; and, probably, the queftion would be more fairly tried, could a comparifon be made between the mor- tality in the parifhes incorporated, before fuch incorporation took place, and fuch mortaUty fince, taking into the account the number of the poor of each parifli who have died in the houfes of induftry. The efFed thefe inftitutions have had, with refpefl to popula- tion, might alio, by means of fuch comparative refearches, be more accurately afcertained, were it likely that fuch inquiries would be at- tended by certain information, which probably might he the cafe, with refpe6l to the comparative number of deaths, by means of the parifh-regifters, and the books of the refpedtive houfes; but that part of the queftion, which refpedts comparative population, could X X 2 not, 340 LETTER XLVII. not, by any dired: inquiry, be afcertained, and can only be com- puted from the births and burials in the parifhes, which would af- ford, by no means, an exadl refult. On the whole, this queftion muft be left in doubt, for the pre- fent. To judge from every appearance attending the interior of the houfes of induftry, no one could hefitate to declare that they muft tend to increafe the chance of human life, and to increafe the population of the diftri£ls : the fame judgement muft be de- duced from all theoretic proofs, reafoning from probable, nay, al- moft neceflary, confequences. But when the comparative num- ber of the living to the dead, taken annually, appears to be only as feven one-tiiird to a unit ; or, in other words, that the chance of life, in a houfe of induftry, is not equal to eight years j the fa 7 2 £S2S 12 10 Receipts - Expenfes Due to the pariflx ;C530 I 525 12 9 10 ;C 4 8 II 3. Ditto L E T T E R Lf. 369 3. Ditto, of workhoufe, fpecifying the number of men, women, and children, therein, under 14, taken on an average throughout the year. — 4. Ditto, of thofe relieved out of the workhoufe by clothes, food, or money ; fpecifying the number of men, women, and children, under the age of 14, fo relieved. — 5. Ditto, in fet- ting the poor to work. The overfeer's accounts being thus kept under feparate heads, and the truth of their accounts verified on oath, of voir dire^ to all fnch queftions as fhall be put to them, touching their accounts, and being figned by two magiftrates. The high conftables ftiall be dire£led to return, to the clerk of the peace of the enfuing quarter- feflions, a true copy of the feveral totals of the receipts and difburfements in the pariflies within their diftridt, which (hall be verified by oath at the quarter-fefllons, by the high conftable, to be a true copy; and he fhall receive from the county- ftock, for the account of each parifti fo returned, the fum of . That the clerk of the peace be dire6led to return, within ■ ■■ days after the quarter-fefllons, in a book, a fair copy of fuch totals to the committee of the houfe, appointed for the purpofe of in- fpe(a:ing the fituation of the poor, their rights, duties, and the laws refpefting them. And that a committee of the Houfe of Commons be appointed for that purpofe. If an a<5t of parliament could be paffed previous to the next nomination of overfeers, which will this year fall very late, and the attention of the people could be excited to the fubje6l, by the judges mentioning it on the circuit to the grand juries, or by other means, the firft returns might be made to the Houfe of Commons foon after Eafter ; and, by the fame time on the following year, the information of two years may be obtained ; which, it is appre- hended, may be fuiRciently ample and conclufive to form a fpecific plan ; which, without touching the corner-ftone of the poor-laws, the 43d of Eliz. may, with great probability of fuccefs, tend to B b b dirainilh 37° LETTER U. diminlfli the expenfes of the maintenance of the poor between one and two millions annually; and, at the fame time, introduce a fyftem of morality, induftry, and comfort, more congruous with their rights as men, and their duties as fubje6ts of the Britifh empire. Memoir II. Since the Houfe of Commons received the laft in- formation on the fubjed: of the poor, which contained anfwers from all the parifhes in the kingdom to interrogatories applied to the overfeers refpedting the revenue raifed for the relief of tbe poor, and its expenditure, during the years 1783, 1784, 1785, eight complete years are paflcd, during which there is every reafon to believe that the poor-rates have been rifing, throughout that part of the kingdom fubjedl to the poor-laws,- by rapid ftrides ; in fome inftances doubling, in others trebling, and, in all, very con- fiderably increafmg, the then amount : the expenfes attending the relief of the poor have, confequently, increafed in a fimilar ratio. There is alfo reafon to fear, that the mafs of human mifery among our countrymen, which one might conceive would diminifli ia proportion as larger fums have been applied to the relief of the miferable, has not diminished, but has increafed. The information alluded to wa& incomplete, inafmuch asj al- though it told the Houfe of Commons the fum expended, and fome of the different heads of expenfe, it did not inform them of the number of poor relieved ; an information neceffary, to judge of the competence of the fum raifed to the objeft to v/hich it has been applied. Nor did it inform the houfe of that part of the revenue, ap- plied to the ufe of the poor, which arifes from eflates, real and perfonal, which have been left by will, or given for charitable pur- pofes, throughout the kingdom, which is received and diftributed by the church-wardens and overfeers of the poor. This account was attempted LETTER LI. 371 attempted to be obtained by a fubfequent a«5l of parliament, but the returns were very incomplete. No particular attention, in the information which was obtained in 1786 upon this fubje(5l, was paid to the incorporated houfes of induftry ; inflitutions which then had profited by the experience, in thofe diftrifts where they are fituated, of fome years, and now have the experience of an additional number of years. An inquiry into their receipts and difburfements will throw fome farther light on the fubjeft. When the propofed information fhall be returned to the Houfe, and rendered as perfe6l as the nature of a return to an inquiry of fuch magnitude and extent is capable of, it will conftitute a founda- tion on which fome propofitions may be offered which will tend to meliorate the condition of the poor, and decreafe the expenfes of their maintenance} fome of which may now be curforily hinted at, but not fpecifically dwelt upon. By a repeal or alteration of that part of the law of fettlements which reftrains the poor from getting their bread where they beft can earn it, at the fame time taking care that fuch liberty fhall not degenerate into vagrancy. The names of Adam Smith, Mr. Hay, Mr. Townfend, and Sir William Young, all fandtion this idea. By inftituting fchools of induftry, on the powers already given by the 43d of Elizabeth, to fet poor children to work, and by ad- ding what other powers are neceflary. By compelling the overfeers of the poor to find work for the adult. By encouragement of box-clubs ; and by obliging the pauper who removes from his place of fettlement to another parifh to con- tribute to the box-club where he refides ; or, if there is none, or the club there inftituted will not admit him, by obliging him to make a fmall periodical payment, while in health, towards his main- tenance in time of diftrefs, to the overfeers of the poor of that pa- ri(h, and to fend his children to fuch fchools of induftry. Bbb 2 By ;7a LETTER LII. By coniiltuting fome farther control over the condu(ft and ac- counts of the overfeers of the poor. And by a redu6lion of the various a^s relative to the regulation and relief of the poor, which now are difperfed, through a legifla- tion of near two centuries, into one or two plain and intelligible afts, fomewhat on the plan of the Highway-A6ls, fo that the overfeer may know each article of his duty with as much eafe as the furveyor. Before the end of the prefent feilions of parliament, it is con- ceived that fome plan may be digefted, printed, and laid before the Houfe of Commons, containing the outline of fome fuch alterations in the poor-laws as have been here fuggefted j and it may take fome- what the form of an a6t, that the alterations may be confidered of by gentlemen during the vacation, and that fuch other lights and fug- geftions may be offered on the fubje^t, during the next feffion, as may tend to render the fyftem of poor-laws more conducive to the happinefs and comfort of the poor themfelves, and lefs expenfive to the nation at large. LETTER LIL WITHIN a few days after my return into the country, I fent another Memoir, farther explanatory of my defign, to Mr, Rofe, of which the following is a copy. Memoir III. The information, expefted from the Bill recom- mended, prefTes principally on three points : 1. The revenue of the poor. * 2. The expenditure of that revenue. 3. The number of the poor relieved. " Therefore, LETTER Lir. 373 Therefore, this information, when obtained, will be a tcrminm a quo. The future good which may be reaped from a new modifica- tion of the poor-laws may be dated and eftimated. Confequently, as much exadnefs as can be expe6led from the extenfivenefs of the inquiry, and the ability of thofe who are to make a return to it, fhould appear in the returns of the overfeers j and that exadlnefs or deficiency may, in fome degree, be made ap- parent, as to the articles of receipt and expenditure, by comparing the returns made to this bill with thofe made in the years 1783, 1784, 1785; any glaring variation, either of receipt or expendi- ture, being marked as an objed: of revifion. And, probably, an oflice-letter, directed, during the vacation, to the neareft magiflrate to that parifh where fuch manifeft difference appears, requefting him to order the overfeers to attend him with their book of accounts, to revife the totals tranfmitted to the clerk of the peace, and to fend the account fo revifed to the officer appointed to receive the fame, will be the (hortefl and moft ef- feiSlual means to render the returns perfect before the next felTion of parliament. An annual check, or control, to be held over the overfeers' ac- counts, by their return of thofe accounts to, and the infpedion of, parliament, is one of the heads of regulation moft likely to operate in the redudlion of the poor's rate and expenditure, and the ameli- oration of the flate and condition of the poor. Their condu6l and accounts are not fubje6l, as the laws now Hand, to the revifion of any perfon, fave individuals of the parifh, who are often too much interefted to wifli for any revifion. The magiftrates, if they have the authority to fwear the overfeers to an- fwer to the truth of fuch queftions as they fhall afk them touch- ing their accounts, are not generally in the habit of the pra6lice j confequently, their accounts may be kept in a fallacious, defultory, and equivocal, manner. The 374 LETTER LII. The redu6lion of the overfeers' accounts under proper heads, fimilar to fuch as are, by the intended bill, made the means of ob- taining the information, was mentioned, in the firft Memoir, as a fubje6l of permanent regulation ; but, poflibly, it will better form a part of the general fyftematic reform of the poor-laws, than be- come, at prefent, a permanent acV. The Iketch and plan contained in the firft two memoirs having been approved of, I was defired to attend Mr. Lowndes, at his chambers in the Temple, that the ad of parliament I recommended might be drawn under my infpedion as foon as poffible, as it was intended to be immediately propofed to the Houfe of Commons; that, if approved of by parliament, and pafled into a law, the over- feers might have time to make up their accounts, and return an- fwers to the queftions in the manner fpecified in the fchedule, at the ufual time of palling their accounts, before the magiftrates, at the following Eafter. Accordingly the adt was drawn, and I left town in the full belief that, in as iliort a time as might be, it would pafs the two Houfes ; and, receiving the royal ailent, it would, at the enfuing Eafter, be the rule for paffing the accounts of the overfeers throughout that part of the kingdom fubjed: to the poor-laws. But other matters more prefling occalioncd the meafure to be poftponed, and it has fmce been abandoned, as far as I underftand, on account of the expenfe attending fuch an inquiry. tt would be prefumption to alfert, that fufficient information rcfpedling this important fubjed is not already colleded, and in the pofleffion of thofe from whom the nation expeds an amelioration of the prefent fyftem of our poor-laws. A great body of information may be got together by the inquiries of individuals : each one fixing his attention on a particular point may certainly colkd fufhcient intelligence on that point to be able to form a general rule : it may be fo done; and, if it is fo done, it is well done; but, unlefs fome- thing of the kind has been done, it can fcarcely be fuppofed but that general prmciples would be with greater certainty afcertained, if LETTER LII. 375 if the information of facts refpedVing the management of the poor was more complete, and that information colletled and applied to eftablilli certain principles. For inftance, was it neceflary to know whether houfes of induf- try fl^ould be encouraged or permitted by the legiflature to extend themfelves over a greater proportion of the kingdom than they now occupy ? Let the inquiries into the flate and condition of the poor in thofe diftricls where they have been eflablifhed a length of time be applied, to know whether they have decreafed or increafed popu- lation. If they occafion population to decreafe, they fliould not be encouraged, becaufe it is a proof that they do not tend to the hap- pinefs of the governed : if population is progreflive, the anfwer is in their favour in that refpedl. Are the manners of the poor better or worfe in thefe diftrids than where no houfe of induftry has been erefted ? Are fewer crimes committed, lefs drunkennefs and de- bauchery in pra6lice ? Have houfes of induftry tended to increafe or diminilh the poor's rate ? If it appears to be the general tendency of the inforuiation applied to this queftion, that the morals of the poor are more corredt, that the poor's rate, where thefe houfes have been inftituted, has not advanced ^^r/ /i^?^/ with thofe difi:ri(5ls, in fuTiilar circumftances as to the kind of work the poor are employed in where there are no houfes of induftry, be it in general agriculture or manufa61ures, the anfwer in this refpeft is alfo in their favour ; and all the declamations againft them, as being diftbnant to the feel- ings of the poor, fall to the ground ; for, in diftridls where fuch meafures are purfued with the poor, that population rather in- cjeafes than decreafes, where the moral duties are more generally attended to, fewer crimes committed, and the poor maintained at lefs expenfe. What can a legiftator require more to convince him that houfes of induftry, in diftri6ls fo regulated, are not detrimen- tal, but an advantage, to fociety ? Information thus obtained throughout the kingdom, and inqui- ries thus applied to other leading principles refpeding the poor, B b b* would 376 L E T T E U LII. would form a foHd unerring bafis founded on experience, on which principles of legiflation might be built, which, in all probability, would be attended with the beft efFe6ls. If fufficient information is already obtained, and in the poflef- fion of thofc who have as well the power as the inclination to be of fervice to their country, on this very important point of legiflation, nothing remains but to apply that information properly; and there can be no doubt but thofe, in whofe pofleflion that information re- mains, will fo apply it, if they poffefs it ; and it is not too bold an expreffion to affert, that thtfahation of this country depends on its being fo applied. There is no doubt but the information received by the Houfe of Commons refpe6ting the years 1776, 1783, 1784, 1785, is very valuable ; but it certainly is vague and diffufive, and cannot eafily be- concentrated fo as to apply to a particular point; and, if it could, it refpe6ls the fituation of the poor in thofe years, not in ijgy. How far the queftions in the memoir alluded to would tend to give annually fufficient information, that a perfon at a coup d'ceil might fee the precife fituation of the poor in every parifli of the kingdom, is not attempted to be ftated ; but, fup- pofing it would not completely anfwer that purpofe, there is no doubt but, with proper attention, a fchedule, according to which the overfeers might be directed to keep their accounts, could be formed, which would anfv^er that purpofe ; and it is the meafure at large thefe pages attempt to fupport, not this particular fpecifica- tion of it. Before this Letter is concluded, it remains to take notice of two adls of parhament which pafled in 1795 j by the firft of which the law of removals is confiderably altered ; by the other, friendly fo- cieties are farther encouraged, and their powers extended. The 35 Geo. III. c. loi. after reciting in the preamble the 13 and 14 C. II. cap. 12, repeals fo much of that a6l as enables juf- tices to remove paupers likely to become chargeable, and enafts that no perfon LETTER LII. 377* perfon fliall be removed to the place of their laft legal fettlement until they fliall have become aSiualiy chargeable to the parifli in which they fhall inhabit. The fecond feiSlion alio empowers any juftice of the peace to fufpend the order of removal, if it ftiall appear to him that the pauper is unable to travel, by reafoii of ficknefs or any infirmity; and that the charges incurred by fuch fufpenfion fliall be paid by the officers of the parifli to which they are- ordered to be. removed, with cofts ; but, if fuch charges and cofts exceed twenty pounds, an appeal lieth to the quarter-feffions. And that this adl fliall not alter the power of juftices to punidi vagabonds^ except as to fufpending the vagrant-pafs on account of illnefs. The third feclion ena6ls, " That no perfon, coming into any parifli, townfliip, or place, fliall, from and after the pafling of this acl, be enabled to gain any fettlement therein by delivery of notice in writing." The fourth. That no perfon fhall gain a fettlement by paying public taxes or levies for any tenement of lefs than ten pounds yearly value: and, by the remaining feftion of this act, rogues and vagabonds are to be confidered as chargeable, and may be removed ; as are unmarried women with child J and, in cafe their removal is fufpended until after birth, the child is to be deemed and taken as fettled in its mother's parifli. No one but mufl: generally approve of the principles of this zdi ; but a queflion occurs on the confequences refulting from the third fedlion, which enat5ls, that no perfon fliall gain a fet- tlement by delivery of notice, which in fad they could not, bei fore the adt, without a refidence afterwards of forty days. Is no- tice, therefore, now neceflary to gain a fettlement ? Does not this claufe virtually repeal the necefiity of notice, and leave an op-" portunity for a pauper to gain a fettlement by a refidence of forty days, by virtue of 13 and 14 C.II. cap. 12. without notice? — If it is the meaning of the fl:atute that, by notice and refidence of B b b* 2 fortv 37S* LETTER Lll. forty days taken together, the pauper fliall not gain a fettlement, the claufe ought to have expreffed as much, and no doubt could have arifen : at piefentthere appears to remahi fome difficulty as to the leoal mcanin2; of the third claufe. The charges of maintenance during the fufpeniion of the or- der of removal, and the cofts attending the order and the re- moval, being faddled upon the parifli to v^'hich the pauper is fent as his place of fettlement, is undoubtedly right, according to the prefent principles of the law of fettlements. But are thofe principles founded on the broad bafis of equity? — They cer- tainly are pregnant with inconvenience and expenfe. Reimburfement, by. the parifli vi'here a pauper is fettled to the parilh in which he has, before his removal, refided, of any furns of money that may have been expended in his maintenance or relief, is a fubjecl which requires fome difcufiion, as it is attended with expenfe and trouble, and is, in fome degree, open to an expenfive, if not a fraudulent, demand upon the parifli, which has reaped no benefit from the labour of the pauper, by the parifli which has had the advantage of his exertions, while he was capable of any. If it is an equitable claim, although it may increafe the aggregate of expenfe, it may be right to fanc- tion it ; if it is not 'equitable, and it can be proved to be in- convenient and expenfive, it ought not to be encouraged by the fandlion of law. It is an acknowledged principle, by the wifeft politicians, that the riches of a country are in proportion to the induflirious exer- tions of the individuals of a country, and confequently an incre- ment of induftrious population is an increment of riches. The cbfervation applies as well to a city, a town, a village, as to a kingdom. An individual, removing from the place where he was born, has lived in fervice, ferved an apprenticefliip, or, by any means, ob- tained, under our prefent fyflem of poor-laws, a fettlement, re- moves, LETTER LII. 379* moves, from the placi; where he has incurred a debt of grati- tudcj if not 9. civi! obligation, for the proteclion received, while incapable of bcneliting in any confulerable degree the place in which he received it, to another place, for the purpofe of ma- king the moft of his time and labour : the pariOi to which he removes, and where he refides, receives all the benefit arifing from that time and labour, and, in proportion to the number of fuch refidents in a parifh, has that parifli increafed in population, and individuals in it in riches. In the mean time, the parifli wheie the labouring-man was fettled, but has not refided, has reaped none, or very trifling, benefit from its paridiioner : which pariih then ought, in juftice, to bear the expenfe of the maintenance cf this man, when his ability to labour is diminiflied, and his cxpenfes exceed his power to provide for them ? There furely can be no doubt upon the queftion. The conclufion which na- turally follows is; that it is a fufficient aft of injuftice to the parifli in which a man is fettled to fend him home to be main- tained, when he can no longer earn his own maintenance, with- out charging his place of fettlement with thofe expenfes which have arifen, to the parifli which he has benefited by his labour, in coufequence of this humane a6t of parliament which fufpends his removal, vi'hile, from iilnefs or iniirmity, it is thought impro- per by the magiflrate he fliould be removed. That expenfes are daily arifing throughout the kingdom, by this principle of reimburfement being carried into pradlice, is a facl ; as it is well known, from experience, that the maintenance of the pauper, after his order of removal is fufpended on account of iilnefs, is not managed, by the overfeers of the parifli where he remains refident, on that clofe fcale of economy with the mainte- nance of their own paupers, becaufe they know the order from the magifl:rate will entitle them to reimburfement; neither is the pau- per conveyed to his place of fettlement with that cheapnefs which his own overfeers would be interefl;ed in attending to ; and, as this does 8o* LETTER LIII. does not arife between zfeto pariflaes only, but may take place be- tween ahnoji fifteen thoujand parijkes, as to fuch paupers as may not be refident in their own pariflies, among a number of our country- men liable to become chargeable, amounting, I fear, to fix mil- lions; and, it is prefumed, the number of non-re(idcnts in their own pariflies will increafe, as the laws are more liberal in allowing of a refidence in pariflies not their place of fettkment ; the aggre- gate of expenfe fiived by annihilating the reimburfement will be very confiderable ; and will be flill a greater objed:, fhould the bill now before the parliament pafs into a law. By 35 Geo. III. cm. focieties eftabliflied before paffing the adl of 33 Geo, III. c. 54. for the encouragement of friendly fo- cieties, may exhibit the rules, orders, and regulations, for their government at any general quarter-feflions, before or immediately after the Michaelmas feffion, 1796, and fuch rules, fo being con- firmed in the manner recited in that adl, fliall be valid and effedlual. By the fecond daufe, governors, directors, managers, or mem- bers, of any inftitutions for the purpofe of relieving widows, or- phans, and families, of the clergy, and others in diftrefled circum- ftances, may frame rules and prefent them for confirmation, in the fame manner as focieties efVabliQied by virtue of the Friendly-So- ciety A61. And, by the third claufe, inftitutions, whofe rules (hall be con- firmed and regiftered, may appoint treafurers, aiid be in every refpe6l entitled to the benefit of the Friendly-Society Ad, and alfo of this ad. LETTER LIIL THE fummer of 1795 alfo introduced this kingdom to the ex- perience of fuch a fcarcity and extravagant price for corn, as the oldefl man cannot before remember j nor has the hiftory of the laft LETTER Llir. 377 laft centuries informed us of. The caufes of and the confequences arifing from this moft alarming period of time, which we have now, as far as it refpe6ls the price of all kinds of grain, weathered, ihall not be canvafled in the following pages, any farther than as they have afFe<5led or do flill affed the poor, and the management of them. Some lights of information may pofTibly be coUefled from the fcene of diflrefs we have lately pafled ; fome obfervations may poflibly be made, fome h6\s may be fiated, as a foundation for principles of legfflation, on a fubjedl refpefling which, one may ven- ture to fay, there is not in the kingdom a heart fo cold to the caufe of humanity and of his countrymen, as not to feel an intereft, and not to be willing to offer his mite of information to refcue the poor, as far as may be, from their miferable ftate, and the nation from its ruinous and increafmg expenfes on their account. Without recurring to the numerous fadts with which the public prints of the time were filled, which, if individually related or re- ferred to, would occafion this rude fketch of the Hiftory of the Poor to emulate in bulk the hiftory of a great nation in detail ; it is pre- fumed that fome valuable truths may be colle6led from the whole, which, being made ufe of, may prevent thofe whofe high office it ia to give us laws, or to propofe them, from any material deviation from what is right, in the attempt to improve the fituation of the poor, by amending the fyftem which prefcribes the management oi them. The firft obfervation which occurs is, that the impulfe, occafion- ed by the preflure of fcarcity and the high price of corn, on the minds of the people, excited in them the idea of riot and mifchief, and, in many places, inftigated them to the adtual attempt, by taking away the corn brought to market, by threatening the per- fonal fafety of the farmers and millers, and deftrudion to their property; and, in fome inftances, by carrying thofe laft threats into a(^ual execution. C c c The 378 LETTER LIIL The fa(5ls which are ftated in the prints of the time gave rife to another obfervation ; that, in proportion as the magiftracy of the country were prompt and determined in the execution of their duty, by putting the laws in force, and convincing thofe alTembled, that their return to peaceable condu6l was the only means to infure re- lief to them and their families, did the fymptoms of riot and dif- order difappear, and our indigent countrymen, by experiencing af- fiftance from the gratuitous contributions of their more opulent neighbours, together with an allowance from the rate railed for their relief, vaftly greater than any they had before experienced, or imagined that in any event they fhould have received, pafled through this period of threatened famine and adlual fcarcity without any obfervable increafe of human mortality. A third matter, it is believed, may alfo be ftated as a fa6l, that, in no inftance, through any breadth of country, did the additional increafe the poor received to their income, from wages, gratuitous donations, and parochial relief, approach the increafed price of bread. Another faft alfo fliall be taken as granted, that, in proportion as rife of wages formed the principal mode in which relief was given during the times of fcarcity, does diflfatisfaftion and difappoint- ment now prevail either with the employer or the employed. As there are many inftances in the hiftory of this country of the mif- chief done by the populace from the firft impreflions on their minds, whether excited by the adual preffure of diftrefs, as in thofe cafes where deamefs of provifions has alarmed their attention, as has lately happened ; or from the incitements of demagogues to riot and mifrule, from political or party motives j it furely is a ftriking truth, that, whatever can produce a more conftant aflive infpec- tion as to the management of the poor, and continually impi-efs upon their minds, that the watchful eye of fuperior authority is ever over their interefts and conduft, as well to guard thofe interefts from being affedled, any farther than direct neceffity impels, from that LETTER LIII. 379 that influence of the feafons and times, which no human wifdom 01 forefight can avert} and to take care that their conduct, while fuf- fering under that uncontrollable neceflity, fliall not be fuch as to di- minifli, inftead of increafe, the poflible means of affiilance. Such an infpettion and control muft tend to the beft efFedls, as it would, ia the late inftance of Icarcity, have prevented a great wafte of time, when that time was more particularly valuable, and many fcenes of riot and mifchief ; all of which, like all other natural and political inflammatory diforders, it is a much wifer meafure to prevent than to flop or allay, after the fermentation is excited : the politician as well as the phyfician will allow this as a maxim, that it is eafier to prevent than to cure a morbid affedlion. The fame principle is alfo flrongly inculcated from the fecond obfervation that has been made, that a prompt attention to the rifing diflurbance, and a determination to execute the duties of ma- giftracy, were attended with the beft effedts : but, when the populace were collected, more coercive means on the one hand, and more ex- planation and perfuafion on the other, were necefTary to difTipatc the rifen tumult, than magifVrates, unprote6led by any means of defence, were, in every cafe, willing or able to make ufe of; becaufe, in general, a delicacy of fentiment prevails as to calling irf the aid of the military, except in thofc cafes where the difpofition of t^e mob is notorioufly riotous, their behaviour threatening and audaci- ous, and they arc in the fad of committing adls of mifchief; bc-» •fides, on this occafion, the urgent caufe for their alarm and diflatif- fa6lion was obvious to every man's feeling ; the price of bread-corn continued rifing, before the harveft of 1796, to a height hitherto unprecedented, and bearing no proportion whatever with the means which labour, by its largeft wages, could procure to purchafe ne- ceflary bread for a family : in many parts of the kingdom, the price of wheat amounted to above twelve or fourteen fhillings the bufhel, ,. which would exhauft the whole gains of an induflrious family of fiv^ or fix perfons, where agricultural labour is largely paid, leaving C c c 2 thfem 38c LETTER LIII. them not a farthing for the other necefTaries of life. Here then was an emergency which required the heft difcretion of the magiftrates, who knew and commiferated the diftrefs and alarming (ituation of the poor, and at the fame time felt it their duty, if the voice of per- fuafion could not be heard, or would not be attended to, that ftill the peace rauft be preferved. From the inftances of riot which oc- curred in that diftrid: in Suffolk, I was obliged, in the difcharge of my duty as a magiftrate, to attend to : I am convinced the collefled populace had no conception that the exifting laws, by which they were accuftomed to receive relief from the overfeer in their diftrefles, either on immediate application to him, or, being refufed, by appli- cation to the magiftrate, could be fo expanded as to admit of an or- der from the magiftrates for their relief, in the cafe then immedi- ately prefting on their feelings and apprehenfions $ becaufe, as foon as their attention could be fufficiently gained for the voice of reafon to be heard, and they had been made to underftand the danger they incurred by riotoufly aflembling, with the view to over-awe and alarm thofe who were difpofed to do every thing the laws would admit of for their relief, that if they continued aflembled, afiiftance from the miUtary would be applied for, but that, if they difperfed and returned peaceably to their refpeftive homes, on the following day the magiftrates of the diftridt would attend, and then every individual head of a family, applying peaceably and by himfelf, would undoubtedly receive from the magiftrates an order for relief, proportionate to what in their opinion the urgency of the cafe and the individual wants of the poor perfon applying required j the col- ledted mob retired from the fpot to a neighbouring field, where they talked the matter over among themfelves, and in a few hours all difperfed. The next day, four or five of thofe moft preffed by the dearnefs of corn, from each of the neighbouring parifhes, appeared at the juftice- meeting which was then held, when the overfeers were re- commended to provide flour fufficient for the confumption of their parifhes LETTER LIII. 381 parities till harveft, and fell it to the poor of their pariflaes at a price which would enable them to procure bread for their familie* by the earnings they made. And, an equal or fuperior price for corn taking place in the following winter, the poor then applying in a peaceable and orderly manner for relief, the overfeers were thert recommended to allow each poor family fixpence a head for each individual compofing the family, weekly, over and above the cafual relief they had before received, and were to continue to receive j which plan was carried into execution throughout the hundred, and every lymptom of riot ceafed, and, except in a very few inftances, this was the only relief the poor in the hundred of Rifbridge, in the county of Suffolk, received through the time of fcarcity, after a fufficiency of wheat for the fupply of the demands of the poor until the harveft in 1796 was procured, by each occupier, engaging to furnifh a proportional part of the wheat he had remaining in hand at a price fixed by confent, which price was to be made good to him out of the poor's rate. The common day's wages in this county may be ftated at eight {hillings a week in fummer, and feven fhillings in winter, before the fcarcity of 1795; and, except in cafes of illnefs or accidental in- firmity, a family, confifting of a man, his wife, and three children, had, in general, no allowance from the parifh: he, therefore, lived upon, and his family was fupported from, his earnings, together with what his wife and children could add to them ; which little, whatever it might be, I fear was not increafed in the time of fcar- city; but, fuppofe it amounted to about eighteen-pence or two fliillings a week, during the time of dearnefs, his income was in- creafed, by the fixpence ordered to each individual of his family, to ten fhillings and fixpence a week, and by the rife of wages one fhil- ling more, and the earning of his family makes the fum thirteen fliillings or thirteen (hillings and fixpence: but the quartern-loaf was rifen from fixpence, its price when wheat is izl. a load of five quarters, to a ihilling, at 24/. a load> and, for fome weeks, to fif- teen 383 LETTER LIII. teen pence; for wheat was fold as high as 30/. a load m this county in the fpring of 1 796. How then could this addition to his income enable him to fupport his family, when the common allowance of bread, half a peck-loaf to each individual in the family, for a week, eofts him from ten (hillings to twelve fhillings and fixpence? It fliould be recolledled, that this computation, being made by day's wages, may be rather low, where the labour is, in general, done by the piece. In this neighbourhood, barley-cakes and potatoes were the common fubftitute for wheaten bread, a loaf of which was, at times during the fcarcity, bought as a treat ; and wheat-flour, from which feven pounds of bran had been taken in grinding each bufliel, was in common ufe v/ith all, both rich and poor: fome ufed the flour without drefling, as it ca«»«^»^'S'SS®<9'»'»'S»'9 ! »^^»^<9«><3»»3><»^»«>«»«>a»S «»•»»'» »<»<»4»*^ E X. A. Page. ACLAND, Mr. his Plan ; . i8i Appropriations of Benefices , 21 Alehoufes, 35, 63, 66, 135, 174, 190, 355 •— — — Hiftory of them . , . 264 — — — ^ A6ls refpedling them . . 273 Ale-Licenfes 277 . .. , Proportion of to Inhabi- tants 282 Annals of Agriculture . . . 73, 151 Alcock, Thomas, his Opinion . . 127 Annual Regifter 128 Agricultural Societies Encouragers of Induftry 234 Affifa Panis et Cerevifse .... 267 Agriculture, Board of, . . 420, 384 A6ts of Parliament relating to the Poor. Statutum Walliae .... 19 Statute of Labourers, 23 Ed. III. 19 2 Rich. II 20 1 1 Henry VII. ..... 22 6 Henry VIII 23 5 and 6 Ed. VI. cap. 2. . . 35 2 Philip and Mary .... 37 5 Eliz. cap. 4 37> 62 lii Pige. 43 Eliz. cap. 2. ~. i I '. 4.1, 44 43 Eliz. cap. 4. .... 6r I James, cap, 6. .... . 62 39 Eliz 63 I James, cap. 7 63 7 James, cap. 3 64 cap- 4 3 Car. I. cap. 4 and 5. . . , 67 13 and 14 Car. II. cap. 12. . 67 17 James II 3 William and Mary, cap. ir. 5 Anne, cap. 33 and 34. . . 12 Anne, cap. 18. . 5 Geo. I. 107 9 Geo. 1 108 17 Geo. II. cap. 3. . . .115 31 Geo. II. cap. n. . . . 116 17 Geo. II. cap. 5. . . . 117 16 Geo, III. cap. 40. . . . 139 17 Geo. III. cap. 48. . . . 142 20 Geo. III. cap. 46. . . . X42 22 Geo. III. cap. — . , . 143 26 Geo. III. cap. 56. . . . 144 26 Geo. III. cap. 58. . . . 145 33 Geo. INDEX. 33 Geo. III. cap. 35. • cap, 54. 35 Geo. in. cap. loi. >— — — — cap. III. 36 Geo. III. cap. 10. Page. 356 358 376 380 390 B. Baccaria dei Delitti e delle Pene . ; 39 Blackftone's Commentaries . . . 54 Eaftard-Children . . . '• • 64, 113 Bacon, Sir Francis, .... 77, 109 Bread for the Poor, a Pamphlet . . 91 Box-Clubs .... 181, 184, 215 Begging-Poor 2o8 Bouyer, Mr. his Exhortation to Schools oflnduftry 255 ■ ', his Account of thofe Schools 412 Barley Cakes ; 382 Barley firft fermented .... 266 Barrington, Hon. Daines, Ancient Statutes 268 Burn's, Dr. Hiftory of Poor-Laws . 157 Board of Trade, 1697- .... 239 C. Caufes of this Inquiry into the Situa- tion of the Poor .... i to 8 Cullum's, Sir John, Antiquities of Hawftead 9 Chalmers's Eftimale 17 Coke, Sir Edward, reading on 39 EUz. 64 Charter-Houfe 73 Child's, Sir J. Difcourfe on Trade, 82, 97 Cary, John, Efq. his Pamphlet . . 96 Chalmers's Life of Defoe . . . . 115 Charities, Account of the Produce, 154 Page. Clothing of the Poor 160 Clare, Suffolk 151 Charity, the Source of Tithes . . 198 Compulfive Maintenance . . . 200 Clergy, their Influence over the Poor, 201 Chaucer's Canterbury Tales . . 272 Conftables to return the Number of Inhabitants 284 Cooke, Rev. Mr. his Regulations at Semer Houfe of Indullry . . 320 Certificates .... 210, 213, 252 Children of the Poor, their bad Habits, 364 Charitable Munificenceof this Country, 384 Chancellor of the Ejrchequer, his Speech on the Poor-Bill . . 409 D. Demands on the Income of the Poor, 5 Ducarel's Tour of Normandy . . 15 Darker, Samuel, his Pamphlet . . 91 Devonflaire Poor-Rates, 1698 and 1785 93 Defoe, Daniel, his Pamphlet . . 103 D'Alva, Duke of, ..... 12& Davenant, Dr 170 Danes introduced Drunkennefs . . 266 Drunkennefs, Afls to reprefs, . . 274 Divine Service, regular Attendance on, 348 E. Elizabeth, Reign of, .... . 61 . — , her Exclamation^ . . . 103 . — , her Humanity . . . 201 EfTex Juftices regulating Wages, 63, 68 England's Improvement by Sea and Land . . . . . 7^ EfTay on the pernicious Influence of Houfes of Induflry .... 98 Eflex, I N D Page. Eflex, Habits of the Poor there . 248 Excife on Beer, Ale, Cider, Mead, Perry 277 Expenfes of the Poor for Beer and Spirits 281 Earnings of the Poor ..... 282 Eden, Sir F. M. his Hiftory of the Poor , . . . 357» 365 Fleetwood's Chronlcon Pretiofum, 8, 269 Fielding, Henry, Inquiry into the Increafe of Robbers . . .122 I I ■ — Propofal refpeiling the Poor 131 Farmer's Letters to the People of England . . . , 164 Farms, comparative Size of, . . . 191 Firmin, Mr. Thomas, .... 79 Farms, Confolidation of . . . . 232 Friendly- Societies . . 288, 353, 359 , Acl of Parliament rcfpecling them 289 "— — — , Inftance of Rules for a Society, 296 , Female Friendly Societies . 365 G. Gilbert, Mr. his Bill . . . no, 175 Glemsford, Suffolk, Poor-Ratcs . 151 Godfchal, Mr. his Plan of Parochial Police 182 Graunt, Mr. his Account of Popula- tion 194 GraHinghallHoufe of Induftry, Norfolk, 391 E X. Page. Houfes of Induftry, 40, 98, 138, 142, 309, 353 ■-' ■ •, Obfcrvations on, in Suffolk 324 — ^—— tend to reform Mo- rals of the Poor 3^9* " ' ' ■ ■ diminifn Expenfe of Maintenance of the Poor . 333 ■ , whether detrimental to Population 336 Hale, Chief- Juftice, his Plan, 75, 170, 194, 222, 282 Hay, Mr. his Remark, on the Poor- Laws 120, 211 Hilfborough, Earl of, his Plan . . 129 Hanway's Stridtures 167 Haweis, Rev. T. Hints refpedling the Poor 184 Howlett, Rev. Mr. his Pamphlet, 190, 228 , Calculation of Num- ber of Inhabitants . . . . 194 Houfes, Infolvent, Number of, . . 239 Hydromel 266 , Hops, when introduced ... .271 Heads of an A-V /r ;'V5^%' , ' < fS a «^s^ ^^4i>'S>^>S><3v<^<3>cS>4E>>S>^€>^^<3><^^4^'lfr j ERRATA. 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